The Correspondence of Heinrich Melchior Muhlenberg: Band 3 1753–1756 [Reprint 2020 ed.] 9783112327944, 9783112327937

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THE CORRESPONDENCE of HEINRICH MELCHIOR MUHLENBERG

VOLUME 3 1753-1756

THE CORRESPONDENCE of

HEINRICH MELCHIOR MUHLENBERG

VOLUME

3

1753-1756

Translated and Edited by Wolfgang Splitter and Timothy J. Wengert

PICTON PRESS

This volume is a translation of Letters 128-174 (1753-1756) from Die Korrespondenz Heinrich Melchior Mühlenbergs. Aus der Anfangszeit des deutschen Luthertums in Nordamerika. Band II: 1753-1762. Hrsg. von Kurt Aland. (= Texte zur Geschichte des Pietismus. Hrsg. von K. Aland, K. Gottschick u. E. Peschke, Abt. III: August Hermann Francke: Handschriftlicher Nachlass. Hrsg. von Kurt Aland. Band 3) All rights reserved Copyright © 1987 by Walter de Gruyter GmbH & Co. KG, Berlin New Material Copyright © 2009 Picton Press International Standard Book Number 0-89725-856-8 Library of Congress Control Number 93-86108 No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means whatsoever, including but not limited to electronic, mechanical, magnetic recording, the Internet, or photocopying, without the prior written approval of the Copyright holder, excepting brief quotations for inclusion in book reviews.

First Printing July 2009

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CONTENTS Abbreviations Introduction 128. Johann Philipp Fresenius to Muhlenberg: Frankfurt [on the Main], 16 February 1753 129. Johann Georg Krause to Muhlenberg: [Glogau], 26 March 1753 130. Muhlenberg to [an unknown recipient]: [April 1753] 131. Muhlenberg to the Congregations on the Raritan River: Providence, 1 May 1753 132. [Gotthilf August Francke] to Muhlenberg: [Halle], 18 May 1753 133. Muhlenberg to Michael Schlatter: [Providence, Summer of 1753] 134. Muhlenberg to [Gotthilf August Francke and Friedrich Michael Ziegenhagen]: Providence, [Summer] / 24 August 1753 135. Muhlenberg to Gottlieb Mittelberger: Providence, 27 August 1753 136. Muhlenberg, [(Johann) Peter Brunnholz and Johann Friedrich Handschuh] to [Gotthilf August Francke and Friedrich Michael Ziegenhagen]: Philadelphia, 1 September 1753 137. Abraham Wagner to Muhlenberg: Worcester, 1 September 1753 138. Muhlenberg to Samuel Urlsperger: Providence, 6 September 1753 139. Muhlenberg to [Johann Georg Bruchholtz]: Providence, 12 September 1753 140. Gotthilf August Francke to Muhlenberg, Johann Friedrich Handschuh and [Johann] Peter Brunnholz: [Halle], 25 September 1753 141. Muhlenberg to [Johann] Anton Armbriister: Providence, 28 September 1753 142. Muhlenberg et al. to Friedrich Michael Ziegenhagen and Gotthilf August Francke: Philadelphia, 29 September 1753 143. Muhlenberg et al. to Friedrich Michael Ziegenhagen and Gotthilf August Francke: Providence, 29 September 1753 5

8 11 21 30 35 39 50 52 59 75

77 95 101 115 122 127 130 137

6

CONTENTS

144.

[Gotthilf August Francke] to Muhlenberg: Halle, 2 November 1753 145. Muhlenberg to Samuel Theodor Albinus: Providence, 14 March 1754 146. Muhlenberg to Gotthilf August Francke and Friedrich Michael Ziegenhagen: Providence, 16 March 1754 147. Johann Siegfried Gerock to Muhlenberg: Lancaster, 27 May 1754 148. Muhlenberg to Friedrich Michael Ziegenhagen, Gotthilf August Francke and Johann Philipp Fresenius: Providence, 18 June 1754 149. Jakob Friedrich Schertlin to Muhlenberg: Macungie, 23 June 1754 150. Muhlenberg to [Friedrich Michael Ziegenhagen and Gotthilf August Francke]: Providence, 5 July 1754 151. Muhlenberg, [Johann] Peter Brunnholz and Johann Friedrich Handschuh to Friedrich Michael Ziegenhagen, Gotthilf August Francke and Johann Philipp Fresenius: Philadelphia, 9 July 1754 152. Muhlenberg to Philipp Heinrich Weissensee: Providence, 18 July 1754 153. Muhlenberg to Gotthilf August Francke: Providence, 26 July 1754 153A. Muhlenberg to [Benjamin Franklin]: Providence, 3 August 1754 154. Muhlenberg to Lukas Rauss: Providence, 4 August 1754 155A. Muhlenberg, [Johann] Peter Brunnholz and Johann Friedrich Handschuh to Robert Hunter Morris: October/November of 1754 155B. Muhlenberg and the United Evangelical Ministers of the Lutheran Church to Robert Hunter Morris: October/November of 1754 155C. Muhlenberg and German Protestants of Philadelphia County and Adjacent Counties to Robert Hunter Morris: October/November of 1754 156. Gotthilf August Francke to the Pastors in Pennsylvania: Halle, 14 January 1755 157. Muhlenberg to Samuel Theodor Albinus: Providence, 18 February 1755

143 146 159 165 167 196 198

209 235 262 264 268

269 271 272 276 278

CONTENTS [Gotthilf August Francke] to the Pastors in Pennsylvania: Halle, 15 March 1755 159. Muhlenberg to Samuel Theodor Albinus: Providence, 29 May 1755 160. [Gotthilf August Francke] to the Pastors in Pennsylvania: [Halle], 18 June 1755 161. [Gotthilf August Francke] to Muhlenberg and Johann Friedrich Handschuh: Halle, 16 September 1755 162. Muhlenberg to Forester Ernst: Providence, 25 October 1755 163. Muhlenberg to Johann Christian Wiese: Providence, 27 October 1755 164. Muhlenberg to Theophilus Arnold Krome: Providence, 24 November 1755 165. Muhlenberg to Gotthilf August Francke: Providence, 2 December 1755 166. Muhlenberg to Philipp Heinrich Weissensee: Providence, 31 January 1756 167. Muhlenberg to Gotthilf August Francke: Providence, 16 February 1756 168. Muhlenberg to Samuel Theodor Albinus: Providence, 17 February 1756 169. [Gotthilf August Francke] to Muhlenberg: Halle, 24 June 1756 170. [Gotthilf August Francke] to Muhlenberg: Halle, 12 July 1756 171. [Gotthilf August Francke] to Muhlenberg: Halle, 25 August 1756 172. Muhlenberg to Samuel Theodor Albinus: Philadelphia, 1 November 1756 173. Muhlenberg to Johann Friedrich Handschuh: Providence, 5 December 1756 174. Muhlenberg to Richard Peters: Providence, 6 December 1756 Biographic Index Geographic Index General Index Scriptural Index

1

158.

282 286 294

296 299 301 302 319 332 336 339 343 350 353 355 358 362 365 385 406 412

ABBREVIATIONS Correspondence

The Correspondence ofHeinrich Melchior Muhlenberg, edited and translated by Helmut T. Lehmann and John W. Kleiner, 2 vols. (Camden, Me.: Picton Press, 1993-1997). This present Volume 3, published in 2009, continues this series.

Detailed Reports

Detailed Reports on the Salzburger Emigrants Who Settled in America... Edited by Samuel Urlsperger, edited and translated by George F. Jones et al., 18 vols. (vols. 1-17: Athens, Ga.: University of Georgia Press, 1968-1993; vol. 18: Camden, Me.: Picton Press, 1995).

Documentary History

Documentary History of the Evangelical Lutheran Ministerium of Pennsylvania and Adjacent States: Proceedings of the Annual Conventions from 1748 to 1821, translated and edited by Board of Publication of the General Council of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in North America (Philadelphia: Board of Publication, 1898).

HN 1

Nachrichten von den vereinigten Deutschen Evangelisch=Lutherischen Gemeinen in Nord=America, absonderlich in Pensylvanien. Mit einer Vorrede von D. Johann Ludewig Schulze (Halle: Waisenhaus, 1787). This edition is a compilation of Kurtze Nachricht, published in 1744, and its sixteen Fortsetzungen (installments), printed in Halle until 1787. This series of seventeen missionary publications was issued by the Waisenhaus-Buchhandlung (Orphanage Press) of the Franckesche Stiftungen (Francke Foundations) and is commonly referred to as Hallesche Nachrichten (Halle Reports).

8

ABBREVIATIONS

9

HN 2/1 and HN 2/2

Nachrichten von den vereinigten Deutschen Evangelisch-Lutherischen Gemeinen in NordAmerica, absonderlich in Pensylvanien. Mit einer Vorrede von D. Johann Ludewig Schulze, re-edited by William J. Mann, Beale M. Schmucker, and Wilhelm Germann, 2 vols. (vol. 1: Allentown, Pa.: Brobst, Diehl & Co.; Halle: Waisenhaus, 1886; vol. 2: Philadelphia: Eisenhardt; Halle: Waisenhaus, 1895). This edition is a reprint of the earlier edition of the same title (see above, HN 1).

Journals

The Journals of Henry Melchior Muhlenberg, translated and edited by Theodore G. Tappert and John W. Doberstein, 3 vols. (Philadelphia: Muhlenberg Press, 1942-1958). Reprinted by the Lutheran Historical Society of Eastern Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, and Whipporwill Publications (Evansville, Ind., 1982). Vol. 2, pp. 773-808 ("Travel Diary of Henry Muhlenberg, May 1-26,1772" and "July 20 - August 17, 1772") translated by Helmut T. Lehmann and John W. Kleiner (Philadelphia: Lutheran Historical Society of Eastern Pennsylvania, 1982).

Korrespondenz

Die Korrespondenz Heinrich Melchior Mühlenbergs: Aus der Anfangszeit des deutschen Luthertums in Nordamerika, edited by Kurt Aland (vols. 1-4) and Hermann Wellenreuther (vol. 5), 5 vols to date (Berlin and New York: de Gruyter, 1986-2002).

Lutheran Church in PA

Theodore E. Schmauck, A History of the Lutheran Church in Pennsylvania, 1638-1820 (Philadelphia: General Council Publication House, 1903).

LW

Luther's Works (American Edition), edited and translated by Jaroslav Pelikan, Helmut T. Lehmann et al., 55 vols. (St. Louis: Concordia Publishing House; Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1955-1986).

10

ABBREVIATIONS

Minutes and Letters

Minutes and Letters of the Coetus of the German Reformed Congregations in Pennsylvania, 1744-1792; Together with Three Preliminary Reports of the Rev. John Philip Boehm, 1733-1744, translated and edited by William J. Hinke (Philadelphia: Reformed Church Publication Board, 1903).

Pastors and People

Charles H. Glatfelter, Pastors and People: German Lutheran and Reformed Churches in the Pennsylvania Field, 1717-1793, 1 vols. (Breinigsville, Pa.: Pennsylvania German Society, 1980-1981).

Selbstbiographie

Heinrich Melchior Miihlenberg, Patriarch der Lutherischen Kirche Nordamerika's: Selbstbiographie, 1711-1743, edited by Wilhelm Germann (Allentown, Pa.: Brobst, Diehl & Co.; Halle: Waisenhaus, 1881).

WA

D. Martin Luthers Werke: Kritische Gesamtausgabe, 120 vols. (Weimar: Hermann Bühlau, 1883-2005). This edition is commonly referred to as Weimarer Ausgabe (Weimar Edition).

INTRODUCTION More than a decade after the second volume of The Correspondence of Heinrich Melchior Muhlenberg by Prof. John W. Kleiner and Prof. Helmut T. Lehmann appeared in print, we take great pleasure in continuing this series by presenting the third volume to the English reading public. An even greater need for resuming the translation of this correspondence has arisen with the publication of a fifth volume to the original German edition (Die Korrespondenz Heinrich Melchior Miihlenbergs, ed. Kurt Aland and Hermann Wellenreuther, 5 vols. [Berlin and New York: Walter de Gruyter, 19862002]). Moreover, in 2007 work started on a supplementary sixth volume that will include letters omitted earlier or discovered in the past few years. Since the 1990s, scholars, students and other interested readers have increasingly come to acknowledge the fact that, compared to Muhlenberg's journals (The Journals of Henry Melchior Muhlenberg, trans, and ed. Theodore G. Tappert and John W. Doberstein, 3 vols. [Philadelphia: Muhlenberg Press, 1942-1958]), Muhlenberg's correspondence offers even more intimate and authentic insights into his personality. At the same time, it illumines more impressively the many roles Muhlenberg played at various levels of colonial life: as a German missionary and American clergyman, as a British subject and Pennsylvania citizen, as a self-avowed non-political pastor and a backstage political manipulator, as a religious leader and an ethnic spokesman, as head of a typical Lutheran parsonage and of a large family, and simply as a public figure and private individual. While scholarly interest in the social and political history of Colonial America continues unabated, the number of researchers with a basic knowledge of German is fast dwindling in the English speaking world. Thus, only a complete translation of the German edition of the correspondence can preserve this amply stocked treasure trove of American history and culture, even as the final volume of Die Korrespondenz Heinrich Melchior Miihlenbergs is finding its way into research libraries in the United States and the United Kingdom. Translating several hundred letters authored by and addressed to Muhlenberg, in addition to the 138 letters published by Kleiner and Lehmann, will give scholars, students and others interested in the American colonies an extraordinary new collection of data to mine for information about life among early German settlers in North America, and about life in the Middle Colonies and across eighteenth-century British America. Following the pattern set by the earlier translation, we will issue the English translation of each volume of the German edition in two smaller volumes to make the letters available in print in shorter intervals. This volume contains forty-eight letters written between 1753 and 1756, including one (Letter 153A) that is not in the German edition of Muhlenberg's correspondence. The number of surviving letters per year decreases from seventeen in 1753 and twelve in 1754 to ten in 1755 and nine in 1756, the biggest gaps being those between Letters 144 and 145 (four months), Letters 168 and 169 (four months) and Letters 160 and 161 (three months). Although one can only speculate about the reasons for these gaps and 11

12

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for several minor ones of two months (see Letters 128/129, 146/147, 154/155A-C, 155A-C/156, 158/159 and 171/172), there is no doubt that the imponderables of eighteenth-century transatlantic communication account for some of these discontinuties. "I pray the letters do not get lost!," Muhlenberg wrote to the German pastor, Samuel Urlsperger, on his forty-second birthday in 1753 when requesting an important attestation from a German consistory to exonerate his colleague Peter Brunnholz from false charges with embezzling foreign donations (see Letter 138). "In the local newspapers we read that Captain Davis's ship went down [on the Thames River] off Gravesend, and we are afraid that letters addressed to us were on board of it," he noted half a year later (see Letter 145). At the same time in Halle, Gotthilf August Francke, the director of the Francke Foundations and, hence, Muhlenberg's superior, wrote to Brunnholz, informing the troubled pastor that "all letters sent to Pennsylvania in the previous shipment went down with the ship " and that he had asked the consistory to procure duplicates. "After it arrived, I [immediately] sent the original off and also forwarded a certified copy in the hope that at least one of them will arrive properly so that you can defend your innocence from that malicious calumny." In this way, Francke took precautions against the many risks of long-distance communication in those days. More than two-thirds of the letters published in this volume were written or coauthored by Muhlenberg. His principal correspondents were "the Very Reverend Fathers," Director Francke in Halle and the Lutheran court preacher in London, Friedrich Michael Ziegenhagen. Muhlenberg sent a total of eleven letters either to both of them (Letters 134, 136, 142, 143, 146, 148 [also addressed to Johann Philipp Fresenius], 150 and 151) or to Francke only (Letters 153,165 and 167), partly on behalf of Lutheran congregations in Pennsylvania (Letters 142 and 143) or in conjunction with some of his colleagues (Letters 136 and 151). During the same period, Francke addressed ten letters either to Muhlenberg alone (Letters 132, 144, 169, 170 and 171) or jointly to him and to some or all of his "brothers" in office (Letters 140, 156, 158, 160 and 161). With other recipients, Muhlenberg's efforts at keeping connected with overseas friends and benefactors and at attracting the attention of potential sponsors to the Francke Foundations' mission work in North America were less successful, as in the case of Samuel Theodor Albinus, who at the time of Muhlenberg's departure for Pennsylvania in 1742 had served as instructor in the Paedagogium Regium (the Royal Boarding School) in Halle before being appointed as assistant and, later, as court preacher at the German Chapel in London. After writing to Albinus three times in 1751 and 1752 (Letters 94, 113, 120 [see Correspondence 2]), from 1753 to 1756 Muhlenberg sent another five letters (Letters 145, 157, 159, 168 and 172), obviously receiving only one letter of 1754 in response, which is not extant. Whether Albinus, who in 1756 once more "wished to leave the answer" to a letter from Pennsylvania in the hands of Ziegenhagen and Francke, really did so only because he was "not in touch" with Muhlenberg, as he told Francke (see Letter 170), we do not know. What we do know for sure, however, is that the absence of any reaction to some of his communications forwarded to Europe caused Muhlenberg to grow despondent about his

INTRODUCTION

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friends and sponsors seemingly abandoning him to the hazards and temptations of the "American wilderness." "Being pressured from within and without on all sides" by the "war with the cruel and inhumane savages [a reference to the French and Indian War]," by "[pjoverty" and "other plagues . . . and even abandoned by our best friends and patrons is almost too hard for us," he confided to Albinus in his eighth and last letter to him in late 1756 (see Letter 172). This letter is but one indication of how Muhlenberg was experiencing something akin to what modern psychologists might call a "midlife crisis" or "burn-out." Already in a letter to Francke and Ziegenhagen in the spring of 1754 (see Letter 146), he had shown unmistakable signs of overwork that sharply contrast with the picture of the vigorous clergyman of indefatigable energy that many later scholars have depicted. Forty-two years of age and a father of five children aged one to seven years, Muhlenberg felt so exhausted that he asked his superiors to "grant me for the little rest of my life to weep in secret over my innumerable sins in office and station and over my mistakes, to feed and raise my own underage children, to search in the wounds of Jesus for salvation and mercy for my poor soul, and to get prepared for a blessed end." Besides other reasons for his request, he noted the fact that, first, he had served four times longer than the three-year trial period, with which his call to Pennsylvania had begun; that, second, "[m]y strength is gone so that I need to wear glasses even in broad daylight;" and that, third and last, "I see no way of keeping an assistant and still cannot discharge my onerous duties alone but have to neglect much." Although Muhlenberg would eventually carry on for many more years until his death in 1787, it took him some time to overcome this serious life crisis, before in 1762/63 the deep rift among the Philadelphia German Lutherans would trigger another phase of depression in him (see Correspondence 5, Letter 279). It is interesting to note that those years also mark the most extensive gaps in his otherwise diligently kept journals. Although one cannot know for certain whether and to what extent these gaps might have been caused by the loss of manuscript pages due to later handling or might have resulted from the removal of certain parts of the journals by Muhlenberg himself at a later time, it is striking that this period coincided with his suspension of the annual synodical conventions of the Pennsylvania Ministerium from 1755 to 1759, whereas their Swedish Lutheran and German Reformed peers continued to meet regularly despite the ongoing French and Indian War. After all, to Muhlenberg "such a lovely and fraternal conference with theologians of our Augsburg Confession" was "a true refreshment in this extensive western wilderness," which he did not wish to forego except for weighty reasons (see Letter 164). Muhlenberg had more than just personal motives for seriously considering retirement from the ministry. For him, a crucial experience was the painful quarrel in the Germantown congregation in 1752/53 that pitted a very mixed anti-Halle majority against a small group of Lutherans gathering around Muhlenberg's colleague Johann Friedrich Handschuh. This lingering strife ended in bitterness and with the Hallesians' defeat by "disgruntled" parishioners whom Muhlenberg suspected to have been "instigated by some tavern keepers and petty shopkeepers" under the leadership of one

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"loudmouth" and of a "Godless" preacher (see Letters 131,134,136 and 138 et passim). At issue were charges by many congregational members and several representatives of the local church council that the pastors' European patrons were high-handedly encroaching on parochial affairs in Germantown by having their subordinates in America impose tight rules of order and discipline on them. To these colonists, this seemed to contradict the Pennsylvanian spirit of voluntarism, liberty and equality. Like most European immigrants, many Lutherans were reluctant to take orders from secular or ecclesial officials who overreached their authority and thus appeared to them to be autocratic. For Muhlenberg, the unrest in Germantown, which was preceded by no less a rancorous dispute in Lancaster that also troubled him and Handschuh, marked a watershed in the development of the ecclesia plantanda, of the [Lutheran] Church that was being planted in North America. By the early 1750s, Muhlenberg was still intent on setting up the infant church as a joint German-British—or, for that matter, EuropeanAmerican—venture. In a letter to Francke from 1752, he had suggested to establish an institution for orphans, a seminary for the education of pastors and teachers and a retirement home for them (see Correspondence 2, Letter 112). In order to put this miniature replication of Halle's Francke Foundations on a sound financial footing, Muhlenberg considered having a pastor from Pennsylvania undertake a general collection in Germany. Whereas Francke dismissed the project and recommended instead that Muhlenberg "look still more closely to the hands of the gracious God and pay attention to his guidance" (see Correspondence 2, Letter 124), Johann Philipp Fresenius, the senior pastor of the Lutheran ministerium of the imperial city of Frankfurt on the Main, responded much more positively. In the very first letter of this volume, Fresenius makes very detailed proposals for raising capital in Europe on behalf of the American congregations and for dealing with church order in the colonies, including Lutheran relations with the Moravians, the influence of the German Reformed, and unauthorized itinerant preachers (see Letter 128). As Muhlenberg set about to entrust the three oldest parishes of Philadelphia, New Hanover and Providence permanently to the care and financial resources of his patrons (see Letters 142 and 143), in his eyes Francke's and Ziegenhagen's subsequent refusal to assume the superintendency of the colonial German Lutherans proved once more that the "Very Reverend Fathers" had no realistic understanding of the peculiar problems the Halle-trained pastors confronted in Pennsylvania, such as voluntary church membership, unprecedented religious pluralism, or the clergy's lower social prestige, economic insecurity and lack of legal means by which to enforce ministerial acts. This experience, in which Francke (and Ziegenhagen) put him off while Fresenius, though not involved in Halle's mission work, endorsed his plans for a Lutheran Church in North America, prompted Muhlenberg to rely in the coming years on support from other ecclesial authorities in Germany and America and finally to opt for an "all-American" solution that would improve the legal basis of individual congregations fully in accordance with Pennsylvania law. Convinced of the need to have Lutheran parishes conform to the Anglican model of church order practiced in Pennsylvania rather than further to wait for his superiors

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in Europe to change their minds, in 1755 Muhlenberg drew up a statute for the Germantown congregation that aimed to have the parish legally protected by the proprietary charter issued to the newly founded Philadelphia College (see Letter 165). The first Lutheran ordinance to do so, this statute appointed two politicians as trustees: former Anglican priests William Smith, the provost of the college, and Richard Peters, the provincial secretary. In this way, Muhlenberg managed to integrate the Anglican Church and the provincial government into his plan. In exchange for defraying one-third of the construction costs of the newly built church for the Halle faction in Germantown (and thus reducing their dependence on German donors), the statute allowed the Anglicans to use the Lutheran church. It no longer named Francke and Ziegenhagen as supreme ecclesial authorities but merely referred to them as spiritual leaders responsible for liturgical issues. By virtue of its proprietary charter awarded shortly before, the college henceforth protected the rights, liberties and properties of the Germantown congregation. Muhlenberg's engagement of Smith and Peters in his model project of restructuring the Germantown parish was part of the more extensive negotiations between the Halletrained clergy and the proprietary party that Muhlenberg inaugurated by a letter to Benjamin Franklin in 1754 (see Letter 153A). In this communication he intimated his willingness actively to participate in a program to open English charity schools for German children in Pennsylvania, with a view to securing the backing of secular and ecclesial leaders for the Hallensians in their struggle against wandering preachers and rival regular ministers. Muhlenberg offered no less than to enter into an anti-Quaker agreement under Anglican leadership, in whom he saw a natural ally that (mainly for political reasons) shared His distaste for "sectarians" such as Moravians, Mennonites, Schwenckfelders and other radical Protestant groups. Although he was perfectly aware of the schools' political purpose of neutralizing Pennsylvania's large German element by anglicizing German youth and driving their parents away from the ruling Quaker party, he and his associates ignored Francke's admonition that, "as regards political purposes, we rightly do not interfere with them" (see Letter 169). On the contrary: ready to serve as teachers, they were open to disseminating proprietary views and to putting students of parochial schools against "such Vagabonds . . . who pretend to be Preachers but are inordinate, vicious persons, . . . corrupt the Morals of People and make great disturbances," as Muhlenberg and other Lutheran pastors told Governor Robert Hunter Morris in a congratulatory address on his assumption of office in 1754 (see Letter 155B). Those itinerants, the ministers warned the governor, were not only a terrible nuisance to "orderly preachers" but even posed a vital danger to the security of Pennsylvania in the French and Indian War, as they allegedly stirred up colonial Germans against the British crown and the provincial government. Furthermore, Muhlenberg, whose plans for establishing a Lutheran printing house in the colonies Francke finally rejected in 1753 after putting him off again and again, persuaded proprietary leaders to publishing a German-language weekly. From 1755 to 1757, under Handschuh's editorship, the Philadelphische Zeitung sought to combat Christoph Sauer's Pen[n]sylvanische Berichte, a popular pro-Quaker journal with a strictly anti-

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Halle stance and a circulation in all of North America that the short-lived proprietary paper was never able to match (see Letter 165). This third volume of The Correspondence ofHeinrich Melchior Muhlenberg plainly documents Muhlenberg's development from parish pastor to pastor-politician, from (in the words of Leonard R. Rigorgiato) a "missionary of moderation," who effected a viable balance between orthodox and pietist Lutherans, to a visionary moderator of a mission that, once started as a one-man pastoral enterprise in three loosely joined congregations in eastern Pennsylvania, endeavored to put the Lutheran ecclesia plantanda on solid legal, financial and doctrinal footing completely in the terms of the Anglo-American body politic. In the mid-1750s Muhlenberg began gradually to reduce his own and his congregations' dependence on Francke and Ziegenhagen and to search for new sources of assistance for the colonial Lutherans by bringing in other ecclesial dignitarities in Europe (e.g., Fresenius and—though unsuccessfully—Albinus) and colonial leaders in America (e.g., Franklin, Peters and Smith). In attempting to gain more freedom for himself and his pastoral colleagues to make decisions, Muhlenberg realized that it was the strict separation of church and state, of all constitutional principles observed in Pennsylvania, as well as the concomitant lack of the clergy's special social status and governmental protection that they had enjoyed in Germany, which forced him to move into the public limelight, even at the risk of jeopardizing his vow of political neutrality. As we continue the English translation of Muhlenberg's correspondence, we are mindful of the shortcomings of any translation, especially of 250 year-old documents. The peculiarities of the late baroque style and language, in which the letters by and to Muhlenberg were written, required compromises between efforts to preserve the authors' individual idiosyncracies and the need to ensure clarity, readability and consistency. Facing the peculiar problems of standardizing the names of persons and places that were arbitrarily and inconsistently spelled in the eighteenth-century, this translation renders these names in modern spelling throughout rather than employing the spelling of Muhlenberg and his contemporaries (e.g., "Franklin," not "Francklin;" "New York," not "Neuyork"). Names of places in America that were abbreviated and/or corrupted have likewise been given in modern spelling and in full (e.g., "Tulpehocken," not "Tolp[ehoken]"). In the case of names, ranks, and titles that Muhlenberg and his correspondents abbreviated for convenience or confidentiality, we have supplied the missing letters (e.g., "G[eneral] L[ee]"), except for common abbreviations (e.g. "Rev. Dr. A[lison]"). The title of Magister [Theologiae], which was common for universitytrained theologians in eighteenth-century Germany, has been retained in italics in the English translation, since using its English equivalent ("master") for divines would have sounded outlandish to English-speaking readers (e.g., "Magister Wagner not "Master Wagner"). Abbreviated names of months have always been written in full. In English, the term "evangelical" has a variety of meanings, whereas in Muhlenberg's German, it was a designation for the Lutheran church and its theology. In this translation, we have retained the term "Evangelical" but have capitalized it to alert the reader to this difference.

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Many letters that Mühlenberg wrote or received contain words, expressions, quotations, or abbreviations in Latin, Greek, or even Hebrew. Except for adages and certain biblical terms (e.g., "ultra posse nemo obligatur," "Nethinim"), the English meaning of which we have explained in a footnote, we have translated foreign-language quotations into English, providing the original Latin, Greek or Hebrew text in a footnote. However, with medical and ecclesial terms that Mühlenberg frequently uses in his correspondence we have left the technical Latin in place to highlight his familiarity with those fields and also because such terms usually have no other name in modern English or because their English circumlocutions would have made the style too cumbersome (e.g., "conus cordis," "ius episcopate andpatronatus"). Abbreviations that were common in Mühlenberg's time have been put in italics and given authentically (e.g., "S[alvo] Tfitulo]"). In all cases, English translations appear in the footnotes. Latin words, phrases, or abbreviations that have long since been part of modern English standard vocabulary have not been italicized (e.g., "p[ro] tfempore]," not "p[ro] t[empore]"). English words in the original text, complete, corrupted or abbreviated, have been distinguished by italics and rendered in modern spelling (e.g., "indeplendence]," not "Independence]"). This rule also applies to English words (e.g., "to annex") that Mühlenberg Germanized by adding German prefixes or suffixes (e.g., "annectiren"). By observing this practice we want to document Muhlenberg's progressive linguistic adaptation to his English-speaking environment that may be of interest not only to future researchers but also to casual readers. Titles of books, pamphlets, and periodicals have likewise been put in italics (e.g., "Common Sense"). Mühlenberg and his correspondents employed German ecclesial terms the literal English equivalents of which can be misleading today. The German words Prediger, Lehrer, and Diakonus all refer to a pastor, but their connotations varied depending on the context or the writer's intention. When Prediger designates a duly ordained minister, we have usually translated it as "pastor." When it is intended to denounce someone as an uneducated itinerant, however, we have literally rendered it as "preacher." Similarly, in eighteenth-century Germany a Lehrer could be a "schoolteacher" or "schoolmaster" or a "pastor." In translating this word we have decided on a case by case basis. The German term Diakon or, alternately, Diakonus can be confusing too because it has two different meanings like the related English word "deacon." In Muhlenberg's times, Diakon(us) could connote an "assistant pastor" or a "vicar" and hence refer to a clerical office (as in the Anglican, Greek Orthodox, and Roman Catholic churches). In other instances, it was employed as an equivalent to German Vorsteher, thus designating a lay office in local congregations (as in various Protestant churches), which Mühlenberg otherwise rendered as "presbyter" [congregational elder] or "vestryman" in English. Because "deacon" emerged as the general, but not universal, rendering for Vorsteher, we have used this translation throughout. Another important post in Lutheran parishes was the office of Ältester. In Mühlenberg's own rendition it appears as "elder," "warden," or "vestryman." He borrowed the two latter expressions from the Anglican Church, where they denote two different offices. To avoid confusion, we have always used "elder" for Ältester. No less

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ambiguous for contemporary readers is the word Lehramt, which was a "pastoral office" in Muhlenberg's day but refers to a "teaching post" at church, school or university in modern German. For those German expressions that defy standardization, we have preserved the original variety of terms in the hope that a literal English translation does not invite misinterpretation. Following the writing style of the baroque age, Muhlenberg and his correspondents composed sentences that often stretched over nine or ten up to thirty lines or more in print, full of complex dependent clauses that even native German speakers find hard to follow. Whenever possible, we have kept the original sentences intact to give readers a flavor of this highly stylized form of letter-writing. For the sake of clarity, however, we have subdivided overlong sentences into shorter units. Although the first letter of our English translation, dated February 16, 1753, was written five months after the Gregorian calendar—in force in Germany since 1583 (in Catholic areas) and 1700 (in Protestant areas)—was introduced in Great Britain (on September 14, 1752), the eleven-day difference between the (old) Julian and the (new) Gregorian calendars is of importance to our edition in some early communications that refer to previous correspondence. We have given all dates, whether "old" or "new style," according to the original text. If necessary, footnotes provide explanations. For consistency we have emulated the practice of Kleiner and Lehmann of writing dates in the following order: day, month, year, as nearly all the authors of these letters did. Muhlenberg and some of his correspondents employed all the fulsome "edifying" phraseology of Pietism that not only abounded with biblical imagery and verbatim quotations from and hidden allusions to Scripture but also was replete with references to Lutheran hymns. Since many of these phrases and expressions are not easy to understand, we have identified the passages so that readers can easily look them up. We have cited Scripture according to the Authorized Version (King James Bible) and to the New Revised Standard Version, depending on which English wording captures best Muhlenberg's references to the Bible and comes closest in usage, style, and spirit to Luther's German translation of the Bible. In the same way, we have quoted from German hymns according to The Lutheran Hymnal, authorized by the synods constituting the Evangelical Lutheran Synodical Conference of North America, and to modern Lutheran hymnbooks. If not available there or not rendered literally in modern translations, we have supplied our own translation. This volume includes four different index: a biographic index, a geographic index, a general index and a scriptural index. The general index provides overviews of subjects through the entire correspondence; the other three indexes give exhaustive listings in order to facilitate cross-references to earlier and subsequent volumes of this series and to the German Korrespondenz Heinrich Melchior Muhlenbergs, on which this edition is based. The identification of the many persons and places mentioned in the letters proved to be an enormous challenge. While we, unlike our German and American predecessors in the 1980s and early 1990s, enjoy the great advantage of being able to retrieve a fast growing wealth of data from the worldwide web, the sheer amount of information requires researchers more so than ever before carefully to distinguish hard facts from

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speculation and outright errors. Wherever possible, these sources have been doublechecked. Regarding geography, we have not only given the (former and present) names of individual places in eighteenth-century Germany and North America but have also identified the larger administrative body (county, colony, duchy, principality, etc.) of which that place was then a part. Besides avoiding confusion that similar place names in Europe and America may cause, this rule makes it possible for readers to consult the geographic index for references to a certain region even if it is not expressly mentioned in the letters. In the scriptural index, the numbering of chapters and verses of the Bible follows the Authorized Version. Differences in numbering between the King James Version and Martin Luther's German translation of the Bible, which mostly occur in the Psalms, are clearly marked in the text. It should further be noted that the vast majority of biblical citations are not explicitly made by Muhlenberg or his correspondents in their letters but rather have been ascertained by the editors from the original wording of the letters. Therefore, readers comparing passages from our English edition of Muhlenberg's correspondence with the Bible in English translation should keep in mind that some such references become obvious only when compared to the eighteenth-century standard Lutheran translation of the Bible. The continuation of The Correspondence ofHeinrich Melchior Muhlenberg would have been impossible without the help of numerous persons and institutions. The Rev. Martin Lohrmann, Ph.D. candidate at The Lutheran Theological Seminary at Philadelphia, provided the editorial headings that faithfully summarize the main content of each letter. He reliably assisted with detecting scriptural references and making certain that the translations from early modern German are expressed in idiomatic English. Prof. Jon Pahl of the seminary carefully read the final manuscript and accompanied our work with valuable and much-needed advice and criticism, especially with a view to making our translations and explanations understandable and consistent to readers. Mary Watson also read the final manuscript and helped align Muhlenberg's prose with clear English. As the seminary's Library and Archives Project Manager, Mary A. Redline, M.A., in conjunction with Natalie Hand, Associate Director of the Seminary Foundation, was especially helpful in securing continuous funding of this project and keeping its principal participants in America and Europe connected and up-to-date anytime. For volunteering as members of our Advisory Committee we thank Dr. Charles H. Glatfelter, Gettysburg, Pennsylvania, Dr. Jack P. Greene, East Greenwich, Rhode Island, Dr. Karl-Otto Strohmidel, Miinster, Germany, and the late Rev. Frederick S. Weiser, New Oxford, Pennsylvania. The Rev. Dr. Gordon Lathrop, formerly of The Lutheran Theological Seminary at Philadelphia, translated Letter 133 from eighteenthcentury Dutch into modern English. We also appreciate the support that Prof. HansJiirgen Grabbe of Martin-Luther-Universitat, Halle-Wittenberg, Germany, has given to this project by adopting the English edition of Muhlenberg's correspondence as an official research project of that university's Center for United States Studies. The Library Company of Philadelphia and the Historical Society of Pennsylvania kindly assisted our genealogical research by awarding an Andrews W. Mellon Foundation

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Fellowship to Dr. Splitter in 2008-09. Lewis B. Rohrbach of Picton Press was instrumental in getting this volume out to the public. Immediately after learning about our plans to resume work on the translation of Muhlenberg's correspondence he strongly encouraged us by making a generous offer of publication. We are also grateful to Candy McMahan Perry for all her help in seeing this volume to press. We are most grateful to the National Endowment for the Humanities (NEH) for awarding us a substantial Collaborative Research Grant that not only enabled us to start work on translating another substantial portion of Muhlenberg's correspondence but also to get this volume published. Any views, findings, conclusions, or recommendations expressed in this publication do not necessarily reflect those of the NEH. The NEH designated this project as one of its We the People projects in special recognition for model projects that advance the study, teaching and understanding of American history and culture. As the three-hundredth anniversary of Muhlenberg's birthday approaches in 2011, it is fitting to provide both his spiritual descendants and the country he finally called his own a more complete record of his life and thought as a colonial clergyman. We also wish to express our thanks to The Lutheran Theological Seminary at Philadelphia for its assistance in this work. An additional grant was provided by the Pennsylvania Historical and Museum Commission to cover additional editorial and administrative costs for which the editors are most grateful. We would also like to thank the editors of the Papers of Benjamin Franklin for permission to publish letter 153A below from Franklin's correspondence. According to the famous Italian Renaissance saying, "the translator is a traitor." Thus, in spite of going to great pains to render Miihlenberg's correspondence in modern standard English as faithfully as possible while carefully preserving the idiosyncracies of usage, style and mindset of each author and keeping the text clear and readable, this work, like all scholarly endeavors, is of course not immune to error. Although we have relied on the help and expertise of numerous people who readily contributed their particular expertise to it in one way or another, the responsibility for any, though inadvertent, misinterpretations or misrepresentations of thoughts, phrases, or expressions in the original letters is ours completely. Wolfgang Splitter Martin-Luther-Universität Halle-Wittenberg, Germany

Timothy J. Wengert The Lutheran Theological Seminary Philadelphia, Pennsylvania

Letter 128 Johann Philipp Fresenius 1 to Muhlenberg Frankfurt [on the Main], 2 16 February 1753 Fresenius begins and ends this letter with comments about his admiration for Muhlenberg and with his assurance that improvement is occurring in the Pennsylvania mission field, even if such progress is hard for Muhlenberg to see. In between, Fresenius discusses ways of raising capital in Europe for the American churches and of dealing with church order in the colonies, including Lutheran relations with the Moravians, the influence of Reformed congregations, and unauthorized ministers. Fresenius also comments on their mutual acquaintances, Pastors Stover, Weigand, and Schlatter. Text in German: Korrespondenz 2: 3-9. For further textual information, see Korrespondenz 2: 7. Very reverend and most learned, Venerable Pastor, Very highly treasured Brother in Christ: 3 If Your Reverence knew how much I love you in the Lord for your work, you would have quite a vivid idea of what heartfelt pleasure your two letters of 16 November 17514 and 16 November 1752s have given me. I have had the first one lying in front of me on my desk since the fall trade fair [at Frankfurt on the Main], so that I would not forget to answer it as soon as possible. But now I have received the other one from your loving heart, and thus I cannot possibly delay my reply any longer. I would rather cut back on sleep, which is brief enough as it is, so that I have the time to answer as I want. So that I may use this important time wisely, Your Reverence will allow me to skip over many things in order that I may concentrate on those matters that are the main purpose of my letter. (1) I am heartily grateful for the inestimable love you feel toward your humble servant, and that you were moved to write to me twice, and for promising to keep doing so. If you knew my own humility, you would not have apologized at all for your kind letters. I write naturally and simply, just as I feel in my heart, without thinking of the proper style, and I would like you to do so too. (2) In your first letter, Your Reverence's judgment on the Herrnhuters 6 pleased me immensely. 7 You looked at this sect from the right angle and also judged those fighting it quite well. It is only the realization of my lack of importance that forces me to make an exception concerning myself. They have lost their good reputation in Germany completely. In Herrnhaag, the small group that remains must emigrate within 14 days.8 In England, they are still doing fairly well but their time of destiny 9 is going to dawn soon. Oh, may they repent and seek the Lord in the dust and in ashes! (3) According to Your Reverence's description, the state of our church in America still seems rather miserable. But when I compare it with the letters and with the oral information that I received from time to time before you got there, I see that God has already improved much through you and your faithful colleagues. Therefore, have no

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qualms about continuing your work. The Lord will continue to help you. My words of encouragement are written in John 1:3-9 as they apply to your circumstances. I must include the main point here. For many years now, God has imbued my heart with the ardent and indelible desire that I joyfully contribute something to the true and continuous welfare of the American congregations. Your Reverence will have noted some of this in my letters to you.10 But I have not been able to do anything up to now because the American congregations have not fulfilled my wish. Therefore, I am asking Your Reverence whether you could make it possible for me. My plans as regards the transitional support of which I am speaking are listed below. a)

Capital must be invested in Europe so that only the interest is to be transferred annually; this will provide for what is most necessary. In this way, the funds will be more secure and the benefactors will contribute more willingly. Not to mention that in this way some people are more inclined to contribute a little than when a transfer to be made abroad. It is common knowledge that this is how the Reformed in Holland are doing it. b) The current procedure of collecting separately and spending the capital was good and necessary in the beginning. But it is not so in the long run. Therefore, collection needs to be made on a larger scale and enough capital must be raised to yield sufficient interest. c) The principal request for holding a general collection in all Evangelical countries must be submitted to the Corpus Evangelicorum}1 d) In addition to this, all upright and well-known theologians as well as pious politicians inclined to do such works must be asked quietly by their European friends so that everyone in their situation and in their correspondence will help with asking for as much as they can. e) The Corpus Evangelicorum could be asked to manage the capital as it is already doing this for the church of the Electoral Palatinate, the Salzburg emigrants, 12 etc. and therefore it is likely that it will do the same now too. In this way, the capital would be most safe and the envoys would assist all the more in increasing it. f) All private collectors as enumerated d)[«c] would have to send the total receipts to Regensburg. 13 g) In order to initiate the matter, Your Reverence should draft a memorandum signed by yourself, by all of your colleagues, and by the deacons of your congregations, to be printed in Germany and, in addition to the printed reports, 14 distributed to the Evangelical envoys in Regensburg. In your petition, you would ask the Most and Very Reverend Sovereigns for permission for a general collection. At the same time, one would have to ask them to take over the management. h) Because it is not fitting for you to do all of this by yourself, it is necessary that you request a letter of assurance concerning this project from our benefactors in Halle15 and London. i) Once you have permission, 16 you should start work without delay. In case there

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are reservations in Halle about turning to the Corpus Evangelicorum, I offer my humble services, for I am well placed to promote the work at Regensburg. k[s/c] At the same time, I also want to stimulate the interest of my correspondents, who are generally eminent individuals, and ask them to hold the private collection. In this way, I think it could advance well with God's help. It is also the only way for the Evangelical Lutheran Church to accomplish what the Reformed synod in Holland and the cantons in Switzerland have been able to do. (4) Your Reverence's report in the first letter about the matters of the congregations, elders, deacons, church councils, general assemblies, etc.17 pleases me very much. You have ecclesiaplantandan and are wisely basing it on an apostolic foundation as much as possible. A description of that could be printed and distributed at Regensburg, which would make a good impression. (5) Your Reverence's report on those footloose vagrants Andreae 19 and Rapp 20 is quite amazing. It makes one think that the jura episcopalia, jura patronatus,21 consistories, etc., which otherwise have their substantial defects, are exceptionally beneficial precautions. But is it not possible to ask the authorities for enforcement and protection from such malicious scum? (6) The news of Pastor Stover's 22 advances to you was very agreeable to me. I got to know him in 1723 as a young man in his father's home at Annweiler when I was on my way to Strasbourg. 23 After that, his father moved to a village three hours from Strasbourg to be a school teacher. My life was not safe from the Jesuits in Strasbourg since I managed to get quite a lot of children out of their clutches. Because his father Stover, [Sr.] calls my late father a cousin through distant relations by marriage, I took refuge with him for three days. Afterwards the entire family moved to America. The old man24 traveled from Virginia to Germany on a collection trip. After finishing that, he came to me in Darmstadt and, claiming his lack of knowledge and experience, asked me to put him up in my home for the winter and give him further lessons. I did so with pleasure. He was tremendously hard-working, comprehended much, and was wholeheartedly converted. In spring, he departed but died at sea. Since then, the young Mr. Stover wrote to me many times and, together with Pastor Wagner, 25 presented me with the question whether they should join Your Reverence and your colleagues. They were confused because people said you were Pietists and Herrnhuters 26 and were also afraid that your church liturgy27 was not completely orthodox. I considered it divine guidance that they turned to me, and was quite eager to answer but could not until this moment. I include unsealed 28 the reply here,29 requesting that you read it, seal it and hand it over to them but that you keep silent about the content. Should circumstances be such that you believe it is not expedient to give the letter to them, I ask you to send it back to me. (7) As Your Reverence writes, you have the files of all the proceedings of the Nyberg, 30 or Herrnhuter, church litigation in hand. If you would be so kind as to send me a copy of them, I would be much obliged to you. Perhaps I can use them for the general welfare.

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(8) I am delighted to see that Mr. Weygand 31 is doing so well. His conduct here was also good but his departure was so quick that he had no time to obtain a testimony from me, as I learned later on. (9) While continuing to read your letter I now find that Your Reverence has already agreed to my humble advice regarding the capital to be invested. You only suggest that it should be invested some place other than Regensburg. It is beneficial for theologians who help care for the Lord's vinyard in America to also take care of the capital and interest, so that they will all be better able to exercise the very necessary ius episcopate,32 To this salutary end I know of no better place than Halle, and the Corpus Evangelicorum would love to transfer the money there. I cannot write to the beloved Professor Francke 33 prior to knowing that your congregations agree with us. After that, the matter should definitely be pursued in Germany. However, I am always concerned that your congregations want to remain independent, as you wrote to me about the Reformed congregations [wanting to do so] too. (10) I am happy that Mr. Schlatter34 has returned safely, but am amazed by the terrible ingratitude of his obstinate people.35 The newlanders recently told this story here and there in this city and tried to defend the malice of those ungrateful people as a sign of their being independent. But they have been chastised for this as they deserve. Everyone feels sorry for good Mr. Schlatter and is surprised at Pennsylvania legislation in church affairs. If things develop in this way, it is not to be feared that the Synod of Dort 36 will gain the upper hand. If, however, our own people were to get it into their heads to become totally independent as well, all well-meaning efforts in Europe would be in vain, for it would not be likely that they would suffer those favors to be forced upon them. It is absolutely true that the Reformed people's dealing with Mr. Schlatter sets a very bad example, which is likely to make many people worry about taking care of the Christians in Pennsylvania. I wish all the more that our fellow believers there would immediately and jointly provide evidence to convince the Europeans of their being of a different mind, and perhaps you might profit well from the present dilemma of the Reformed. (11)1 have had Mr. Schlatter's report37 printed in my collection of pastoral reports and procured additional copies that cost me some 40 reichstalers. The good man38 offered to defray the cost, but I derived pleasure from contributing a little to the welfare of the Christians there. I was of the opinion that, if only a part of them would become more orderly, all of them would benefit to some extent. I will also include Your Reverence's reports gradually, as I have already begun to do.39 (12) Once again I must return to the issue of improving church affairs in Pennsylvania. I read about a project 40 concerning church affairs, to be carried out in New England under the direction of Brigadier General Waldo. 41 1 am looking for simple and direct ways to bring my influence to bear for good proposals on this side [of the Atlantic Ocean]. One wonders 42 whether a connection between the two ministerial bodies 43 in Pennsylvania and New England should be considered and what path should be followed. Your Reverence can reflect on the possibilities much better from close up. I will be glad to participate in whatever you consider to be good.

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May Jesus Christ, to whom the heathen are given as his heirs and the end of the world as his property, be your sun, shield, and very good reward in that part of the world too! May he gather, build, and found his legacy there and give his tools so much light, wisdom, strength, grace, advancement, and blessing that everywhere one may see and feel with one's own hands that the rightful God is still in Zion. In sincere love and deep respect I remain Frankfurt on the Main, 16 February 1753 Your Reverence's Dr. Johann Philipp Fresenius, Always ready for prayer and service P.S. Your Reverence asked me to recommend a publisher with whom you might correspond and from whom you might from time to time obtain new books. Because I find the publisher Garbe,44 who issues my pastoral collections, 45 to be so inexpensive and good in all things that I have been getting my books from him for some years now, I approached him in writing and have received from him the answer enclosed. 46 One more thing: Would it not be advisable to correspond with each other via mailboat? That would be faster and safer than it is with those newlanders traveling back and forth and wandering around. This letter, too, is being mailed that way, to wit in a package to Mr. Waldo in London, whom I mentioned on the previous page.

1. Johann Philipp Fresenius (1705-1761) was born in Nieder-Wiesen (then in the Electoral Palatinate; now in Rhineland-Palatinate, Germany). In 1723, he took up studies of theology in Strasbourg, France. In 1731, a polemical controversy with the Jesuit Johann Nikolaus Weislinger (1691-1755) forced him to flee to Darmstadt (then in the landgravate of Hesse-Darmstadt; now in Hesse, Germany). In 1734, he was appointed as first castle preacher in Giessen [Gießen] (then in the landgravate of Hesse-Darmstadt; now in Hesse, Germany), before being promoted to assistant court preacher in Darmstadt in 1736. After six years of service, he returned to Giessen as a minister and university professor. In 1743, he became pastor at the Barfüßerkirche and the Katharinenkirche in Frankfurt on the Main (then an imperial city; now in Hesse), and in 1748 senior of the Frankfurt Lutheran Ministerium. In 1749, he baptized the German poet Johann Wolfgang [since 1782: von] Goethe (1749-1832), whose parents he had united in marriage the year before. In his early years, Goethe received religious instruction from Fresenius. In the last volume of his four-volume autobiography Aus meinem Leben: Dichtung und Wahrheit [Truth and Poetry: From My Own Life], written between 1808 and 1831, Goethe described Fresenius as "a gentle man of a nice [and] handsome appearance, who was venerated by his congregation, yea, by the entire city, as an exemplary divine and a good orator." 2. Then an imperial city; now in Hesse, Germany. 3. An addition on the margin reads: "or rather, poor little sinful mite which is worth nothing." 4. See Correspondence 2, Letter 106; entered by hand in Muhlenberg's journal PM 95 A, no. 3 (1751-52), 1-51, but dated 15 November 1751 (see p. 1). 5. See Correspondence 2, Letter 125. 6. I.e., Moravians. Fresenius, like Miihlenberg and other opponents of Count Nikolaus Ludwig von

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Zinzendorf (1700-1760) and his followers, used to call this Protestant group derogatorily "Zinzendorfers" or "Herrnhuters" (after Herrnhut, a village near the Saxon town of Berthelsdorf, in Upper Lusatia in Southeast Germany, were Zinzendorf had established a colony of Protestant refugees from Bohemia on a part of a family estate). On Zinzendorf, see below, 89n43. 7. See Correspondence 2: 167-169. 8. Fresenius refers to an edict that Count Frederick of Isenburg [Ysenburg]-Biidingen (1700-1774) issued in 1750. It demanded from the Moravians to desert their preachers and deacons under oath and forced the Moravian community to emigrate the same year. This eviction was completed in 1753. 9. The text reads (Latin) periodus fatalis. 10. In 1753, the Moravian preachers in London were deep in debt. Only a guaranty by Count Nikolaus Ludwig von Zinzendorf (1700-1760) and Henry XXVIII (1726-1797), count of Reuss [Reuß] and lord of Plauen, prevented people stirred up by polemical tracts from rising in revolt. 11. Latin: Body of Evangelicals. Constituted in 1653 as an authority of the Holy Roman Empire in its own right, the Corpus Evangelicorum included all Lutheran and Reformed estates under the direction of the electorate of Saxony. 12. The patent of emigration issued by Leopold Anton Eleutherius von Firmian (1679-1744), the Catholic prince bishop of Salzburg, on Reformation Day (31 Oktober 1731) forced all Protestants who did not abandon their Evangelical faith to leave his territories. Through mediation by Samuel Urlsperger (1685-1772) a part of the expelled Lutherans emigrated to North America from 1733 to 1741. In 1734, they founded Ebenezer (meaning "stone of help" in Hebrew [see 1 Sam. 7:12]), initially located about twenty-five miles northwest of Savannah and originally designed as a military defense for the newly established British town of Savannah, Georgia. In 1736, Ebenezer was moved to better farmland nearer to the Savannah River. Renamed St. Matthew's Parish in 1754, the settlement became a part of Effingham County, Georgia, in 1777. On Urlsperger, see Correspondence 1: 156n4. 13. Then an imperial city in Franconia and the seat of the headquarters for the Body of Evangelicals (Corpus Evangelicorum); now in Bavaria, Germany. Gemeinen in Nord14. Nachrichten von den vereinigten Deutschen Evangelisch-Lutherischen America, absonderlich in Pensylvanien (Reports of the United German Evangelical Lutheran Congregations in North America, Especially in Pennsylvania), started as Kurtze Nachricht in 1744 and followed by 16 Fortsetzungen ("installments") until 1787, printed in Halle. This series came to be known as Hallesche Nachrichten (Halle Reports). For further bibliographical information, see above, "Abbreviations," 8-9. 15. A Saxon town, then in the kingdom of Prussia; now in Saxony-Anhalt, Germany. Although the small town of Glaucha, the site of the Francke Foundations since 1695, would not be incorporated into Halle prior to 1817, Fresenius, Mühlenberg and others often used "Halle" synonymously with "Glaucha" when writing letters to or speaking about the Foundations and their missionaries, the Hallenser ("Hailensians"). 16. The text reads (Latin) fiat. 17. See Correspondence 2: 169-177. 18. Latin: the [Lutheran] Church in the process of being planted [in America], a phrase describing Mühlenberg's work for which he later became famous. For a brief discussion of this phrase, see Theodore G. Tappert, "Was Ecclesia Plantanda Muhlenberg's Motto?" Lutheran Quarterly 5 (1953): 308-311. 19. Johann Conrad Andreae [Andreä] (-1703-1754). Born in Zweibrücken (then in the principality of Zweibrücken; now in Rhineland-Palatinate, Germany), he studied Lutheran theology at several universities and was ordained by the consistory of his home town. He served two congregations before being dismissed from the ministry in 1741 for unknown reasons. Arriving in America in 1743 of his own accord, he ministered to German immigrants in Montgomery County, Pennsylvania: in New Goshenhoppen (now Upper Hanover Township) until 1752, in Old Goshenhoppen (now Upper Salford Township) until 1750, and in Indianfield (now in Telford Borough) until 1750. He and Mühlenberg quickly developed a strong dislike for each other, which intensified after Andreae started to serve the

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majority of the Germantown congregation in 1752 and his followers drove Halle's Pastor Johann Friedrich Handschuh (1714-1764) and his party out of the church. On Handschuh, see below, 48n22. On the incident in Germantown, see esp. Letters 136 and 138. See Correspondence 1, Letter 28, and Correspondence 2: 170-171; HN2/1: 265-266; Pastors and People 1: 16. 20. Philipp Heinrich Rapp ( t l 7 7 9 ) . Born in Sulz unterm Wald (now Soultz-sous-Forets, France), in Lower Alsace, he arrived in America in 1750, he pretended to be a preacher but was in fact a commercial traveler. On the recommendation of Johann Conrad Andreae, who also ordained him, he served Christ Lutheran Church ("Old Swamp Church"), located on Cliff Street, in New York City from 1752 to 1756, succeeding Johann Friedrich Ries (+1791). From 1757 to 1765, he served the anti-Halle party of the Lutheran congregation in Germantown. See also below, 258n91, 259nn93,94, and Correspondence 2: 193n6; HN 2/1: 296, 591-592; Pastors and People 1: 106-107. 21. Plurals of the Latin jus [ius] episcopate and jus [ius] patronatus; i.e., the privileges of princes and their clerical representatives, acting in their capacity as bishops (superintendents) and patrons, to invest candidates with the pastoral office and to present candidates for the ministry. 22. Johann Caspar Stover, Jr. (1707-1779). BorninLiidorf (then in the duchy of Berg; now apart of Remscheid, in North Rhine-Westphalia, Germany), he studied Lutheran theology, French, and the classical languages under the guidance of his father, Johann Caspar Stover, Sr. (1685-1739), and several pastors, including [Johann] Valentin Kraft (-1680-1752). Together with his father, he arrived in Philadelphia on 11 September 1728 aboard the ship "James Goodwill." In Pennsylvania he started an independent ministry, which he tried to regularize by seeking ordination from the Swedish Lutheran clergy. After his request was declined, Johann Christian Schultze (*1701), who himself had received ordination in Germany only the year before, ordained him on 8 April 1733. In the 1730s and early 1740s, Stover extended his pioneering services throughout eastern Pennsylvania while diligently keeping registers of his ministerial acts. Upon Muhlenberg's arrival in Philadelphia in late 1742, he joined his former mentor Kraft, who had landed in August of that year, and, later, Pastor Tobias Wagner (1702-1769) in opposing the Halle pastor's claims to the Lutheran congregations in Philadelphia, New Hanover, Providence, and other places on doctrinal grounds and for personal reasons. While Stover continued to serve numerous parishes in Pennsylvania throughout the 1740s and 1750s, relations between him and Muhlenberg and the other Hallensians continued to be very strained, although Stover sought to enter into closer relations-with the Halle-dominated Lutheran Ministerium and Johann Philipp Fresenius, a distant relative, repeatedly put in a good word for him with Gotthilf August Francke (1696-1769). By 1763, however, Muhlenberg's view of Stover and his pastorate had so much improved that the Ministerium, under Muhlenberg's presidency, finally accepted him as a member after strictly refusing him in 1748. When stopping by at Stover's home near Lebanon Township late one evening in September of 1769, Muhlenberg noted that he was received "with joy" and readily supplied with "refreshments," even though his host "had already retired with his family for the night." "Here I found a collection of theological books, both old and new, such as I had not expected to find in a remote country district," he belatedly acknowledged Stover's qualification for the ministry (see Journals 2: 421). On Stover, Jr., see Pastors and People 1:139-143 and Roy L. Winters, "John Caspar Stoever: Colonial Pastor and Founder of Churches," Proceedings and Addresses of the Pennsylvania German Society 53-3 (1948); 1-171; on his approaches to the Ministerium, see Correspondence 2; 69-70, 239n29. On Kraft, see below, 231 n56; Correspondence 2:52n7. On Schultze, see below 71 nl 8. On Wagner, see below 28n25. On Francke, see below 29n33. 23. Formerly a free imperial city of the Holy Roman Empire, Strasbourg [Strassburg (StraBburg)], in Alsace, was annexed by France in 1681. In 1697, the Peace of Ryswick [Rijswijk] formally recognized this annexation. Whereas Strasbourg Cathedral was handed over from the Lutherans to the Catholics, the German Lutheran university persisted until the French Revolution in 1789. 24. Johann Caspar Stover, Sr. (1685-1739). Born in Frankenberg (then in the landgravate of HesseCassel; now in Hesse, Germany), he became a schoolmaster. After arriving in Philadelphia on 11 September 1728 aboard the ship "James Goodwill," together with his son, Johann Caspar Stover, Jr.

28

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1753

(1707-1779), he probably spent some time in the German settlement of New Bern, in Craven County, North Carolina. Upon accepting a call to the Lutheran congregation in Hebron (just north of the present site of Madison), in Madison County, Virginia, he was ordained on 8 April 1733, together with his son, at Providence, in Montgomery County, Pennsylvania by Pastor Johann Christian Schultze (*1701), who himself had received ordination in Germany only the year before. Because his new congregation in Virginia soon proved too poor to support him and his family, in the early fall of 1734 Stöver and two lay representatives went on a trip to Europe in an effort to secure contributions. Their collection of money, books, and communion vessels turned out very successful. Before embarking on his return voyage to Virginia, he went to Darmstadt to see Johann Philipp Fresenius, a distant relative, whom he asked to help improve his knowledge of doctrinal and practical theology during the winter of 1738-39 (as Fresenius confirms in this letter). Stöver left Europe in early 1739 but died at sea. On Stöver, Sr., see also Pastors and People 1:138-139 and Correspondence 2: 49n69. On Stöver, Jr., see above, 27n22. On Schultze, see below, 71nl8. 25. Tobias Wagner (1702-1769). Born in Hausen ob Verena (then in the duchy of Württemberg; now in Baden-Württemberg, Germany), as a son of a pastor, he matriculated and probably studied Lutheran theology at Tübingen University and received the degree of Magister (master) in 1725. From 1733 to 1742, he was pastor in Horkheim, Württemberg, before accompanying a group of his countrymen to Waldoboro, Massachussetts (now in Lincoln County, Maine) in 1742. In 1743, he went to Pennsylvania, serving several congregations in the countryside but being unable to secure a permanent position. On 22 April 1745, he united Mühlenberg and Anna Maria Weiser (1727-1802) in marriage. Soon thereafter, he fell out with the pastors from Halle. In 1751, he attended the synodical convention of the Lutheran Ministerium of Pennsylvania but never was a member of this body. After settling an early conflict with Johann Caspar Stöver, Jr. (1707-1779), he developed a close friendship with this wandering pioneer preacher, who was one of Mühlenberg's early opponents. In 1759, Wagner returned to Europe with a part of his family and in 1760 assumed ministerial duties in Oberiflingen (then a village in Württemberg; now a part of Schopfloch, in Baden-Württemberg). In 1764, he became pastor in Meimsheim (then a village in Württemberg; now a part of Brackenheim, in Baden-Württemberg). See Pastors and People 1: 154-156. On Stöver, Jr., see above, 27n22. 26. See Correspondence 2: 171. 27. "Die Kirchen-Agende der Evangelisch-Lutherischen Vereinigten Gemeinen in Nord-America." Based on the 1694 liturgy of St. Mary's of Savoy Church in London and drafted by Mühlenberg in 1748, this document circulated in handwritten copies only. The version in HN 2/1:211-216 was printed from Pastor Jacob van Buskerk's (1739-1800) 1763 copy and later completed by Peter Mühlenberg's (1746-1807) copy of 1769. See Correspondence 2: 20n9; Journals 1: 193; Documentary History, 1318; Pastors and People 2: 247-249, 445-447. 28. The text reads (Latin) sub volante [sigillo], 29. The copy of Fresenius's letter to Johann Caspar Stover, Jr., of 16 February 1753 stored in the Library of Congress; see Korrespondenz 2: 8n21. 30. Laurentius Thorstonsen Nyberg (t 1754). Born in West Gothland, Sweden, he served the Lutheran congregation in Lancaster. When he joined the Moravians in 1744, his charge split into two factions. After mediation attempts by Mühlenberg and [Johann] Conrad Weiser, Jr. (1696-1760) failed, the dispute over the right to use the church building in Lancaster was taken to court. See Correspondence 1: 181nl0, and Letters 45-52; Pastors and People 1: 100-101. On Weiser, Jr., see below, 92n73. 31. Johann Albert Weygand (1722-1770). He was born near Frankfurt on the Main (then an imperial city; now in Hesse, Germany). After studying Lutheran theology at Halle University he became a teacher. Persuaded by a shipping agent to come to America, in Philadelphia on 7 September 1748. He first served as catechist in New Hanover, Montgomery County, Pennsylvania. On 2 December 1750, he was ordained in New Germantown (now the village of Oldwick), in Hunterdon County, New Jersey. In 1750, the Lutheran Ministerium of Pennsylvania ("United Congregations") admitted him as a member. He ministered to the Lutherans in Raritan from 1748 to 1753 and in Pluckemin (now a part of BedminsterTownship), in Somerset County, New Jersey, from about 1751 to 1753, before accepting

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29

a call to New York City. While pastor of Trinity Lutheran Church ("Old Swamp Church"), located at Rector Street and Broadway in Lower Manhattan, he also served the congregations in Hackensack and Remersbach (now a part of Mahwah Township), in Bergen County, New Jersey, from 1753 to 1759. He was an ex officio governor of King's College (now Columbia University) from 1755 to 1770. See Pastors and People 1:162-163. See also Correspondence 2: 6 nn21+22,14-16,44,174; HN 2/1:495497. 32. See Correspondence 2: 219-220, 278-279. 33. Gotthilf August Francke (1696-1769). Born in Glaucha (then in the electorate of Brandenburg; now a part of Halle, in Saxony-Anhalt, Germany), he was the only son of August Hermann Francke (1663-1727), the progenitor of Halle Pietism and founder of the Francke Foundations (Franckesche Stiftungen) near Halle on the Saale. After studies of Lutheran theology at Jena University and other institutions, in 1720 he was ordained as a regular pastor. He first served at the Halle prison before being called as adjunct to Mary' s Church in Halle in 1723, where he became Archidiakon (archdeacon) in 1740. Also in 1723, he became adjunct of the faculty of theology at Halle University, which in 1726 appointed him as associate professor. Following the death of his father in 1727, who had held a professorship in theology, he was promoted to the rank of full professor. In 1730, he was entrusted with the superintendency of the first district of churches and schools in the Saale River territory. In 1739, he succeeded his late brother-inlaw Johann Anastasius Frey linghausen (1670-1739) as director of the Francke Foundations, holding this position until his death in 1769. Also in 1739, he earned the degree of doctor of divinity, and in 1767 he was appointed as consistory councillor of the duchy of Magdeburg. During the three decades of his directorship of the Foundations, he considerably expanded their mission work overseas, especially by supporting the fast-growing German Lutheran congregations in North America and by consolidating the Halle mission in East India. On 6 September 1741, Muhlenberg's thirtieth birthday, he presented the pastor with a call to the three oldest German Lutheran congregations in Pennsylvania: Philadelphia, New Hanover, and Providence (now Trappe, a part of Upper Providence Township, in Montgomery County; in Mühlenberg's day, also called "New Providence"). 34. Michael Schlatter (1716-1790). Born in St. Gall, Switzerland, he studied Reformed theology at Leyden University, in the Netherlands, in 1736,and was licensed to preach on lOApril 1739(thedate of his ordination is unknown). After ministering to Swiss parishes, in 1746 he offered his services to the Dutch Reformed Church, which sent him to Pennsylvania to inquire into the needs and circumstances of the Reformed congregations. Arriving in Philadelphia on 6 September 1746, he became pastor in the city and in nearby Germantown. Between 1746 and 1748 he visited most of the Reformed congregations in New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia. In 1747, he convened the first Reformed coetus (synod) in North America, but soon came under attack in his Philadelphia charge. In 1751, Schlatter set out on a trip to Europe to ask his superiors in Holland for financial aid for the Reformed congregations and informing them about the strife in Philadelphia. On his one-year tour he also met Fresenius in Frankfurt. As a result of his mission, in 1752 he returned to Philadelphia together with six Reformed pastors. His superintendency of the English charity schools from 1754 to 1756 provoked much resistance from his fellow believers, so that he left the synod in 1755. In 1757, he accepted a commission as chaplain in the British forces in America, which he held for several years while also preaching to German Reformed and Lutherans, first in Nova Scotia and later in Pennsylvania. In 1787, he attended Muhlenberg's funeral. After marrying Maria Henrica Schleydorn (1730-1753)was born in Lomersheim (then in the duchy of Württemberg; now in Baden-Württemberg, Germany). His marriage took place at Lomersheim on 27 January 1705. In 1749 or 1750, he arrived in Philadelphia but returned to Germany sometime later. He died in Lomersheim. Mühlenberg's surviving journals and letters make no mention of the Bogers or the inheritance conflict mentioned below. On the Boger case, see A. Gregg Roeber, Palatines, Liberty, and Property: German Lutherans in Colonial British America (Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1993), 253-254. 3. Tobias Wagner (1702-1769). See above, 28n25. 4. The text reads Abendwüste, Mühlenberg's favorite term for America. 5. Anna Barbara Boger, née Dürr (1680->1753). 6. Now a part of Mühlacker, then in the duchy of Württemberg; now in Baden-Württemberg, Germany. The text reads Lommersheim. 7. The text reads (Latin) fl[oreni]. 8. [Johann] Adam Boger (1690-1765). 9. Joseph Boger [Sr.] (* 1655). 10. See Matt. 28:20. 11. See John 14:18. 12. Latin: the right of patronage and oversight; i.e., the privileges of princes and their clerical representatives, acting in their capacity of bishops (superintendents) and patrons, to invest candidates with the pastoral office and to present candidates for the ministry. 13. The text reads (Latin) methodo tumultuaria. 14. For the call Ziegenhagen issued to Mühlenberg in May of 1742, see Correspondence 1, Letters 8 and 9. Friedrich Michael Ziegenhagen (1694-1776). Born near Stettin (then in Swedish-occupied West Pomerania; now Szczecin, Poland), he enrolled in the faculty of Lutheran theology of Halle University on 24 April 1714. As a student in Halle, he made the acquaintance of August Hermann

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Francke (1663-1727), the founder of the Franckesche Stiftungen (Francke Foundations) and progenitor of Halle Pietism, who became his mentor and sponsor. On 22 July 1717, he transferred to the university of Jena (then in the duchy of Saxe-Eisenach; now in Thuringia, Germany). Following graduation, in September of 1718, he moved to Monplaisir Castle at Linden (now a part of the city of Hanover [Hannover], Germany) to accept a position as chaplain for the household of a descendant of the late Ernst Franz, (1632-1709), Count von Platen, who had been intimately connected with the ruling house of Hanover. After the death of Anton Wilhelm Böhme (1673-1722), who also had been one of Francke's former students at Halle University, on 11 December 1722 King George I issued a call to him to succeed Böhme as court preacher at St. James's Chapel in London. In this capacity Ziegenhagen successively served three British kings of Hanoverian descent and Lutheran persuasion—George I (1660-1727), George II (1683-1760) and George III (1738-1820)—for more than half a century. Received as a corresponding member into the ranks of the prestigious Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge (SPCK), established in 1698, he became a crucial figure in coordinating and promoting the work of the Francke Foundations in East India and North America, especially as all their missionaries invariably went via London to reach their destinations overseas. While his actual powers as spiritual counsellor to the king were quite limited, his informal authority and political influence at the royal court were much significant. In the worldwide Halle Pietist network he was the most important liaison between Germany and Europe on the one hand and Asia and America on the other. Mühlenberg met Ziegenhagen during his stopover in England from early April to mid-June of 1742 and stayed in his home until leaving England in mid-June of 1742. As Mühlenberg reported in his journals, during that time "I had withal the great pleasure of regularly taking my meals with the Court Preacher and of conferring with him as often as often as time and circumstances would allow" (see Journals 1: 18). 15. Of the highly influential Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge in London, to which German-born Lutheran Court Preacher Friedrich Michael Ziegenhagen (1694-1776), an alumnus of the Francke Foundations in Halle, and both the late August Hermann Francke (1663-1727) and his son Gotthilf August (1696-1769), directors of the Foundations, belonged as corresponding members. On Francke, see above, 29n33. 16. See Matt. 10:14. 17. On Wagner, see above, 28n25. 18. Mühlenberg probably refers to Samuel Urlsperger (1685-1772), from 1722 to 1765 senior of the Lutheran ministerium in Augsburg, an imperial city in Swabia (now in Bavaria, Germany). See Correspondence 1: 156n4. 19. A town in Swabia on the Neckar River; then in the duchy of Württemberg, now in BadenWürttemberg, Germany. 20. See Correspondence 2:293n5. 21. Johann Siegfried Gerock (1724-1788). Born in Schwaikheim (then in the duchy of Württemberg; now in Baden-Württemberg, Germany), as a son of a pastor, he matriculated and probably studied Lutheran theology at Tübingen University. After accepting a call to Lancaster, Pennsylvania at the urging of his colleague and fellow countryman Tobias Wagner (1702-1769), he was ordained by the Stuttgart consistory on 30 May 1752. In November, 1752, he arrived in Charleston, South Carolina, together with Pastor Christi an Rabenhorst (1728-1776). In March, 1753, he assumed ministerial duties in Lancaster, also ministering to the Lutherans in Beaver Creek, in Lancaster County. From 1767 to 1773, he was pastor in Christ Lutheran Church ("Old Swamp Church") in New York City, located on Cliff Street, and from 1773 to 1788 served Zion Lutheran Church in Baltimore, now the oldest Lutheran congregation with continuous German service in North America (since 1756). See Pastors and People 1: 43. On Wagner, see above, 28n25. On Rabenhorst, see below, 127n32. 22. See Correspondence 2: 293n5; HN 2/1: 433-438; Lutheran Church in PA, 522-542. Lancaster is now a city in Lancaster County, Pennsylvania.

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39

23. Jakob Friedrich Schertlin (1696—1768). Born in Hornberg (then in the margravate of Baden; now in Baden-Württemberg, Germany), he took up studies of Lutheran theology at Tübingen University in 1715, graduating in 1717 with the degree of Magister (master). He became a pastor and in 1733 succeeded his father in Zell and Altbach (then in the duchy of Württemberg; now in BadenWürttemberg). In 1748, he was dismissed from his parish for unknown reasons. Emigrating of his own accord to America, he arrived in Philadelphia on 27 September 1752. After briefly serving the congregation in Reading, Berks County, he moved to Macungy, in what is now Lehigh County. From there he served numerous congregations in this county of Pennsylvania from 1753 to 1768. Although he attended the 1754 synodical convention of the Lutheran Ministerium of Pennsylvania ("United Congregations"), he was never a member of this ecclesial board. See HN 2/1:592; Pastors and People 1: 116-117. 24. After a brief stay in the congregation in Reading, Berks County, in 1753 Schertlin began to serve congregations in Heidelberg, Weisenberg, Jordan (now South Whitehall Township), and Macungie in what is now Lehigh County, Pennsylvania. See Pastors and People 1: 116-117. 25. The text reads (Latin) aliqualem curam animarum. 26. The text reads (Latin) praesentia minuitfamam. 27. Latin: without title (according to the German rendering in Korrespondenz 2:15). In Mühlenberg's correspondence, the Latin abbreviation S.T. usually refers to Salvo Titulo, meaning "title omitted without prejudice." 28. The text reads England throughout. Johann Theophil Engelland ( t 1775). Born in Böblingen (then in the duchy of Württemberg; now in Baden-Württemberg, Germany), he matriculated at Tübingen University. After a ministry in Hamburg (then an imperial city; now a state of Germany), he arrived with no call in Pennsylvania about 1751. He settled in Strasburg, Lancaster County, and started an irregular ministry. During the next twenty-two years he served churches there, in Ephrata and Elizabethtown, Lancaster County, Pennsylvania, in Stone Arabia, Fulton County (now in Palatine, Montgomery County), New York, and finally in Lower Swatara (now Bethel Township), Lebanon County, Pennsylvania. See Correspondence 2: 290n4; Pastors and People 1: 35. Lutheran Church in PA, 322. 29. A university town on the Neckar River, then in the duchy of Württemberg; now in BadenWürttemberg, Germany. 30. An obsolete gold coin of varying value, formerly current in Europe, earlier called an ecu. 31. Johann Conrad Andreae [Andreä] (-1703-1754). See above, 26nl9. See also Correspondence 1: 173-174,180, 236.

Letter 131

Muhlenberg to the Congregations on the Raritan River1 Providence,2 1 May 1753 A malicious letter against Muhlenberg and his colleagues had reached the congregation in Raritan, New Jersey from opponents at St. Michael's in Germantown. To counter such slander, Muhlenberg, using an apostolic style, retells the ways that division had spread in the Raritan church, as well as in the Lancaster and Germantown congregations. His letter gives an intimate look at the struggles within those early Lutheran congregations and the actions of various pastors, including Weygand, Handschuh, Wagner and Muhlenberg himself. At several points, disagreements grew so contentious that Muhlenberg turned to the civil authorities to maintain order.

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Muhlenberg here invokes Scripture and the testimony of other Christians in Pennsylvania and abroad to encourage the Raritan congregation to keep unity, piety and good order. Text in German: Korrespondenz 2: 17-25. For further textual information, see Korrespondenz 2: 24. Beloved Friends and Fellow Believers On the Raritan River: I learned that an angry conflict has arisen among you that increased after some of your elders publicly read a libel from Germantown 3 last Good Friday.4 With this libel your unruly elders in Rockaway 5 and some pitiful, petty shopkeepers, innkeepers, and fiddlers from Germantown and Philadelphia have shown what kind of persons they are. It was timed very well that they read aloud such a pamphlet after the sermon on holy Good Friday. The more reasonable Christians among you can thus understand quite clearly what our Lord meant when he said in Matt. 10:25, "If they have called the master of the house Beelzebul, how much more will they malign those of his household." On Good Friday, our Highly Praised Savior was blasphemed, vilified, spat upon, mocked, ridiculed, beaten, condemned, and killed and also accused by an inscription on the cross over his head. This inscription, contrary to his enemies' intention, actually served as the crown of his innocence. That is what happened to the most innocent Lamb of God on Good Friday. How much more should it not give us, his most humble members and poor sinful mites, honor if a false Judas and his accomplices disparage and revile us for the little piety we obtained by grace! God forbid that we may be praised by miserly, arrogant, lustful, and unconverted people of the world than be considered pure teachers [of God's word]. That would bring disgrace upon us before God and all true Evangelical Christians in Europe and America! When John came and did not eat and drink, the unreasonable people of the world said that the devil was in him. The Savior of humankind came and ate and drank. So they could not but call him a glutton and drunkard, a friend of tax collectors and sinners.6 If even the Highest Wisdom could not please the wicked worldly race and the hypocrites, how much less can we, without being scolded and disparaged, make demands of people who call themselves Lutherans but do not experience anything of the true Evangelical faith in their hearts and about which Luther wrote in his prologue to the Epistle to the Romans.7 Anyone with even limited vision can easily see that on nearly every page of the Bible and in all other Christian writings, that from the beginning of the world, especially after the Fall, and up to this day everyone, everyone, be they teachers, governmental authorities, or householders—that everyone who wants to live godly in Jesus Christ has suffered persecution and hatred and must still do so (2 Tim. 3:12, Matt. 16:24, Acts 14:22). The greatest comfort is knowing the one in whom we believe and with whom we suffer for the sake of truth and godliness. As our Lord and Master himself says in Matt. 5:11-12: "Blessed are you when people revile you and persecute you and utter all kinds of evil against you falsely on my account," n[ota] b[ene], because they are lying, etc., etc.

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Having said this in advance, beloved and distressed sheep in Raritan, I ask you to listen to my answer and recall how we acted toward you and you towards us. (1) In Germany, I was called to be Evangelical pastor for several congregations in Pennsylvania, was rightfully ordained, sent here with valid testimonies,8 joyfully received by my congregations, and recognized in Europe and here as a Lutheran minister in accordance with the word of God and our Symbolical Books.9 (2) After my arrival, more and more congregations united with the first ones. They approached me about asking our patrons and fathers in Europe for more pastors, who were gradually dispatched here at the request of my congregations and myself. (3) My pastoral colleagues and myself I have never imposed ourselves on anyone. You on the Raritan River can not truthfully say that we imposed ourselves on you. Rather, you urged me with much begging and many entreaties to take care of your sad and very confused circumstances. (4) I released you from that twelve-year controversy10 and suffered much for your sake. (5) I gathered your neglected youth together again and instructed and confirmed them. My pastoral colleagues Brunnholz,11 Kurz,12 and Schaum13 taught and converted you.14 (6) Can you now say with a good conscience and without lies and nasty remarks that we taught you wrongly and lived offensively? Should not your own consciences tell you that we taught the law and the gospel and administered the holy sacraments according to the apostles and the prophets and on the basis of our symbolical writings? (7) Should not you and your children testify before God that by God's grace and our humble service the congregations were gathered together and edified and provided with a church? How often you besought us in writing and orally to engage a pastor and send him to you! And when we were unable to present you with one immediately as you would have wished, some unruly heads proved their poor judgment and, to the disgrace of our religion and as an offense to our youth, became involved with that infamous vagrant called Karl Rudolf Pumpernickel,15 who had already roamed all barren places in America as an unclean spirit.16 You requested our service again after you were redeemed from this evil. We proposed Mr. Weygand 17 to you on a trial basis after examining him ourselves for a quarter of a year and finding him to be impeccable in Evangelical teaching and conduct. Our pastoral colleague was not imposed on you, but you requested his transfer. You had him with you for nearly one year and were able to examine his teaching and conduct. When I came to you after that time and asked how you liked Mr. Weygand, all of the elders and deacons answered that they wanted no one else and that there was no better one than he was as he had taught purely, conducted himself exemplarily, and took good care of the sick and especially the youth. At your request I drew up an orderly call, which most of you signed. You asked me to approach our spiritual fathers in Europe for consent to his ordination. This matter was scarcely done before some of you were disgruntled with the marriage,18 finding now this, now that, which we censured and

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punished lovingly. But we clearly saw and noticed in various letters and oral reports that little by little two parties were forming. In order to prevent this, we were inclined to make a change as time and opportunity permitted, something, however, that could not be accomplished as quickly as many had thought. Any of you who still have open minds can very easily discern the circumstances. It is the same here in Pennsylvania as it is in New Jersey and everywhere on earth. Many people feel no real thirst for the word of God and the holy sacraments. Many so-called Lutherans allow themselves to be governed by miserliness, arrogance, and lust. If need be, they want to have preachers, but those preachers had better not touch their rotten core. No, worldly people want vain honor or temporary gain or a cooling plaster for their festering wounds from the pastor and the church. If some unruly heads cannot reach their false goals, they get the poor ignorant church members on their side and under the pretense of being in the right cause a lot of destruction. Then fuss and fury erupts as in Acts 19:23-40: '"Great is Diana!' . . . Many shouted this, many that, etc., etc." W e have seen examples of this in Lancaster 19 and Germantown! 20 (1) The leaders of the Lancaster congregation were looking to us, begging and entreating, when they were involved in a nasty feud with the Zinzendorfers. 21 W e stood by them when they were right and served them to the best of our ability and at their request also placed our colleague Handschuh 22 there. 23 After that faithful servant had applied all diligence possible to the congregation for three years and when we thought the poor souls to be saved through penitence, faith and godliness, this irritated the prince of darkness. Some unruly heads were outraged and did not rest until we were forced to recall our faithful brother from there. 24 More than once we asked both friends and foes whether they could produce any evidence against the teaching and conduct of Mr. Handschuh. They publicly testified, though, that they did not have any objections to his teaching and conduct. Thereafter they spared no costs and now have brought it about that the congregation is divided into two parties, one of which is using its preacher in the courthouse and the other, in the church. So it goes with those unruly heads that have no relish for the truth of Christ. They invite preachers to come among them, but then their ears start to itch, 25 and they bring unhappiness to themselves and their own children. (2) Ten years ago the Germantown congregation was in sad and confused circumstances, wrecked and wicked. The elders begged until I took care of them and started occasionally ministering on weekdays. They gave me a power of attorney with their signatures to the effect that I would ask our patrons and fathers in Europe for a pastor for them. They were united with the Philadelphia congregation and served by Mr. Brunnholz, Mr. Schaum, and Mr. Rauss 26 to the best of their abilities. The congregation was gathered together, the church was enlarged with much effort and care, and our brother Handschuh was introduced as pastor on trial by Mr. Brunnholz with the elders' and deacons' consent. During the first year the congregation made progress, the youth were diligently instructed, the sick were provided with God's word and comfort, and Sunday services were held in good order. 27 At Mr. Brunnholz's request and on the recommendation of the court preacher in London, the congregation received a

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contribution of 300 florins from the right honorable consistory in Stuttgart, 28 with which they could pay off part of the debts of their church. In the previous year, the church was even dedicated with God's word and prayer by his very reverence, the Swedish provost, 29 in the presence of ten pastors and many elders from our congregations. 30 While one supposed the internal edification of the soul would now start properly and the hearts of the listeners would be prepared by the means of grace as temples and dwelling places of God, behold!, it irritated Satan again, and he began to rage using his tools.31 Now Herod, Pontius Pilate, or better say: Alexander, Demas, Demetrius 32 and his accomplices, petty shopkeepers, money changers, innkeepers, fiddlers, and the like along with an ignorant mob united with the elders and deacons who helped to bring most of the church down, to drive out the pastor thereafter, and to have themselves be served by those who can dress and flatter their old Adam. The elders and deacons intended to prevent disorder and asked Mr. Handschuh to draw up several articles for them, which they signed for the sake of good order and wanted to submit publicly to all order-loving parishioners for their signatures. As soon as the unruly heads of the opposing party noticed that this aimed at good discipline and order and at the promulgation of the true doctrine and godliness, they, too, drafted articles in which they insulted my united brothers and our patrons and fathers in Europe and wanted to make them Pietists, Pharisees, and the like. Their true intention was to separate me and my brothers from the congregation and turn the house that had been consecrated as a house of prayer into a murderer's den. 33 We grew tired as one Sunday after the other they staged a loutish uproar inside and in front of the church and vexed honest Pastor Handschuh like Lot in Sodom 34 and also, with much effort and many pints of wine in the taverns, urged plenty of people to sign their malicious articles. We did not want to bother the local authorities with such annoying quarrels but wanted to leave the matter up to the One who judges properly and will take all doings to court, be they good or evil.35 For that reason I told the unruly party that my brothers and I were released from them and that I would be willing to hand over the plenipotentiary document that they had given me ten years ago if they issued to me and Mr. Brunnholz a truthful testimonal of our tenure in Germantown. Thereupon they gave us the bestpossible testimonial and certified with their signatures that we had faithfully and sincerely served and discharged our office, wishing us a reward and blessing from God, and I returned the plenipotentiary document. From these circumstances, it is indeed as plain as a pikestaff and one can see with the naked eye that the unruly heads must have two tongues, namely one for lying and disparaging and the other for stating the truth against their will. For in their articles they scolded and reviled us and in the testimonial given to us they lauded and praised us and invoked God's reward and blessing for our faithful discharge of office. 36 After we were freed from our responsibility in this way, the elders and deacons suffered remorse and demanded that the unruly party take over the church debts and relieve the elders and deacons from them. Then they would surrender the congregation's chests, 37 the parsonage, and the key to the church, for they did not want to have community with those people who drove their rightful and faithful pastors out for no reason. However harshly the unruly heads had previously insulted and

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scolded our elders and deacons, they now used their flattering tongue again and, with snake poison on their lips, tried to win them over to their party as beloved brothers. Because that could not succeed and because the elders desired to be free [of responsibility for the church's indebtedness], they were eventually released from their ties. Thereupon the unruly heads once again bombarded the elders and with cursing and scolding demanded the surrender of the church properties. The day of surrender was designated, and because one is never sure when dealing with disorderly, impudent and double-dealing people, our elders asked a royal justice of the peace and an impartial clerk [of the court] to come to the parsonage. After each and every thing, piece by piece, was recorded by the clerk, they handed the church chest with all sales contracts and accounts together with the key for the church over to those heads that had demanded them with scolding and vilification. The opposing party was asked if they had any objections. Reply: No, everything was right and good. The justice of [the] peace and the clerk certified this deal with their signatures. In this way, the elders and deacons were publicly exonerated and recognized as faithful administrators of the church and released from office after having incurred many troubles and costs. The unruly spirit, however, was still not finished with these instruments. Rather, one of them 38 appeared and said Mr. Brunnholz had received another 300 florins from Stuttgart and given the sum to the Philadelphia church though it rightly belonged to the Germantown church. We showed a printed notification from Germany and a handwritten letter from his very reverence Consistory Counselor Fischer 39 from Stuttgart in which the 300 florins for the Germantown church were certified. The account of the 300 florins received was also in the chest, and I offered to pay £600 to those who could prove and substantiate the disparagement and embezzlement of those fabricated 300 florins. To this end we also wrote to Stuttgart, requesting an affidavit, and I told them that they too were at liberty to inquire there on their own should they be concerned about the truth. After the transfer was completed and the quarrel thus decided, Mr. Handschuh resigned his office because he saw clearly that with such a tumultuous group little or nothing could be achieved with the word of God. To be sure, the unruly heads were not in agreement inasmuch as one said he should stay on, the other, he should leave, and the third, they first wanted to collect something and show their gratitude for his work. He was very happy, though, that God had released him from these people. I wanted to take my honest brother with me to my rural congregations, but the elders and deacons asked that we not leave them but further administer God's word and the holy sacraments to them according to our Evangelical Lutheran confession in order that they and their children could be edified and prepared for godly eternity. After this was agreed upon, our elders immediately rented a spacious house and put Mr. Handschuh up there. The unruly party showed their appreciation by taking away the cows from the poor pastor which the favorably disposed elders and some parishioners had bought with their money and given to him as a present for his daily support. Now the elders and deacons, besides many calm parishioners, gather around their pastor again and on Sundays and holidays let the means of grace be administered to them in his home and on weekdays let their children be instructed. They live quietly and cheerfully, although they are being

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mocked and ridiculed by the opposing party. The unruly crowd is being served by people of their sort in the church, namely by Pastor Wagner,40 who, contrary to the will of the right honorable consistory and of his friends, abandoned the one sheep in Württemberg and New England to search for the ninety-nine in Pennsylvania,41 as well as by Pastor Andreae,42 who in Germany and here has soiled his heart and hands with gross vices and blood;43 and should neither one be present, some fiddler stands in for them in the office. This is the true course of events which can be proved and substantiated by impartial witnesses and written testimonials before God and Christendom. To be sure, the unruly spirit is still not content but continues to use his tools, for they have their libels and malicious pamphlets circulate far and wide and have them read out to the poor ignorant crowd by like-minded preachers, as you heard in Raritan44 on Good Friday.45 But we keep quiet, hold on to God and his word of grace and acquiesce in what God ordains and disposes. The poor unruly people do themselves, their children, and many hundred souls the greatest harm. For as long as we, although weak, are discharging the office entrusted to us with God's grace, are preaching true repentance, faith, and godliness, and as children of God are striving to live accordingly, neither the world nor the devil can harm us. He who hates and persecutes us for the sake of godliness may do so at his own risk and settle it with God. Their feeble and contradictory accusations may be strong enough to persuade people on barstools and stimulate other resentful characters, but they are too shallow for reasonable people. In the future, I will no longer spend so much time with all of those unruly groups that only cling to the outer shell and deny the power of godliness. Every year so-called preachers come here with the newlanders and seek food and clothing. They may burden themselves with preachers that are to their liking. He who does not want to live in the name of God must ultimately experience the devil's goal with much fury. We do not care about what the uncouth and refined world calls us, whether we are called Samaritans, Galileans, Hallensians, Pietists, or Schwenckfelders. We know in whom we believe, and all souls in Pennsylvania and New Jersey who listened to our teaching and experienced the power of it in their hearts are our praise and letters of recommendation. 46 Those who continue to make use of our ministrations and want to become obedient to the gospel shall be welcome and shall also be supported with advice and prayer by our most worthy patrons and fathers in Europe, may they be large or small groups. Our very reverend fathers and so many honest children of God in Europe do not seek dominion over you in America and cannot and do not want to take away any of your supposed freedoms from you. It remains true, however, that more than twenty years ago many Lutherans in Pennsylvania entreated them for honest pastors and contributions to churches and school buildings.47 Because they, out of pure love and compassion, gathered together their voluntary gifts of love, called and sent us hither free of charge with much trouble, and also assisted with the building of various churches, they do not expect anything for it, except that you and your future offspring may be saved by the means of grace and be blessed. The Lord Jesus sets up his table and candlestick48 in this American wilderness and extends his invitation. He who loves darkness more than light49 will not escape judgment, and we want to be innocent of their

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b l o o d . 5 0 H o w e v e r , the o n e w h o accepts it penitently and trustingly, will r e c e i v e p e a c e and eternal j o y . A m e n . If it p l e a s e s y o u , y o u m a y read out this letter to the c o n g r e g a t i o n and s h o w and circulate it w h e r e v e r y o u want, f o r I h a v e a c o p y o f it and will p r o v e e v e r y t h i n g if and w h e n it is necessary. I cordially greet y o u all, m y f e l l o w believers k n o w n and u n k n o w n , and, b e i n g o b l i g e d for prayer and service, remain your Providence, 1 May 1753

Muhlenberg

I h a v e included the testimonial 5 1 that the unruly heads in G e r m a n t o w n and Philadelphia g a v e us. If y o u n o w c o m p a r e it with the articles or libel that w e r e read to y o u o n G o o d Friday, y o u can r e c o g n i z e t h o s e d o u b l e - d e a l i n g p e o p l e f r o m it.

1. In Huntington County, New Jersey. 2. Now Trappe, a part of Upper Providence Township, in Montgomery County, Pennsylvania. In Mühlenberg's day, also called "New Providence." 3. Then in Philadelphia County, Pennsylvania; now a part of Philadelphia. On the libel, see below, 83-84; HN 2/2: 221. 4. 20 April 1753. 5. Now Lebanon Borough and Lebanon Township, in Huntington County, New Jersey. The text reads Racheway. 6. See Matt. 11:18-19. 7. Martin Luther, "Prologue to the St. Paul's Epistle to the Romans (1522)," WA Dt. Bibel 7: 2-27, esp. 10-11. [LW 35:365-380], 8. See Correspondence 1, Letters 8 and 9. 9. The traditional designation for The Book of Concord of 1580, which contains the Lutheran confessions. 10. In this protracted conflict between Pastor Johann August Wolf (t~1741) and the four congregations on the Raritan River, Miihlenberg, along with Pastors Tobias Wagner (1702-1769) and Michael Christian Knoll (1696-1774), was designated as arbitrator. Wolf, who had caused annoyance due to his negligent discharge of office and his broken family, refused for many years to leave the congregations and could only be moved to resign his office by being offered a high compensation. See Correspondence 1, Letters 42 and 45; Correspondence 2: 16-17. 11. [Johann] Peter Brunnholz (1717-1757). Born in Niebüll (then in the Danish-ruled duchy of Schleswig; now in Schleswig-Holstein, Germany), he studied Lutheran theology at Halle University and later taught at the Francke Foundations. After accepting a call to Pennsylvania, he was ordained by the Wernigerode consistory on 12 April 1744 and arrived in Philadelphia on 26 January 1745 together with Catechists Johann Nikolaus Kurz and Johann Helfrich Schaum. He served as pastor in Philadelphia and Germantown from 1745 to 1751, before giving up the latter charge. In 1748, he became a founding member of the Lutheran Ministerium of Pennsylvania ("United Congregations"). About 1754 he developed an alcohol problem, which became known to Mühlenberg and Director Gotthilf August Francke (1696-1769) the following year. His alcoholism increasingly impaired his ministry and caused his Pennsylvania colleagues and European superiors much anxiety and embarrassment. During the first decade of his pastoral service, he was Mühlenberg's closest colleague, who reliably and skillfully supported his efforts to establish a Lutheran Church in America and to promote the education of young Germans. See Pastors and People 1:23. On Brunnholz's alcoholism, see Letters 157,159 and 161. On Kurz, see below, n l 2 . On Schaum, see below, nl3. On Francke, see above, 29n33.

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12. Johann Nikolaus Kurz (1720-1794). Born in Lützellinden (then in the principality of NassauWeilburg; now in Hesse, Germany), he studied Lutheran theology at Halle University and in 1744 accepted a call to Pennsylvania. On 26 January 1745, he arrived in Philadelphia together with Pastor [Johann] Peter Brunnholz and Catechist Johann Helfrich Schaum. He first assisted Mühlenberg in New Hanover, Montgomery County, before being sent to Tulpehocken, Berks County, where he served until 1770. In 1747-48, he also preached in Lancaster and Earltown (Earl; now New Holland Borough), in Lancaster County. Ordained at the first synodical convention of the Lutheran Ministerium of Pennsylvania ("United Congregations") on 13 August 1748, he became a founding member of this ecclesial body. While stationed at Tulpehocken, he occasionally ministered in Germantown in 176364. In 1770, he assumed duties in York, where he remained until his retirement in 1789. Succeeding Mühlenberg in the presidency in 1773, he steered the Ministerium during the eventful transition from British rule to American independence until 1781. After 1789, he was called out of retirement from time to time to assist in vacant or troubled congregations. In his ministry of nearly half a century, he, next to Mühlenberg, emerged as most eminent representative of the first generation of Halle clergy in Pennsylvania. See Pastors and People 1: 76-77. On Brunnholz, see above, n i l . On Schaum, see below, nl3. 13. Johann Helfrich Schaum (1722-1778). Boin in Giessen [Gießen] (then in the landgravate of Hesse-Darmstadt; now in Hesse, Germany), he studied Lutheran theology at Halle University and in 1744 accepted a call to Pennsylvania. After arriving in Philadelphia on 26 January 1745 together with Pastor [Johann] Peter Brunnholz and Catechist Johann Nikolaus Kurz, he first served as a catechist in Philadelphia and in 1747 was sent to Raritan, in Hunterdon County, New Jersey. In 1748, he was dispatched to York, Pennsyvania and on 4 June 1749 ordained in Lancaster. In 1749, the Lutheran Ministerium of Pennsylvania ("United Congregations") admitted him as a member. From 1749 to 1778, he was pastor in numerous Pennsylvania congregations, most of them poor, so that he had to supplement his meager income by teaching at parochial schools. Early in his pastorate at York, Schaum injured his leg when riding on horseback. Being partially paralyzed and subsequently forced to use crutches, he had much difficulty discharging his ministerial duties. See Pastors and People 1: 115-116. On Brunnholz, see above, nl 1. On Kurz, see above, nl2. 14. See Correspondence 1, Letters 45, 63 and 64. 15. Karl Rudolf, self-proclaimed "prince of Württemberg" (?-?), was actually an adventurer who made a living as a self-styled preacher in Georgia, Virginia, the Carolinas, Maryland, and Pennsylvania. In 1747, he appeared in the congregations on the Raritan River. He finally enlisted as a soldier and went to New England. See HN 2/1: 495-497; Pastors and People 1: 113. He named himself after the late Carl Rudolph (1667-1742), duke of Württemberg-Neuenstadt. Added by Mühlenberg as a derisive term, "Pumpernickel" is the name of a coarse, dark, sour rye bread typical of Westphalia and other parts of Germany. 16. Mühlenberg alludes to the story of Jesus healing the Gerasene Demonic. See Mark 5. 17. Johann Albert Weygand (1722-1770). See above, 28n31. 18. In December of 1750, Weygand had married a daughter of Johann Bernhard van Dieren (t 1751), who had originally been an apprentice tailor from Königsberg (then in the kingdom of Prussia; now Kaliningrad, Russia) and apparently later served with considerable success among Lutheran settlers in New York City for about four years. This marriage caused unrest in the congregation because Weygand had previously proposed to the daughter of a Raritan elder before falling out with him. See Korrespondenz 1: 400nl3. On Van Dieren, see Correspondence 2: 68n26. 19. In Holy Trinity Lutheran Church. Lancaster is now a city in Lancaster County, Pennsylvania. 20. In St. Michael's Lutheran Church. Germantown (then in Philadelphia County, Pennsylvania) is now a part of Philadelphia. 21. I.e., Moravians. Mühlenberg, like other opponents of Count Nikolaus Ludwig von Zinzendorf (1700-1760) and his followers, used to call this Protestant group derogatorily "Zinzendorfers" or "Herrnhuters" (after Herrnhut, a village near the Saxon town of Berthelsdorf, in Upper Lusatia in

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Southeast Germany, were Zinzendorf had established a colony of Protestant refugees from Bohemia on a part of a family estate). On Zinzendorf, see below, 89n43. 22. Johann Friedrich Handschuh (1714-1764). Born in the Saxon town of Halle (then in the kingdom of Prussia; now in Saxony-Anhalt, Germany), he studied Lutheran theology at Halle University and later taught at the Francke Foundations. In 1744, he was ordained by the consistory of Coburg (then in the duchy of Saxe-Coburg; now in Bavaria, Germany), and appointed as pastor of a parish in the town. In 1747, he answered a call to Pennsylvania and on April 5 , 1 7 4 8 arrived in Philadelphia. He began his ministry in Lancaster and also served the Lutherans in Beaver Creek, Chester County, and Earl (now New Holland Borough), Lancaster County, Pennsylvania. In 1748, he became a founding member of the Lutheran Ministerium of Pennsylvania ("United Congregations"). In 1751, he was called to Germantown (now a part of Philadelphia). The split of the St. Michael's congregation in 1753 and continuing troubles in Germantown prompted him to move to Philadelphia in 1755, where he assumed the editorship of a short-lived German-language paper and also taught French at the Philadelphia Academy (Philadelphia College; now University of Pennsylvania). After the death of [Johann] Peter Brunnholz in July of 1757 he gave up these two posts to become pastor of the prestigious St. Michael's congregation in Philadelphia. In the following years tensions developed with Mühlenberg over the spiritual leadership of this largest German Lutheran congregation in North America. They culminated in a bitter conflict when Mühlenberg returned to Philadelphia to resume work as a pastor there. The controversy was settled by a new church constitution in October of 1762, which became a model of statutes for many other Lutheran congregations. See Pastors and People 1: 50-51. On Handschuh as an editor and a college teacher, see Letter 165. On his conflict with Mühlenberg, see Correspondence 4, esp. Letters 195, 209, 211, 221, 239. On Brunnholz, see above, nil. 23. In May of 1748. See Correspondence 2, Letter 72. On the quarrel with Nyberg, see Correspondence 1, Letters 45-52. 24. In March of 1751, the Lutheran Ministerium had decided that Handschuh leave the divided congregation in Lancaster and move to Germantown. See Correspondence 2: 121-124 with n25,169170; Journals 1: 270-273. See also Handschuh's journal for 1751, HN 1: 530-531, HN 2/2: 67-68. 25. See 2 Tim. 4:3. 26. Lukas Rauss [Rauß, Rouse] (1723-1788). Born in Kronstadt (now Bra§ov, Rumania), in the kingdom of Hungary, as a son of a pastor of German descent. In 1747, he matriculated at Jena University. Arriving in Philadelphia on 22 November 1749, he was prepared for the ministry by Brunnholz and Mühlenberg and in 1750 became a member of the Lutheran Ministerium of Pennsylvania ("United Congregations"). From 1750 to 1752, he served as a catechist in Rhinebeck, Dutchess County, New York, in New York City and in Old Goshenhoppen (now Upper Salford Township), Montgomery County, Pennsylvania. Shortly after his ordination by the Ministerium in 1752, mutual distrust developed between him and the pastors from Halle. From the early 1760s on, he carried on as an independent minister for a Pennsylvania parish that consisted of numerous country congregations. SeeHN 1:434-435,438-439; HN2/2:662-663; HN 2/2:9-10,12,92; Pastors and People 1: 107-108. 27. See Correspondence 1: 169-170, 220, and Letters 16 and 45. 28. In his letter to Consistory Counselor and Chief Court Preacher Eberhard Ludwig Fischer of 16 November 1748 Brunnholz confirmed to have received 300 florins for the new church building. See Korrespondenz 2: 24nnl3+19. On Fischer, see below, n39. 29. Israel Acrelius (1714-1800). Sent to America by the Lutheran consistory in Uppsala, Sweden, in 1749, he succeeded the late Pastor Johann Sandin (f 1748) as provost of the Swedish Lutheran congregations in North America. He was stationed at Wilmington, Delaware. In 1756, he was called back to Sweden to take over the pastorate in Fellingbro in the diocese of Westeraas. See also Correspondence 2: 75nl. 30. The church in Germantown was dedicated during the fifth synodical convention of the Pennsylvania Ministerium on 1 October 1752. See below, 61; Handschuh's journal for 1-2 October 1752, HN 1: 568-

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573; HN 2/2: 90-93; Documentary History, 36-40. In his letter to Consistory Counselor and Chief Court Preacher Ludwig Fischer of 16 November 1748, Brunnholz confirms to have received 300 florins for the new church building. See Korrespondenz 2: 24nnl3+19. On Fischer, see below, n39. 31. In Germantown many German emigrants had separated from St. Michael's Lutheran congregation and, after appointing Johann Conrad Andreae as their new pastor, claimed the newly built church for themselves. See HN 1, "Vorbericht," § V, no pag.; HN2I2: 2; Handschuh's journal for 1752, HN 2/1: 565, 2/2: 88, 134 with nl20. Mühlenberg later reports on the development in Germantown in Letters 134,136,138,145,148 and 152. See also Timothy J. Wengert, "The Tale of a 1580 Book of Concord, Annotated from the Principality of Ansbach to the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania," Lutheran Quarterly 17 (203): 386-419, and Karl Krueger, "Henry Melchior Muhlenberg and Jacob Beyerle as Colonial Interpreters of The Book of Concord," ibid., 420-435. 32. Mühlenberg refers to Acts 19:24,33-40 and 2 Tim 10. 33. See Matt. 21:13. 34. See Gen. 19:1-29. 35. See Eccl. 12:14. 36. A copy of this testimonial of 12 February 1753 is added to Letter 134 as "Litt: B." See below, 70. 37. Containing money and documents. 38. Matthias Gänsel [Gänsle, Gensei] (-1725-1759). Born in Lauffen on the Neckar (then in the duchy of Württemberg; now in Baden-Württemberg, Germany), he arrived in Philadelphia in 1735. He was a tavern keeper by trade. His charges of embezzlement against Pastor Brunnholz, which Mühlenberg mentions further down, proved completely unfounded, so that he later had to offer his apologies for slander. Owing to Brunnholz's leniency he escaped harsh punishment. See Correspondence 2: 5n8; HN 2/1: 704-705; HN 2/2: 88,134. See also Palatines, Liberty and Property, 120-127, 254, 372-373n68. 39. Ludwig Eberhard Fischer (1695-1773). After studying Lutheran theology at Tübingen University, he became pastor in Zavelstein (then in the duchy of Württemberg; now in Baden-Württemberg, Germany), in 1727 and a gymnasium professor in Stuttgart in 1732. In 1744, he was named consistory counselor and chief court preacher. In 1748, he made 300 florins from the Württemberg church treasury available for the building of a new church in Germantown. Fischer's letter of 13 March 1747 to which Mühlenberg refers here is not extant. See HN 1: 80; HN 2/1: 152. On 16 April 1753, Brunnholz asked the Stuttgart consistory for another certificate documenting the actual amount of money sent over in 1748. See below, 171. 40. Tobias Wagner (1702-1769). See above, 28n25. 41. See Luke 15:1-7 and above, 36. 42. Johann Conrad Andreae [Andreä] (1703-1754). See above, 26nl9. 43. Andreae was said to have repeatedly been jailed. His principal vice seems to have been alcoholism (a problem that he shared in common with Brunnholz). See also Mühlenberg's entry in his journal for October of 1750, Journals 1: 259. 44. Now a township in Flemington Borough, Hunterdon County, New Jersey. 45. See above, 40. 46. Mühlenberg refers to 2 Cor. 3:2. 47. See Correspondence 1: 135n8, 170n6. 48. I.e., the basic furnishings in the Holy Place of ancient Israel's tabernacle. See Ex. 30:27. 49. See John 3:19. 50. See Ez. 33:9. 51. See above, n36.

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Letter 132

[Gotthilf August Francke] 1 to Muhlenberg [Halle], 2 18 May 1753 Francke writes to encourage Muhlenberg in his work, to tell him of his recent marriage, and to discuss finances and payments to Muhlenberg. Two letters were sent with this message, including one from Mr. Krause (= Letter 129). Text in German: Korrespondenz 2: 25-27. For further textual information, see Korrespondenz 2: 26. To Pastor Muhlenberg at Providence3 18 May 17534 Reverend, Dearly beloved Brother in the Lord: I have been waiting anxiously for letters from Your Reverence and your worthy colleagues. May the Lord grant that we soon receive pleasant news of your well-being and of the blessed progress of your work. I hope in particular to see from your future letters that the Lord has strengthened your faith and endowed you with sufficient joy to continue to hold on under the poor circumstances of the Pennsylvania congregations according to God's will, as is Court Preacher Ziegenhagen's 5 and my own wish, hoping that the Lord may show his merciful providence so that the difficulties that have emerged can be entirely removed. Moreover, I have been unable to write some letters to Pennsylvania as planned. Among other things but above all, my exhausting, though not dangerous, illness, from which I have been suffering nearly the entire winter, is to blame. I will make up for that shortly. This is why for now I only wanted to send the enclosed letters from Mr. Ernst,6 of Einbeck,7 and Mr. Krause,8 of Glogau.9 The former reports in his letter that he has now withdrawn the capital kept by your relatives, together with the current interest earned, and has forwarded it to me, together with 145 reichstalers. After deducting 13 groschens, 6 dinars for postage, I recorded the same as a credit entry. Hence you may receive 144 reichstalers, 10 groschens 10 ,6 dinars from Pastor Brunnholz's 11 treasury for the medicine and the books I sent for sale last time. 12 1 hope the big boxes arrived in good shape. The above-mentioned Mr. Krause likewise enclosed 10 reichstalers in his letter, which forced me to open the same so that I could take them out. These 10 reichstalers were recorded as a credit entry and used according to Mr. Krause's instruction.13 I also need to express my cordial thanks for your gracious attention and wellmeaning blessings on the occasion of my marriage;141 had wished to convey my thanks, in addition to other matters, in a separate letter that I had started earlier. May the Lord give himself to your cordial prayer of intercession for me and my dear wife, who greets

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you cordially and expresses her particular love and esteem for you. May he bless you and your entire dear family too and keep you well to the best of his work for many years to come, and also help you mercifully through all difficulties and make all hardships of your office bearable through his powerful support. I will try to catch up on the other things I wished to write about as soon as possible. In the meantime, I entrust you to the Lord's merciful presence and always remain in all sincerity and love Yours

1. On Gotthilf August Francke (1696-1769), see above, 29n33. 2. A Saxon town, then in the kingdom of Prussia; now in Saxony-Anhalt, Germany. Although the small town of Glaucha, the site of the Francke Foundations since 1695, would not be incorporated into Halle prior to 1817, Francke, Mühlenberg and others often used "Halle" synonymously with "Glaucha" when writing letters to or speaking about the Foundations and their missionaries, the Hallenser ("Hallensians"). 3. Now Trappe, a part of Upper Providence Township, in Montgomery County, Pennsylvania. In Mühlenberg's day, also called "New Providence " The text reads Providentz. 4. Added in another hand. 5. Friedrich Michael Ziegenhagen (1694-1776). See above, 37nl4. 6. Not extant. This was probably a letter dealing with the dispute between Mühlenberg and his siblings over the inheritance of his late mother Anna Maria Mühlenberg, neé Kleinschmidt (16751747). Ernst (?-?) was Miihlenberg's agent and in the mid-1730s had probably been one of his fellow students at Gôttingen University. See also Miihlenberg's letter to Forester Ernst, dated 25 October 1755 (= Letter 162), and Correspondence 2: 236-237 and Letter 116; Selbstbiographie, 194-195. 7. Miihlenberg's home town, then in the electorate of Hanover; now in Lower Saxony, Germany. 8. = Letter 129. Johann Georg Krause (?-?). See above, 33nl. 9. A town in Lower Silesia; then in the kingdom of Prussia, now Glogów, Poland. 10. A legal silver coin circulating in some parts of Germany from the fourteenth to nineteenth centuries. 11. [Johann] Peter Brunnholz (1717-1757). See above 46nl 1. 12. The medicine and the books from Halle were delivered on 31 July 1752. See Correspondenceroh 2, Letter 121. Besides these items from Halle, in 1753 Muhlenberg also received a package with books and coins together with a letter from Johann Gottlieb Bruchholtz (1699-1758), a pietist Lutheran and a lawyer and notary in Leipzig (then a town in the electorate of Saxony; now a city in Saxony, Germany), which is not extant. See Korrespondenz 2: 26n4. On currencies in eighteenth-century Europe and America, see John J. McCusker, Money and Exchange in Europe and America, 1600-1775: A Handbook (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1978). 13. See above, 32. 14. On 29 July 1750, Francke had married Eva Wilhelmine von Gersdorf (1710-1793), a relative of Moravian leader Count Nikolaus Ludwig von Zinzendorf (1700-1760), whose mother was Charlotte Justine, née von Gersdorf (1675-1763). Francke's first wife, Johanna Henriette, née Rachals (16971743), had died on 2 July 1743. Francke had married her on 25 July 1722. See Correspondence 2: 77, 8 lnn2,4. Miihlenberg extended his congratulations on 22 February 1752. See Correspondence 2, Letter 114.

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LETTER 133: SUMMER OF 1753 Letter 133 Muhlenberg to Michael Schlatter1 [Providence,2 Summer of 1753]

Muhlenberg writes to Pastor Schlatter of the difficulties they share as Protestant ministers in the North American colonies. Extensive allusions to the apostle Paul's missionary activity demonstrate Muhlenberg's sense of common work and shared hopes with his Swiss Reformed colleague. That he wrote this in Dutch—then the lingua franca of the Reformed clergy in Pennsylvania, who were under the supervision of the Amsterdam consistory—shows his desire for unity with and even confidence in Schlatter. Just as Muhlenberg struggled with the Germantown congregation, so had Schlatter also been involved in a losing legal battle with a Reformed congregation in Philadelphia. This suggests that the letter may have served as Muhlenberg's attempt to keep the Reformed pastor abreast of the controversial situation in Germantown and to tell Schlatter his side of the story. Amid these circumstances, this letter gives insight into the relationship between two colonial church leaders who dealt firsthand with the new opportunities and challenges posed by the place of religion in Pennsylvania. Text in Dutch: Korrespondenz 2: 27-34. For further textual information, see Korrespondenz 2: 33? Very Reverend and Very Learned Domine Schlatter,4 much beloved brother in Christ: Faithful is the most high and unconstrained Jehovah, in whom is no evil; righteous and good is he! He takes no pleasure in the death of the godless, but that the godless might turn from their ways and live.5 Indeed, he wills that all humanity might be helped and come to the knowledge of the truth,6 and to that end has given his only-begotten Son and established him to be the atoning sacrifice for our sins, and not for ours only, but also for the whole world.7 In order to reveal this incontrovertibly great and blessed mystery to all humanity descended from Adam, God has spoken earlier in many and various ways to the fathers through the prophets, and now, in these last days of the New Testament, to us through the Son,8 giving the office of preaching that the atonement might be proclaimed9 to the ends of the earth. To this holy office, through the mediation of our most reverend fathers in England, Holland and Germany, the Lord of the harvest has also called us as weak servants and sent us that we, through the means of grace, might seek and heal the hundredth lost sheep10 and the prodigal son11 in the American wilderness. But just how difficult the dispatch and receipt of messages is in these western lands and how many unexpected hindrances there are against us, my brothers and I have discovered in the office, also observing that the same suffering also happens to your very reverend self and to your faithful brothers. Since both of us have been sent out of Europe into this wilderness, in order to increase the kingdom of our Lord and Savior and to establish by his grace our own small part, and since I, by means of the conversation with your reverence,12 am convinced that you are no reed nor man in soft clothing13 but a faithful servant and householder of God, so I take the freedom to write to your reverence and

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in candor to comment in general or particular about the government of the Pennsylvanian church, since it is some time since I have seen and spoken with your reverence. (1) Thus far, in travel and in conversation, I observe that one or two hold themselves as true Israelites in whom there is no guile,14 obliged to worship and to thank the all-merciful God with the deepest veneration, because in our age he has adorned his Protestant church in England, Holland and Germany with so many chosen instruments, pillars and distinguished and blessed teachers. The living waters stream from this body through the means of right belief not only to their flocks in Europe, but also to so many scattered and wandering sheep, to the ends of the earth.15 Therefore, should we not consider ourselves especially bound daily to spend, give over and dedicate to the triune God all the strength granted to our soul and body, so that the holy desire of our most reverend fathers might be satisfied and many souls be converted from darkness to light and from the power of Satan to God?16 (2) Our most reverend fathers are not children or youngsters in the real knowledge and practice of Christian teaching, but men of great experience and boldness in the rule and ways of God. They know well that we are not yet in the church triumphant, but under the banner and dwelling in the kingdom of the cross of our Lord Jesus Christ, and surrounded with countless enemies and temptations from within and without, and that we never can accomplish and complete such a great work and bring the message but must pray to the Lord of the vineyard that it will please him to give prosperity and water to our plants! (3) I think that in the countryside of Pennsylvania, Jersey, Maryland, Virginia, and South and North Carolina, there must be a much larger number than thirty thousand people of Evangelical and also of Reformed origin, all of whom have the greatest need to be gathered through the means of grace under the peaceful wings of the most highly gracious Savior of the world. Oh, let us pray to the Lord of the harvest, that he may send such workers into his harvest17 as have hard hands and strong hearts, because the wheat field is surrounded with countless thorns and thistles and is disordered and trampled by wild beasts.18 (4) No enemy—even less an impartial Christian—can and shall truthfully demonstrate that our most reverend fathers in England, Holland and Germany have forced themselves on the wandering sheep in the North American wilderness without a call to the shepherd. For I am assured that for more than twenty years now, various right-minded Lutherans and Reformed Christians have sent lamenting and most moving letters and petitions19 to our most reverend fathers in Europe and, like the man of Macedonia, 20 have prayed and called out with tears: "Come over into the North American wilderness and help us and our children!" (5) The undersigned bears witness clearly that our most reverend fathers have not sought or taken the least profit or financial interest from America, but have had and carried the greatest effort and care for the lost sheep, and out of divine love and mercy alone and at their own great and burdensome expense have sent out a number of rightminded pastors and teachers.

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What is it that our most reverend fathers and so many benefactors in Europe expect from their outstanding care, effort, beneficence, and fatherly and motherly lovingkindness? Certainly nothing other than the salvation and eternal welfare of so many thousands of souls, for whom our Lord Jesus has poured out his blood! But there are thousands of visible and invisible enemies that resist and seek to suppress this most praiseworthy divine goal of our most reverend fathers and benefactors. For your reverence knows that we have to fight not only with flesh and blood; not only with the root of unbelief in our own breast, not only with inborn blindness, ignorance, deep-rooted and cultivated prejudice and foolishness from so many thousand gullible and also malicious people, not only with countless inimical parties, feelings and religious persuasions; not only with a number of wrongly taught vagrants who walk where they are not sent, who divide and scatter the flock; not only with one or two of the false brothers who do not lead toward the goal of the saving of souls but for transitory glory, prestige and profit, and thereby desecrate21 our holy office, while the enemy gladly draws the conclusion from the particular to the universal.22 But we fight also and preeminently with the Devil, with principalities and powers, with the world rulers who reign in darkness, with the evil spirits in heavenly places23 who with their |ie0co6eiaig, or strategies, and evil tricks hinder and seek to destroy the work of God. Since now the entire visible and invisible host of the darkness awakens one storm after another against us and seeks to swallow the good principle, so we are obligated to entrench and make firm our hearts with the armor of God, so that in the might of his strength we may resist the evil day,24 accomplish all things well and be able to hold the field of battle; for it can easily occur that the root of unbelief swears an oath together with the external enemies, whenever we do not remain watchful and sober, and such a combination of curses is the most dangerous enemy, one that can seduce our souls! 1 Peter 5:10-11.25 In order now to come somewhat closer to the purpose of my letter, I shall explain to your reverence in particular and briefly how it stands with the latest quarrel in Germantown.26 Your Reverence knows that in the past ten years or so, through God's grace, we had gathered and almost united twenty-three large and small congregations, mostly in Pennsylvania and partly also in New Jersey and New York. These congregations were served by seven preachers and three deacons sent from Europe by our most reverend fathers and served by the power of the means of grace. Our preachers and one or two elders from each congregation came together once a year to discuss and consider the best for the church.27 But if we thought to promote the power of a godly existence, the enemy of the kingdom of God had discovered a new method and evil trick to overwhelm the good principle. Many people are now traveling every year from Pennsylvania to Holland and Germany in order to convince High German folk and to bring them to the North American countries. Such travelers, in general named "newlanders," came to an agreement with one or another of the prestigious merchants in Holland to load their ships with souls. The newlanders, knowing well that their fellow country-people would rather sail with a ship on which a domine also went,

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recruited several so-called Lutheran or Reformed students or dismissed preachers and promised them mountains of gold in America. It seems clear that the newlanders do not entirely have a clear vision, a Christian purpose. They lack understanding and will to build and to found the kingdom of God in America and to choose such preachers as are competent for this. In place of a letter of call and confession of faith, a black coat or jacket or even the offer of black button holes is sufficient. These poor people are then cast up here on this land without call, competence or abilities, without the fear of God, faith, love, and sacred virtue, often without proper clothing and life support, with the usual sins, with false goals and a hungry stomach. They cannot dig and they are ashamed to beg.28 They find a moderate and apt climate here, where the law gives freedom of conscience to anyone who confesses one divinity, and the government does not concern itself with churchly and religious matters, and the vineyard of the Lord is not yet enclosed with the protection of stone walls.29 So they go from place to place tearing down and ruining the vineyard like wild animals, preaching a carnal gospel, making the narrow gate wide and the narrow way broad,30 seducing the poor gullible folk with their lies, and mobilizing them against us and our most reverend fathers, saying that we are not orthodox and teach too much about conversion, a living faith and godliness, that we are throwing a noose around the neck of the American inhabitants and will rob them of their freedom. These fellows then get a crowd of the ignorant as a group of partners and companions, for there are always too many people in all parts of the world who love the darkness more than the light.31 Two years ago, with the consent of the church council, we installed our right-thinking and godly brother-in-office Domine Handschuh 32 in the congregation at Germantown. He was then serving the Lord with humility, not ceasing day and night to admonish with tears33 and to proclaim the counsel of God openly and in particular. The all-gracious Jehovah granted his blessing, so that various souls were begotten34 to life from God and enlightened through his service. But it did not take long until Demetrius35 and his fellow workers, buyers, sellers, money-changers, dove-keepers, pub-keepers and pub-goers, fifers and fiddlers were very angry. They yoked themselves together with various vagrant preachers, and with this crowd of newly arrived Nethinim36 issuing curses and a terrible hubbub, violently forced themselves into possession of the church and the parsonage. They did not let up until they had driven away the faithful servant of Christ and a number of God-fearing members and had placed the vagrant Andreae,37 who is a blot of shame on our religion and who has been in prison twice in Philadelphia on account of his great misdeeds,38 in possession of the church and house. What should we do? We have no call from our most reverend fathers to force ourselves upon malicious people, and we find no command from our Savior and his apostles to make wanton noise at the gathering houses, and we do not have enough money and ability to take the sorry state of affairs before the courts. And besides, we have seen from your sad dispute in Philadelphia39 that the government is not able to accomplish much against the crowd of raging people. After this, our brother Domine Handschuh and his patient sheep rented a spacious house in which they have held their services in quiet and peace and, as long as it pleases God, they can build up and

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establish their souls through his word and sacraments on the foundation of the apostles and prophets and the Symbolical Books.40 These are some of the distressing consequences and fruits which the Herrnhuters, or Zinzendorfers, 41 have caused with their wanton emotions. For these false apostles, coming here thirteen, twelve and eleven years ago, under the name of Lutheran and Reformed teachers, took possession of several churches by artifice and trickery and deceived the poor gullible folk with smug expressions about the Lamb, about wounds and blood and a visibly tender savior, etc. And whenever the inhabitants noticed that in traveling42 the land and water the dispatched spies only wanted to recruit proselytes and fill their savior's treasury, they became angry and began either to struggle rowdily for the meeting houses or to plead before the court. Since now faithful and right-thinking teachers have been sent into these lands with letters of call and faith from Europe, who proclaim the counsel of God for salvation on the foundation of the apostles and prophets,43 and who want to lead the poor wandering souls through the narrow door and on the narrow way44 to eternal blessedness, so then the ancient enemy of the kingdom of God exercises his old strategy of war and musters his instruments, who hate the light and the truth, and especially the malicious vagrant preachers, and cause a tumult and confusion. The vagrants fool those shallow in belief, talking this way: "We are the orthodox Reformed and Lutheran teachers, but those sent from Europe are disguised Herrnhuters, Pietists, Remonstrants, Schwenckfelders, etc.,"45 and that is sufficient to cause a stir and an uproar among those who do not understand: "Great is Diana!" Acts 19[:28]. Some shout one thing and some another, and the congregations are confused and the majority do not know why. Even the officials or the government often do not know themselves where the fire is coming from. Other parties and persuasions take the opportunity to mock, saying, "Since the Lutheran and Reformed preachers came into the country, it has gotten worse every day." Such poor people cannot and do not want to distinguish the light and the darkness and throw out the baby with the bath water. It is also said here: "Is it you, you troubler of Israel?" 1 Kings 18:17. Acts 24:5-6; 26:6. The wolf is hungry and we must be the innocent sheep that muddy the water.46 But be comforted! If God is for us, who can be against us?47 Why should we do any better? Reading through all of Scripture and of church history with enlightened eyes, we can see that it does not go otherwise than per aspera ad astral America is a great field and the barns must be built. The hand has been put to the plow.49 The kingdom is like a mustard seed. Matt. 13[:31-32], The little mustard seed is already sown: our most reverend fathers are more enlightened about the hiddenness in the cross-kingdom of Christ than we do, and I hope that they will not lose faith and weary. Besides, the Lord is not without witnesses and now and then grants a blessing, and one immortal soul is of greater worth than all the transitory treasures in the world. We would probably have a greater showing in the world, if it were not the case that we only seem to make proselytes of a great number of sanctimonious and stupid bigots. But even though I may be shortsighted50 and weak in understanding, I anticipate with fear that even a great number of unfit pastors and teachers shall not accomplish the work. In looking at the huge field, there is presently only a small number of lawfully

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sent teachers and a great crowd of rag-and-bone dealers. I have wished with all my heart for a full number from both of our sides and for the most part I wanted them all to be young people, right-minded, impartial, unshakeable, mild-tempered, faithful and tested in the real practice of Christian teaching, so that 1) we might by God's grace lay a deep and proper foundation for what is coming; 2) that we might from day to day in following Jesus Christ teach more about humility and gentleness and thus remain of one heart and soul; 3) that we should remain strictly dependent upon our most reverend fathers and the church in Europe—and in no way upon the changeable, free folk in America—and from there expect direction, admonition, counsel, comfort and the necessities for the body, until better times arrive (Hie Rhodus hie SaltusJ.51 A great part of our church people are poor. The poor do readily want, at least in part, to have preachers, but for the lowest price, and they make bids for a schilling and a pound. The rich do indeed want, at least in part, to give, but [they] also [want] the preacher [to] practice according to their own settled passions and remain independent from the power and piety of Europe and from good order, and if it does not go their way, they feel it is better to make an agreement with the vagrants; 4) that we could establish more competent training schools for children and raise youth with the pure and impartial teaching of Jesus Christ and his apostles and the prophets, and pay more attention to the power of a godly existence than to public pretense and the battle arena; and 5) that whenever we would spend something of the money and loving gifts of our most reverend fathers for churches, parsonages and schoolhouses, they would retain in their hands some kind of deed or bill-of-sale, and that we might entrust the procurership to one or two faithful and proven missionaries or right-minded elders. For the circumstances here are very unstable and a great part of the people unsettled and volatile and the climate changeable because of the many parties and false persuasions, and the government can assist no further than the law permits and must with Gallio the proconsul of Achaia say, "If it were a matter of crime or serious villainy I would justly hear you, but seeing it is a question of the teaching and of the words and of the law among you, see to it yourselves. I do not wish to be a judge of these matters" Acts 18:14-15. There is certainly a harvest and a great blessing to hope for in America, otherwise the Devil and his instruments would not so rage. But the field must continuous to be weeded, purified, plowed and have the seed sown with tears with great effort and patience. Who is sufficient for these things? 2 Cor. 2:16. May the God of peace, who has raised from the dead the great shepherd of the sheep, through the blood of the eternal testament, our Lord Jesus, make us fit in our office and position to teach, to act and to suffer. 52 His will and work be in our congregations as is pleasing to him through Jesus Christ, to whom be the glory from eternity to eternity. Amen! Your reverence be pleased to forgive that I have written in broken Dutch, for my letters are all too often broken open by inimical people and read without permission. Together with tender greetings to your beloved family, I remain Your Reverence's humble servant H[einrich] M[elchior] M[iihlenberg]

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1. On Michael Schlatter (1716-1790), see above, 29n34. 2. Now Trappe, a part of Upper Providence Township, in Montgomery County, Pennsylvania. In Mühlenberg's day, also called "New Providence." 3. This letter was translated from the Dutch by Gordon Lathrop. 4. The text reads Slatter. 5. See Ez. 33:11. 6. See 1 Tim. 2:4. 7. See John 3:16 and 1 John 2:2. 8. See Heb. 1:1-3. 9. See 2 Cor. 5:18 10. See Luke 15:1-8. 11. See Luke 15:11-32. 12. Mühlenberg had met Schlatter the last time in New York City on 28 July 1752. For Mühlenberg's note on this meeting in his journal for that day, see Journals 1: 342. 13. Muhlenberg probably refers to Matt. 11:7-8. The text (incorrectly) reads Klagen instead of Kleden or Kleding. 14. See John 1:47. 15. See John 4:14; 7:38. 16. See Acts 26:18. 17. See Matt. 9:38. 18. See Matt. 13:1-23; Mark 4:1-20; Luke 8:4-15. 19. See Correspondence 1: 135n8, 170n6. 20. In a vision of the apostle Paul while he was in Asia Minor. See Acts 16:9. 21. The text (incorrectly) reads sehenden instead of sehenden. 22. The text reads (Latin) a particulari ad universale. 23. See Eph. 6:12. 24. See Eph. 6:10-11. 25. See 1 Peter 5:8-9. 26. On the quarrel in Germantown, see above, 42-45. See also HN 2/1:700-706 and HN 2/2:88,134. 27. The annual synodical conventions began in 1748. See also Correspondence 2: 9, 1 ln8. 28. See Luke 16:3. 29. See Prov. 24:30-31; Isa. 5:1-7; Matt. 20:1-16. 30. See Matt. 7:13. 31. See John 3:19. 32. Johann Friedrich Handschuh (1714-1764). See above, 48n22. 33. See Acts 20:31. 34. The text (incorrectly) reads verweht instead of verwekt. 35. See Acts 19:24-41. 36. Hebrew: temple servants. Nethinim was the name given to the assistants officiating in the first Jewish temple in ancient Jerusalem. See Ezra 2:43,58; 7:24; 8:17-20 and Neh. 7:46,60. 37. Johann Conrad Andreae [Andrea] (1703-1754). See above, 26nl9. 38. See above, 49n43. 39. Mühlenberg refers to Schlatter's quarrel with the Reformed congregations in Philadelphia and Germantown. See above, 29nn34,35. 40. The traditional designation for The Book of Concord of 1580, which contains the Lutheran confessions. 41. I.e., Moravians. Mühlenberg, like other opponents of Count Nikolaus Ludwig von Zinzendorf (1700-1760) and his followers, used to call this Protestant group derogatorily "Zinzendorfers" or "Herrnhuters" (after Herrnhut, a village near the Saxon town of Berthelsdorf, in Upper Lusatia in

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Southeast Germany, were Zinzendorf had established a colony of Protestant refugees from Bohemia on a part of a family estate). On Zinzendorf, see below, 89n43. 42. The text (incorrectly) reads omtekken instead of omtrekken. 43. See Eph. 2:20. 44. See Matt. 7:14. 45. See above, 45. 46. Mühlenberg obviously refers to the German proverb, Der Wolf findet leicht eine Ursache, wenn er das Schaf fressen will (The wolf finds an excuse when he wants to eat the sheep), figuratively used for someone trying to reach his true goal under false pretenses. Probably from the fable The Wolf and the Lamb by the Greek poet Aesop (6th cent. B.C.). See also below, 104, 112n51, 186, 196n223. 47. See Rom. 8:31. 48. Latin proverb: literally, "through rough ways to the stars," i.e., through suffering to renown. 49. See Luke 9:62. 50. The text (incorrectly) reads hort [van Gezigt] instead of kort [van Gezigt]. 51. Latin: literally, "here is [the Greek island of] Rhodes, here [you should] jump," i.e., now is the time of decision, or, here you must stand the test. Commonly quoted as Hie Rhodos, hie salta! From a fable by the Greek poet Aesop (6th cent. B.C.). 52. See Hebr. 13:20.

Letter 134 Muhlenberg to [Gotthilf August Francke and Friedrich Michael Ziegenhagen]1 Providence,2 [Summer] / 24 August 1753 Muhlenberg informs his superiors in Europe, Francke and Ziegenhagen, about the split that divided the Germantown congregation over the question of affiliation with what came to be known as the Pennsylvania Ministerium. Muhlenberg describes the diverse theological, ecclesiological and economic interests that motivated the larger part of the congregation to turn against him. He and Pastor Handschuh were charged with excessive theological pietism, churchly domination and even embezzlement. Muhlenberg, Handschuh, Brunnholz, lay leader Heinrich Schleydorn, Sr. and others stood together with some of the elders from the congregation, while their opponents included local merchants, newspapers, "newlanders," the regular pastor Tobias Wagner, the self-appointed preacher Curtius and others. The latter party spread their viewpoint through a set of articles written by the lay leader Jakob Beyerle that Muhlenberg considered slanderous. Although a compromise was eventually reached between the factions, slanders and financial matters resulted in legal proceedings, about which Muhlenberg shares his ambivalence. In the end, Muhlenberg and, Handschuh started a house church for those parishioners who still felt bound to them. The letter shows how church issues ranging from whether or not to have bells on the collection bags to the handling of church debt became fodder for division among the many different religious interests in colonial Pennsylvania. Text in German: Korrespondenz 2: 34-49. For further textual information, see Korrespondenz 2: 47.

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Very Reverend and Venerable Fathers in Christ: I was encouraged by and graced with a detailed letter from his very reverend court preacher Albinus4 of 18 June 1752,5 together with the postscript from His Very Reverend Dr. Prof. Francke6 last fall. I sincerely regret that the Very Reverend Fathers are having so much trouble with us, because the Highly Regarded [Fathers] already have enough of a cross and burden to bear from all sides! Nonetheless I am delighted that the most merciful God in Christ provides us with such fathers in Europe and has up to now been pleased to keep us alive and under the power of his strength to the betterment of Christ's whole church! As concerns our present circumstances, we are "able to withstand that evil day," Eph. 6[: 13].7 Satan desires to sift us, but we hope that the most compassionate high priest at the right hand of his father will intercede for us so that the faith may not cease.8 I want to report in childlike simplicity what has happened since our last letters and journals: The previous year I made a second attempt in New York [City]9 and Hackensack10 and held office there from 9 May to 3 August as my humble journal11 will show. In Philadelphia and Germantown12 especially, my brothers, besides their regular work, attended to my congregations as well as possible and wrote several times with deep concern that I should return.13 In Philadelphia, the large school has been continued with pleasure by our brother Heinzelmann14 and by the organist, Naumann,15 under the supervision of Pastor Brunnholz;16 the congregation in Germantown has been served most faithfully by Pastor Handschuh.17 During my absence Mr. Schultze18 was in New Hanover19 and New Goshenhoppen.20 The congregations on the Raritan River in New Jersey21 have gradually divided into two parties and wrote for and against Mr. Weygand22 in letters to us. Pastor Handschuh, who was corresponding with them as annual secretary, did everything possible to admonish them lovingly and earnestly to seek for unity. But finally both parties said it would be good if one could remove Mr. Weygand and make a change, which cannot be accomplished as easily as people think.23 In early August of last year,24 the Reformed pastor, Schlatter,25 arrived with six new ministers in Philadelphia.26 Before you knew where you were, the Reformed pastors together with their congregations split into two parties, and the German-language newspapers were full of the distressing quarrels in Pennsylvania church councils, which immediately led to ferment among the common people. Little by little, ships with Germans arrived in Philadelphia and brought five to six so-called Lutheran preachers and a large number of schoolteachers into the country. Our Pennsylvanian newlanders and the merchants in Holland were the first to think of this method. On their trips through Germany, the newlanders look for the cheapest preachers and students and bring them aboard the ships to use them as bait for fishing and thus have the ships filled all the sooner. With so many new candidates in Pennsylvania having no job and no bread, and with many disgruntled people in our United Congregations27 thinking that the teaching of repentance, faith, and godliness is annoying and intolerable, in addition to the fact that so many groups and preachers

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come on their own with whom we should not and cannot have fellowship, it is easy to imagine what a strange conformation results. Now the old and new preachers who come on their own, gruff innkeepers, mug-makers, goldsmiths, beer fiddlers, and dancers, and entire droves of newly arrived Nethinim28 and crazy mob of Sichem29 gather together, throw dust into the air, and all shout at once and make derisive remarks with such confusion as even to drive the town clerk mad, Acts 19:23-40. The principal slogans used against us that one can detect from the shouting are these: We are Hallensians, Pietists, Herrnhuters, rascals, swindlers, collection thiefs, etc., etc. They want to have preachers from the Empire and not from Halle.30 For their part, the German-language newspapers add what is needed to the ferment. The authorities cannot help us and do not get involved in these matters until there are bloody heads, and the lawyers shrug us off because we have no money. Prior to the arrival of all the new preachers, we were still enjoying enough quiet as to be able to dedicate the recent addition to the Germantown church31 with prayer and to hold our annual synodical convention on 1 and 2 October.32 Their Reverences, the Swedish Provost Acrelius33 and Pastor Parlin,34 attended the meeting this time, and eight ministers and two assistants together with a large number of elders sent from the congregations were present on our side. At the time there was such loving and edifying harmony among the pastors and elders as there had never been before. This may have embittered the devil so, that one day thereafter a derisive and malicious pamphlet against us German pastors was posted by his accomplices in the marketplace. Several weeks before the synodical convention, there was hidden unrest in the Germantown congregation that had been instigated by some tavern keepers and petty shopkeepers and grew from a simmer to a boil at the first opportunity. One elder had been ridiculed by people of a different mind because of the little bell on the collection bag.35 He thought to take care of the matter himself and cut off the bell without the consent of the whole congregation. Afterwards, the aforementioned disgruntled parishioners seized the first chance they had to make some firmly established and newly arrived Lutherans believe that this had been a highly dangerous encroachment on their old rights and liberties and was proof of the domination of the elders and pastors, etc., etc. This was leaven enough for their mischief. These hotheads were soon joined by people of their sort, and they conferred with old and new preachers who had no call and yet were completely intent on getting rid of the old church council and the Halle pastors. It would not have been so dangerous if the old church council itself had remained united. But because several of them went over to the disgruntled party and stirred people up, Satan was able to reach his goal all the sooner. We admonished both parties to keep the peace. At a conference it was resolved among the elders and deacons in the presence of Mr. Brunnholz that the matter in dispute ought to be settled at the congregation's next rendering of account.36 There was no peace, though. Instead, the disgruntled ones had two new bags with bells made and, in the company of their party, brought them into the church in a loutish manner with much shouting and cheering. We could not understand why these disgruntled people raged so vehemently about such worthless trifles, because we did not

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yet divine their hidden agenda. For the sake of peace, we preachers gave our consent to use the new bags with bells in church. As soon as the matter had calmed down a bit, the disgruntled party drafted a letter to Mr. Handschuh and desired that he read it out loud publicly from the pulpit. The elders and deacons were shamefully described and accused of gross misdeeds in the letter. Pastor Handschuh refused to read it, and therefore the uproar started all over again and occurred in public nearly every Sunday in a very annoying manner before and after the sermon. Out of fear and terror, poor Pastor Handschuh scarcely knew where to go and lamented over his misery in letters. One of the elders who had been charged with theft in that letter demanded the letter and took legal action for libel against the leaders of the opposing party, which we were unable to prevent. The disgruntled party continued to emerge and wanted to depose the old church council by force, and also threatened that their wives would make a commotion in front of and inside the church. We were informed on good authority that the Reformed preacher in Germantown, Steiner by name,37 who had staged a tumult against Mr. Schlatter among the Reformed, had his finger in the pie here, too. The church elders, except for those who had joined the other party, were liable for almost £400 of money that they had borrowed for the church building and the parsonage, and therefore did not suspect they could be deposed. In January of this year, 38 1 was urged to come to Germantown and attend the rendering of account. When Mr. Brunnholz, Mr. Handschuh, church elders from Philadelphia and I were present at the rendering, a harsh verbal exchange arose again between both parties. I had drafted a letter of call for Mr. Handschuh and intended to have it signed by both parties, since this had not been done in my absence due to my visit to New York39 and had been postponed until things improved. It could have been done now as both parties said that they had no objections to Pastor Handschuh's teaching and conduct. But the elders and deacons had earlier asked Pastor Handschuh to draw up certain articles. They wanted to sign them and also to submit them to the peace-loving parishioners for signing, so that peace and order could be restored. 40 1 did not have the time or opportunity to think sufficiently about those articles beforehand since I live in the country, and since we were not clever enough to draft articles that might have passed under these critical circumstances without causing annoyance. As many as were attending from our old party, namely 17 to 18 in number, signed the articles after they were read out, but those present from the other party protested against them. After the rendering of account was finished, the undersigned elders and deacons resolved that the articles be read out publicly from the pulpit three times and then be submitted for signing. I advised them to wait longer for the publication of the articles and have them signed quietly by all recognized peace-loving parishioners since majority rule41 generally holds sway here. But they thought it would be better if their plan were carried out. When the articles were published the following Sunday, the fire flared. The disgruntled party found two things in the articles that they thought to be dangerous: 1) that they recognize me and my brothers as rightfully called and sent pastors and that they not permit those preachers that had come on their own and do not belong to our association to use the church; 2) that they and their future offspring acknowledge our

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Very Reverend Fathers and their lawful successors in London and Halle as their rightful superiors and benefactors. After the first public reading, Pastor Handschuh wrote me that many leaders of the opposing party had come to his home, going on about the above-mentioned points in a loudmouthed manner. I responded as shown in the attachment42 and asked to use this written response when expedient, since I discovered afterwards that they had used some expressions in the articles that were more frank than we had been instructed and permitted to use by our Very Reverend Fathers to use. After the opposing party obtained the original of the articles surreptiously, they celebrated the fact that they had not used the problematic expressions in our articles, depicting ours as highly dangerous and theirs as most heavenly. One could see in their articles that learned opponents had a hand in them since the grammatical cases were properly declined.43 The opponents immediately traveled around and applied all diligence and every stimulant conceivable in the taverns to obtain a large number of names for their articles, in which they were quite successful. They thereupon demanded that Pastor Handschuh read their articles from the pulpit three times in the same way as ours had been read. But when he refused, due to the offensive expressions and provisions against Halle Pietism and church elders that were in them, a boastful tavern keeper and fiddler from Philadelphia44 rose from the assembled congregation after the sermon and publicly read out the diatribe. Mr. Handschuh implored the people not to make a commotion but to have patience. He also fixed a date for a conference and urged Mr. Brunnholz, some of my church elders and me to appear on the designated day. I did not deem it advisable to bring along any elders. I only told our dear honest friend Friedrich Marsteller45 to come the following day, went down to Philadelphia, and took Mr. Brunnholtz along to Germantown. I found our old honest friend, Mr. Schleydorn,46 with Mr. Handschuh, our faithful brother, who was so depressed and sad beyond all measure that we all became anxious. I had been asked by our party to preach on the gospel of Christ's transfiguration on 11 February. Mr. Handschuh said that on a previous Sunday a cheeky man had publicly contradicted him during the sermon before the assembled congregation. We also heard murmurs that the opposing party might want to create a disturbance and keep me out of the church the following Sunday. In the evening, we were all completely at a loss and very apprehensive but took refuge with God in Christ with a silent sigh and plea, etc., etc. On Sunday, a big crowd of all sorts of people gathered at the church, which included a great number of disgruntled people. Before the service began, two leaders of the opposing party came and demanded that I read their articles from the pulpit. I asked them to be quiet, and said that both sides had made mistakes and should lower their sights in their articles. Our deacons opened the church and we entered without hindrance. I preached as the Lord granted it to me by his grace under the circumstances. After the sermon, I said that both parties should convene the following day, 12 February, in the parsonage and settle their conflict. The disgruntled party answered that it should be done today, that is, that very same Sunday afternoon. When the sermon and the singing had ended, that loudmouth, Jakob Beyerle47 from Philadelphia, stood up again, told the people to remain, and started reading his articles. Mr. Schleydorn

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protested with a few words against the reading but was forced into silence. My colleagues left the church. I, Mr. Schleydorn and Mr. Marsteller stayed with the crowd in the church and listened to his reading of the articles. When he finished reading, he said that they had been signed by 130 parishioners. In the afternoon, our little flock remained with us in the parsonage and the opposing party sent messengers to ask how we wanted to settle the conflict. We answered that the matter could not be settled so soon but had become more serious since they publicly accused us of false teaching before the entire congregation. They answered that it should not be put off but decided shortly. We replied that they should send four or six men of their party to us at the parsonage the following day and prove their charges about false teaching. Our little flock stayed with us in the parsonage for a few more hours and discussed what was to be done in this matter. It was resolved that we needed to ask the royal agent for advice and find out whether the public accusation of false teaching and Pietism and the opposing party's tumultuous proceeding would be sufficient for taking legal action according to English law. We knew, however, that the agent does not like to make pronouncements and also that he gives advice as soon as a person pays him two or three pistoles. 48 We pastors and other friends collected our mites together and barely raised two pistoles. We asked Mr. Schleydorn if he would go with me to the agent, etc., etc. Then the other members of our party went home, leaving Messrs. Brunnholz, Handschuh, Schleydorn, Marsteller and me alone. We were all very anxious, lacking good counsel, and felt abandoned by everyone. A feeling of melancholy for our misery and poor people's malice depressed us. A repentant, quiet sighing before God was our last resort and even this was often interrupted by thoughts of dark foreboding. In the evening, the following ideas came to my mind: (1) Our small group was not rich or wealthy enough to push the matter in dispute through the court since it already had been hard enough to raise the first two pistoles. (2) I was afraid to anticipate what the supreme and just judge and ruler in heaven would ordain and afraid to seek help from humans. (3) According to the law, the authorities cannot decide on controversies and disputed issues in religious affairs. (4) The party opposing us had divided interests, that is: they wanted to drive us, the pastors and adherents, away from the church and use the church according to their private intentions and malice, or, if they could not accomplish this, they wanted to leave the church and its debt of £400 to us and to our little flock and to build one of their own. (5) Some of our elders had been complaining for a long time and were tired of being liable for the debt, especially as they had never been entirely united, and the wellmeaning ones among them did not find pleasure in dealing with so many disorderly and ill-mannered Lutherans. They probably would have taken care of the church's debt and the pastor's support if we and our Very Reverend Fathers had assumed [some of the financial] obligations too, etc., etc. (6) That did not look promising to us and we foresaw quite clearly that a small group could barely raise £24 of interest and provide for the pastor's maintenance each year, to say nothing of paying off the capital, especially since one could build a smaller

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church for peace-loving parishioners for £400 and on better foundations, for the glory of God and the salvation of those parishioners that desire to be saved. (7) The accusation of false teaching and dangerous Pietism had been launched against us publicly and the leaders of the mob threatened to cause conflict in all our United Congregations, starting with Philadelphia. Consequently each one of us had to hold fast to the post assigned to him and could not expose himself to danger on account of the situation in Germantown. To be sure, Pastor Handschuh did not want to run away, but he had grown so tired of the godless people and tumultuous quarrels that he said he would rather learn some trade and try to support himself and his family in peace. (8) In the preceding troubles, I had already made a move to take Mr. Handschuh with me to my place in Providence and have the Germantown congregation served from Philadelphia again. But Mr. Handschuh was not disposed to run away, and the great weakness of Mr. Brunnholz and Mr. Heinzelmann's overload at church and school would not permit it anyway. The opposing party was not inclined to [such a solution either] but sought to be free from us all because they wanted to have preachers from [other parts of] Germany and not from Halle.49 After we had considered the aforementioned issues for a while in the evening, I persuaded my colleagues and our two dear friends present, Messrs. Schleydorn and Marsteller, and said that we should return the shillings gathered together for the agent to the others in our party and not take the matter to court but leave it to the Lord, the supreme judge in heaven. Although we really could have engaged the secular authorities with complete justification and in Christian fairness, we still wanted to show that our motives were different from those of the Zinzendorfers, 50 who eleven or twelve years ago, etc., etc., had used the authorities' power and had had a mob-like scrap over one church and meeting house after the other,51 which they had not built and were not entitled to use. We could also see from the previous sad quarrels among the Reformed in Philadelphia52 how little aggrieved parties achieve when handing matters over to the hungry lawyers and bendable laws or when getting involved in a brawl and wanting to be their own judge, etc., etc. In the forenoon of 12 February, the leaders of the opposing party came to the five of us named above, in the parsonage. Their agent was Jakob Beyerle, who had previously lived in and near Lancaster,53 was an intimate friend of Pastor Nyberg, 54 of Zinzendorfian persuasion (as I can confirm by a letter),55 and had learned from their tricks how to grab churches and entice poor people with flattering words. Their complaints were bitter and very harsh and their testimonies did not agree.56 All of this was supposed to mean that they did not want to have anything to do with some of the elders and deacons, with us pastors and our superiors in England and Germany, etc., etc. We declared that their obstinacy and blindness upset us, and we were sure, that we and our Fathers had not imposed on them but had been implored and persuaded by their forbears and by current well-meaning parishioners to offer them and their children salvation in Christ, etc., etc. Because they refused, however, we no longer wanted to remain with them but would hand over the petition and the power of attorney for pastors which they had presented to me—Muhlenberg—in 1743,57 provided that they gave us

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in turn a truthful testimony of our discharge of office among them. Hence, upon our departure they gave us a testimonial as shown in Appendix ß. 58 We asked how they proposed to deal with Pastor Handschuh. They answered they were not aware of any charges against his teaching and conduct. Some said he could move this week if he wanted. Others said he might stay if he broke away from our fellowship and order and wanted to hold his office according to their instruction, etc., etc. Our little flock was not fully present when this action took place and afterwards wept bitterly when hearing that we had freed ourselves. They said we should have taken the matter to court, because they could not appreciate the ramifications fully. We thought, however, that under the circumstances our procedure was the most direct and that one must choose the lesser of two evils. Also, we had not retracted our party's rights to the church through this action, especially as the disgruntled party gave us to understand that they, like the people in Lancaster, wanted to call a Lutheran preacher from the duchy of Württemberg. 59 Our elders themselves were partly to blame since we had never been able to move one or the other of them during our tenure to sign certain articles and orders in the congregation's best interests. For even well-meaning Lutherans secretly cherish the opinion that they read in the German-language newspapers and hear from self-important know-it-alls: that one should insist on imaginary Pennsylvania freedom and keep even the best pastors on a short leash. Of course, it is not good if pastors have indiscriminate freedom and are entirely unrestricted. On the other hand, the baby is often thrown out with the bathwater when the hands and the consciences of honest pastors are tied and they are not able to promote the power of godliness but only to treat it superficially and as an empty outward ritual.60 When some of our elders saw where this would lead, they asked Pastor Handschuh in good faith to draft articles and to restore order, but it was too late.61 After being freed from this unbearable weight and burden, our little flock protested in writing against the majority party and let it be understood that our people wanted to resign their offices of elder and deacon and to hand over the key to the church together with the chests, documents, and accounts, if they could be freed from guaranty for the debts weighing heavily on them and released with a truthful testimonial from their tenure of office, since the opposing party had dismissed us as rightful pastors without reason or cause. With flattering letters and promises the opposing party attempted to have our little group to continue to act as guarantors for the debts but our people did not want to do it. They entreated us to let Pastor Handschuh stay with them so that they and their children would not be abandoned and forced to join the rough bunch of pipers and fiddlers, etc., etc. The majority party then endeavored to free our friends from guaranteeing the debts and eventually were able to have honorable creditors accept their guaranty. A day was later fixed for our elders and deacons to hand over the key to the church together with the chests and accounts. The unruly leaders of the opposing party, however, could not wait that long but ran to the parsonage, sealed the chests, and one Sunday demanded the key with dreadful cursing and scolding in front of the church. Our people then appointed a day to hand it over and asked that Mr. Brunnholz and I be present there, too. To be sure, we had not planned to be present, but because our people

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complained to us we promised to come with them on condition that an English justice of the peace and a secretary from Germantown be there as witnesses, since the opposing party consisted of people without scruples about pouring the grossest lies and abuse on us. On 13 March, the leaders of both parties assembled in the parsonage, opened the chests in our presence and that of the English justice of the peace and the secretary, 62 specified piece after piece and perused as much as time allowed. When our people had surrendered everything, the opposing party affirmed that our people had acted honestly and uprightly in church affairs. The justice of the peace and the secretary certified this and promised to draft the protocol in duplicate. Now that pastors, elders, and deacons had been declared to be innocent publicly and before witnesses, the question arose as to how to deal with Pastor Handschuh. Some of the opposing party said he ought to leave, others interrupted by saying he should stay. First, they wanted to hold a collection in their congregation and give it to him for his services. Mr. Handschuh answered that he did not want anything from them, but rather considered it a special gift and relief that he was given the opportunity to resign his office. This is how matters stood. But before we were finished with everything, Matthias Gansel, 63 a tavern keeper and a leader of the disgruntled party, publicly accused Mr. Brunnholz of cheating the Germantown congregation out of 300 florins. Matthias Gansel said 1) 600 florins had been sent for the Germantown congregation from Stuttgart, but the congregation had received 300 florins only. Hence 300 florins had been embezzled. 2) I replied at the meeting that this was untrue. If Matthias Gansel or someone else could prove such charge, I was willing to pay 600 florins. 3) Matthias Gansel said he wanted to prove with witnesses that 600 florins had been sent from Stuttgart to Amsterdam, 64 300 of which were used for the Germantown congregation and the remaining 300 for the Philadelphia congregation. A newly arrived man from Stuttgart65 and a deacon from Philadelphia were to be the witnesses. 4) A letter was then read which his reverence, Superintendent and Consistory Counselor Fischer, from Stuttgart had written to Mr. Brunnholz, 66 wherein 300 florins were mentioned. Also, it was shown in one of our printed reports67 that only 300 florins had been sent to the Germantown congregation from Stuttgart. 5) The justice of the peace and the secretary said that an inquiry could be sent to Stuttgart 68 and that the matter could be deferred for the time being. 6) But Matthias Gansel stuck with his charge and said he wanted to prove it. 7) I took Matthfias] Gansel aside and asked him how he preferred to have it settled, whether I should take him to court or whether it should be decided by arbitrators. He said the latter would be sufficient. After the meeting had ended, we remained alone with our former elders and deacons and discussed the following: 1)1 asked our little flock what they wished to do now. They answered that we could not with a clear conscience leave them and their children. Otherwise they would be forced to turn to the rough bunch or to other parties or to remain completely without the means of grace. 2) After much discussion, it was concluded that Pastor Handschuh stay in Germantown and continue to attend to the small group, keep a school on weekdays, and deliver the sermon on Sundays until a better plan was formed. He promised to do so as long as they remained united and

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yearning for God's word. On 14 March, our friends rented a spacious house in Germantown, removed a dividing wall, and made an auditorium and a classroom out of two rooms, 69 brought Pastor Handschuh's household contents and books into the rented house, and desired that I preach the first sermon in it on the following Sunday, while my colleague Brunnholz perform duties for me in Providence. In the midst of the trouble, a new pastor arrived in Philadelphia, His Reverence Magister Gerock, 70 who had been called by the Lancaster elders and sent by the right honorable consistory of the duchy of Württemberg with handsome recommendations, and provided with the most gracious privilege to return any time circumstances should require so. The Magister visited us several times in Pastor Brunnholz's home, and the first evening we talked about the practical issues of divinity so edifyingly that we all were comforted and humbly thanked the Most Merciful God in Christ because we hoped that the labor, anxiety, concern, and suffering we endured in Lancaster in those Zinzendorfian troubles71 was not in vain and that the Lord would rescue many souls. The world and the know-it-alls in it may judge us as much as they desire and are able. The Lord, who examines thoroughly, 72 will one day attest that we did not seek honor, a great name for ourselves, and glory by the world's standards, 73 but the salvation and the rescue of the scattered and lost sheep, may it be accomplished through us, the most unworthy ones, or through other better and more faithful servants of Christ. It would be enough for the name of God to be sanctified, for his kingdom to be promoted, and for his will to be done and tolerated! 74 As the injured party, we asked Magister Gerock to grant us the common fairness of listening to the other side,75 as our friends and foes were either praising us too much or were grumbling; for if there is any place in the world where the audiatur [et] altera pars16 is necessary, it would be here in America among all of the innumerable parties. This golden rule is, with good reason, recommended by jurists and theologians so often and so seriously and from experience, but still it is followed so rarely. On 16 March, the Germantown German[-speaking] newspaper announced that Magister Gerock was to preach in the Germantown Lutheran church the following Sunday. I did not believe it and asked him personally if it were true. He said no, which I of course believed since we had requested that he preach in the Philadelphia church. The Magister had declined, however, so that he could give his first words in Lancaster and not anger the elders. On 17 March, Magister Gerock set out on his trip to Lancaster. On 18 March, I preached in the meeting house in Germantown and declared that under the present circumstances, things could not have been done any other way, and that the service should be held according to the apostles and prophets and according to our confession of faith. The majority party had called Magister Wagner 77 and assembled at the church from near and far since the newspapers had raised hopes that there would be an entirely new pastor. 78 The leaders of the majority party had had a new letter of call submitted for signing; however they could not reach an agreement on this. More than one hundred persons were present at our meeting. They listened to the word of God with feeling and attested to enjoying the word of God in quietness and without rumors, scolding, and cursing, etc., etc. The whole sequence of events of the Germantown unrest was

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published in the newspaper in a one-sided, garbled manner, filled with ill-will against us,79 which aroused much murmuring and various judgments again, mostly against us. We did not deem it advisable, and we did not have the opportunity to publish the true facts,80 lest one fight in vain and lose the prize. Be that as it may, we have not been instructed to impose ourselves upon anyone by force, and we are not desirous to desert any souls that want our poor service. Even if we should be compelled to carry out some trade for earning our daily bread, we still wish to serve our fellow human beings with the little talent that the Lord has entrusted to us. Mr. Handschuh is already resigned to his miserable circumstances and makes the best of it. We would assist him with physical support if we were all not busy ourselves. God is still alive! The ringleaders of the opposing party threaten to make a commotion in Philadelphia before long, and from there to go through all of our United Congregations and drive the Halle Pietists out of the country. Dear Halle must have done great harm to the devil and his kingdom because he is even grumbling about it in America. It certainly hurts our little flock that they must turn their back on the church to which they applied their bitter sweat and blood and which they must leave to the malice of such a rough bunch that contributed little or nothing to it. He who has experienced something like this enjoys God's word between timber as well as stone walls.81 Later, the majority party called from New Goshenhoppen the infamous Pastor Andreae82 by acclamation; he now lives in Germantown as their preacher. The leaders are now busy with making plans for playing the lottery, intending inthis way to pay off the church debts. Matthias Gansel never stops, and is spreading the rumor throughout the whole country that Mr. Brunnholz cheated the Germantown congregation and put 300 florins from Stuttgart into his pocket. Because of this, we were forced to sue him in court. The matter has been delayed in court for several months until a proper account or certificate for those 300 florins, which Mr. Brunnholz requested in a memorandum, arrives from Stuttgart. 83 1 hope his letters arrived in Europe safely and will produce a speedy answer. I would also like to beg our Very Reverend Fathers to help us in these times of trouble, for it is no small thing to be charged with theft, as it is not befitting of our office. The notorious newlander, Curtius by name,84 who had cheated our dear brothers in Ebenezer85 out of a certain sum of money, is presently in Pennsylvania and has contributed enormously to the disturbance in Germantown. Our old friend Mr. Schleydorn had been authorized by dear Pastor Boltzius 86 to take steps against Curtius. He moved things so far along with much effort and cost that Curtius has paid the larger part of the stolen money or given a guaranty for it. I close with this and commend the Very Reverend Fathers and your heavy burden of office to the special faithfulness and care of our compassionate High Priest, and commend us and all of our troubles and requests, next to God, to your fatherly provision and earnest prayer, and remain in due veneration Your Reverences' Providence,87 24 August 1753

humblest and most obliging servant Muhlenberg

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P.S. Since there is still some space left, I want to include the accurate copy of the testimonial that the disgruntled party gave to Mr. Brunnholz and to me in Germantown: Appendix B We, the undersigned on behalf of the Evangelical Lutheran congregation in and near Germantown, herewith attest and recognize most virtuously that both reverend gentlemen, Heinrich Melchior Muhlenberg and Joh[ann] Peter Brunnholz, during the whole time they held office here in Philadelphia, Germantown, and Providence, have up to this date not only themselves served as pastors with much effort and care but also, because their demanding services would no longer permit it, have provided us with other preachers. Because we have now decided to choose a pastor on our own and have him as ours alone, we therefore release them herewith, but with their own consent, from all onerous services that they have hitherto rendered to us. Yet we also acknowledge that we are obliged not just to express our thanks for their faithful and benevolent services but to give them this testimonial as proof that during their tenure they performed their duties faithfully and diligently, as is surely befitting of honest pastors, and did not lack help and advice for the planting of the congregation and building of the churches. Therefore they are released by us in blessing. May the Lord be their reward and sustain us and them in blessing, which we heartily desire. Given at Germantown, 12 February 1753. Witness Heinrich Schleydorn Friedrich Marsteller Conrad C. F. Frick Jakob Müller Matthias M. Schmidt

Jakob Gänsslein Georg Seyter Jakob Schenck Leonhard Wintergerst Matthias Gänsel Peter Hoy 88

This is the testimonial that I have accurately written and spelled according to the original. Jakob Beyerle made it.

1. On Gotthilf August Francke (1696-1769), see above, 29n33. On Friedrich Michael Ziegenhagen (1694-1776), see above, 37nl4. 2. Now Trappe, a part of Upper Providence Township, in Montgomery County, Pennsylvania. In Muhlenberg's day, also called "New Providence." 3. Added in another hand. 4. Samuel Theodor Albinus (1718-1776). Born in Tremmen (then in the kingdom of Prussia; now a part of Ketzin, in Brandenburg, Germany), he took up studies of Lutheran theology at Halle University in 1738. From 1741 to 1745, he served as instructor at the Paedagogium Regium (the Royal Boarding School) of the Francke Foundations in Halle (then in the kingdom of Prussia; now in Saxony-Anhalt, Germany), before being appointed as lecturer at the Lutheran St. James's Chapel in London. Later, he was promoted to assistant court preacher and finally to court preacher. From 1761 to 1776, he was chief pastor in Bevensen (then in the electorate of Hanover; now Bad Bevensen, in Lower Saxony, Germany), the rulers of which were also the kings of Great Britain and Ireland from 1714 to 1837. 5. Not extant, but see Correspondence 2, Letter 123, and Korrespondenz 1:529, editorial postscript.

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6. = Francke's letter of 5/9 August 1752. See Correspondence 2, Letter 123. 7. The text reads (Greek) ev TTJ rjpepa rt] novepa. 8. See Luke 22:31-32. 9. In Trinity Lutheran Church, located at Rector Street and Broadway in Lower Manhattan. 10. Now a city in Bergen County, New Jersey. 11. See HN 1: 476-514; HN 2/2: 34-57; Journals 1: 317-349. 12. Then in Philadelphia County, Pennsylvania; now a part of Philadelphia. 13. None of these letters is extant. 14. Johann Dietrich Matthias Heinzelmann (1726-1756). Born in Salzwedel (then in the kingdom of Prussia; now in Brandenburg, Germany), he studied Lutheran theology at Halle University and later taught at the Francke Foundations. On 11 July 1751 he was ordained by the Wernigerode consistory. Along with Friedrich Schultze [Schultz] (1726-1809), he arrived in Philadelphia on 1 December 1751 to become an assistant to [Johann] Peter Brunnholz (1717-1757), also a Halle pastor in that city, with special responsibility for instructing young children and youth. In 1752, he became a member of the Lutheran Ministerium of Pennsylvania ("United Congregations"). After marrying Margarete Weiser (1734-1777) in 1754, he was a brother-in-law of Mühlenberg. See Pastors and People 1: 55-56. On Schultze, see below, nl8. On Brunnholz, see above, 46nl 1. 15. Johann Gottlieb Naumann (1720-1791). Born in Hanover (then the capital of the electorate of Hanover; now the capital of Lower Saxony, Germany), he arrived in Philadelphia on 21 August 1750 aboard the ship "Anderson." He served as organist at St. Michael's Church in that city and, later, at Trinity Lutheran Church in Lancaster. 16. [Johann] Peter Brunnholz (1717-1757). See above, 46nl 1. 17. Johann Friedrich Handschuh (1714-1764). See above, 48n22. 18. Friedrich Schultze [Schultz] (1726-1809). Born in Königsberg (then in the kingdom of Prussia; now Kaliningrad, Russia), he studied Lutheran theology at Halle University and subsequently taught at the Francke Foundations. After responding to Pennsylvania Lutherans' requests for more pastors from Halle, he was ordained by the Wernigerode consistory on 11 July 1751. On 1 December 1751, he arrived in Philadelphia, together with Johann Dietrich Matthias Heinzelmann (1726-1756), and in 1752 became a member of the Lutheran Ministerium of Pennsylvania ("United Congregations"). He first assisted Mühlenberg in his country congregations before ministering to numerous congregations in Pennsylvania and New Jersey from 1752 to 1766. His answer to a call to Lunenburg, outside of Halifax, Nova Scotia in 1772 made him the first ordained Lutheran pastor there. He stayed in Lunenburg until 1780 and thereafter may have organized a congregation in Shelburne, Nova Scotia, but his whereabouts during the last two decades of his life are unknown. He is commonly considered the least successful of all Halle clerics sent to Pennsylvania. See Pastors and People 1: 124-125. On Heinzelmann, see above, nl4. 19. Now a township in Montgomery County, Pennsylvania. 20. Now Upper Hanover Township, in Montgomery County, Pennsylvania. 21. In Hunterdon County, New Jersey. 22. Johann Albert Weygand (1722-1770). See above, 28n31 and also 41-42. 23. For Mühlenberg's assessment of the circumstances in the congregations on the Raritan River, see Letter 131 and Journals 1: 358. 24. The text reads (Latin) a[nni] p[raeteriti], 25. Michael Schlatter (1716-1790). See above, 29n34. 26. The six Reformed pastors were Theodor Frankenfeld (1727-1756), Philipp Wilhelm Otterbein (1726-1813), Heinrich Wilhelm Stoy (1726-1801), Johannes Waldschmidt (1724-1786), Johann Jakob Wissler (1727-1754)—all from the principality of Nassau-Dillenburg—and Johann Caspar Rubel (1719-1797) from Wald (now a part of Solingen), in the county of Berg. Rübel's assumption of duties in Philadelphia gave rise to much conflict among the Reformed. In July of 1752 the majority of his congregation resolved to call neither Schlatter nor Steiner but one of the newly arrived ministers from Germany. The dispute escalated when Schlatter, referring to a written declaration of the Dutch deputy Herman Bartholomeus Hoedmaker (t~1760), pastor in the Hague (Netherlands) from 1745 to 1760, attempted to solve the problems by excluding the elders from the Reformed coetus (synod). This action

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violated the church statute and caused moral conflicts with many clerics. Also, Schlatter's repeated assumption of the presidency in October of 1752, December of 1752, and April of 1753 violated the Dutch church constitution, as he was not a rightful pastor in any American congregation. As a result, mistrust of the Dutch authorities and the special powers given to Schlatter was growing among the Reformed everywhere, not just in Philadelphia. See above, 24; Correspondence 2, Letter 75; Ministers, 68-96; Marti Pritzker-Ehrlich, "Michael Schlatter von St. Gallen (1716-1790). Eine biographische Untersuchung zur schweizerischen Amerika-Auswanderung des 18. Jahrhunderts" (doct. diss., Zurich University, 1981), 142-162; Pastors and People 2: 217-221. For the regular pastors and irregular preachers of Lutheran persuasion arriving in 1752, see Correspondence 2: 290n4. 27. I.e., originally, the three oldest German Lutheran congregations of Philadelphia, New Hanover and Providence (now Trappe, a part of Upper Providence Township, in Montgomery County, Pennsylvania), which united in 1733-34 to appeal to ecclesial institutions in Europe for pastors and financial support (see HN 2/2: 50-56). After Mühlenberg's arrival in Philadelphia in 1742, the number of parishes joining the United Congregations significantly increased as the Francke Foundations sent more ministers to Pennsylvania. By the time Mühlenberg convened the first synodical meeting at St. Michael's Church in Philadelphia on 15 August 1748, ten Pennsylvania Lutheran parishes constituted the "United Congregations," the first Lutheran ecclesial organization in North America: Earltown (Earl, now Now Holland Borough, in Lancaster County), Germantown (in Philadelphia County; now a part of Philadelphia), Lancaster (now a city in Lancaster County), New Hanover, Northkill (now in the townships of Bern and Upper Bern, in Berks County), Philadelphia, Providence, Saccum (now Upper Saucon Township, in Lehigh County), Tulpehocken (now a township in Berks County), and Upper Milford (now a township in Lehigh County). 28. Hebrew: temple servants. Netliinim was the name given to the assistants officiating in the first Jewish temple in ancient Jerusalem. See Ezra 2:43,58; 7:24; 8:17-20 and Neh. 7:46,60. 29. Sir. 50:28. 30. The text reads Sie wolten Prediger aus dem Reiche, und keine Hallenser haben. As was common practice in his days, Mühlenberg and the Pennsylvania Germans distinguished Halle and other places in northern and central Germany from the Electoral Palatinate, the margravate of Baden, the duchy of Württemberg, the electorate of Bavaria, and the many free imperial cities in the south by referring to these parts of Germany as das Reich, short for Heiliges Römisches Reich Deutscher Nation (Holy Roman Empire of German Nation). On the use of this term in eighteenth-century Germany, see Erich Beyreuther, August Hermann Francke, 1663-1727: Zeuge des lebendigen Gottes (Marburg, Germany: Verlag der Francke-Buchhandlung, 1956), 218. 31. St. Michael' s Lutheran Church (not to be confused with St. Michael's Lutheran Church in nearby Philadelphia). 32. In 1752, the fifth synodical convention of the Lutheran Ministerium of Pennsylvania was held in Germantown. For the proceedings, see HN 2/1: 689; Documentary History, 36-40. See also above, 43. 33. Israel Acrelius (1714-1800). See above, 48n29. 34. Olaf Parlin (1716-1757). Arriving in America in 1745 from Sweden, he was pastor of Gloria Dei Swedish Lutheran Church in Wicaco, near the Delaware River (now in Philadelphia), and provost of the Swedish Lutheran Church in America from 1756 to 1757. See Israel Acrelius, A History of New Sweden; or the Settlements on the River Delaware. .. ., trans. William M. Reynolds (Philadelphia: Historical Society of Pennsylvania, 1874), 255-261. 35. The equivalent German word Klingelbeutel is derived from the little bell attached to the collection bag to call congregants' attention to the offering. 36. The text reads bey der nächsten Kirchen=Rechnung. Once a year the members of the church council were obliged to account to the parishioners for the financial situation of the congregation and for the use of church property, including donations and offerings received during the previous year. 37. Johann Conrad Steiner (1707-1762). Arriving in Philadelphia on 25 September 1749, he drove Michael Schlatter from office there and declined a call from Lancaster. See Correspondence 2: 34n6; Ministers, 37-47; Pastors and People 1: 136-137. 38. The text reads (Latin) a[nni] cfurrentis].

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39. To Trinity Lutheran Church, located at Rector Street and Broadway in Lower Manhattan, in New York City, where Mühlenberg stayed from 8 May 1752 to 3 August 1752. See Correspondence 2: 250n7 and Letter 120. 40. See above, 43, and also Korrespondenz 2: 48n20. 41. The text reads (Latin) plurima vota. 42. The text reads Beylage A. This document is not extant. 43. The text reads weil der Casus flectiret war. 44. [Hans (= Johann)] Jakob Beyerle [Bayerle] (1703-1776). Born in Neckarbischofsheim (then an Imperial Knightly town; now in Baden-Württemberg, Germany), he learned the baker's trade. After arriving in Philadelphia on 30 September 1732 aboard the ship "Dragon," he first settled in Lancaster, establishing himself as a patron of the local congregation, who donated a copy of the liturgy of the margravate of Baden-Durlach and sponsored his cousin's children for baptism. In the 1740s he left Lancaster and in the early 1750s became a leader of the anti-Halle faction in Germantown. In 1755, he upset the Moravians and Native Americans in the Shamokin area, in Northumberland County, when falsely claiming that Pennsylvania's proprietors had given the entire region to him, and that he intended to settle some forty families there. But upon learning of Beyerle's claim, Mühlenberg's father-in-law [Johann] Conrad Weiser, Jr. (1696-1760), in his capacity of Pennsylvania's principal gobetween with the local Indians, successfully took action to thwart his plans. On the counterpetition that Beyerle drafted for Germantown dissidents, see Korrespondenz 2: 48n22. On his important familial connection with Matthias Gänsel [Gänsle, Gensei] (-1725-1759) mentioned later in this letter, see Roeber, Palatines, Liberty, and Property, esp. 120-127, 268-270. On Weiser, Jr., see below, 92n73. See also Wengert, "The Tale of a 1580 Book of Concord," Lutheran Quarterly 17 (2003), 386-419, and Krueger, "Henry Melchior Muhlenberg and Jacob Beyerle," ibid, 420-435. 45. Friedrich [Ludwig] Marsteller (1702-1753) arrived in Philadelphia on 19 August 1729 aboard the ship "Mortonhouse." He was a deacon of the Lutheran congregation in Providence. See also below, 142n27.

46. See above, 33n6. 47. See above, n44. 48. An obsolete gold coin of varying value, formerly current in Europe, earlier called an ecu. 49. The text reads weil sie Prediger aus dem Reiche und keine Hallenser haben wollten. 50. I.e., Moravians. Mühlenberg, like other opponents of Count Nikolaus Ludwig von Zinzendorf (1700-1760) and his followers, used to call this Protestant group derogatorily "Zinzendorfers" or "Herrnhuters" (after Herrnhut, a village near the Saxon town of Berthelsdorf, in Upper Lusatia in Southeast Germany, were Zinzendorf had established a colony of Protestant refugees from Bohemia on a part of a family estate). On Zinzendorf, see below, 89n43. 51. See Correspondence 2, Letters 15,17 and 45-52. 52. See above, 24, 29nn34,35, 71n26. 53. Now a city in Lancaster County, Pennsylvania. 54. Laurentius Thorstonsen Nyberg ( f l 7 5 4 ) . See above, 28n30, and Correspondence 1: 181nl0and Letters 45-52. 55. Not extant. 56. See Mark 14:56. 57. On 18February 1743, some Germantown elders had consented to Mühlenberg's proposal to unite their congregation with that in Philadelphia and let the new congregation be served by a second pastor from Halle. See Correspondence 1: 89; Selbstbiographie, 174-175; Korrespondenz 1: 58n 10; Journals 1: 92. 58. The text reads litt: B, short for (Latin) littera B ("Letter B"). This appendix is thus the second attachment to this letter, in addition to Beylage A (see above, 49n36). 59. Johann Siegfried Gerock (1724-1788). He assumed duties in Lancaster in March of 1753. On him, see above, 38n21; HN 2/1: 176; Pastors and People 1: 43. 60. The text reads (Latin) ope re operato (dative singular of opus operatum), literally, "the act done," a phrase used already in the Reformation to criticize Roman Catholic worship practices (see Augsburg Confession) and by Philipp Jakob Spener and others to attack Lutheran ritualism. For a definition of

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this term and the related ex opere operato (i.e., by the mere performance of the rite), see Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church, 2nd ed. rev. (London: Oxford University Press, 1974), s.v. "ex opere operato." 61. The text reads (Latin) postfestum, literally, "after the feast." 62. These two persons could not be identified. 63. On Matthias Gänsel [Gänsle, Gensei] (-1725-1759), see above, 49n38. 64. A city in the Netherlands. 65. Christian Schneider (t 1784). Born in Böblingen (then in the duchy of Württemberg; now BadenWürttemberg, Germany), he was a tailor by profession. On 19 September 1752, he arrived in Philadelphia aboard the ship "Edinburgh." Between 1757 and 1765, he was one of the leaders of the anti-Halle party of the Lutheran congregation in Germantown that was served by Pastor Philipp Heinrich Rapp (t 1779). On Schneider, see also Letter 155C and Correspondence 5, Letter 327. A letter from the Germantown deacons and elders to the Stuttgart consistory of 9 April 1753 reads: "Last fall, a tailor from Böblingen by the name of Christian Schneider arrived in Pennsylvania, who wanted to make us believe he had heard from Your Very Reverence as well as [from] His Reverence Privy Councilor [Friedrich Heinrich?] Georgius that the remaining 300 florins, too, were most nobly and graciously handed over, which we by no means received and [which] rather were likely used for other purposes by the self-proclaimed united Halle p.astors" (see Korrespondenz 2: 48n33). 66. Not extant. See above, 49n39. 67. The third continuation of the Halle Reports mentions the correspondence between Brunnholz and Fischer and also the amount of 300 florins. See HN 1: 80; HN 2/1: 152. 68. The text reads an Ort und Stelle. 69. See the report on the Germantown congregation in HN 2/2: 649 and above, 44. 70. Johann Siegfried Gerock (1724-1788). See above, 38n21. 71. On this conflict, see Correspondence 1, Letters 45-52. 72. The text reads Der Herr, der Hertzen und Nieren prüfet. Mühlenberg alludes to Psalm 7:10. The English rendering that comes closest to Muhlenberg's original German text is Rev. 2:23 given here. See also Jer. 17:10. 73. The text reads Menschen Tage, according to Luther's German translation of Jer. 17:16, to which biblical verse Mühlenberg obviously alludes here. 74. Mühlenberg paraphrases the Lord's Prayer. See Matt. 6:9-10. 75. The text reads (Latin) alteram partem. 76. Latin: let the other side also be heard. 77. Tobias Wagner (1702-1769). See above, 28n25. 78. The text reads (Latin) Magister. 79. The editor of the Hoch-Deutsch Pensylvanische Geschichts-Schreiber (since August 20, 1739), [Johann] Christoph Sauer, Sr. (1693-1758), was a pronounced opponent of the Halle pastors. Sauer changed the name of his newspaper and the interval of its publication several times. See below, 129n4, 130n7. 80. The text reads (Latin) speciem facti. 81. I.e., even under most unfavorable circumstances. This saying may also be literally true, since the rented house may have been more timber than stone. 82. Johann Conrad Andreae [Andreä] (-1703-1754). See above, 26nl9. See also Correspondence 2: 170-171. 83. See above, 44,49nn38,39. 84. D. Curtius appeared in Ebenezer, (in Effingham County after 1776), Georgia around 1746 and pretended to be the son of a pastor from Württemberg. He had himself been supplied with a lot of wood before disappearing without trace shortly thereafter. See Hermann Winde, "Die Frühgeschichte der Lutherischen Kirche in Georgia" (doct. diss, Halle University, 1960), 277. 85. A German settlement founded in 1734 by Lutherans expelled from what was then the Catholic archbishopric of Salzburg (now in Austria). Ebenezer was initially located about twenty-five miles northwest of Savannah, Georgia, and it was originally designed as a military defense for this newly established British town. In 1736, Ebenezer (meaning "stone of help" in Hebrew [see 1 Sam. 7:12])

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was moved to better farmland nearer to the Savannah River. Renamed St. Matthew's Parish in 1754, the settlement became a part of Effingham County, Georgia, in 1777. 86. Johann Martin Boltzius (1703-1765). Arriving in Charleston, South Carolina on 12 March 1734, he served the Salzburg Lutherans in Ebenezer, Georgia, as senior pastor until his death. See Correspondence l:30nn8-10. 87. The text reads Neuprovidence. 88. The text reads (left column) Henry Schleydorn, Friederich Marsteller, (right column) Jacob Gänßlein, Georg Seyter, Jacob Schenck, Conrad C F Frick, Leonard Wintergerst, Jacob Müller, Matthias Genßl, Matthias M Schmidt, Petter Hoy. Heinrich Schleydorn, Sr. ( f l 7 5 9 ) : see above, 33n6. - Friedrich Marsteller (1702-1753): see above, n45. - Jakob Gänsslein [Gänßlein, Gänsel, Gänsle, Gensei] (*1710?): born in Lauffen on the Neckar (then in the duchy of Württemberg; now in Baden-Württemberg, Germany); related to Matthias Gänsel (see below), probably a brother; settled in Germantown in the 1740s and later in Philadelphia; shopkeeper; naturalized in Philadelphia on 22 March 1761; and Palatines, Liberty and Property, 120127, 249. - [Johann] Georg Seyter (*1703): probably member of the Philadelphia congregation. Jakob Schenck (-1696-1769?): possibly arrived in Philadelphia on 21 September 1742 aboard the ship "Francis & Elizabeth." - [Johann] Conrad Frick (1688-1761): born in what was then the Electoral Palatinate (now Rhineland-Palatinate, Germany); of Swiss and Huguenot descent; arrived in Philadelphia on 11 September 1732; settled in Germantown; became a substantial landowner. Leonhard Wintergerst (-1715): born in Memmingen (then an imperial city in Swabia; now in BadenWürttemberg, Germany); moved to Ulm (then an imperial city in Swabia; now in BadenWürttemberg), to learn the gunmaker's trade; left Germany in 1728; arrived in Philadelphia on 30 September 1743 aboard the ship "Phoenix;" listed in the register of marriages of St. Michael's Church in Philadelphia under the date of 12 May 1745. Leonhard's father Martin Wintergerst (1670-1728) was an apprentice baker, who in 1688 went to Venice, Italy, to serve on Dutch, French, Spanish, and Venetian ships. After returning to Memmingen in 1710, he published a popular travel account under the title, Zwey und zwantzig-jährige Reysen durch Europam, Asiam, Africam, Americam und OstIndien, mit vielen Anmerckungen und Fig[uren] versehten] (orig. publ. Memmingen: Johann Wilhelm Müller, 1712; repr. Frankfurt and Leipzig: Daniel Bartholomae, 1713). For more information on Martin and Leonhard Wintergerst, see Roelof van Gelder, Het Oost-Indisch avontuur: Duitsers in dienst van de VOC (1600-1800) (Nijmegen: SUN, 1997), 269-270, 270. - Jakob Müller (tl755?): a co-signer of Letter 143 to Ziegenhagen and Francke, but earlier referred to as "Antipietist." See below, 138,141,142nn7,20,142-143n27, Correspondence 2: 288n2. - Matthias Gänsel [Gänsle, Gensei] (-1725-1759): related to Jakob Gänsslein (see above), probably a brother. See also above, 49n38. Matthias M. Schmidt (tl782?): no reliable information available. - Peter Hoy (?-?): according to Mühlenberg in 1764 {Journals 2: 99), "a poor member of the congregation" in Philadelphia.

Letter 135

Mühlenberg to Gottlieb Mittelberger1 Providence,2 27 August 1753 On one level, this letter gives an official report of Mittelberger's former employment with the German Lutheran congregation in Philadelphia. Yet the text crossed out in the original (shown here in brackets) indicates that the situation surrounding Mittelberger's dismissal was not routine but based on sexual impropriety. More information about Mittelberger's misdeed is unknown, as is the reason for the letter's emendation. Text in German: Korrespondenz 2: 49-50. For further textual information, see Korrespondenz 2: 50.

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[With trepidation and great sadness I have learned from certain people that in the night of July 9 you 3 conducted yourself toward an unmarried woman in our schoolhouse so sinfully and outrageously that in the future you are unworthy to touch the organ in the church or to instruct the youth. Be so good as to send me a bill for the school fees I owe you for my children. I will gratefully pay what you can rightfully demand from me. . . . Should the matter 4 be taken to the authorities, as I suspect, it will hardly go without jail and lashes. 5 ] This is to certify that Mr. Gottlieb Mittelberger, who presents this certificate, formerly schoolmaster and organist in Enzweihingen, 6 district 7 of Vaihingen in the duchy of Württemberg, entered into a written accord with the elders and deacons of the Evangelical congregation in the county of Philadelphia, district of Providence, 8 and by dint of this accord gave school lessons to many children from the summer of 1751 to the summer of 1753; and that he also skillfully played the organ at public services and privately at many weddings and funerals every 14 days from November of 1751 to July of 1753, and in my presence conducted himself moderately and soberly and was willing to serve in the customary manner, 9 and as far as his strength permitted; also, the small salary from the poor congregation, which was recently established, and the reluctance of many parents who keep their children out of school for reasons known to them, has made further subsistence for him difficult; they mutually decided to end their accord and improve their circumstances: such was to certify without prejudice regarding other matters. 10 Providence, 27 August 1753

He[i]nrich Mühlenberg V[erbi] D[ivini] M[agister]11

1. Gottlieb Mittelberger (1715->1759) was born in Eberdingen (then in the duchy of Württemberg; now in Baden-Württemberg, Germany), and a schoolmaster and organist by profession. Arriving in Philadelphia on 29 September 1750 aboard the ship "Osgood," he served the Lutheran congregations in Providence (now Trappe, a part of Upper Providence Township, in Montgomery County, Pennsylvania) and Philadelphia in these capacities until 1754, when he left for Germany again. The distressing experiences during his 1750 voyage on a ship primarily filled with poorer emigrants who would become indentured servants prompted him after his return to Germany to publish a written account that urgently warned against emigration to America. See Gottlieb Mittelberger, Gottlieb Mitteibergers Reise nach Pennsylvanien im. Jahr 1750: und Rü[c]kreise nach Teutschland im Jahr 1754: enthaltend nicht nur eine Beschreibung des Landes nach seinem gegenwärtigen Zustande, sondern auch eine ausführliche Nachricht von den unglü[c]kseligen und betrübten Umständen der meisten Teutschen, die in dieses Land gezogen sind, und dahin ziehen (Stuttgart: Gottlieb Friderich Jenisch, 1756). For an English translation, see Gottlieb Mittelberger, Journey to Pennsylvania, trans, and ed. Oscar Handlin and John Clive (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1960). 2. Now Trappe, a part of Upper Providence Township, in Montgomery County, Pennsylvania, In Muhlenberg's day, also called "New Providence." 3. The text reads Er (= he). By using this very formal form of address in the third person singular (instead of the then more common Sie or Ihr), Mühlenberg emphasizes his contempt for Mittelberger's alleged sexual misconduct. 4. Neither Mühlenberg's correspondence nor his journals give any more information on this alleged incident. 5. The lines in square brackets are crossed out in the manuscript. In the last sentence the verb is missing. 6. A village northwest of Stuttgart, now in Vaihingen on the Enz in Baden-Württemberg, Germany.

LETTER 135: 27 AUGUST 7. 8. 9. 10. 11.

The text reads Amt. The text reads Neuprovidencer Amt. The text reads (Latin) more tradito. The text reads (Latin) sine caeterorum [ = ceterorum] Latin: teacher [or: master] of the Divine Word.

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praeiudicio.

Letter 136 Muhlenberg, [(Johann) Peter Brunnholz and Johann Friedrich Handschuh] to [Gotthilf August Francke and Friedrich Michael Ziegenhagen] 1 Philadelphia, 1 September 1753 On behalf of his colleagues [Johann] Peter Brunnholz and Johann Friedrich Handschuh and of himself Muhlenberg writes to his superiors in Halle and London to describe the challenges he and his colleagues confront in Pennsylvania. He emphasizes the education of young people and asks for further financial assistance to build churches, graveyards and schools and to hire pastors, teachers and organists. Muhlenberg also laments the many difficulties that face German Lutherans in "the American wilderness:" religiously, by being put down by groups such as Quakers, Dunkers and Anabaptists, and Moravians; politically, by not having the official status enjoyed by the Church of England; socially, by constituting a marginalized class. The letter further describes the situations of several colleagues (including Handschuh, Weygand, Schaum, Schertlin, Gerock, Schrenck and Wortmann) and congregations (including New York, Hackensack, Philadelphia, Germantown, York, Lancaster and Reading). In this lengthy description, Muhlenberg offers rich and complicated views of colonial America's social and religious scene. Text in German: Korrespondenz 2: 50-67. For further textual information, see Korrespondenz 2: 62. Very Reverend, Dear Fathers in Christ: We take the liberty of sending Your Reverences a humble joint letter in the certain hope that it may please you to learn of the present state of the various Evangelical congregations in Pennsylvania and adjacent areas according to our meager judgment. The consciousness of having an orderly call, which made one willing by God, equipped with his free gifts, requested by the congregations, called by You the Supervisors, sent and accepted to announce and extol the salvation obtained by the great Savior of the world to old and young sinners according to the grace given them, is comforting in all hindrances that occur, in the face of resistance, humiliation, persecutions, and suffering. And this call remains a permanent stimulus to sustain one in weakness, too, where so very little can be accomplished to the glory of God, for the saving of our fellow human beings and for one's own welfare. The Very Reverend Fathers and Patrons could have lived much more quietly, peacefully, and sheltered and thus could have lived out your lives in your important offices and stations if you had heard nothing about the wildernesses of the East and the West 2 and the wild fellow

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humans that are wandering about there, and if you had not been approached to help them and moved to support them for the sake of God. We could equally have served the Lord according to our poorest measure of grace and talent in the quietness of our fatherland if the Very Reverend Fathers had not communicated God's call to go to the lost and entirely corrupt sons in the North American wilderness and to call them to the home of their father. 3 We are not only conscious of an orderly call, however, but also of a most gracious and reconciled Father in Christ, who is able and willing to protect us through his omnipotence, to see our needs, wants, and hardships in his omniscience, to answer our begging and pleading and to help us by his omnipresence, to give means and counsel from the unfathomable depth of his wisdom, to grant life and sustenance through the abundance of his grace, to elevate and hold us by his patience, to spare us in his forbearance, to purify and mold us according to his holiness, to chastise us out of his righteousness in a fatherly manner for the good of our souls, to preserve us by his grace, to feel pity out of his mercy, and to be everything and in everything to us according to the immeasurable, eternal goodness of his heart in Jesus Christ! Happy are those whose help is the God of Jacob, whose hope is in the Lord their God! Psalm 146[:5], In the name of this great Jehovah and Father to whom we are reconciled in Christ, the Very Reverend Fathers and Patrons have taken the poverty and miserable state of the scattered sheep in the American wilderness to heart, and let themselves be moved by their begging and pleading to show every possible and conceivable care, effort, and active support for saving souls for many years now and especially during the past twelve years.4 In the name of this same God, we have willingly accepted the call from the Very Reverend Fathers to leave our beloved fatherland and friends, have made the arduous journey on land and at sea, have assumed our office, and have preached God's promise of godliness, to be sure in great weakness and with innumerable errors that weigh us down every day and keep us under the cross of Christ. We have expended the powers of our bodies and souls for a poor salary paid from the parishioners' voluntary alms, have exposed ourselves to the contempt and malice of the self-confident, ungrateful, and mocking world, have faced the foes of truth and of the cross of Christ in earnestness and love, have born the wicked with meekness, have punished the stubborn with God's word, have now and then given the self-confident ones a scare, have warned the hypocrites, have shamed those seeking salvation by works with their self-righteousness, have preached the kingdom of heaven to the poor in spirit, have comforted the suffering with the gospel,5 have referred the meek to their share in the inheritance of the saints in light,6 and showed the hungry and thirsty the inexhaustible fountain of grace in Christ, and through God's inexpressible grace and compassion have spent our days not entirely without blessing and fruit, performing whatever belongs to the office that preaches reconciliation. We deem God's patience to be our godliness and we are happy if his spirit is bearing witness with our spirit7 so that we may please him in Christ. We care little about the testimonies of others, for they treat us with honor and dishonor, ill repute and good repute. We are called seducers.8 May God sustain us in truthfulness! We are unknown

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to the self-important minds that rely on themselves and known in the Lord to the sincere ones, etc., etc. as those who have been chastised but not yet put to death.9 We would be painting a strange and contradictory picture to our Very Reverend Fathers and to all dear Patrons in Europe if our call and work depended on the judgments and recommendations of the Pennsylvania parties. For example, the politicians and noblemen would say we are enthusiasts and are speaking too much about a savior who, in their opinion, is a fabrication, and about the revealed word of God. The Friends or so-called Quakers describe us as hirelings that serve for money, etc., etc. The separated Friends depict us as tinkers of Babel. The Zinzendorfers 10 have already recommended us orally and in writing as Laodiceans and pounders of repentance and law. In the eyes of Dunkers and Anabaptists, we appear to be clerics of Baal and utterers of empty falsehoods. Those preachers of our confession who came of their own accord regard us as a horror and an outrage. The coarse world accuses us of obstinacy and arrogance. To the hypocrites, we are too high-flown and worldly, to the modern Christians, too lowly and simple-hearted. To the innkepers, fiddlers, and pipers, we are too melancholic and miserly, to the misers too extravagant, and to the lustful too illtempered, to the lawyers too phlegmatic, and to the doctors too strong. In short, we have been crucified to the world,11 and, oh!, if only the world were crucified to us more and more! The only letter of praise we can produce before God and our Very Reverend Fathers may be those few souls that we have prepared through our service, written not with ink but with the Spirit of the living God on the tablets of their hearts.12 Even this letter is too paltry and too poor to read in proportion to the great, deep, tender love and desire that the arch-shepherd Jesus Christ feels after the rescue of the hundredth sheep that was lost,13 and to the many efforts that the Very Reverend Fathers and Patrons in Europe have made so far. If Jehovah wished to judge us for our errors in office and station according to his righteousness, we could not even answer one of his thousand charges and for that reason would have to hide faithfully behind the most merciful high priest and advocate who is at the right hand of God and intercedes for us.14 God has continually kept us alive and strengthened us through the abundance of his goodness, patience, and forbearance, so that we have been able in weakness and through many trials to offer and praise his saving means of grace to the large and small flocks in Philadelphia, Cohenzy,15 Germantown, 16 Providence,17 Pikestown,18 New Hanover,19 New Goshenhoppen, 20 Old Goshenhoppen, 21 Indianfield, 22 Tulpehocken,23 Northkill,24 York25 beyond the Susquehanna River, UpperMilford, 26 Saucon, 27 Forks of Delaware,28 Tohickon,29 Neshaminy, 30 Reading, in New Jersey,31 on the Raritan River,32 in New York City,33 and in Hackensack.34 Depending on time and opportunity, we have had the children of the above-mentioned congregations and small charges enter into the most blessed covenant of grace with God [through Baptism], have instructed and confirmed young people, have administered the Holy Supper, and have planted, watered and recommended the growth to the owner of the vineyard with humble prayer. The little congregation in Cohenzy35 could be served from Philadelphia only a few times. In the meantime, they had to make do with reading [of Scripture]. In Philadelphia, the school

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continued in blessing with difficulty and diligence. The Germantown congregation 36 was very popular with newlanders and newly arrived unruly people from Germany who, in conjunction with old and new preachers coming of their own accord and with some disgruntled elders and deacons, staged one infuriating and loutish rebellion after the other and did not cease until they had moved us to resign our office and had driven Pastor Handschuh out of the church, together with a small group of longtime parishioners who were the founders of the congregation that had incurred most of the costs, troubles, and labor in building the church. Eventually they installed the infamous Pastor Andreae, 37 who had twice been jailed for wrongdoing, 38 as their preacher in the church and in the parsonage. 39 Pastor Handschuh now administers the means of grace to the little flock that was expelled and presently consists of twenty families (inhabitants of Germantown and nearby places) in a rented house on Sundays and holidays, keeping a school for the tender youth on weekdays. Pastor Handschuh and his family manage sparsely and meagerly with their sustenance, as his parishioners are not able to pay for his most basic support, beyond what they are already doing. 40 And although these long-established parishioners applied their sweat and blood to the church and the graveyard, the usurpers are still threatening to withhold a resting place in the cemetery to their deceased because they intend to shepherd the little flock back into their church and subject them to the power of their Godless and wandering preachers in this way. It seems almost harsh and incredible that in a country where there are Christian authorities, a church and a graveyard should be taken away and misused by newlanders, newly arriving strangers, preachers with no call, and the like, etc., etc. This must appear thoroughly strange to those who do not know our Pennsylvania circumstances and our conduct. The English High Church faces no challenges, for it enjoys the protection of the law of the land and has an established church order. All other religious persuasions are merely tolerated.41 The purpose of the authorities is to preserve the inhabitants' bodily welfare, etc. But they have nothing to do with religious affairs, the realm of the church, and what pertains to it. Every church community is responsible for instituting good order itself and for uniting with superiors or friends in Europe, etc., etc. The denomination that is managed and directed in the best, most orderly, most peaceful, and smoothest manner is that with the best reputation next to the High Church and is popular with all people that are fond of that. The High Church is provided with appropriate laws, orders and privileges. But if it does not employ edifying and gifted ministers, it must acknowledge that members by birth will join other denominations where they receive nourishment for their spiritual needs. 42 In these provinces, our Evangelical Lutheran Church is as yet the most unhappy one, partly due to the fact that there are too many lazy and completely worthless members, partly and especially owing to the large number of disgraceful persons who pretend to be pastors of our confession. And what had not been trampled on already, Count Zinzendorf 43 ruined completely with his dirty tricks. How outrageously and irresponsibly they fought, even engaging in legal disputes over churches and school buildings, etc., etc.! How outrageous and offensive the recent ill-mannered quarrels

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have been among the German Reformed! 44 Such tumults are not only most dangerous in free states45 but also leave a most contemptible impression, so that respectable—I do not want to say: Christian-minded—people of many different nations and parties would rather join the savages and their gods than stay with such churches and denominations. For our part, we have had external peace for many years and through God's grace have been working on the inner and outer structure of the Evangelical Church. Previously we had to struggle with the white devil, but now [we are struggling] with the black and coarse one.46 Far be it, though, that we fight over wooden or stone buildings and add yet more disgrace to our Evangelical religion! To this end we have no instruction from our Very Reverend Fathers. The twenty families that Mr. Handschuh currently serves in Germantown had contributed most to the church. We had a properly signed call from the earliest parishioners and had been taking care of the congregation with worry and difficulty for some ten years.47 When the new throngs of people arrived with their godless leaders, causing unrest over and over again, and ready to wreak carnage, we could have taken legal action with the authorities with complete justification, or in the Münster way48 could have called our twenty United Congregations49 and their small charges to help with weapons and exchange the poor pile of stones for human blood. These are not our principles, however, and our instructions are not such. We looked to God and his authorization, fell back step by step, and because cunning and violence prevailed over the law,50 the poor sheep that were abused and despised before the world followed us and continued their worship in quietness in a rented house. Therefore, it is necessary and would be useful if the Very Reverend Fathers and our many dear Patrons could come to the assistance of the overburdened shepherds and expelled sheep in Germantown; assistance would allow a reasonable lot for a graveyard to be bought, a school to be built on it, and in that house, an opportunity to be provided for Evangelical worship and necessary instruction of the youth; the faithful servant to the lambs and sheep would be granted a contribution towards his support. After all, we cannot with good conscience abandon the expelled members, and we cannot direct them to the malicious, rough crowd in the church. We also hope that this is the most opportune time to gather together and build an orderly Evangelical congregation consisting of parents eager to be saved, and of their children; a nice beginning has already been made in this. During the unrest, even the bitterest opponents were unable to establish proof of any fault in teaching and conduct regarding Mr. Handschuh. The rough crowd could not charge us with anything other than being from Halle and not from the Empire51 and that we do not like to throw pearls before swine.52 They wanted to have preachers like those who come along yearly with the German immigrants. Because we are obligated to take special care of well-meaning parishioners, and of poor, innocent youth in particular, and to maintain connections between Philadelphia, Germantown, Providence,53 and New Hanover,54 the purchase of a lot in Germantown for burial, a school and a meeting house for old and young would probably be the most obvious way to achieve this blessed purpose. In addition to larger congregations in Providence and New Hanover, I—Muhlenberg—for a few years had served a little congregation consisting of English,

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Swedish, and German members, called Molatton, and had endured many hardships while ruining my physical strength.55 But I could not endure it any longer and, upon my request to his very reverend, the Swedish Provost Acrelius, 56 was replaced by the reverend Mr. Lidenius, pastor extraordinarius,51 who has been rendering faithful services to the same. The congregation at Tulpehocken and its branches have been ministered to by Pastor Kurz58 according to grace granted him and with all faithfulness possible. The children were instructed by him in wintertime. The congregation in York beyond the Susquehanna River was agitated by the ringleaders of the Germantown unrest and by a newly arrived preacher. One part of the same congregation did no longer want to bear with Mr. Schaum's 59 sickly constitution of body and mind but to accept one of those fortune-seeking preachers. The majority was still content with Mr. Schaum and asked that he remain with them.60 The congregation in Frederick, Maryland, 61 asked us for a pastor several times. But because we did not know any pastor for them, they accepted Pastor Hausihl, 62 who had been ordained by the very reverend ministerium in Rotterdam 63 and sent to America on a trial basis and on the condition that he associate with us. On the recommendation of Magister Wagner, 64 the congregation in Lancaster 65 had turned to the right honorable consistory of the duchy of Württemberg for a pastor, and had been served by Mr. Wagner in the interim; for a short time it was served by a Württemberg student by the name of Engelland 66 who ended up in Pennsylvania, and after him by another newly arrived pastor by the name of Mr. Wortmann, 67 who had been stationed not far from Hamburg, 68 until Magister Gerock 69 finally arrived and assumed his duties in Lancaster in an orderly fashion, sent by the princely Württemberg consistory. To be sure, the congregation was divided at first and a large part worshipped with Pastor Wortmann in the town hall until Mr. Wortmann was called to a newly established town on the Schuylkill River, called Reading. 70 We are happy that the Lancaster congregation withdrew from the mindless Zinzendorfers and from other preachers that came of their own accord, and through God's providence submitted to the supervision of the right honorable consistory in Württemberg and were provided with a minister sent in an orderly fashion. The congregation in the new town on the Schuylkill River, called Reading, had first been served by Magister Wagner. But after it grew in numbers, a rift emerged between the congregation and Mr. Wagner 71 for various reasons. The elders of the congregation pestered us orally and in writing about getting a pastor from our Ministerium. At the last synodical convention, I—Mühlenberg—was ordered by my colleagues to go to Reading in response to a letter of invitation signed by eighty-two parishioners, and to preach there in the newly built church for the first time, which I did accordingly. 72 Magister Wagner was indignant and in a letter to Justice Weiser 73 threatened us vehemently. 74 In a public tract, he also declared that my colleagues and I were heterodox ministers who had deviated from the Lutheran Church, 75 when we drafted the liturgy or church agenda and had initially been willing to omit the word true16 at the administration of Holy Communion and to adhere to the words of the Lord Jesus which he himself used for the institution; also, because we did not ask the child itself, "N. N., dost thou renounce? N.

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N., dost thou believe, etc., etc.?" at the baptism of children, but asked the sponsors in the plural, " D o you [in the name of this child] renounce? Do you believe?"77 The Magister may have forgotten that in the princely Württemberg church agenda and in the large kingdom of Sweden, etc., etc. the little word true at the distribution was omitted too, etc., etc. I asked the congregation in Reading several times in front of witnesses in writing and orally78 to accept Magister Wagner as their pastor again or humbly request a minister from the right honorable consistory in Württemberg, since we could not spare any one in our ministerium. They did not want to, however, and initially turned to the newly arrived Magister Schertlin79 from the duchy of Württemberg, who currently lives at a place called Macungie.80 At first Magister Schertlin seemed to be inclined to take the congregation under his care, and the most honorable ones of the congregation were also very happy because the Magister in his guest sermon had learnedly and concisely explicated the Pragmatic Sanction of the House of Austria81 and the truths related to it, as Dr. Busse82 who was in the audience83 told me. But as they could not quite reach an agreement, they thereafter called Mr. Wortmann from Lancaster, as reported above, who had already lost part of his authority because he had beaten his poor wife too severely and in the heat of the moment had slapped a deacon by the name of Michael Hubele84 in the face in the presence of other parishioners, as a justice of the peace from Lancaster assured us, saying that the action had been brought before the authorities.85 Given how bad and very confused things are, people universalize by inference from this particular case and lay it at the door of our Lutheran Church, so that all other parties blame it. The congregations in New Goshenhoppen and Indianfield have been ministered to physically and spiritually by Pastor Schultze,86 the congregations in Old Goshenhoppen and on the Tohickon by Pastor Rauss87 and the little flocks in Upper Milford, Saucon, Forks of Delaware,88 and far and wide across the Blue Mountains have been pastured with much hardship, trouble, and all possible faithfulness by Pastor Schrenck.89 Part of the New Goshenhoppen people are still clinging to Pastor Andreae and are being attended to by him from Germantown.90 Part of the people on the Tohickon have accepted a careless, uneducated, and false man for preacher91 who is associated with that Andreae and was hired because he can fabricate the most manifest untruths about us and spread them in the country. The congregations at Reading in New Jersey and in the mountains near the Raritan River92 have had Pastor Weygand93 as their minister.94 Some disgruntled leaders of the same congregation were informed about the Germantown unrest through the German-language newspapers, went there, and were advised by the leaders of the Andreae party, came back with a slanderous writing against us and in this way stated that they hoped to be released at once from the Halle Pietists. On Good Friday, the aforementioned leaders were in church, and after Mr. Weygand finished the sermon, one elder stood up from the congregation and read out the slander against our ministerium and our superiors, which deeply dismayed and disquieted the congregation, etc., etc. The congregation asked us in writing about the state of affairs through Mr. Weygand. After we sent back our view of the matter95 with comments, the two disgruntled leaders were excluded from the congregation on account of their tumultuous

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conduct and admonished to acknowledge their mischief, offer their apologies, and mend their ways. 96 The abandoned congregations in New York City and Hackensack had humbly applied to our Very Reverend Fathers to get Muhlenberg as their pastor. 97 But since the Very Reverend Fathers did not deem such change advisable for valid reasons, the aforementioned congregations appointed Pastor Weygand from Raritan as their interim minister. 98 The congregations on the Raritan River then urged Muhlenberg to come and settle their matters, which was then done. 99 According to my journal, 100 the situation improved in such a way that the congregations became united again, the separated leaders were accepted after recognizing their complicity in the matter, and Pastor Schrenck was unanimously requested as their minister. 101 With regard to schools and school work, things still do not look good in our rural congregations since able and honest schoolmasters are rare, salaries are entirely insufficient, parishioners are scattered and far apart from each other, most of them are poor, the roads are wretched, and the children are needed for work in summer. May it please the Very Reverend Fathers and dearest Patrons that, next to God, we pour our requests to You concerning the following and entreat you for help: (1) W e see daily that preaching alone is not enough to better a wicked state102 and to enlarge the kingdom of Jesus Christ. The majority of our so-called Christian people in America have been awfully neglected in their youth. They have no proper notions of the principal truths of Christian doctrine, and instead have their minds and hearts full of erroneous, false, contradictory tenets, opinions, prejudices, superstition, and aversion and recalcitrance to God, implanted and reproduced in them by their parents and ancestors. They can read little or not at all, and those who can read a bit are subject to the dangers of strange, harmful, and seductive books, of which the country is full. Pastors may preach as often and as edifyingly and movingly as they want and are able to. The surface may indeed be touched a little with many youth but the seed falls on the path, on the rock, and among thorns, 103 and the soil is plowed rarely or not at all. Most of the young people often grow up following in the paths of the old ones and bearing the same fruit. If the foundation of an old house is bad and rotten, one can patch, improve, cover up, paint, and whitewash but in vain. One can cut, clear, clean, dig, and fertilize old trees but in vain if the root has died. (2) For the most part, the parents cling to their children with deep affection. 104 Where the children go, the parents follow along. What the children say and do are oracles and miracles to many parents. In their tender youth, children are best suited for grasping good ideas and teaching them to their parents, especially here in America. The malice of those claiming to be atheists is shown in their complaints about the first tenets of religion inculcated in them during their tender youth, and they have admitted that they have the hardest time erasing them. An impartial look at the blessed institutions in Glaucha, near Halle, 105 or the charity schools in England and other places will confirm that their influence on all estates of Christendom is an improvement of the state. 106 It would be absolutely inconsistent to stop employing such institutions because of abuse that does occur, to throw away the vine because of some withering, 107 to

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exterminate the entire flock because of a few mangy sheep and cut off the whole tree because of some dead branches. (3) Philadelphia is the capital of Pennsylvania, a receptacle for all conceivable parties, a prolific womb for many thousand children, a port where several thousand old and young people arrive every year, a nursery of plants which fills and plants the country and the adjacent provinces annually. There are schools of many denominations: most of them charge tuition, and there are a few that are free. The youth are taught those subjects that barely foster their temporary welfare. Little thought is spent on the welfare of the soul, that which should be the foundation. Our poor Germans are far behind the rest. They have the most children and the least means to pay for food and school fees. Our experiment with a German school in Philadelphia is now in its second year. Our beloved brother, Adjunct Heinzelmann,108 bears the greatest part of the burden and has turned to the organist for assistance.109 They had over one hundred children, and had to keep and instruct the same in church during the summer, and with much difficulty in the rented parsonage during the winter. Both of them had to cover their basic needs by [teaching children]; at the same time, they were still a [financial] burden to the pastor and the congregation, which, creates problems and obstacles on all sides. Oh! If only the infinitely loving and merciful God who is the true Father of all that are called children110 directed the hearts of his wealthier children and their streams of charity to establish a fund, from which (1) a suitable lot in Philadelphia could be purchased and a school built on it; (2) the adjunct of the congregation could be paid first and an able, honest schoolmaster could be supported so that the poorest widows and orphans would be instructed in the basic tenets of the Christian doctrine and in other decent subjects for free, those of average wealth for half [the school fees], and the wealthier ones for full school fees. The organist, as the third colleague, could be paid from the school fees, and the necessary books and equipment for poor children could be bought from the rest. In this way, a beautiful tree nursery for the Lord's vineyard could be laid out, and under the supervision of the pastor, much good could be planted and watered by those three laborers, and growth be asked from the Lord.111 If (2[si'c]) a second school were set up from that charity fund soon thereafter, in proportion to the size of the place and the number of children in Germantown, and if the faithful Pastor Handschuh 112 were given an opportunity to work with yet another able catechist or schoolteacher for those parents that are eager to be saved and for their children, as outlined above, a harvest could be expected from that, too. After that (3) the Lord would also see to it that the poor, abandoned children of widows and orphans could be instructed there for free and trained for building the kingdom of Christ in the two oldest United Congregations in Providence and New Hanover. Should the charity fund increase by God's merciful providence and compassion, one could proceed from one congregation to the next and establish the most necessary schools of the poor. The Lord would surely have us prepare able and godly schoolteachers in the first institutions in Philadelphia and Germantown. God's work generally starts with little and goes on step by step through many trials of difficulties. We have hope and confidence

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in the living God that he will awaken his children in Europe for such necessary and important work and provide our Very Reverend Fathers in London and Halle with funds so that his name will be sanctified in the American wilderness, his kingdom will be expanded, and his will be done." 3 All well-meaning souls in our city that are yearning for grace are ready to contribute their mites from their living, and there will not pass away one upright Israelite among us114 who does not consider such a necessary institution in his last will. With regard to the external circumstances of our colleagues, [i.e.,] they United Pastors, they are resting on shaky foundations. For the most part we are poor and must live on parishioners' voluntary mites. Our extensive official duties require extensive costs for horses, harnesses, and clothing, and the majority of the parishioners are poor and want more from us than they are able to give back. Many give as much as they can afford, others grow tired of giving, and if one accepts the well-known proverb, Veritas odium parit,U5 as an empirical truth, it is easy to imagine that little can be obtained where the truth is not at home. In our opinion, it is a hindrance to the joyful and free discharge of our office when pastors have to live completely on the voluntary mites of the listeners, not to mention that it causes problems in the congregations themselves while giving rise to charges from other parties. The inexperienced think and say that a pastor is their hired servant and needs to hold office like a job for the sake of daily bread and according to their rules. Others think their money or gift secures them the privilege of remaining in sin and attending Holy Communion undisturbed; yea, they think they are free to hire a new preacher for their money every year and cast out the old ones, etc., etc. Moreover, every year fortune-seekers arrive of their own accord, who join the disgruntled people who hate the truth and make it as easy for them as they can, 116 and who blaspheme against the Lord among the people for a handful of barley and a morsel of bread, etc., etc., abuse us, and create the most distressing damage, discord, and outrage. The pastors sent from Sweden are supported by their fatherland; the English ministers have subsidies from the society. 117 The Zinzendorfers know how to win over wealthy people, sometimes along with all their worldly goods and money, and later they live on the "Savior's treasury." They think we are only able to partially awaken and convert people because we do not strip them of their temporary goods. The German Reformed pastors receive part of their salaries from Holland. 118 Our dear colleagues in Ebenezer 119 get their basic support from a legacy. 120 The dear laborers in East India have assistance, too, which relieves them of some burdens of office. 121 W e do not mention this from a lack of faith, mistrust, and vileness but count it among the hindrances to the free discharge of our office. According to his promises, the Lord has not yet deserted, much less neglected us, but has furnished the necessary means as long as we strive for his kingdom and his righteousness.122 Should the all-sufficient God also provide a subsidy for the poor pastors of poor congregations through the necessary schools and orphanages, it would be accepted with the humblest gratitude for the good of the whole, especially if they had poor wives and underage children with them, since our congregations are as yet too young and too weak to support the pastors who serve them, let alone care for elderly ministers or their surviving widows and orphaned children.

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With other parties and denominations, love is restricted to people of their kind, and the aversion to and loathing for the Evangelical pastors is rooted so deeply that they would rather contribute fuel to the stake as alms to their most basic support. At this time, we are standing by like David, ready to flee with the Ark of the Covenant (2 Sam. 15:25-26), and must say: "If we find favor with the Lord, he will remain with us and grant his protection, help, and salvation through his children and will have our hearts and hands renewed for our duties at schools and in churches." But if he says, "I take no pleasure in you, 123 1 desire to let the streams of charity run dry, withdraw the hands of my children, let the multitude of sinners go their own ways, let the vineyard be churned up by wild sows and foxes,"124 etc., etc., and let so many thousands of underage children who do not know to tell right from wrong remain in ignorance, blindness, and doom; or if he says, "I want to employ other means, ways, and instruments?" Look, here we are! Let him do to us what is pleasing to him!125 It is only a short while until we will lay our head down in the ashes and entrust our troubled souls to the most faithful Savior, who has loved these very souls out of pure love, cleansed them with his blood, and pardoned and clothed them with his almighty righteousness! May he not be terrible to us! A beginning has been made here in Jehovah's name through the Very Reverend Fathers and so many dear Patrons and Benefactors. The door is open, the field is very large and extensive, and the hand has been put to the plow.126 Obstacles, difficulties, and trials are there. Satan and his army are getting ready to defend their palace. If the kingdom of darkness is being attacked by God's power, grace, and support, the stronger, almighty Jehovah will grant means, ways, instruments, and everything necessary so that a beginning will be made, in all seriousness and faithfulness, first and foremost with the youth, and a good foundation will be laid for the future. Just as the blood of Abel cried to God from the ground and the dearest blood of the only mediator, Jesus Christ, speaks a better word before God,127 so thousands of underage, scattered, poor children of widows, orphans, and other children that should not bear the guilt of their fathers are crying for help and for the saving of their priceless souls; that is, the necessity of the matter itself speaks and sighs before God and his children who have a compassionate heart and worldly means to invest at eternal and high interest. There may be an inclination to say that the majority of old and young people ask for no honest pastors and schoolteachers but want to continue their lives freely and independently. But it is said that Christ gave himself for all, so that it be attested at the right time.128 It is generally considered the terminal stage of many serious illnesses when patients are beside themselves and do not feel the illness, etc., etc. Relatives or neighbors would be negligent if they did not call a doctor or provide medicines before the patient comes to himself again and asks for help himself, etc., etc. The Very Reverend Fathers and so many dear Patrons and Benefactors must not lose heart and let themselves be discouraged by the ingratitude of so many recalcitrant and malicious sinners. The same Highly Esteemed have performed a work of love and mercy for the abandoned and the lost sheep in Pennsylvania and adjacent countries, which neither the coarse nor the subtle world sees or, if it does see it, judges jealously

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and despises, but which is highly esteemed by God and remains inscribed for the magnificent reward of the resurrection of the righteous!129 That day will not only bring to light and reveal the evil but also the hidden and unrecognized good. Those who sow in tears will reap with joy, 130 and whoever was faithful in a very little will be entrusted with much.131 We commend ourselves, our congregations, and the entire work, next to God, to the earnest prayer, intercession, and faithful care of Your Very Reverences and of all the known and unknown patrons and benefactors in the Lord, and heartily share the sorrows and joys with you. Remaining in due veneration, your most obedient and obliging servants Philadelphia, 1 September 1753

He[i]nrich Melchior Muhlenberg in the name of the others

1. On [Johann] Peter Brunnholz (1717-1757), see above, 4 6 n l l . On Johann Friedrich Handschuh (1714-1764), see 48n22. Gotthilf August Francke (1696-1769), see 29n33. On Friedrich Michael Ziegenhagen (1694-1776), see 37nl4. 2. The text reads Morgen= und Abendländischen Wüsten; i.e., the Orient (the Francke Foundations had sent missionaries to India) and America. 3. Muhlenberg alludes to the parable of the prodigal son in Luke 15:11-32. For details of Miihlenberg's call by Francke in 1741, see Selbstbiographie, 15-16; Journals 1: 7. 4. Since Miihlenberg's call by Francke on his thirtieth birthday (6 September 1741). See also Correspondence 1, Letters 8 and 9. 5. See Matt. 5:3-4. 6. See Col. 1:12. 7. See Rom. 8:16. 8. See 2 Cor. 6:8. 9. See 2 Cor. 6:9. 10. I.e., Moravians. Mühlenberg, like Brunnholz, Handschuh and other Halle Pietists opposed to Count Nikolaus Ludwig von Zinzendorf (1700-1760) and his followers, used to call this Protestant group derogatorily "Zinzendorfers" or "Herrnhuters" (after Herrnhut, a village near the Saxon town of Berthelsdorf, in Upper Lusatia in Southeast Germany, were Zinzendorf had established a colony of Protestant refugees from Bohemia on a part of a family estate). On Zinzendorf, see below, 89n43. 11. See Gal. 6:14. 12. See 2 Cor. 3:3. 13. See Luke 15:4-7. 14. See Rom. 8:34. 15. Now a part of the city of Bridgeton, in Cumberland County, New Jersey. 16. Then in Philadelphia County, Pennsylvania; now a part of Philadelphia. 17. The text reads Neuprovidence. Now Trappe, a part of Upper Providence Township, in Montgomery County, Pennsylvania. In Miihlenberg's day, also called "New Providence." 18. Now East Pikeland Township, in Chester County, Pennsylvania. 19. Now a township in Montgomery County, Pennsylvania. 20. Now Upper Hanover Township, in Montgomery County, Pennsylvania. 21. Now Upper Salford Township, in Montgomery County, Pennsylvania. 22. Now in Telford Borough, Montgomery County, Pennsylvania. 23. Now a township in Berks County, Pennsylvania. 24. Now in the townships of Bern and Upper Bern, in Berks County, Pennsylvania.

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25. Now a township in York County, Pennsylvania. 26. Now a township in Lehigh County, Pennsylvania. 27. Now Upper Saucon Township, in Lehigh County, Pennsylvania. 28. Now the city of Easton, in Northampton County, Pennsylvania. The text reads Fork. 29. Now Bedminster Township, in Bucks County, Pennsylvania. The text reads Tohecka. 30. Now a populated place in Bucks County, Pennsylvania. This settlement was named after the small Neshaminy River north of Philadelphia, where Europeans had begun to settle very early. 31. Now Readingsburg, a populated place in Hunterdon County, New Jersey. 32. In Hunterdon County, New Jersey. 33. Trinity Lutheran Church, located at Rector Street and Broadway in Lower Manhattan. 34. Now a city in Bergen County, New Jersey. 35. The congregation in Cohenzy was alternately served by Brunnholz, Schaum, and Miihlenberg. See HN 2/1: 47-48,107. 36. On the quarrels in Germantown, see Letters 131,134,136,138,145,148 and 152. 37. Johann Conrad Andreae [Andrea] (-1703-1754). See above, 26nl9. 38. According to Miihlenberg, Andreae had knowingly united a woman in marriage with her third husband in the lifetime of her other two husbands from whom she had not been divorced. Andreae was sentenced to pay a fine of £50 and imprisoned for insolvency but later pardoned by the governor of Pennsylvania. His principal vice seems to have been alcohol abuse. He died in Germantown on 1 January 1754. SeefflV2/l: 265-266. 39. See above, 49n31,69. 40. Because the twenty families were not able to secure for Handschuh's support, the pastor moved to Philadelphia and continued to serve the Germantown congregation from there. See HN 1:1281; HN 2/2: 649. 41. In the 1701 Charter of Privileges, William Penn (1644-1718) guaranteed all Pennsylvania inhabitants unrestricted freedom of religion. In 1743, Germantown printer [Johann] Christoph Sauer, Sr. (1693-1758) published the charter in German. See also Correspondence 1: 224n3. 42. Founded in 1701, the London-based Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts (also known as Society for Promoting the Gospel in Foreign Parts, SPG) dispatched missionaries to the American colonies to take care of the Anglicans (Episcopalians) there and gather them together in congregations. The clergy and the congregations in America were under the supervision of the bishop of London who appointed in each province spiritual commissionaries with no episcopal prerogative. Ordination as deacon and priest could only be obtained in England. As early as 1747 Miihlenberg had noted in his journal for 20 June: 'The English Episcopal congregation has a preacher from the society, but they have fallen out with one another and he is not now preaching." See Journals 1: 154. In a letter of 4 November 1768 (which is not included in Korrespondenz), he wrote: "The English church is to be pitied! It has sufficient means and materials for [spiritual] armament and for building the kingdom of God, and only want of faithful laborers!" See Korrespondenz 2: 63nl8; HN 2/1: 446. See also Correspondence 1: 118n8. 43. Count Nikolaus Ludwig von Zinzendorf (1700-1760). He was the founder of the Unitas Fratrum ("Renewed Unity of the Brethren"), a Protestant group of Bohemian-Hussite origin that was commonly known as "Moravians" or "Moravian Brethren." Their opponents used to refer to them as "Herrnhuters" or "Zinzendorfers." Zinzendorf arrived in Philadelphia in the fall of 1741. He claimed the position of superintendent of all German Lutheran congregations in Pennsylvania, had the Philadelphia congregation issue a call to him and instituted church statutes that caused discontent and rebellion in the Lutheran community. Miihlenberg confronted Zinzendorf in a lively dispute in Philadelphia on 30 December 1742. For Miihlenberg's notes on this encounter, see Correspondence 1, Letter 15; Journals 1: 76-89. On his quarrels with Zinzendorf and the Moravians, see above, Letter 134, and Correspondence 1, Letters 17,45-52. 44. On these quarrels, see above, 24, 29nn34, 35,71n26. 45. The text reads Republiquen.

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46. For Mühlenberg's use of Luther's imagery of the black and the white devils, see Correspondence 1: 93n44. See also Mühlenberg's postscript in Letter 80, Correspondence 2: 75. 47. See above, Letters 131 and 134; Correspondence 1, L 16; HN 1: 1281; HN 2/2: 649. 48. Mühlenberg refers to the 1534 siege of Münster, in Westphalia, Germany, by Roman Catholic and Protestant troops, led by the Catholic bishop of Münster, which they laid to the city in response to the proclamation of a thousand-year kingdom by Anabaptist rebels there. After the victory of the bishop's party in 1535, the three leaders of the uprising were executed by letting them starve to death in cages on public display. 49. See above, 72n27. 50. The text reads und da List und Gewalt für Recht ergieng. Mühlenberg obviously alludes to Luther's translation of Hab. 1:3(4), es geht Gewalt vor Recht, which meaning is not adequately captured in common English translations. 51. The text reads aus dem Reiche, short for Heiliges Römisches Reich Deutscher Nation (Holy Roman Empire of German Nation). On the use of the term Reich (empire) in Mühlenberg's day, see above, 72n30. 52. See Matt. 7:6. 53. Now Trappe, a part of Upper Providence Tow nship, in Montgomery County, Pennsylvania. In Mühlenberg's day, also called "New Providence." 54. See above, 65-66, 73n57. 55. Mühlenberg served the congregation from 1748 to 1752 every other week. See Correspondence 2: 13. He reports on his visits to Molatton, now Douglassville, in Amity Township, in Berks County, Pennsylvania, in his journal for March of 1748. See HN 1:265-268; HN 2/1: 377-379; Journals 1:185187. There he also mentions the quarrels with the followers of Count Zinzendorf. 56. Israel Acrelius (1714-1800). See above, 48n29. 57. [Johann] Abraham Lidenius, Jr. ( f l 7 6 8 ) . He was born in Raccoon, now Swedesboro Borough, in Gloucester County, New Jersey, but educated in Sweden. Acrelius sent him to Molatton, now Douglassville, in Amity Township, in Berks County, Pennsylvania, where he had been living since late 1752. The meaning of the Latin technical term pastor extraordinarius (i.e., "pastor with special duties") could not be established. See HN 2/1: 443; Pastors and People 1: 248. 58. Johann Nikolaus Kurz (1720-1794). See above, 47nl2. 59. Johann Helfrich Schaum (1721-1778). See above, 47nl3. 60. On the quarrels in York, see Schaum's letter to Brunnholz of 27 March 1753 and Kurz's report to Brunnholz of 4 April 1753 on his visit to York in late March and early April of 1753. In this report Kurz writes: "According to my poor understanding, the whole matter is this way, that they are tired of Mister Schaum and want Mister Wortmann and desire to dismiss us completely. The beloved brother may want to consider the matter with your colleague [= Mühlenberg] and make your opinion and judgment known to the congregation according to circumstances and opportunity. The majority does not want to expel Mr. Schaum. But remember that they would also be content if he were removed and we gave them someone else." See Correspondence 2: 64n30. On Wortmann, see below, 92n67. Among the members of the opposition in York were some wealthy parishioners and even several members of the church council were opposed to the Halle-dominated Lutheran Ministerium. In Baltimore in 1753, Lutherans dissatisfied with Johann Helfrich Schaum bought Johann [Wilhelm] Samuel Schwerdtfeger's (1734-1803) release from the terms of his indenture and brought this nineteen-year-old student of theology from Erlangen, in Germany, to York as their new pastor (see below, 192nl30, 285n6). Schwerdtfeger was ordained by pastors Mühlenberg called "orthodox" (in contrast to the Halle clergy), possibly Johann Caspar Stöver, Sr. and Tobias Wagner. Still backed by a solid majority of his congregation, Schaum remained in York until 1754 or 1755 and thereafter accepted a call to Tohickon, now Bedminster Township, in Bucks County, Pennsylvania. See HN 2/1: 47, 567; Pastors and People 1: 130-131; Lutheran Church in PA, 280, 285. In an undated and unfinished letter to the York congregation, Mühlenberg expressed his own opinion on the charges launched against the Halle pastors: "Honorable Friends Beloved in Christ. A

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proverb says, one should not abandon old friends before one finds better ones. I remember very well how cordially and initimate our friendship was nine, ten, eleven, or twelve years ago. I found the dear friends and brothers devoid of anyone's help and surrounded by devious friends. I took them under my wing according to my poor ability with God's help and suffered much for their sake in the Zinzendorf troubles [see Correspondence 1: 300-301 with nl5]. "The schoolmaster [Bartholomäus] Maul [(fl755); arrived in Philadelphia on 17 October 1732 aboard the pink "John & William;" see Correspondence 1: 307nl5] and the elders and deacons at that time were no children but reasonable men versed in God's word and in our Evangelical doctrine. They could very easily tell left from right, sound from unsound teaching, orderly from disorderly preachers. I was urged several times to preach to them, to baptize children, to confirm young people, to administer the Holy Supper with many communicants, and to hold meetings. The most reasonable and most respected of the congregation were present at our annual meetings [i.e., synodical conventions] many times. I never heard them taking offense at my call, teaching, and conduct as they had seen with their own eyes and heard with their own ears what I was teaching and how I was officiating. Up to the present day I can still present before God, our Evangelical church in Europe, and all experienced Evangelical Christians in Pennsylvania, New Jersey, New York, Carolina, and Georgia and say that by the grace of God I have been striving in teaching and conduct to keep a clear conscience toward God and human beings. "Therefore it does not disconcert me that I have enemies and jealous opponents who hate me for no reason and speak ill of me and want to bring everything into disorder again what I and my senior colleagues have achieved with much adversity and with God's support. Our Savior says: "You must be hated by all because of my name" (Matt. 10:22). From the beginning of the world until now, true servants of God have had to go through honor and dishonor, through ill repute and good repute, despised as seducers and still be truthful (2 Cor. 6[:8]). "It does disconcert me, however, that my old friends and brothers in York who earlier would have torn out their eyes and given them to me—that they, I say, let themselves so easily be driven mad and incited to loathing me when they had an understanding of God's word and of church history and should know what goals the people are pursuing who persecute me. I therefore want to make the following remarks and ask them to examine everything in due love before God and hold fast to what is good [see 1 Thess. 5:21], "(1) If they had all been united and liked to get rid of Mister Schaum, such could have been accomplished quite easily. In fact, some years ago we wanted to take Mr. Schaum away and send him to Raritan but were asked by the elders and most eminent members of the York congregation in a letter that such should not be done [see Correspondence 1, Letter 63], "(2) Our jealous opponents mockingly say we are Hallensians. Well, we are not ashamed of the University of Halle, even if we did not all study there. Halle in Saxony [understand: in Prussia] is a world-famous Evangelical Lutheran university where pure doctrine and godly conduct are enforced—anyone who understands Luther's explanation of the first petition of the Lord's Prayer does not make derisive remarks [about Halle]—, 'where the word of God is taught sincerely and purely, and we [as children of God lead lives in accordance with it, this grant us dear heavenly Father].' The king of Denmark [= Frederick V, (1723)1746-1766] calls honest Evangelical pastors from Halle and sends them to the heathen in East India. The most eminent German Lutheran congregations in the kingdom of Sweden have Hallensians. The most honorable senior pastor in Hamburg [= Friedrich Wagner (1693-1760)] is a Hallensian. The two noble German court preachers [= Friedrich Michael Ziegenhagen (1694-1776) and Samuel Theodor Albinus (1718-1776)] of our king in England [= George II, (1683-1760)] are Hallensians. The most eminent clergymen in the duchy of Württemberg, Zweibrücken, Hesse-Darmstadt, in Frankfurt, Augsburg, yea, almost throughout Europe are either Hallensians or have close friendship and association with the teachers in Halle. If our friends [understand: enemies] or jealous opponents do not want to believe that, they may write to the right honorable consistories in Germany and properly inquire whether the clergymen who have studied in Halle are true Lutherans or false preachers, and show us the answer. Yet what else shall I say? It is so

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foolish that reasonable men versed in God's word who have had enough opportunity to examine my teaching and conduct for twelve years after that let false itinerants and enemies of the truth make them believe that I were no true Lutheran. Even the most simple-hearted person can recognize that such slander and abuse arises from malice and ignorance. "(3) Our jealous opponents say that we want to unite our congregations and make them slaves. Experience shows exactly the opposite, however. In 1743, the congregation in Germantown gave me a signed power of attorney and asked me to dispatch more pastors there and also to serve the congregation myself [see Journals 1: 73-74]. At my request our superiors in Europe sent yet more pastors at their own expense. The congregation in Germantown has been served by us for ten years. It grew up and the difficult building of the church was scarcely completed before Jacob Beyerle and like-minded people came forth and wanted to establish a tavern just opposite the church." 61. Now a city in Frederick County, Maryland. 62. Bernhard Michael Hausihl [Houseal] (1727-1799). Born in Heilbronn (then an imperial city; now in Baden-Württemberg, Germany). After studying theology in Góttingen and receiving ordination from the consistory in Rotterdam, in the Netherlands, he arrived in Annapolis, Maryland in October, 1752. Until 1758, he served the Lutherans in FredericK, Maryland before assuming duties in several congregations in Pennsylvania and, later, New Jersey. His eventful career as a pastor then saw him move successively to South Carolina, New York, and Nova Scotia. In the Revolution he became a pronounced loyalist and later received Episcopal ordination in England. During his Pennsylvania years, he was in close connection with Halle's Pastor Schaum. See HN 2/1: 426; Pastors and People 1: 5253. See also Handschuh's journal for 2 October 1752, HN 1: 572; HN 2/2: 92. 63. A city in what was then the republic of the United Netherlands. In the eighteenth century, the most important port in continental Europe for German emigrants to America. 64. Tobias Wagner (1702-1769). See above, 28n25. 65. Now a city in Lancaster County, Pennsylvania. 66. Johann Theophil Engelland (+1775). See above, 39n28. 67. Heinrich Burchard Gabriel Wortmann (?-?). Born in Mittelnkirchen, on the Elbe River, in the Swedish-ruled duchy of Bremen (now in Lower Saxony, Germany), he matriculated at Góttingen University on 21 April 1738 and probably studied Lutheran theology. He became pastor of a congregation near Hamburg before arriving in Philadelphia on 3 November 1752. After briefly serving in Lancaster, he ministered to Lutherans in Reading, Alsace, and Schwarzwald (now Exeter Township), in Berks County, Pennsylvania from May until December of 1753, when he was dismissed. Probably in 1754 he left Pennsylvania for the South. He then was in Virginia from about 1757 to 1760 and thereafter was accepted as pastor in Charleston, South Carolina. Sometime in 1762 or 1763 he left this post to go farther into the country. See HN 2/1: 176, 296; Pastors and People 1: 167-168; Lutheran Church in PA, 322. 68. A port on the Elbe River; then an imperial city, now a state of Germany. 69. Johann Siegfried Gerock (1724-1788). See above, 38n21. 70. Now a city in Berks County, Pennsylvania, established in 1748. See Correspondence 2: 171. 71. For the following about Wagner, see Correspondence 2, Letter 126. 72. The letter of the Reading congregation is mentioned in Handschuh's journal for 2 October 1752, the day of the fifth synodical convention there. See HN 1: 571; HN 2/2: 92. A delegate from the congregation delivered it to the synodical convention. From the letter it appears that at that time Wagner was no longer considered pastor of the congregation. See HN 2/2:101; Documentary History, 36-40. Muhlenberg preached in the newly built church for the first time on 15 October 1752. See above, 61-62, and Correspondence 2, Letter 127 with nl2. 73. [Johann] Conrad Weiser, Jr. (1696-1760). Born in Herrenberg (then in the duchy of Württemberg; now in Baden-Württemberg, Germany), he arrived in New York City in June of 1710. In 1712-13, he spent some months among the Mohawks, a formative experience that was to influence much of his adult life. After migrating to Berks County, Pennsylvania, in 1729, he first settled at Tulpehocken before later moving to Womelsdorf. He soon entered public service as Pennsylvania's principal go-

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between with the local Natives and also served as militiaman and justice of the peace for many years. Like his son-in-law (since 1745) Heinrich Melchior Mühlenberg, Weiser became the progenitor of one of Pennsylvania's most eminent families of German-Lutheran stock. See Paul A. W. Wallace, Conrad Weiser, 1696-1760: Friend of Colonist and Mohawk (1945; repr. New York: Russell & Russell, 1971). 74. Wagner's letter to Weiser is not extant but mentioned in Muhlenberg's letter to Weiser, dated 21 December 1752. For Wagner's accusations, see Correspondence 2, Letters 126 and 127. On Wagner, see above, 28n25; HNH\: 433-438; Pastors and People 1: 154-156. 75. In his journal for 28 April 1748, Mühlenberg noted on the discussion of a uniform church agenda (order of worship): "But, notwithstanding this, Pastors Wagner, Stöver, and other contrary-minded men took occasion to instigate some simple-hearted people against us under the pretext that we ought to introduce the liturgy of Württemberg or of Zweibrücken, and they also tried to make the people believe that we intended to lead them away from Lutheran doctrine and church order, etc., etc." See Journals 1: 193. Excerpts printed in HN 2/1: 434. See also above, 23, and HN 2/2: 101. 76. The text reads Wahre. 77. For the original German wording, see HN 2/1: 435. See also Journals 1: 193. These liturgical issues touched on broader doctrinal differences between the Halle Pietists on the one hand and a representative of Rhenish Pietism like Stöver, Jr. and an orthodox Lutheran such as Wagner on the other. These differences in part originated from the fact that the members of the three factions were socialized in different regions of Germany. For Mühlenberg's view of his strained relationship to Wagner, see Correspondence 2, Letters 126 and 127; HN 2/1: 436-437. For a discussion of this liturgical dispute from Stover's point of view, see Roy L. Winters, "John Caspar Stoever: Colonial Pastor and Founder of Churches," Proceedings and Addresses of the Pennsylvania German Society 53 (1948): 128-131. 78. None of these letters of Mühlenberg is extant. In his journal for 20 March 1751, Mühlenberg mentions a meeting with Wagner. See HN 1: 429; HN2/\: 437; HN 2/2: 6; Journals 1: 270. 79. Jakob Friedrich Schertlin (1696—1768). See above, 39n23. See also HN 2/2: 101. 80. Now a borough in Lehigh County, Pennsylvania. 81. Mühlenberg refers to the order of the Austrian succession published in Vienna on 29 April 1713. This order made it possible for Emperor Charles VI (1685-1740) to secure his daughter Maria Theresa's (1717-1780) accession to the Hapsburg throne in 1740. 82. Christian Busse [Bousser] (fl759). Probably born in Alsace, France, he arrived in Philadelphia on 28 September 1733 aboard the brigantine "Richard & Elizabeth." He later settled in the newly established town of Reading, in Berks County, Pennsylvania, where he worked as a physician. In the French and Indian War (1754-1763) he served as a captain, commanding a battalion of the Berks County militia and overseeing the construction of Fort Henry (also known as "[Captain Christian] Busse's Fort"), near the present site of Bethel Township in Berks County, in 1756. See also below, 356, and Correspondence 2, Letter 127. 83. See Mühlenberg's letter to Busse of 21 December 1752, Correspondence 2, Letter 127. 84. Michael Hubele [Hubley] (1722-1804). Born in Germany, he immigrated to Pennsylvania in 1732 and was naturalized on 10 April 1753. He was a warden, elder and trustee of Trinity Lutheran Church in Lancaster and served as justice of the peace and in other public offices in Lancaster County, Pennsylvania. 85. See HN 2/1: 296, HN 2/2:102 and Gerock's letter to Mühlenberg of 27 May 1754 (= Letter 147). 86. Friedrich Schultze [Schultz] (1726-1809). See above, 71nl8. 87. Lukas Rauss [Rauß, Rouse] (1723-1788). See above, 48n26. 88. The text reads Fork. 89. Ludolf Heinrich Schrenck (*~1716). Born in Lüneburg (then in the electorate of Hanover; now in Lower-Saxony, Germany), he matriculated at Erlangen University on 20 October 1746. He may have studied philosophy and law elsewhere, but he is not known to have taken any academic degree. He first intended to go to Georgia, but finally went to Pennsylvania when short of money. Arriving of his own accord in Philadelphia in March of 1749, he privately studied theology under the direction of

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Brunnholz and, later, Mühlenberg. After serving as catechist in several congregations in Lehigh and Northampton Counties, he was ordained in Germantown (then in Philadelphia County; now a part of Philadelphia) on 5 November 1752. After ministering to Lutherans in several places in Pennsylvania and Bergen County, New Jersey from 1752 to 1756, he went to Curaçao, in Dutch Guiana (now Surinam), and then to Charleston, South Carolina. In 1759, he returned to Pennsylvania and briefly supplied New Hanover and Providence (now Trappe, a part of Upper Providence Township), in Montgomery County, during Muhlenberg's temporary absence in New Jersey. In 1764, Mühlenberg reported that Schrenck was preaching in Ireland. See below, 219-220; HN 1: 326-327; HN 2/1: 490491; Pastors and People 1: 122-123. 90. See above, 69; HN 2/1: 280. 91. Probably Johann Martin Schäfer [Schäffer] (17247-1794). See below, 167n3, and Pastors and People 1: 115. 92. The Musconetcong Mountains and the Pohatcong Mountains about twelve to eighteen miles northwest of present-day Raritan Township (in Flemington Borough, Hunterdon County, New Jersey). 93. Johann Albert Weygand (1722-1770). See above, 28n31. 94. In the spring of 1753, Weygand had accepted a call from the Dutch Lutheran congregation in New York City. See HN 2/1: 482,628-629; HN 2/2: 221. 95. The text reads (Latin) Speciem facti. This letter is not extant. 96. See HN 2/1: 280;///V 2/2: 221. 97. The call, dated 8 November 1750, and issued by the New York City congregation in Dutch language, was followed by Mühlenberg's formal call in February of 1751. For the 1750 call, see Correspondence 2, Letter 84. See also Mühlenberg's replies of 3 December 1750 (Letter 86) and 2 April 1751 (Letter 90). On 14 and 19 August 1751 the vocation was renewed by the congregations in New York City and Hackensack (= Letter 97 with nl). Ziegenhagen rejected Mühlenberg's transfer in a letter of 7 November 1751 (= Letter 105). Francke declined it in a letter of 13 September (= Letter 124). On 7 October 1752 Francke informed the New York congregation accordingly. 98. The text reads (Latin) ad interim. In the spring of 1753, Weygand had accepted a call to Trinity Lutheran Church, the Dutch Lutheran congregation in New York City, located at Rector Street and Broadway in Lower Manhattan. See HN 2/1: 482, 628-629; HN 2/2: 221. 99. In his journal for 1753, Mühlenberg reports on his stay in Raritan from 12 to 23 July 1753. See also above, 71n23; HN 1: 611-623; HN 2/2: 161-168; Journals 1: 358-367. 100. SeefflV 1: 611-623; HN 2/2: 161-168; Journals 1: 358-367. 101. On the decision about Schrenck's call on 19 July 1753, Mühlenberg reports in his journal for the same day: ' T o this they replied unanimously, without the slightest exception, that they would be glad to have Mr. Schrenck for their pastor. I told them that I would be happy if Pastor Schrenck would accept a call from them and would be willing and able to be released from his important posts." See Journals 1: 365; HN 1: 619; HN 2/2: 166. 102. The text reads (French) Republique. 103. See Matt. 13:4-7; Mark 4:4-7; Luke 8:5-7. 104. The text reads (Greek) avopyr]. 105. In the eighteenth century, a small suburb of Halle on the Saale (then a town in the kingdom of Prussia; now a city in Saxony-Anhalt, Germany), where the Francke Foundations are still located; now a part of Halle. 106. The text reads Republiquen. 107. See John 15:6. 108. Johann Dietrich Matthias Heinzelmann (1726-1756). See above, 71nl4. 109. See Heinzelmann' s letter to Francke of 18 August 1753. Excerpts in HN 1: 629-63 1 ; Z//V2/2:172173. See above, 71nl5, and also Correspondence 2: 209, 229-230, 256. 110. SeeEph. 3:15. 111. 1 Cor. 3:6-7.

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112. See Handschuh's report to Ziegenhagen and Francke of 28 May 1754, HN1: 641-647, HN 2/2: 179-183. 113. Miihlenberg paraphrases the Lord's Prayer. See Matt. 6:9-10. 114. See John 1:51. 115. Latin: truth begets hatred. A popular adage already in the sixteenth century, from Terence [Publius Terentius Afer] (-195-159 B.C.), Andria [The Girl from Andros], I.i.41. 116. The text reads ihnen Küßen [ = Kissen] unter die Arme und Pftile zu den Häuptern machen. Literally, "they make pillows for under their arms and cushions for headrests." On this German proverb, see Karl Friedrich Wilhelm Wander, Deutsches Sprichwörterlexikon. Ein Hausschatz flir das deutsche Volk, 5 vols. (Leipzig: Brockhaus, 1867-1880; repr. Aalen: Scientia-Verl, 1963), 2: 1356. 117. The Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, based in London. 118. See HN 1: 312-313; HN 2/1: 410-411,461. 119. A German settlement founded in 1734 by Lutherans expelled from what was then the Catholic archbishopric of Salzburg (now in Austria). Ebenezer was initially located about twenty-five miles northwest of Savannah, Georgia, and was originally designed as a military defense for this newly established British town. In 1736, Ebenezer (meaning "stone of help" in Hebrew [see 1 Sam. 7:12]) was moved to better farmland nearer to the Savannah River. Renamed St. Matthew's Parish in 1754, the settlement became a part of Effingham County, Georgia, in 1777. 120. See HN 2/1: 30. 121. On the Halle mission in East India, see Arno Lehmann, Es begann in Tranquebar. Die Geschichte der ersten Evangelischen Kirche in Indien, 2d ed. (Berlin: Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, 1956). For the English translation, see M. J. Lutz, trans., It Began at Tranquebar: The Story of the Tranquebar Mission and the Beginnings of Protestant Christianity in India (Madras: Christian Literature Society, 1956), and, more recently, Daniel Jeyaraj, Bartholomäus Ziegenbalg: The Father ofModem Protestant Mission—An Indian Assessment (New Delhi: ISPCK, 2006) and George Oommen and Hans Iversen, It Began in Copenhagen: Junctions in 300 Years of Indian-Danish Relations in Christian Mission (New Delhi: ISPCK, 2005). 122. See Matt. 6:33. 123. See 2 Sam. 15:26. 124. See Psalm 80:14. 125. See 2 Sam. 15:26. 126. See Luke 9:62. 127. See Heb. 12:24. 128. See 1 Tim. 2:6. 129. See Luke 14:14. 130. See Psalm 126:5. 131. See Luke 16:10.

Letter 137 Abraham Wagner 1 to Muhlenberg Worcester, 2 1 September 1753 Abraham Wagner writes to Pastor Muhlenberg to remind him of the promise of a personal visit. In the course of the letter, Wagner defends himself for being called a "Schwenckfelder doctor," affirms the sacraments, and lauds such pietists as Philipp Jakob Spener, Johann Arndt, and August Hermann Francke. While describing himself as a man of tolerance and sympathy, Wagner also shares his concerns about "so-called Christendom" and the "false freedom" prevalent in the religion of those around him.

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Text in German: Korrespondenz 2: 67-71. For further textual information, see Korrespondenz 2: 70. To Pastor Muhlenberg Before all else, God's grace and peace in Jesus Christ our Savior and Redeemer! Reverend Sir: You will permit me to show in these lines my due obligation for the business sent3 and also to remind you of the visit which you promised both orally and in writing and which is now overdue, although I feel embarrassed that I am simple-hearted and wicked and am not an erudite person. However, I believe that you are naturally and appreciably erudite and that you are possessed of lively knowledge of God and true godliness through God's grace and I hope you will not take offense at my lowliness. I can say that the promise you gave me has been very pleasing to me. I had also hoped and wished (after hearing several things regarding your earnestness and zeal in office) that the benevolent God would give his blessing upon our getting acquainted when it actually occurs, to the glory of his most holy name, which should and must be our main concern under all circumstances. In addition to all he has done for me, especially for my soul (for which his name be praised in eternity), the faithful God Father has also endowed me with impartial Christian love for all his children, all those reborn in him and who are gifted with the honest nature which is in Jesus Christ (Eph. 4:21), although they be called by whatever name or belong to whatever religion; in sum, I do not spend much time with whatever religious group they may be clinging to while worshipping some other?4 Christ and being inspired by his Spirit. That is why I only care with my soul about how things appear regarding the chief concern of true Christianity: Whether one has a living faith, whether one has effected and is still effecting true repentance and godliness, i.e., whether the fire of God is still burning in the heart, and whether the Spirit of Jesus Christ and not the spirit of the world is ruling in it, etc. I do not desire to argue and squabble about controversial tenets, opinions, and insights, but leave it to the Lord to decide each one of them. Thus it is a great joy and pleasure for me to converse or correspond with good and reliable souls, even if I usually keep quiet; one finds that in many an individual, little good is covered and locked up by partiality, or also that someone suffers from enormous conceit, flattery, and other bad habits that must be regarded with sympathy. As to the aforementioned partiality, I neither approve of reprehensible libertinism nor of indifference in matters of faith5 but rather protest against them. It would not be surprising if you felt some disgust at me because I bear, or must bear, the name of a wicked heretic,6 through no fault of my own. To be sure, I cannot and must not call myself after any human being, as St. Paul forbade (1 Cor. 3:4), nor may I base my faith and knowledge of God on man's writings. Rather I abide by God's word alone because nothing will stand the test except what is vividly revealed to oneself in one's heart by God's grace according to Holy Scripture.

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With some people who do not know me I may be thought of as a ditherer7 regarding the holy sacraments instituted and ordained by Christ, but that is not correct. God, who knows my heart, knows this. I do not agree with those who care little or nothing about them. Even less do I agree with those who do not even think that they were solemnly instituted and ordained by Christ to be observed, but consider the same to be Jewish rites and such ceremonies as had existed in the days of Christ and the apostles but have long since ceased to be necessary to observe, as Robert Barclay expounds in his Apology.81 received baptism, which I do not regard as lowly, in my childhood.9 As to the external act done, I am content with it and do not desire a rebaptism10 but strive, through God's grace, to live according to the established contract and to the vow thereby made11 and, as baptism demands, to be daily taught12 in the Holy Spirit for the sake of accomplishing my re-creation. Publicly celebrating Holy Communion 13 according to Christ's intention and order would be a pleasure and joy to my heart. But what I am lacking I have to commend to God and, besides that, I always need to seek the spiritual nourishment of my soul in the faith, for spiritual and eternal life. To my aforementioned impartiality, I want to add that among all of the other meritorious tools in the church of God I have particular esteem for some dear men of God in the Lutheran church who are known to me and about whom I have learned [quite a bit],14 such as Johann Amdt, 15 Dr. Heinrich Miiller,16 Scriver,17 Grossgebauer, 18 Dr. Spener,19 Gottfried Arnold,20 Prof. Francke21 in Halle, and others who realized the decline of the churches, testified against it in teaching and conduct, and seriously and insistently demanded living, active Christianity. Also, some of the so-called pietist friends in Berlin, Leipzig22, and Halle formerly corresponded often with two reliable, godly, and impartial people among our fellow believers in Silesia by the names of Martin John23 and Georg Hauptmann, 24 both of them famous physicians,25 whose correspondence with each other I myself have also seen in Germany. S[igismund] Richter26 in Halle told me that he himself went there once and visited them in person. The names of these two men (one of whom was my late maternal great-grandfather who died in the Lord in his eighty-eighth year of age in 1722) can be found in Gottfried Arnold's [Impartial] History of the Church and of Heresy.21 Oh, how sincerely delighted one is when hearing of such souls amid the present great corruption of Christendom or even more when getting to know them oneself, through whom the benevolent God accomplishes and can accomplish his work; such people promote and serve the glory of the great God and also encourage and strengthen us in the struggle of faith. In the first place, one should take pleasure in and thank God for converted and enlightened teachers and preachers who hold their office faithfully and earnestly and can show the path to salvation not only through human erudition but from their own experience, for such are worthy of double honor according to 1 Tim. 5:1228 and can serve and accomplish much to the glory of God and the improvement of one's neighbor. Throughout so-called Christendom, things are looking pitiful and distressing. To be sure, the saints of God have made complaints at all times. But when has it been worse than now? Who can tell all the damage, and what will the future hold? Reasonable, honest living has become rare among human children, let alone truly

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Christian, godly lives. Satan rules and betrays humankind in coarse and subtle ways, and still most people in their unconverted condition entertain the hope for blessedness through an imaginary faith which makes them neither righteous nor holy, and thus they remain servants and slaves of sin. How miserable and wicked it looks for those, too, who pretend before the coarse world to be something better! How easily that spirit of a thousand tricks [= the devil]29 succeeds in his maliciousness and frauds! What erroneous ways and waste of time these are! False freedom is rampant in the country like an epidemic, to wit, under the name of Christian freedom. How terribly the precious freedom in the country is being abused! How many people take their convictions and blessed impulse for conversion for conversion itself and for rebirth and pass away in this belief without attaining the same? In fact, children of God, who are about to be born, will die because the strength of endurance is wanting. Young men are deprived of their powers, completely broken, through darkness into light,30 etc., etc., etc. May the Father of mercy graciously provide, may prevent doom, save his honor, and have mercy upon his poor children that are sighing for redemption. May he come to their aid, sustain them in the power and support of his Holy Spirit, and accomplish his work in them to his praise. May he also awaken many hearts from the sleep of safety and death and lead them into his kingdom. Indeed, may he spread his mercy upon all humankind and save those who still desire to be saved, for the sake of the dear ministry of his beloved Son Jesus Christ. Amen. I wanted to take the liberty of sending you what has come from my pen here as a token of friendly neighborly relations, as proof of my loving and kind feelings, in good hope that you will read the best intentions into it. Meanwhile, I am waiting in good hope for the visit you promised and, in addition to my friendly salutation and commendation to the dear, loving hands of all our Savior Jesus Christ, am remaining for all time Worcester, 1 September 1753

Your Reverence's Abraham Wagner, ready for service and obliged to you Medicinae practicusM Commonly called "the Schwenckfelder Doctor"

1. Abraham Wagner (1715-1763) was born in the duchy of Silesia. A Schwenckfelder by persuasion, he arrived in Pennsylvania in September, 1737, aboard the ship "St. Andrew Galley." He later practiced medicine in Falkner's Swamp (now in New Hanover Township) and Worcester, Montgomery County, Pennsylvania. On Wagner, see Andrew S, Burky, Practitioner in Physich A Biography of Abraham Wagner, 1717-1763 (Pennsburg, Pa.: Schwenkfelder Library, 1954), and also Renate Wilson, Pious Traders in Medicine: A German Pharmaceutical Network in Eighteenth-Century North America (University Park, Pa.: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2000), pp. 10,113,114,187-188. 2. Now a township in Montgomery County, Pennsylvania. 3. The text reads Business. 4. The question mark was inserted by the editor of the German text. 5. The text reads (Latin) in Rebus fidei. 6. See Wagner's designation as "the Schwenckfelder doctor" at the very bottom of the letter. Kaspar von Schwenckfeld (1489-1561) was a follower of Martin Luther (1483-1546) until 1525 when he

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began to develop his own mystic-spiritualist doctrine which centered on the divine rebirth of man. From 1529 he was persecuted and expelled as a heretic like the Anabaptists. After his death, his adherents formed separate congregations in Silesia and Swabia. After suffering continuing persecution in the seventeenth century, most Schwenckfelders left Germany for Pennsylvania in 1734. 7. The text reads Contantorem, a corruption of (Latin) cunctator, "ditherer," "waverer," "vacillator." 8. Robert Barclay (1648-1690). He was one of the most eminent writers belonging to the Religious Society of Friends (Quakers). In 1729, he published his main work, An Apology for the True Christian Divinity, as the Same is Held Forth, and Preached, by the people, Called in Scorn, Quakers . . . , a defense of the Quaker movement. The first German translation, entitled Robert Barclays Apologie oder Vertheidigungs-Schrift der wahren Christlichen Gottesgelahrtheit. . . , was printed by Christoph Sauer, Jr. (1721-1784) in Germantown in 1776. 9. The text reads (Latin) in pueritia mea. 10. The text reads (Latin) Anabaptismum. 11. The text reads aufgerichteten Contractu und gethanenen Voto. 12. The text reads exgeducet[?]. This is probably a corruption of the Latin eductus (past participle of educare, "to raise," or of educere, "to lead out," "to lead up," "to raise") mixed with the German prefix ge- indicating the past participles of many verbs. 13. The text reads (Latin) Coenam Domini. 14. The text reads und nach der Bekanntschaft welche von ihnen habe. 15. Johann Arndt (1555-1621). He was pastor in Ballenstedt (then in the principality of Anhalt; now in Saxony-Anhalt, Germany), and Paderborn (then in the Catholic bishopric of Paderborn; now in North Rhine-Westphalia, Germany), before being appointed superintendent general in Celle (then in the duchy of Lüneburg; now in Lower Saxony, Germany) in 1611. His main works, Vier geistreiche Bücher vom wahren Christentum [True Christianity] (1610) and Paradiesgärtlein [Garden of Paradise] (1612), soon became classics of edifying literature for both orthodox and pietist Lutherans and made him the most influential Lutheran theologian in seventeenth-century Germany. Copies of his writings circulated widely in Protestant Europe and North America. In 1751, Benjamin Franklin (1706-1790) and his German associate Johann Böhm (fl751) reprinted his Wahres Christentum (see below, 121n49)after receiving positive responses from 512 subscribers to their 1749 offer to order the 65 printing plates from Germany. With 1,356 pages, this four-books-in-one edition was the most voluminous ever produced in colonial Philadelphia. 16. Heinrich Müller (1631-1675). He was pastor in his home town of Lübeck (then an imperial city; now in Schleswig-Holstein, Germany). As a professor of theology in Helmstedt (then in the duchy of Lüneburg; now in Lower Saxony, Germany), and Rostock (then in the duchy of MecklenburgSchwerin; now in Mecklenburg-West Pomerania, Germany), he authored theological tracts, edifying literature, and Lutheran hymns. 17. Christian Scriver (1629-1693). In 1653 he became pastor in Stendal (then in the electorate of Brandenburg; now in Brandenburg, Germany). Four years later he answered a call to Magdeburg (then in the Catholic archbishopric [later, duchy] of Magdeburg; now the capital of Saxony-Anhalt, Germany), and was successively elected church counselor, senior pastor, and inspector. In 1690 he accepted the position of chief court preacher in Quedlinburg, in Brandenburg. Among other things, he wrote M. Christian Scrivers... Seelenschatz (Magdeburg: Andreas Zeidler, 1696). 18. Theophil Grossgebauer [Großgebauer] (1627-1661). He was pastor at St. Jacobi Church in Rostock (then in the duchy of Mecklenburg-Schwerin; now in Mecklenburg-West Pomerania, Germany), and author of Drey geistliche Schrijften ... (Frankfurt on the Main and Leipzig: Joachim Wilden, 1682). 19. Philipp Jakob Spener (1635-1705). In 1666 he was elected senior of the Lutheran ministerium in Frankfurt on the Main (then an imperial city; now in Hesse, Germany), and hence an early predecessor of Johann Philipp Fresenius (1705-1761) (see above, 25nl), with whom Mühlenberg repeatedly corresponded (see Correspondence 2, Letters 106 and 125; above, Letters 128, 148 and 151; Correspondence 4, Letter 222). From 1670 on, Spener held collegia pietatis (pietist conventicles)

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which aimed at spiritual reformation, or rebirth, of the church and made him the progenitor of (Lutheran) Pietism in Germany. His Pia Desideria of 1675 programmatically formulated Pietism's principal demands and tenets. In 1686 he was appointed chief court preacher in Dresden (then the capital of the electorate of Saxony; now the capital of Saxony, Germany), and in 1691 he assumed duties as provost at St. Nicolai Church in Berlin. 20. Gottfried Arnold (1666-1714). After studies in Wittenberg (then in the electorate of Saxony; now in Saxony-Anhalt, Germany), he was appointed professor of history at the university of Giessen [Gießen] (then in the landgravate of Hesse-Darmstadt; now in Hesse, Germany), in 1697, which position he resigned but one year later. Thereafter he served as pastor in Allstedt (then in the electorate of Saxony; now in Saxony-Anhalt), and in 1707 was elected superintendent in Perleberg (then in the kingdom of Prussia; now in Brandenburg, Germany). As a radical Pietist, his main work, Gottfrid Arnolds Unparteyische Kirchen- und Ketzerhistorien (Frankfurt on the Main: Thomas Fritsch, 16991700), defended non-orthodox dissenters who were being persecuted by Lutheran church officials. 21. August Hermann Francke (1663-1727). After his personal experience of conversion in 1687, he became pastor in Glaucha (then in the electorate of Brandenburg; now in Saxony-Anhalt, Germany), and in 1692 professor of theology at Halle University on recommendation of his mentor Philipp Jakob Spener. In 1694 he opened an orphanage that formed the nucleus of the Franckesche Stiftungen (Francke Foundations), a complex of educational, charitable, and missionary institutions with a markedly economic orientation. As the center of Halle Pietism, the Foundations clashed with orthodox Lutheranism. In 1739, his son Gotthilf August Francke (1696-1769) succeeded his late son-in-law Johann Anastasius Freylinghausen (1670-1739) as director of the Foundations. On Spener, see above, n l 9 . On Francke, Jr., see above, 29n33. 22. Then a town in the electorate of Saxony; now a city in Saxony, Germany. 23. Martin John, Jr. (1624-1704) was born in Glatz, in Bohemia (then in county of Glatz; now Klodzko, Poland). He grew up in a family adhering to the Schwenckfelder faith. When the neighboring kingdom of Bohemia was re-Catholicized, the Johns were forced to emigrate to what was then the duchy of Silesia, also under Bohemian jurisdiction. On an extended trip through Germany John, then a well-known botanist and physician, visited many fellow believers, primarily in southern Germany. In a report on this trip he described the Schwenckfelders' religious conflicts with local authorities and voiced radical criticism of the Catholic and Protestant churches. 24. Georg Hauptmann (1635-1722) was born in Lauterseiffen (now Bielanka, Poland), in the Bohemian duchy of Silesia. He was Abraham Wagner's great grandfather. A well-known medical practitioner in Silesia, he seems to have corresponded with the founder of German Lutheran Pietism, Philipp Jakob Spener in the 1690s. On Spener, see above, nl9. 25. The text reads (Latin) Medici. 26. Christian Sigismund Richter (1672-1739), head of the pharmaceutical business and of the orphanage pharmacy of the Francke Foundations. See Renate Wilson, Pious Traders in Medicine: A German Pharmaceutical Network in Eighteenth-Century North America (University Park, Pa.: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2000), 68-69. 27. See above, n20. 28. Lege: 1 Tim. 5:17. 29. The text reads Tausend Künstler. 30. The text reads völlig zerbrochen durchs finstere ans Licht. The meaning of this phrase is unclear. 31. Latin: medical practitioner.

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Letter 138 Mühlenberg to Samuel Urlsperger1 Providence,2 6 September 1753 Mühlenberg reports on the state of the Ministerium's work in Pennsylvania, as well as on the experiences, good and bad, of churches in New York, Maryland and Georgia. Touching on the challenges of the "smorgasbord" presented by the larger American religious scene, Miihlenberg observes that religious freedom quickly turns into a selfserving cause. Describing "so-called Christendom" as a heart, Miihlenberg says that the heart seems strong enough but the circulation is poor. He then lists the problems among Evangelical Lutherans: his conflicts with regular pastors, such as Wagner and Andreae, and self-appointed preachers, such as Rapp, "Prince" Karl Rudolf, and Engelland, and troubles in the Germantown congregation. Miihlenberg also hints at further funding for an orphanage and a school, saying that although America is often called the "New World," the behavior of its citizens is as sinful as ever; therefore efforts at shaping the young people could prove fruitful. Text in German: Korrespondenz 2: 71-85. For further textual information, see Korrespondenz 2: 82. Copy of a letter from Pastor Miihlenberg to Senior [Pastor] Urlsperger3 at Augsburg of 6 September 1753.4 Dear Father in Christ: When I humbly bade farewell to the count's very reverend excellency, the now late twenty-fourth count of Reuss,5 in Köstritz twelve years ago, 6 1 dared to ask if I was allowed to write to his excellency from America. It pleased them to answer that if we once assembled before the throne of God in a better life, I should tell him what God accomplished among the American people through the means of grace.7 In this life, I have not had the honor, much less the opportunity, to meet Your Reverence face-to-face and ask whether I would be permitted to send a humble letter from America to you. I know quite well that Your Reverence has more important business, labors, and correspondence to attend to to extend the kingdom of Jesus Christ.8 Yea, I should be satisfied to know Your Reverence's inner state of faith and holy condition of soul from printed treatises and reports9 as well as from the many proofs of paternal love of our congregations in Pennsylvania,10 but important reasons have moved me to express my humble thanks to Your Reverence11 in childish simple-heartedness and due zeal for gratitude, and to send you some reports from here. We first and foremost express our most heartfelt and most humble gratitude before God to Your Reverence for your fatherly care, efforts, salutary counsel, and the exceptional favors with which you provided our congregations and to us in Pennsylvania. By God's truthful promises, we are assured that Jesus Christ, the inestimable and inexhaustible fountain of mercy and salvation, has sufficient means to replenish everlastingly everything good that was done in his name, yea, that not even the smallest drop of water, much less the bigger favors, are forgotten but repaid

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eternally by grace in well-apportioned and overflowing measure in the heavenly Jerusalem! As surely as the marvelous rewards of grace will be granted to our very reverend fathers and benefactors in eternity, our joy would also be exceptional if sufficient fruits and lasting blessing of our work in the Lord would also correspond to the manifold efforts and favors of our very reverend fathers and benefactors! We have sowed in tears, have planted and watered in poverty of spirit, and have asked the Lord to give the growth!12 God is faithful! At the right time he will teach us to listen to the word through trial, will pour out his merciful blessing, and fertilize his heritage that it may put down roots below and turn green above. It is commonly said that we are in the New World. But here we find the same old heart that existed in the times of Christ. For here, too, the seed falls partly on the path, on rocky ground, and among thorns, and the least on well-prepared, good soil.13 We let down the nets and, alas!, get more bad than good fish.14 It is next to impossible to understand the kingdoms of church and politics in Pennsylvania through letters if one has not been here for several years and has watched the external and internal conditions with impartial, open eyes and a sincere heart. The country enjoys almost excessive and unrestricted freedom of religion, and therefore is a smorgasbord of many nations and innumerable religious denominations comprised of the worst and most subtle sinners, who decamped from the Old World and swept into the New and who have been suffered with God's grace, patience, and forbearance. 15 But the Lord also has those who are his, who shine here and there in the midst of a perverse generation16 and proclaim the virtues of him who has called them out of darkness into his marvelous light.17 The question may be asked whether it is worthy of the many troubles, efforts, and favors that their reverences and dear sponsors are spending on it. I think the faithful Lord and Savior of the world has already answered this question, and explained the answer in those plain parables of the lost sheep,18 the lost coin19 and the prodigal and his brother.20 In fact, all Christian countries and well-cultivated states21 continue to answer the question in daily practice as they appoint and maintain certain teachers and preachers in hospitals, correctional institutions, prisons, etc., etc., for armies in battle, for garrisoned regiments and on warships at sea. Why is it worth the trouble to pursue so many thousand souls that wander about in the American wilderness and offer the salvation obtained in Jesus Christ to those who desire to be saved? Those who are friends and neighbors of the chief Shepherd and supreme Bishop22 are indeed glad for the sheep that has gone furthest astray and is found and brought home.23 Those, however, who grumble about such efforts, who view them with envy or even make disparaging remarks about them, do not have a good character, just like the ones mentioned at the beginning of the fifteenth chapter of Luke.24 After all, God desires that all humankind be helped and come to the knowledge of the truth.25 The great and single mediator between God and humans, Jesus Christ, gave himself out of infinite love and mercy as a ransom for all26 and ordained that such be preached at all times. The highest Teacher and Comforter was received and began to convince the world of its unbelief, its efficacious righteousness by faith, and divine judgment by means of the word.27 Satan would shame and outdo the kingdom of Christ, for he sends and drives his

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recruiters and false laborers across land and sea into all corners of the world where humans may be found. But how few intermediaries are there who seriously and insistently seek to expand and build the kingdom of Jesus Christ? Here and there, one finds individual fellowships, individual masons of God, individual fathers, young people, and children who are grieved over the ruin of Joseph 28 and do their utmost to make known and offer salvation in Christ to all nations, etc., etc. The harvest is plentiful, but the laborers are few.29 The head of what is called Christendom is sick in many places and cares too much for transiently protecting and indulging in its possessions.30 Even in times of peace, when a few days or hours, or money may be left for promoting eternal welfare,31 operas, comedies, etc. consume the subsistence of the Spirit,32 leaving the head sick, either completely or in many parts.33 The heart is actually intended for the most important business. Nowadays, the basis cordis34 and the auricle seem to be large and wide and the diastole strong enough, but the conus cordis35 is too tapered and the systole too sluggish. Therefore, the circulation is not smooth and cannot help but cause putrefaction from the soles of the feet up to the head.36 This disease is particularly common in Pennsylvania, as a part of the whole world. In Pennsylvania, we have, thank God!, good and beneficial laws that aim at the temporal welfare of the inhabitants. We now have high schools and elementary schools in which teaching and learning proceeds diligently. The educational goals pursued there are largely all the same and center on bodily needs. Such schools raise famous jurists who are wiser than the children of light of their generation,37 bold and intrepid doctors, merchants, and traders beyond the most experienced Jews in Amsterdam 38 —of whom the so-called newlanders are only apprentices since they practice just two fundamental kinds39 of arithmetic with their compatriots, namely dividing and subtracting40—, artists and craftsmen skilled in mechanic rules. As to religion, they like to stay in those denominations that are most compatible with their studies at school and their objectives. Hoping to stimulate further immigration into the country or, as it is said, being driven by elevated motives, the most noble proprietors have provided for the precious freedom of conscience and have allowed each party, even individuals, to establish their own religious denomination.41 However, this does not foster the cause of God but only opens a door to good and evil. If one looks at the result,42 unbelief and superstitution are sitting on the throne. The worst type of people may easily profess some supreme being out of complaisance according to the constitution, if in return they keep the freedom to expand Satan's kingdom in the roughest and most subtle ways. I do not want to talk about strange and smaller denominations that own the best land and largest estates and thereby are able to maintain their dangerous religious errors and hand them down to their grandchildren. I merely refer to our fellow believers as an example. A large number of so-called Lutherans here abuse freedom as much as possible and open the door to the prince of darkness, doing irreversible damage to their souls. Many still esteem the outward ritual43 that they brought with them from Germany. They are certainly aware of secret and overt sins and fear final judgment, 44 provided that their consciences are not yet seared with a hot iron.45 They want cooling plasters for their wounds.46 They do not want to join the small denominations, for this would not

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give them a good reputation and would oblige them to strive for external honesty, which would interfere with their reputed freedom and habit of sinning. They would be welcomed by the Zinzendorfian Epochians 47 and would easily conform to their "crossatmosphere," 48 if they were not afraid of losing their property and freedom. It would be against their native and inherited faith and would ruin their reputation with their compatriots if they held [such beliefs] themselves. If everything is new and the cover of their hypocrisy is not yet obvious, they stay with us for a while. But as soon as things go beyond the outward ritual and go right at the heart and its true change, they leave, exercise the Ius Episcopate and Patronatus49 and look for preachers that are suitable to their agendas. They need not go far for them, for the enemy of the soul has his seminary here, too, and what is more, many so-called Lutheran pastors and schoolteachers arrive here each year in addition to the newlanders and poor migrants who seek food and fortune which they either did not have or forfeited in their fatherland and now hope to regain by [simply performing] the outward ritual. Their credentials are often just a black gown or clergy shirt,50 or at least black buttonholes, a big throat, and a big mouth for lying and making disparaging remarks about the power of godliness, etc. As soon as the gentlemen arrive, they usually ask whether there is a Lutheran consistory or ministerium. Depending on whom they ask, our ministerium is well or ill-reputed. If they hear something nice, they visit us first, offer their services, and desire to be fed. If they do not hear anything good, but only abuses and scolding, they join in and gather the disgruntled into a mob against us. They are called and accepted by those of their sort in the taverns and for the most part behave so offensively and godlessly that their children can tell all about it on the street. The English and other nations have no chance of knowing the particular difference between them and us but consider all of us to be the same and heap blame on our Evangelical Church and religion. The other German denominations do not always have the understanding, much less the will, to distinguish among these things but charge all disgraces without exception to us in writing as well by word of mouth, taking the opportunity to thank God for not being like the Lutherans. God's name is thus blasphemed, the Evangelical doctrine desecrated, the kingdom of Christ reduced, and Satan's kingdom enlarged. In the end, everything falls upon us and would devour us. We will be the ones who muddied the waters.51 In order to explain this, I would like to mention the following examples. (1) Magister Tobias Wagner 52 had left his fatherland, the duchy of Württemberg, and his congregation for a colony of his countrymen on the New England frontier without permission from the honorable consistory and from his closest relatives. He abandoned the one poor sheep53 in the desert amidst wolves and bears, came to Pennsylvania with no call, and searched for the remaining ninety-nine. Under those circumstances, I was required to take care of him as compassion demands. But because he did not make his fortune and because I could not help him as he expected, he finally became angry, declaring in a public pamphlet circulated among the poor, ignorant people that my colleagues and I were heterodox preachers who had deviated from the Lutheran Church. His principal and strongest arguments were these: We had wanted to omit the little word true from the words of institution of Holy Communion and at the

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baptism of children asked in the plural, "Do you believe? Do you renounce in the name of this child, etc.?" Rather than addressing the child itself and ask, "N.N., dost thou believe? N.N., dost thou renounce?" (2) After this man, the notorious Joh[ann] Conrad Andreae54 came and brought with him respectable testimonials from nearly all of the universities [in Germany], I could not help but feel great sorrow for the marvelous seals and signatures of so many highly esteemed teachers, since it appeared to me on account of his conduct as if the most precious pearls and jewels had been hung around the neck of a sow, recommending it to be guardian of a wheat field. I was also urged by several curious persons to keep Andreae in my congregations for a few months. He thereupon sneaked into several neighboring congregations and since then has not stopped abusing and persecuting my colleagues and me in the most offensive way. Even though he committed such vices, of which even the heathen have no idea, he still has and retains many followers of his sort and gives our Evangelical religion a terrible reputation for all honest denominations. (3) Then along came a fellow by the name of Rapp,55 with his brother's widow, whom he had impregnated and married in Holland, as his countrymen said. The child passed away at sea and the woman died in distressing circumstances and despair after their arrival in this country, as attested to by those who were present. He was hired as a Lutheran preacher by many charges in the country and poured out every conceivable slander against us until he was called to New York [City]56 to a loose crowd of his kind, where he continues to abuse and malign us. (4) For some years now, a man has been wandering about the country; he first arrived in Georgia together with German indentured servants and from there roamed through every province. He calls himself Karl Rudolf, Prince of Württemberg. 57 He preaches, administers the sacraments, unites in marriage, and lives so extremely godlessly that he could pass for the greatest villain. As recently reported in the Germanlanguage newspapers,58 he is said to have stolen horses, to have four wives who are still living, and to teach the young people the most abominable sins, while still calling himself a Lutheran pastor. (5) Last year, one who calls himself Engelland59 came into the country and pretended to be a pastor from the duchy of Württemberg. At first he was called to Lancaster.60 Yet he did not remain there for long but took several charges of Lutherans in the country under his care. Later he desired to be ordained by us. Since we gently declined to do this, he had himself ordained by Conrad Andreae, as we heard, and is also doing his utmost to make me and my colleagues look suspicious to the ignorant people. Magister Gerock,61 who was sent to Lancaster by the right honorable consistory of the duchy of Württemberg and arrived here last spring, told us that in Württemberg the aforementioned Engelland was infamous for larceny.62 (6) Similarly, a Lutheran pastor63 with his wife and children came last year; he had reportedly served in [the duchy of] Holstein, not far from Hamburg.64 He was first called to Lancaster and from there to the new town called Reading,65 on the Schuylkill River. He is already notorious for his strong voice and heavy drinking. He not only severely

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beat his wife in anger many times but also slapped a deacon in Lancaster in the face, which action was brought before the authorities. (7) A few years ago Conrad Andreae and the abovementioned Rapp ordained an ignorant schoolmaster who conducted himself as a Lutheran pastor in a most annoying manner. They sent him with a testimonial of ordination to Frederick, Maryland. 66 There he tried his utmost to spoil the people even more and to disgrace us.67 Later they called another rogue, 68 who had studied with the father of lies,69 and sent him off in an attempt to disrupt 70 our rural congregations. We endure all vilification and disparagement and suffer with pleasure, but it hurts when so many poor, ignorant sheep are misled and embittered against our ministry! For example, when the latter servant of Satan circulated in Germantown 71 that Pastor Handschuh 72 had been dishonorably 73 banished from Germany for embracing Pietism, etc. In other charges in the country, he spread that Pastor Kurz74 had taken his books from him and burnt them, etc., the reason being that Mr. Kurz had snatched a book, called Eulenspiegel,15 out of the hands of that corrupt man and burned it; the foolish book did not even belong to him.76 A short while ago I met a young person whom I had instructed and confirmed many years ago. She lives far away in the country. The person looked at me with sad eyes and was quiet. I asked about the condition of her soul. She asked why I had not remained faithful and why I had moved to Bethlehem, 77 [Pennsylvania] with my wife and children and become Zinzendorfian. After I explained to her that the story was untrue, she said that out in the country such rumors and even worse were spread far and wide, etc. As soon as malicious rumors are spread about in one place, they circulate in the newspapers throughout the whole country and even in the neighboring provinces and are multiplied to the detriment of our ministry. There are many more of these so-called Lutheran pastors, and more are arriving from Germany each year. We must be prepared for more such individuals crowding in unless the faithful God and merciful Father goes a step further and legitimates his work. In spite of that, this remains true: "The right hand of the Lord is exalted; the right hand of the Lord does valiantly." 78 After the heavenly Father helped us so much that through his grace we have gathered together and worked on several congregations in weakness and under much resistance and persecution, it may now be necessary to protect what has been achieved,79 as our very reverend fathers and all dear sponsors in Christ, known and unknown, desire. I see no other expedient or better measures than establishing diligent schools and earnestly and insistently starting them, with God's gracious support, especially in our original United Congregations. 80 The Lord's hand is not yet withdrawn but held out all day long to a rebellious people, etc.81 If the high and lofty God of Zion, who is also the father of the orphans, 82 would mercifully show his ways and means and provide our very reverend fathers with funds for such highly necessary institutions, even more good could be accomplished through God's grace and faithful laborers.83 Last winter and spring, we had to go through a hard trial in Germantown. 84 On his arrival in the country, we had asked our brother, Pastor Handschuh, 85 to take care of the ruined and corrupt congregation in Lancaster and make a new attempt there. He accepted it and worked for three years with noticeable blessing. But when the leaders

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of the congregation became disunited, negligent,86 and recalcitrant and considered the faithful pastor a burden and despised his ministry, we concluded, with Mr. Handschuh's consent, that he should leave and make an attempt in Germantown.87 He labored in the Germantown charge with all possible faithfulness and found many souls being blessed. But when many ill-disciplined people arrived late last year and settled in and near Germantown, and some long-established tavern keepers and petty grocers next to the church noticed that his faithful service would be contrary to their deceitful objectives, and when old and new preachers were coming of their own accord and looking for employment, the petty grocers, tavern keepers,88 beer fiddlers, newlanders, especially the notorious Curtius 89 —who is known for the newly established silk factory 90 —joined in a mob with the newly arrived people and preachers of their sort and did not rest until they had driven us, Mr. Handschuh, and some twenty of the oldest families, who had done most for building the church, out of the church with cunning and force;91 they brought in Tobias Wagner, M.A., and the infamous Conrad Andreae. They could not have expelled us so easily, though, if we had wanted to fight and conduct a Mtinsterstyle action,92 which they intended, or if we had wanted to enter into a lengthy legal dispute. However, that mountain was not worth the climb. We could not stop the roiling river but had to commend the matter to the One who judges righteously.93 The twenty families asked us for God's sake not to abandon them and to this end also rented a spacious house in Germantown, where Mr. Handschuh now lives, instructs the youth on weekdays, and holds services on Sundays and holidays, and readily suffers humiliation with his little group. The rough, motley crowd is now doing mischief with, in, and in front of the church.94 The ringleaders of those instigators95 were not yet content with our leaving but publicly said in front of witnesses and spread throughout the country that 600 florins of collections from Stuttgart had been sent for the Germantown church and 300 florins embezzled by Pastor Brunnholz.96 We produced a dear letter from His Reverence Superintendent and Consistory Counselor Fischer from Stuttgart97 in which no more than 300 florins were mentioned. But it was to no avail. They wanted to make collection thieves out of us and directly invalidate our office. Since there was no remonstrance and their disparagement went throughout all countries, our elders in Philadelphia had to take the matter to court and bring an action against them. They are waiting anxiously for a rightful certificate and attestation from the very reverend Stuttgart consistory, which Mr. Brunnholz has already humbly requested. 98 1 pray the letters do not get lost!99 We have a clear conscience before God and know very well that no more than 300 florins were sent from Stuttgart for the Germantown church100 and that these 300 florins were handed over correctly. If the right honorable consistory in Stuttgart punished the godless and loutish performance of such a rough crowd according to the law, and prevented the 300 florins sent from being misused, and granted them to those twenty families that were expelled and are desiring salvation in order to set up a school or meeting house, the venerable sponsors would only have to consent to send over a written power of attorney, which would force the ringleaders of the mob to return the money. In this way, the mischief may be ended even sooner since

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they are still threatening to cause destruction and discord throughout the country for the ruin of many poor and innocent souls and to the disgrace of our Evangelical religion. 101 If one wanted to discuss a call to Pennsylvania "with flesh and blood," 102 they might say: away with such a burden! That would be a pity, though, for among those crowds there are still honest souls who comfort us through their faith and conduct, and in addition to these, there are thousands of people who do not know the difference between right and wrong. The house of God can be built with these and the kingdom of Jesus Christ be extended, if only good schools were established through God's mercy and through his children's support.103 A good orphanage and school would be necessary and comforting, since we ourselves will leave behind poor widows and orphans and, with our physical strength decreasing, would like to have a refuge where w e could sacrifice our last hours and through his grace could work with the youth even in our weakness. God will ordain that things turn out in a salutary way, etc.104 If an orphanage and a school could be established in Philadelphia by our very reverend fathers, patrons, and benefactors in conjunction with our mites here, the United Congregations and their pastors would have a better foundation and foothold and the vagabonds could not make their intrusions so easily. The country is full of children and young folk. 105 The children born here can be taught and are able to grasp something good through God's grace. Unfortunately, evil grows by itself! A s I understand the situation of the country, I find that good, impartial Christian schools are still wanting in most ethnicities and denominations. Oh, how lucky are our dear and worthy colleagues in Ebenezer 106 compared to this! Their sheep live together more closely. They are not surrounded by so many denominations and enemies. They have already established the external armor107 for building the kingdom of God, do not need to live by the grace and goodwill of their listeners, are not much troubled by false laborers, can lead the mother sheep and gather the lambs in the bosom of the Lord Jesus.108 Y e t they are not lacking in the Christian cross, suffering, hardship, grief, enemies, and trials, etc. Like all other citizens of God's kingdom, they must enter the kingdom of God through grief 109 and must experience that all things work together for good for those who love God. 110 They often encourage us in edifying letters111 and exhort us to steadfastness. May the Lord repay their faithfulness and sustain them for many years to come, for the comfort of the sheep and lambs entrusted to them and for the eternal blessing of the whole congregation! M a y the Lord of heaven and earth, the merciful God of the covenant, accompany and sustain the beloved son of the Lord's pastor Boltzius 112 on his dangerous journey to England and from there to the blessed institutions in Glaucha!113 M a y he let this American mustard seed grow into a big tree under whose shadow the birds may rest and ask for the true God in Zion! 114 A s to Germantown, on which w e have reported above, I think w e did not lose anything but a rough crowd of unrepentant people and a great burden which became too heavy for us in our situation, because they remain in their willful sins and only want to use us as servants of their sins and witnesses to their outward ritual. Some of that coarse lot publicly said that Pastor Handschuh should administer Holy Communion to them, or they would drag him by the hair out of the church, etc. The little group of those

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expelled is currently sticking together firmly and willing to help to the best of their ability. If only a modest lot could be bought there,115 be put on permanent foundations, and a spacious parsonage and schoolhouse be built! There would be the greatest opportunity to gather an orderly, exemplary Evangelical congregation and establish a plant nursery. The burnt offerings" 6 appear to be at hand; if only the outer armor, wood, knife, altar, and fire would be prepared! 117 The infamous Curtius,118 who had cheated our poor fellow believers in Ebenezer, has stayed here for quite a while, since late last year. We informed our very reverend colleagues in Ebenezer about that, who sent a power of attorney and a bill119 to our dear friend, Mr. Schleydorn. 120 He has managed to oblige Curtius with much trouble and expense to act as a guarantor for the largest part of the debts. It is indescribable how this man can seduce people to immoral conduct. 121 He tries in every conceivable way to take revenge on our colleagues and on us. He wanted to depart from Philadelphia at the beginning of last winter on a ship entrusted to him and take Magister Wagner with him, but the debts and a legal dispute prevented him from leaving. Mr. Wagner had drawn up a pamphlet and allowed many sinister people to sign it.122 He also wanted an English public notary123 to collate, notarize, and confirm his pamphlet. The notary said, however, it would be contrary to his conscience to attest to such matters, etc. With his pamphlet, he, Wagner, intended to return to his fatherland and work against us on a large scale. He especially wanted to hold many collections.124 The notary told me this himself and promised to make a copy of Mr. Wagner's projects. Magister Gerock 125 complains about Mr. Wagner, too, saying that he had not written honestly and uprightly to the right honorable consistory in Württemberg, 126 for he found matters to be much different than what Mr. Wagner had reported. I hope that Your Reverence is not displeased by my writing so lengthily and trying your patience and may most kindly grant me that you will commend all our hardship and requests, after God, to your earnest intercession with God, and will remain Providence, 127 6 September 1753

Very Reverend Senior, etc. Your Reverence's most lowly servant and coworker Mühlenberg

P.S. Anyone who has managed to look into their hearts and other hearts will not be very surprised at the obstinacy and ingratitude of people. We must not be astonished at things in America proceeding in this and in no other way. All broken and almost incorrigible vessels128 are swept together from all corners and parts of the world, particularly from Europe, and brought into this new part of the world. The forbearing God has not yet used harsh means and rods but still wants to lead us to repentance with kindness, patience, and forbearance. 129 It was only one year after my arrival [in 1742] when people were carried off, at times very quickly, by poisonous fever and also by pleurisy. That experience made a lasting impression and awakened some arrogant sinners. Although things currently look so dead and dark that people do not really want to pay attention and give room to the

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Spirit of God, the Lord may sson use some other method to humiliate defiant hearts and bring them back to the cross. I am still of good cheer and hope that before long things will be better and more glorious. When one considers God's dealings with his covenanted peoples throughout history from the beginning of creation, one discovers winter and summer, storm and calmness, high and low tides, day and night, spring and fall, etc. Surely the Lord must have something planned for America, for people are migrating and spreading far and wide for hundreds, yea, thousands of miles away.130 It is truly surprising how the nations have spread and increased within a few years. The Lord brings a vine out of Egypt,131 destroys the heathen, and plants his vine in America in areas where the heathen used to be. In a single night, the Lord led six hundred thousand men, not counting women and children, out of Egypt. Except for Joshua and Caleb, nearly all the old people perished in the desert, but their children had to conquer the Promised Land. 132 Almost all our old people have snake bites and are wounded without many, etc.133 A completely different generation may still arise there from their children. Therefore it would be desirable to take better care of the children and prepare them as young plants for the Lord.134 At times, our young people, especially in the country where they are not exposed to so many temptations and distractions, put many old people to shame. Nothing is more terrible and more distressing to look at than the newly arriving people who come every year now. They bring with them every conceivable vice and bad habit and flood the country, so to speak, with novel streams of sin. Thus one may well suspect that the Lord will soon come with his rod and preach more forcefully. I most obediently ask Your Reverence to excuse my cumbersome and shapeless style of writing. I know well that it is appropriate to add all proper titles and leave much paper blank and much space between lines. However, it is reasonable that a letter carried over many hundreds of miles and sent from one part of the world to another should be written compactly and arranged according to circumstances, and since one ought to express and prove one's veneration and due respect with the heart and true obedience rather than with white paper, the shapelessness will be kindly excused. Moreover, Pennsylvania is a country where titles and compliments are rarely used. [P.]P.S. The very reverend classis and synods in Holland have taken care of their High-German fellow believers in a very praiseworthy manner, by sending some fifteen Reformed pastors to Pennsylvania and by receiving into their fellowship those that were in Pennsylvania before; they have also decided to establish schools. It is a pity that the pastors are in disagreement with each other and divided into factions. 135 If the eye were healthy and the heart sincere, the whole body would be full of light.136 In this valley of tears and in the church militant, there are always pious desires137 that remain. O Lord Jesus, I want to trust in your mercy until the time comes to see you face-to-face after the battle, in blessed eternity.138

1. On Samuel Urlsperger (1685-1772), see Correspondence 1: 156n4. 2. Now Trappe, a part of Upper Providence Township, in Montgomery County, Pennsylvania. In Mühlenberg's day, also called "New Providence."

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3. The text reads Vrlsperger. 4. The original phrase, "Very Reverend Senior" (Hochwürdiger HErr Senior), was later deleted by Mühlenberg in the Halle copy. 5. Henry XXIV, count of Reuss (Reuß)-Köstritz (1681-1748). See Correspondence 1: 5n6. 6. Prior to Miihlenberg's departure for America. See his letters of 18 [not 8!] October 1741 (= Correspondence 1, Letter 3) and 8 November 1741 (= Letter 4). Mühlenberg left Grosshennersdorf [Großhennersdorf], in Upper Lusatia (then in the electorate of Saxony; now in Saxony, Germany), on 17 December 1741. See Correspondence 1: 13n4. 7. The first two sentences are crossed out in the copy. 8. The original continuation of this sentence, "than to pay attention to my humble letter" (als auf mein geringes Schreiben zu attendiren), was later deleted. 9. As pastor and senior of the ministerium in Augsburg, in Swabia (then an imperial city; now in Bavaria, Germany) from 1722 to 1765, Urlsperger supported the joint Danish-Hallensian mission in East India. On his departure from London in 1712 he was appointed corresponding member of the prestigious Society for the Propagation of Christian Knowledge founded in London in 1698 (later known as Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, or SPCK). Among his South German compatriots he strongly promoted the East Indian mission and also was instrumental in raising funds for the Salzburg emigrants in Georgia. The reports to which Mühlenberg refers here are Urlsperger's Ausführliche Nachricht von den Saltzburgischen Emigranten, Die sich in America niedergelassen haben 17 vols. (Halle: Waisenhaus, 1735-1751). For a complete English translation, see Detailed Reports on the Salzburger Emigrants Who Settled in America.... Edited by Samuel Urlsperger, trans, and ed. George F. Jones et al., 18 vols. (vols. 1-17: Athens, Ga.: University of Georgia Press, 1968-93; vol. 18: Camden, Me.: Picton Press, 1995). 10. The original continues, "[of our congregations in Pennsylvania] in general and dear Ebenezer [Georgia] in particular," but was later deleted. 11. The original continuation, "prior to your blessed departure to the triumphant church" (vor dero seligen Abreise zu der triumphierenden Kirche), was later deleted. At the time this letter was being written, Mühlenberg was 42 and Urlsperger 68. 12. See 1 Cor. 3:6-7. 13. See Matt. 13:1-23. 14. See Matt. 13:47-50. 15. See Rom. 2:4. 16. See Phil. 2:15. 17. See 1 Peter 2:9. 18. See Luke 15:4-7. 19. See Luke 15:8-10. 20. See Luke 15:11-32. 21. The text reads Republiken. 22. See 1 Peter 2:25. 23. See Luke 15:3-7. 24. See Luke 15:2. 25. See 1 Tim. 2:4. 26. See 1 Tim. 2:5-6. 27. See John 16:8-11. 28. See Amos 6:6. 29. See Matt. 9:37. From here to page 106, line 28 ("valiantly"), the text of the copy is crossed out. 30. The text reads (Latin) parta tuen und parere. See Wander, Deutsches Sprichwörterlexikon, 1: 853. 31. The text reads (Latin) nervo rerum gerendarum; i.e., money. 32. The text reads (Latin) Spiritus vitales. 33. Seeisa. 1:5.

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34. Latin: the base of the heart. 35. Latin: the outflow regions of the ventricles. 36. The base of the heart and the auricles (i.e., the indentations of walls of the right and left atria) anatomically form the atrium which only indirectly has to do with the diastole (i.e., the filling of the heart with blood) of the ventricles (i.e., the conus cordis). Muhlenberg's references to anatomy here show the scope of his medical knowledge. 37. See Luke 16:8. 38. A city in the Netherlands. 39. The text reads (Latin) species. 40. I.e., arithmetic that reduces rather than augments the whole. Hence Muhlenberg accuses the newlanders of cheating the emigrants out of their money and properties to their own advantage. At the same time, employing the prejudice of his time, he thinks of Dutch Jews as also being capable of adding and multiplying, i.e., of amassing riches for themselves. 41. See above, 89n41. 42. I.e., the freedom of conscience. 43. See above, 73n60. 44. The text reads die letzten Dinge. 45. See 1 Tim. 4:2. 46. See above, 42, and Muhlenberg's report of 23 September 1750 printed in HN1:365; HN 2/1:515. 47. The text reads Zinzendorfischen Epochis (presumably dative plural of the Latin Epochus). The meaning is not quite clear. Muhlenberg may refer to the ancient philosophical school of the Skeptics (from Skepsis, a town in Greece) whose followers doubted the existence of insights that are absolutely valid. In Skeptic philosophy, epoch meant the deferment of judgment (due to lack of absolute knowledge). Muhlenberg may want to criticize the Moravians for doubting the earnestness of God's prophecies concerning final judgment by upholding a mere façade of piety and godliness while giving shelter to all sorts of dissenters, heretics, and blasphemers. 48. The text reads und sich leicht in eine oder andere sphaeram von ihrer Creutzes=Luft pafien. Muhlenberg alludes to the theology of Count Nikojaus Ludwig von Zinzendorf (1700-1760), the leader of the Moravians (Moravian Brethren). In his homilies on the "Litany of the Wounds of our Lord Jesus Christ," preached in 1747, Zinzendorf spoke of "the atmosphere of the cross and of the dead body which constantly wafts around" the Christian (see Correspondence 2: 4 7 n l l ) . On Zinzendorf, see above, 89n43. 49. See above, 27n21. 50. The text reads Camisol. In the eighteenth century a camisole was an undergarment for clergy. 51. Muhlenberg obviously refers to the German proverb, Der Wolf findet leicht eine Ursache, wenn er das Schaffressen will (The wolf finds an excuse when he wants to eat the sheep), figuratively used for someone trying to reach his true goal under false pretenses. Probably from the fable The Wolf and the Lamb by the Greek poet Aesop (6th cent. B.C.). See also above, 56,59n46; below, 186,196n223. 52. On Tobias Wagner (1702-1769), see above, 28n25. See also 35-36,45, 82-83. 53. See Luke 15:4-7. 54. Johann Conrad Andreae [Andrea] (-1703-1754). See above, 26nl9. For the following in this paragraph, see above, 37,45, 49n43, 69, 83. 55. The text reads Rap. Philipp Heinrich Rapp ( f l 7 7 9 ) . See above, 27n20. For the following in this paragraph, see above, 23; HN 2/1: 296, 591-592; Pastors and People 1: 106-107. 56. To Christ Lutheran Church ("Old Swamp Church"), located on Cliff Street. 57. On him, see above, 47n 15. 58. The Pensylvanische Berichte, Oder Sammlung Wichtiger Nachrichten aus dem Natur- und Kirchen-Reich published by [Johann] Christoph Sauer, Sr. (1693-1758) under varying names since 1739. See below, 129n4,130n7. 59. The text reads England. Johann Theophil Engelland (fl775). See above, 39n28. 60. Now a city in Lancaster County, Pennsylvania.

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61. Johann Siegfried Gerock (1724-1788). See above, 38n21. See also above, 66,68, 73n59. 62. The text reads (Latin) propter furtum. Furtum could also mean "secret love affair." See Ovid's poems Amores and Ars amandi. 63. Heinrich Burchard Gabriel Wortmann (?-?). See above, 92n67. The deacon was Michael Hubele [Hubley] (1722-1804). See also above, 83, 93n84. 64. A port on the Elbe River; then an imperial city, now a state of Germany. 65. Now a city in Berks County, Pennsylvania. 66. Now a city in Frederick County, Maryland. 67. The schoolmaster was Johann Philipp Streiter (fl756), who came to Frederick in 1751. See Lutheran Church in PA, 265; Pastors and People 1: 147-148. 68. Karl Rudolf (?-?), the self-styled "prince of Württemberg"? See Pastors and People 1: 113. 69. Probably Johann Conrad Andreae but also a nickname for Satan. See John 8:44. 70. The text reads Diuersiones zu machen. 71. Then in Philadelphia County, Pennsylvania; now a part of Philadelphia. 72. Johann Friedrich Handschuh (1714-1764). See above, 47nl2. On Handschuh's problems in Germantown, see Letters 131,134 and 136. 73. The text reads (Latin) cum infamia. 74. Johann Nikolaus Kurz (1720-1794). See above, 47nl2. 75. Probably a reprint of a popular book written in High German which first appeared annonymously in Strasbourg [Straßburg], in Alsace (then an imperial city; now in France), in 1515 and described the pranks of Till Eulenspiegel (-1300—1350), the son of a peasant who was born near Brunswick (then in the duchy of Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel; now in Lower Saxony, Germany), and lived in Mölln (then in the duchy of Saxe-Lauenburg; now in Schleswig-Holstein, Germany). 76. Nothing else is known about this incident. 77. Now Bethlehem Township, in Northampton County, Pennsylvania. In the mid-eighteenth-century it was the center of the Moravian mission in North America. See Joseph Mortimer Levering, A History of Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, 1741-1892, with some Accounts of Its Founders and Their Early Activity in America (Bethlehem, Pa.: Times Publishing Co., 1903); Ross W. Yates et al., eds., Bethlehem of Pennsylvania; The First One Hundred Years, 1741 to 1841 (Bethlehem, Pa.: Bethlehem Book Committee, Chamber of Commerce, 1968). 78. See Psalm 118:16. 79. The text reads (Latin) parta tueri. See above, 11 ln30 80. On the United Congretations, see above, 12x0.1. 81. See Isa. 65:2. 82. See Psalm 68:6. 83. The following paragraph, until "Evangelical religion" on page 108, is crossed out in the copy. 84.. On the quarrels in Germantown, see Letters 131, 134,136,145,148 and 152. 85. Handschuh arrived in Philadelphia on 5 April 1748 and began his ministry in Lancaster five weeks later. On his service in Lancaster, see Correspondence 1: llln20, 121-124, 131nnl6-25; Pastors and People 1: 50-51. 86. The text reads laß (= lasch). 87. See Correspondence 2: 123-124, 131n25. 88. The text reads Wein= und Bierschenker. 89. On D. Curtius (?-?), see Correspondence 2: 189, 191n64. 90. The text reads Seiden Fabrique, which can mean "silk factory," "silk fabrication" (manufacturing), or "silk fabric" (textile material). 91. See above, 49n31. 92. For Mühlenberg's reference to Münster, his favorite designation for rebellion within the church using political means, see above, 90n48. 93. See 1 Peter 2:23. On the events in Germantown, see also above, 61-69. 94. See above, 80-81.

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95. One leader of the opposing party was Matthias Gänsel [Gänsle, Gensei] (~ 1725-1759). See above, 49n38. For the following on the Germantown quarrels, see above, 42-45, 61-69. 96. [Johann] Peter Brunnholz (1717-1757). See above, 46nl 1. 97. This is the letter of 13 March 1747 mentioned in Letters 131 and 134 that is not extant. See above, 44, 49n39, 82. 98. Brunnholz's letter to the Stuttgart consistory was dated 16 April 1753. 99. Muhlenberg's fears did indeed come true. Issued on 3 August 1753, the Stuttgart consistory's attestation never reached America because Captain [John] Davis's (t> 1753) ship carrying the document was shipwrecked in late 1753 (see Miihlenberg's letter to Albinus of 14 March 1754 [= Letter 145]). In Halle, Director Gotthilf August Francke (1696-1769) learned of the tragedy through information from England, as he told Consistory Counselor Fischer in his letter of 5 February 1754, in which he also asked for a duplicate of the attestation for Brunnholz. Fischer complied with Francke's request in his letter of 18 February 1754. Writing to Francke on 12 April 1754, Brunnholz finally confirmed to have received the duplicate on Good Friday. On Francke, see above, 29n33. 100. S e e H N 1: 80; HN2H-. 152. 101. By 1763 the Halle faction in Germantown regained possession of the local church by order of the civil authorities. 102. See Gal. 1:16, where the apostle Paul contrasts human approval to his divinely instituted call. 103. See above, 85-86. 104. From verse one of the hymn, "Gott will's machen, daß die Sachen" (-1700), by Johann Daniel Herrnschmidt (1675-1723), who in 1715 was appointed as professor of theology at Halle University and the following year became subdirector of the Francke orphanage and the Pädagogium Regium (the Royal Boarding School). 105. See above, 85. 106. A German settlement founded in 1734 by Lutherans expelled from what was then the Catholic archbishopric of Salzburg (now in Austria). Ebenezer was initially located about twenty-five miles northwest of Savannah, Georgia and was originally designed as a military defense for this newly established British town. In 1736, Ebenezer (meaning "stone of help" in Hebrew [see 1 Sam. 7:12]) was moved to better farmland nearer to the Savannah River. Renamed St. Matthew's Parish in 1754, the settlement became a part of Effingham County, Georgia, in 1777. 107. Miihlenberg refers to the Lutheran Church in Georgia ("ecclesia plantanda") with its infrastructure of learned clergy, local congregations, schools, orphanages, and other charitable institutions. 108. See Isa. 40:11. 109. See Acts 14:22. 110. See Rom. 8:28. 111. Not extant, but see Miihlenberg's correspondence with Ebenezer, beginning with Correspondence 1, Letters 29 and 31. 112. Gotthilf Israel Boltzius (1739-1774) said goodbye to the congregation in Ebenezer on 17 June 1753. Accompanied by Captain Kraus (?-?) he arrived in London, where Albinus sent him to Halle. In 1748, Francke had offered to Pastor Johann Martin Boltzius (1703-1765) to have his children educated free of charge in Halle. In 1757, Gotthilf Israel took up studies of theology. From 1763 on, he was instructor at the Paedagogium Regium (the Royal Boarding School) of the Francke Foundations. In 1769, he became Diakon at Market Church in Halle and three years later, Archidiakon. See Winde, "Frühgeschichte," 162, 319-321. 113. In the eighteenth century, a small suburb of Halle on the Saale, (then a town in the kingdom of Prussia; now a city in Saxony-Anhalt, Germany), where the Francke Foundations are still located; now a part of Halle. 114. See Matt. 13:31-32. 115. In Germantown. 116. The text reads Opfer.

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117. Mühlenberg probably refers to Gen. 22:9-18, where God puts Abraham to the test of faith and obedience by commanding him to sacrifice his son Isaac as burnt offering. 118. See above, 69, 74n84; Winde, "Frühgeschichte," 277. 119. Not extant. 120. Heinrich Schleydorn, Sr. (fl759). See above, 33n6. 121. The text reads debauchiret. 122. See above, 82, 93n75, and Correspondence 2: 293n5. 123. This person could not be identified. 124. Wagner returned to Europe in 1759 and became pastor in Oberiflingen (then in the duchy of Württemberg; now a part of Schopfloch, in Baden-Württemberg, Germany) in 1760, and in Meimsheim (then in Württemberg; now in Baden-Württemberg) in 1764. See Pastors and People 1: 156. 125. See HN 2/1: 176,437. 126. Wagner's letter to the Stuttgart consistory is not extant. 127. The text reads Neuprovidence. 128. Mühlenberg probably alludes to Psalm 31:12. 129. See Rom. 2:4. 130. I.e., the immigrants from Europe. 131. See Psalm 80:8. 132. See Num. 13-14 and Joshua 1-24. 133. Understand: surviving. The text reads ohne etliche etc. Mühlenberg refers to Num. 21:6-9, a story about Israel's disobedience to God. 134. See Psalm 128:3. 135. See above, 24,29nn34,35, and Letter 133. In 1752, Michael Schlatter (1716-1790) brought the sum of £12,000 from the Dutch Reformed Church with him to America. See Correspondence 2: 223n44; HN 2/1: 461. On Schlatter, see above, 29n34. 136. See Matt. 6:22. 137. The text reads (Latin) pia desideria, which may be an indirect reference to the famous 1675 tract of Philipp Jakob Spener, entitled Pia Desideria, oder Hertzliches Verlangen Nach Gottgefälliger Besserung der wahren Evangelischen Kirchen. 138. From verse eight of the hymn, "Jesu, der du meine Seele" (1652), by Johann Rist (1607-1667).

Letter 139 Mühlenberg to [Johann Georg Bruchholtz] 1 Providence, 2 12 September 1753 Mühlenberg reports to an important lay European donor on the religious situation in Pennsylvania: the many in the colony and the European authorities who send clergy to serve in Pennsylvania. Noting that the Germans were the most recent group to settle, Miihlenberg writes that serving the Lutheran church frequently means serving the widows, orphans and the poor. He asks for furtherfinancial support for raising a school and orphanage and mentions the possibility of helping the Native American and African populations. Text in German: Korrespondenz 2: 85-91. Korrespondenz 2: 90.

For further

textual

information,

see

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Most noble, Most learned, Most highly respected Sir and Patron: Although I do not believe I ever had the honor of meeting Your Most Noble Reverence face-to-face, I have now become acquainted with you in the Lord and have been obliged to prayer and gratitude by an honorable letter of 9 September 1752,3 by a chest of books, and by other presents for pastors, schoolteachers, and poor children, in addition to a little chest of small tracts from Ebenezer, 4 together with your faithful heart and the living faith that works through love.5 The lovely presents sent over will be used according to our Most Noble Reverence's most merciful disposition and repaid at the resurrection of the righteous according to Christ's promise. As to our external conditions in Pennsylvania, Your Most Noble Reverence will already know from geography that the big stretch of land, the borders of which extend over several hundred miles from 40° to 43° north was granted to the noble Sir William Penn6 by his royal majesty Charles II7 in a patent of 1680, and was established through its basic laws as a sanctuary for all nations under the sun that profess a supreme being. From 1681 to the present, this privilege of complete freedom of conscience and religion, the opportunity for sea trade and the ability to cultivate the soil for all kinds of grains and vegetables have drawn many nations, tongues and persuasions here, causing the country to be so populated that over one hundred thousand souls, save for the Indians, can be counted, as the politicians say. Among them, however, the German,8 the so-called Evangelical and Reformed Christians arrived last and have had to make do with the poorest land that was left and to serve other nations first for several years to pay for their transfer. The whole province9 is governed by English and some local laws and is somewhat similar to the ancient Roman form of government. The privilege of freedom of conscience is the reason for all of the different kinds of religions10 being practiced here. The free inhabitants and indentured servants consist of English, Irish, Scots, Swedes, French, Dutch, Germans, the local yellow Indians11 and black Africans. They are so-called Quakers, Anglicans,12 Presbyterians, Mennonites, Saturday and Sunday Anabaptists,13 Separatists, Schwenckfelders, Zinzendorfers,14 Roman Catholics, Reformed, Lutherans, and so on. They are jurists, civil servants, theologians of many different persuasions, philosophers, physicians, merchants and shopkeepers, artists, craftsmen and farmers, etc., etc.; and according to the doctrine of Christ and his morals, they are evil and good, hypocrites, gross sinners and true Christians. The Friends or socalled Quakers have male and female preachers of their own religious denomination; the preaching depends on inspiration by some spirit. The congregations of the [Anglican] High Church have been provided with preachers by the Society in England,15 and the Presbyterians or English Reformed have been furnished with preachers from New and Old England or with those that were trained here in the country.16 The other, smaller groups choose the most talented as preachers from among their ranks to suit their needs. The Roman Catholics have preachers that are sent from and paid from England and Germany. The Swedes get their preachers from their fatherland and have been endowed in recent years with learned and godly theologians by his royal majesty

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in Sweden. 17 The German Reformed are supported by the very reverend synods of South and North Holland and by the Amsterdam classis with preachers and contributions to churches and schools. 18 The other Reformed congregations remain independent of Holland and call as they like and whom they want. More than twenty years ago, the Evangelicals, in particular some favorably disposed men in Philadelphia, Providence, and New Hanover, 19 turned to His Very Reverence Royal Court Preacher Ziegenhagen 20 in London and to his Very Reverence Dr. and Prof. Francke 21 in Halle. 22 These highly esteemed fathers and sponsors made every effort possible to come to the poor people's assistance: they watched for the steps and providence of God, followed in the same23 and sent God's word on ahead in letters. In 1742, a pastor and support for the outer armor24 were finally dispatched. 25 Since then, seven laborers have been sent over by the highly esteemed gentlemen and three more received into our fellowship with their permission so that ten pastors 26 are now working with one accord in several Evangelical congregations gathered together in the provinces of Pennsylvania, New Jersey and New York, 27 in this desolate vineyard. These efforts are still very new and weak and subject to many difficulties and hard trials, faring like a ship on the rough seas that one moment sinks, the next rises; one moment rides the waves, the next is flooded by them. As long as the Lord Jesus himself remains on board the ship, it surely will not sink. There are many more charges or so-called Lutheran congregations, including the congregation in the town of Lancaster. 28 After we wrested it away from the Zinzendorfian wiles29 with much difficulty, it applied to the Very reverend consistory in the duchy of Württemberg and received a regular pastor from there.30 The other charges or congregations accept the preachers that come every year of their own accord, seeking a living, together with other German people. The gentlemen that come on their own are usually opposed to us, causing offense, strife, quarrel, discord, and ruin in the country and making our religion odious to many other denominations and persuasions. 31 My colleagues and I live in poor circumstances. We must live on the voluntary offerings of the congregants—and often very miserably since the mites collected in Europe for sending laborers 32 free of charge and for necessary church buildings have been borrowed and since a special fund has not been established yet. After gathering together some twenty large and small congregations together through God's grace and support and working with them for ten years as opportunity permitted, albeit in weakness, we now present our greatest concerns and entreaties, next to God, to our very reverend supervisors and to all members [of Lutheran churches] in Europe who are grieved over the ruin of Joseph; 33 we wish to set up schools and institutions for the poor, for we have learned from experience that building the kingdom of God must begin vigorously with the poor, abandoned and numerous youth. With God's help and support we hope for much true and permanent blessing from this. But the Lord Jesus has promised to assemble the lambs in his bosom. There are an immense number of poor widows and orphans and other children of many nations in Philadelphia and Germantown. 34 If a school could be established there, a large number of them could be gathered in the bosom of the world's Savior through God's grace, and the mother sheep

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could follow. It now depends on how the true Father of orphans in heaven 35 will leave his footprints 36 and direct his children's hearts in Europe to give their offerings. Our congregants here want to do their part. Should the all-satisfying Jehovah reveal the traces of his grace, a lot could first be purchased in or near Philadelphia as well as in Germantown, and then more difficult matters37 could be addresses and discussed. I will be glad to contribute what I, as the lowliest person, can scrimp and save without neglecting the duties that are necessary for my office, because I, like others of my colleagues, will soon have to leave some orphans that have not yet been brought up in this wilderness. 38 There are enough schools in the towns but, alas!, all too few Christians and schools for the poor! I expect such institutions to encounter much resistance, hardship, temptation and many trials, for the devil and his armies are enraged when they realize that their kingdom is about to be seriously attacked and that the kingdom of Jesus Christ will be built. Still, the city of God shall remain happy, etc., etc.39 We hope that Your Most Noble Reverence will help with such necessary and useful work and direct your stream of love in the proper way and be assured that these streams will flow back unto eternal life. What Your Most Noble Reverence has set aside for us for the favors you have done and will do in the future is certainly a blessed first step worthy of being emulated. 40 Amen! That is, yes, it will happen! 41 They will not be snatched out of his hands but preserved. 42 God is faithful! He does not let those that are faithful in love to be taken away. His mercy is sufficient for the weak and powerful enough to accomplish the work started and lead it to complete victory and marvelous triumph. The whole hymn, "My Savior Sinners Doth Receive," 43 can properly testify to the process of justification, and the hymn, "Strive Aright When God Doth Call Thee," 44 to the struggle of faith and sanctification. Our weak prayer shall be united with the prayer of the High Priest,45 our advocate with the father. 46 May the high and lofty God of Zion grant us more and more of his Spirit of mercy and prayer! What Your Most Noble Reverence desires, namely, hearing reports on orphans' homes and schools for the poor, has not yet materialized here but is our ardent desire and current focus of attention. May the Lord grant us help and support for this most necessary work! Concerning the catechism, we have composed one and printed it here in Philadelphia. 47 It is used by the youth in nearly all of our United Congregations. 48 With Bibles, New Testaments, Psalters, and Johann Arndt's True Christianity49 as well as Freylinghausen's hymnbooks, 50 the greatest and most blessed service would be rendered to our poor congregations and to us. If efforts were made for orphans and other poor children through God's mercy, one could also educate an occasional child from the local savages or African moors, as in East India.51 But ours are in need of food first, etc., etc., Matthew 15.52 An atlas and other books would be a blessed start for a library in an orphans' home and school in Philadelphia, and would be very useful and salutary for us poor pastors because we are for generally very badly equipped with those books which are indispensable. I did not read the report about an Evangelical congregation in Spotsylvania 53 of the year 1737s4 but was informed about the place, the congregation, the pastors and their circumstances. Spotsylvania is a region that is as yet wild and

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uncultivated. There are still many such spots in the North American wilderness. The aforementioned region is situated in the province of Virginia, about 800 English miles [south] of Philadelphia, where German Evangelical people have settled and established themselves.55 Mr. Johann Caspar Stover,56 a bookbinder by trade, is long since dead and Mr. Georg Samuel Klug,57 an Evangelical pastor, is still alive, I hope, and serving the congregation there with God's word and the holy sacraments. I was told that the Evangelical people have received some £3,000 of collections from Europe, the collectors getting part of it for their efforts and traveling expenses. They built a wooden church and purchased a glebe as well as some Negroe slaves58 to farm the glebe from the rest so that His Reverence Pastor Klug can live there quietly and pleasantly and discharge his office. 59 1 cannot say for sure if there is still a strong thirst for God's word and books. But I have heard from a certain man that they burned a pile of small tracts several years ago—if this story is true.60 Some years ago we had the honor of meeting the very reverend Pastor Klug in Pennsylvania.61 We were amazed at his lively and vigorous condition. May the merciful and all-satisfying God strengthen the soul of this colleague of ours and make him his chosen tool and voice in the Virginia wilderness and preserve him, especially as he seems to have a robust physical constitution, little to worry about, and an intact spleen!62 Otherwise, we commend ourselves, all of our coworkers in churches and schools and all of the wild vineyard, together with all of these requests to your gracious consideration and earnest intercession and remain. Providence63 12 September 1753

Most noble Sir's, Very reverend and noble M[agister's?], highly esteemed Patron's obliged servant Muhlenberg

P.S. It was an exceptional tonic for my heart and those of my colleagues and ointment to our heads64 that his most noble reverence, Rector Eichholtz,65 and Rector Job66 sent their thousandfold sincere regards, particularly as I had the honor of cultivating a friendship with Rector Job in Grosshennersdorf. 67 1 would be glad to have more detailed information on Rector Eichholtz though, because I cannot recall when we had dealings with each other, etc., etc. While we are far away from one another in our temporal homes68 and likely will not embrace each other in this vale of tears, I kiss them in the Spirit before the Lord and wish to see them again before the throne of the Lamb as dear souls who were justified by the blood of Christ and remained faithful up to the end!69 There will be the life of joy, etc., etc.70 Amen!

1. Johann Gottlieb Bruchholtz (1699-1758) was a pietist Lutheran and a lawyer and notary in Leipzig (then a town in the electorate of Saxony; now a city in Saxony, Germany). See also below, 125 with n39. 2. Now Trappe, a part of Upper Providence Township, in Montgomery County, Pennsylvania. In Mtihlenberg's day, also called "New Providence." 3. Bruchholtz's letter is not extant. See above, 51nl2.

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4. A German settlement founded in 1734 by Lutherans expelled from what was then the Catholic archbishopric of Salzburg (now in Austria). Ebenezer was initially located about twenty-five miles northwest of Savannah, Georgia and was originally designed as a military defense for this newly established British town. In 1736, Ebenezer (meaning "stone of help" in Hebrew [see 1 Sam. 7:12]) was moved to better farmland nearento the Savannah River. Renamed St. Matthew's Parish in 1754, the settlement became a part of Effingham County, Georgia, in 1777. 5. See Gal. 5:6. 6. William Penn (1644-1718), whose 1701 "Charter of Privileges" guaranteed all Pennsylvanians religious freedom. 7. Charles II (1630-1685), King of England. 8. The text reads Hochteutschen (= hochdeutschen); literally, "High German" (in contrast to Niederteutschen [= niederdeutsche]; literally, "Low German," i.e., Dutch). 9. The text reads Republic. 10. The text reads Gottesdienstlichkeiten. 11. What group of Native Americans Mühlenberg refers to here is not clear. 12. The text reads Hochkirchlichen. 13. These were small Protestant groups that either observed a seventh-day Sabbath (see Correspondence 2: 47nl0) or the Sunday as the weekly day of rest. 14. I.e., Moravians. Mühlenberg, like other opponents of Count Nikolaus Ludwig von Zinzendorf (1700-1760) and his followers, used to call this Protestant group derogatorily "Zinzendorfers" or "Herrnhuters" (after Herrnhut, a village near the Saxon town of Berthelsdorf, in Upper Lusatia in Southeast Germany, were Zinzendorf had established a colony of Protestant refugees from Bohemia on a part of a family estate). On Zinzendorf, see above, 89n43. 15. The Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, established in London in 1701 (also known as Society for Promoting the Gospel in Foreign Parts, or SPG). See above, 89n42. 16. At the College of New Jersey, founded in 1746; now Princeton University. 17. By Swedish kings Frederick I (1676-1751) of Hesse-Cassel and Adolphus Frederick (1710-1771) of Holstein-Gottorp. 18. S e e H N 1: 312-313; HN2/\: 410-411,461. 19. Now a township in Montgomery County, Pennsylvania. 20. Friedrich Michael Ziegenhagen (1694-1776). See above, 37nl4. 21. Gotthilf August Francke (1696-1769). See above, 29n33. 22. See the joint open letter of the Evangelical Lutheran congregations in Philadelphia, New Hanover and Providence "to each and all Evangelical Lutheran Christians" (in Germany) of 28 February 1735, HN 2/1: 52-54. See also Correspondence 1, L 27. 23. See 1 Peter 2:21. 24. I.e., for the Lutheran Church being established in Pennsylvania ("ecclesia plantanda"). 25. See Ziegenhagen's letter to the deacons and elders in Philadelphia, New Hanover and Providence of 18 May 1742 (= Correspondence 1, Letter 9), which announces Mühlenberg's arrival. 26. These ten pastors were [Johann] Peter Brunnholz (1717-1757), see above, 4 6 n l l ; Johann Friedrich Handschuh (1714-1764), see above, 48n22; Johann Dietrich Matthias Heinzelmann (17261756), see above, 71nl4; Johann Nikolaus Kurz (1720-1794), see above, 47nl2; Heinrich Melchior Mühlenberg (1711-1787), Lukas Rauss [Rauß, Rouse] (1723-1788), see above, 48n26; Johann Helfrich Schaum (1721-1778), see above, 47nl3; Ludolf Heinrich Schrenck (*~1716), see above, 93n89; Friedrich Schultze [Schultz] (1726-1809), see above, 71 n 18; and Johann Albert Weygand (1722-1770), see above, 28n31. 27. See Correspondence 2: 211. 28. Now a city in Lancaster County, Pennsylvania. 29. The text reads denen Zinzendorfischen /ueffoöeiaic Mühlenberg uses the Greek term "methodist" not as the designation of a particular denomination (not founded until years later) but as a derogatory term for Moravians (Moravian Brethren) as people committed to certain rigid methods

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of religious practice. On Count Nikolaus Ludwig von Zinzendorf (1700-1760), the founder of this Protestant group that was often called "Herrnhuters" or "Zinzendorfers" by their opponents, see above, 89n43, and Correspondence 1: 5n8. 30. Johann Siegfried Gerock (1724-1788). See above, 38n21. See also 36-37,66, 73n59. 31. See above, 36. 32. I.e., pastors. 33. See Amos 6:6. 34. Then in Philadelphia County, Pennsylvania; now a part of Philadelphia. 35. See Psalm 68:5. 36. The text reads seine Spuren zeigen. Mühlenberg probably alludes to Psalm 77:19. 37. The text reads (Latin) a facilioribus ad difficiliora. 38. As early as 1748, at age 36, Mühlenberg was expecting early death. After the birth of his second child, he wrote in his journal for February of 1748: "I shall doubtless not live long enough to bring up the poor children." See Journals 1: 180. 39. See Psalm 46:4 according to the final, less literal translation in the final edition of the Luther Bible. 40. The meaning of this sentence is not quite clear as its wording in German is very cumbersome. The text reads Was Ew. HochEdelgeb: von uns insgesamt fiir dero verliehene und noch künfftig zu verleihenden Wohlthaten ausgenommen, ist wol eine selige und nachahmungswürdige Bedingung. On 18 July 1753, a chest with edifying literature and money sent by Bruchholtz had been delivered to Pastor Brunnholz's home, accompanied by a letter from Bruchholtz that is not extant. See above, 51nl2, and Korrespondenz 2: 26n4. 41. See Luther's Small Catechism, The Lord's Prayer, explanation to "Amen." 42. See John 10:28-29. 43. The first line of the hymn, "Mein Heiland nimmt die Sünder an" (-1731), by Leopold Franz Friedrich Lehr (1709-1744). See Luke 15:2. The standard nineteenth-century English translation is titled, "Jesus Sinners Doth Receive." 44. The first line of the hymn, "Ringe recht wenn Gottes Gnade" (1703), by Johann Joseph Winkler (1670-1722). 45. See John 17 and Hebr. 7:25-26. 46. See 1 John 2:1. 47. Der kleine Catechismus des seligen D. Martin Luthers (Philadelphia: Benjamin Franklin and Johann Böhm, 1749). See also Brunnholz's letter to Ziegenhagen and Francke of 11 April 1749, HN 1: 384; HN 2/1: 526. 48. On the United Congregations, see above, 72n27. 49. Des Hocherleuchteten Theologi, Herrn Johann Arndts, Weiland General=Superintendenten des Fürtstenthums Lüneburg, ec. Sämtliche Sechs geistreiche Bücher Vom Wahren Christenthum, Das ist: Von heilsamer Busse, Hertzlicher Reue und Leid über die Sünde, wahrem Glauben, auch heiligem Leben und Wandel der rechten wahren Christen. Neue Auflage mit Kupfern, Samt Richtigen Anmerckungen, kräfftigen Gebetern über alle Capitel, und Einem sechsfachen Register (Philadelphia: Benjamin Franklin and Johann Böhm, 1751). 50. Johann Anastasius Freylinghausen, Geistreiches Gesang=Buch, den Kern alter und neuer Lieder in sich haltend: Jetzo von neuem so eingerichtet, daß alle Gesänge, so in den vorhin unter diesem Namen alhier herausgekommenen Gesang=Büchern befindlich, unter ihren Rubriquen zusammen gebracht, auch die Noten aller alten und neuen Melodeyen beygefüget worden, und mit einem Vorbericht herausgegeben von Gotthilf August Francken (Halle: Waisenhaus, 1741). 51. The first mission school for Tamil children opened on 5 September 1726. See Lehmann, Es begann in Tranquebar, 227-228, 250. 52. Mühlenberg refers to Jesus's harsh words to the Canaanite woman in Matt. 15:21-28 (v. 26: "It is not fair to take the children's food and throw it to the dogs"). 53. Now a county in northeastern Virginia.

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54. The "Report on the German Lutherans in Spotsylvania of the Year 1737" by Johann Caspar Stöver, Sr., printed in HN 2/1: 686-687. See also Correspondence 2: 49n68. 55. In 1714 and 1717, the first German families settled in Virginia. See HN2/\ : 576, 686. 56. On Stöver, Sr., see above, 27n24, and also Correspondence 2: 49n69,223n65; HN2/]: 578-579, 687; Pastors and People 1: 138-139. 57. Klug (17177-1764) was born in East Prussia (probably in Elbing, then in the kingdom of Prussia; now Elbl^g, Poland). After his ordination In 1736, he went to Virginia, where he succeeded the deceased Johann Caspar Stöver, Sr. (1685-1735) as pastor of Hebron Lutheran Church in Madison County in 1739. A year later he oversaw the building of a new church there. See Correspondence 1: 342n37; HN 2/1: 579, 687; Pastors and People 1:71. 58. The text reads Mohren Sclaven. 59. See HN 1: 331; HN 2/1: 493-494, 579-580. 60. The text reads (Latin) sifabula vera est. 61. In 1749, Klug visited the Lutheran pastors in Pennsylvania. For Mühlenberg's report on his visit, see HN 1: 331; HN 2/1: 493-494, Journals 1: 223; Correspondence 2: 45, 49n68. 62. Mühlenberg's allusion to Klug's "intact spleen" refers to his sunny disposition. In the eighteenth century, Mühlenberg and everyone else still believed in the humors (spleen, bile, gall, etc.). 63. The text reads Neuprovid[ence]. 64. See Psalm 133. 65. This person could not be identified. 66. The text reads H. Instituarius Job. Johann Heinrich Job (1699-1762) was Diakon (a lay assistant to a pastor with no academic education) and rector in Glaucha, near Halle, where the Francke Foundations are still located. 67. [Großhennersdorf], in Upper Lusatia (then in the electorate of Saxony; now in Saxony, Germany), where Mühlenberg was called as an assistant pastor and inspector of an orphans' home in July of 1739, before he accepted Francke's call to Pennsylvania in September of 1741. 68. The text reads der äuser Hütte nach. 69. See Rev. 2:10. 70. The first line of the fourth verse of the hymn, "Alle Menschen müssen sterben" (1652), by Johann Rosenmüller (-1619-1684).

Letter 140 Gotthilf August Francke to Mühlenberg, Johann Friedrich Handschuh and [Johann] Peter Brunnholz1 [Halle],2 25 September 1753 Francke writes to the Lutheran Ministerium to discuss the conflict in Germantown, share new information about funding and inquire about individual pastors. Regarding the Germantown congregation's desire to have a pastor from other parts of Germany rather than from Halle, Francke says that he has written to the Württemberg court to give them Halle's perspective on the matter. Financially, Francke reports that the use of money previously set aside for missions to East India had also been approved for use in Pennsylvania. The comments about the Ministerium's pastors range from comfort and support (to Handschuh), admonition and caution (regarding Johann Albert Weygand, Johann Helf rich Schaum and Johann Theophil Engelland) andjoy (regarding Johann Nikolaus Kurz, Johann Siegfried Gerock and Johann Dietrich Matthias

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Heinzelmann). The letter demonstrates the collegial, pastoral and paternal relationship between Halle and the Pennsylvania Ministerium. Text in German: Korrespondenz 2: 91-96. For further textual information, see Korrespondenz 2: 95. To the three elder Pastors of the United Ministerium in Pennsylvania, Pastor Muhlenberg, Pastor Brunnholz and Pastor Handschuh 25 September 17533 Reverend Pastors, My heartily beloved Brothers in the Lord: I recently received a letter from dear Pastor Brunnholz of 16 April 17534 from which I gathered some, if only temporary, news of the local circumstances. I now need to summarize what is most necessary. (1) The most important point is doubtless the unrest in Germantown. 5 If we did not have faith in God and did not know that it is his work and affair alone and that we have a valid call to take care of the Pennsylvania congregations, we likely would lose heart. Yet, just as one should not be rash in God's work by starting something without his invitation, so constancy and enduring persistence of faith are equally necessary after God directs one to it. Once one is directed by him to pursue a certain cause, one should not allow oneself to be deterred by difficulties and trials, for the One who is in us is stronger than anyone who is in the world,6 and God is wise and powerful enough to accomplish his objectives against any resistance. With this in mind I was heartily delighted to find firmness of faith and high spirits in Pastor Brunnholz's aforementioned letter. 7 1 have drafted a detailed and urgent letter to the Germantown congregation 8 and another one to all congregations 9 with the intention of putting the former in order again or at least of preventing the fire of further separation that is smoldering under the ashes. May God give his blessing to it! I now leave it to you to make the best use of these letters to this end. I expect more suggestions from you as to how and in what way I can support you from here because I would be glad to do whatever is in my power. Under these circumstances I feel most sorry for Pastor Handschuh. 10 May the Lord protect him and sustain him in faith and patience and finally let him experience his glory all the more thoroughly. But may he also grant him even more wisdom in these trials to conduct himself in a way that honors his name. In such circumstances, when lacking all human help and unable to rely on anything but the power of the word of God, one can see more clearly where one does not yet have an adequate understanding of the gospel and the true work of the Holy Spirit and that perhaps in this or that matter wants to obtain too much by force. After all, there is good reason to call on God for more wisdom, which is especially necessary in such congregations as those in Pennsylvania. If one makes a mistake here or there, with good intentions, the Lord will know how to put things right again. Incidentally, hatred11 of Christ is the main source of outrage

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arising about his word and work, and his servants must thus learn to suffer and be persecuted. But the Lord will not let them be tested beyond their strength. 12 (2) For your comfort and encouragement, I can report as a token of fatherly provisions that the 10,000 Reichstalers, which a benefactor has given to the Pennsylvania congregations on condition that he receive the interest for the rest of his life, 13 are now to be paid to me, to which end I have the bill of exchange in hand. 14 All hope was lost so that I, too, did not believe that I could accomplish this. I recognized God's hand behind it even more when the obstacles, so to speak, disappeared at once. I referred to this experience in the two aforementioned letters and sought to use it as an argument by which some people might be convinced. Because this capital is an important basis to continuously fund congregations, it is a matter seizing the opportunity to introduce a completely new and permanent constitution and order. I am waiting for you to submit proposals, adapted to the local circumstances of the country, on how this can be best implemented. My letter to all of the congregations provides an opportunity to propose, perhaps at a general synod, the conditions that congregations would have to abide by if they wished to continue to enjoy the benefits of this gift. 1 5 1 leave it to you to decide, though, whether you should immediately draft a few articles for the people so that they could bind themselves to Court Preacher Ziegenhagen 16 and to me as well as to the United Lutheran Ministerium before the seed of separation sprouts even more, or whether it is not yet time for that and the unrest should first be allowed to calm down a little bit. (3) I attached a letter to Chief Court Preacher Fischer 17 to the letter to the Württemberg consistory to try to prevent them from immediately complying with the request of the Germantown congregation, in case it would apply to them for a pastor. But I have not yet received an answer. 18 Since I asked to be informed if the Germantown congregation turned to the aforementioned consistory and requested a pastor 19 (for I wanted to send my view of the matter), 20 1 am requesting an authentic, notarized copy of those documents that can prove Pastor Handschuh's acceptance by the congregation and his orthodoxy and faithfulness in ministry, for which purpose the attestation issued by the congregation to the United Ministerium will be useful. 21 (4) I am very sorry to hear of Mr. Schaum's illness. 22 It seems to me, however, that a certain disingenuousness has crept into his intentions inasmuch as his father-in-law 23 so strongly insists on his transfer to Raritan, 24 in which scheme he, too, probably has had a hand—but this may be because he is too weak to stand up to his in-laws. (5) As to Mr. Weygand, 25 in my opinion his intentions are not bad and connections can be made, although he has repeatedly acted inappropriately. Please report to me if this is indeed so. (6) I am delighted that Mr. Kurz 26 conducts himself well and, as I think, continues to improve. (7) Is the schoolmaster [Johann] Jakob Löser 27 at Lancaster 28 the one who went back to his homeland, to Frankfurt on the Main, 29 and was then accused of cheating by Mr. Handschuh in a printed letter 30 to me? Did he defend himself adequately against this charge? He seems to conduct himself well and is keen in his job.

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(8) It is absolutely necessary to maintain a good relationship with Magister Gerock31 as long as he does not break it off himself. His traveling companion, Mr. Rabenhorst,32 does not appears to have been entirely satisfied with him. How do you find his thoughts and conduct now? I promised Chief Court Preacher Fischer that you would show him all possible friendship and assistance. (9) It is very good that Engelland33 was refused ordination immediately; it is also very good that such people are not paid. (10) It is also good that Mr. Schrenck34 will stay with the Lutherans in New York [City], provided that you find him sufficiently reliable, so that Pastor Muhlenberg can remain with the Pennsylvania congregations and so that the poor people in New York are not left without help. (11) The aforementioned capital will allow a fund to be established to care for the pastors, which has been my goal all along. In addition to this, the schools should be attended to so that a sufficient number are established and maintained and also so that able men are always kept for instructing children. (12) I am very pleased that dear Mr. Heinzelmann 35 maintains the school in Philadelphia so faithfully and allows nothing to hinder him from using his time for this blessed work so despised by the world but found glorious by God. He will surely not regret it. He thus works in large part for all of the Pennsylvania congregations, since to some extent, the children raised in Philadelphia spread across the whole country. God will certainly give his many blessings to this work. Also, the brief mention of it in Pastor Brunnholz's letters36 is quite refreshing to me. We will have to ensure that the school in Philadelphia continues to be kept in good condition. In the future, it will be useful if newly sent pastors work first in the schools for some time. (12)[si'c] How is Mr. Schultze37 conducting himself? (13) I am glad that the chests I sent have arrived.38 The little chest with the Saxon books was donated to the pastors by a good friend and Christian jurist39 in Leipzig.40 News of this was sent but seems not to have arrived or may arrive later.41 I have no further instruction but so say that the pastors may share the books or make some other agreement. There may have been items included in the books; therefore, you may want to be careful when unwrapping them lest something get lost. This fall I will dispatch another chest with some medicine and books, as many as can be forwarded free of charge via Holland. I will not send anything for sale until it is requested. (14) I am also forwarding some copies42 of sundry letters that I doubt were delivered properly, as well as a list43 of the donations received from . . . to . . . ,44 Although I cannot write to each one of you individually at this time, I send my heartfelt greetings and blessings to all of you. May the Lord help everyone through all difficulties according to their circumstances and delight you with much blessing. I remain in sincere love and devotion all my life. Yours

1. On Gotthilf August Francke (1696-1769), see abo ve, 29n33. On [Johann] Peter Brunnholz (17171757), see 46nl 1. On Johann Friedrich Handschuh (1714-1764), see 48n22.

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2. A Saxon town, then in the kingdom of Prussia; now in Saxony-Anhalt, Germany. Although the small town of Glaucha, the site of the Francke Foundations since 1695, would not be incorporated into Halle prior to 1817, Francke, Mühlenberg and others often used "Halle" synonymously with "Glaucha" when writing letters to or speaking about the Foundations and their missionaries, the Hallenser ("Hallensians"). 3. Added in another hand. 4. Extract in HN 1: 626-628; HN 2/2: 170-172. 5. Then in Philadelphia County, Pennsylvania; now a part of Philadelphia. See Letters 131,134,136 and 138. 6. See John 16:33. 7. In his manuscript Brunnholz writes: "I have enough enemies that would like to break my neck if only they could do so. They are those who caused ruin in Germantown, formerly lived in Germantown, but now run inns here in town [= Philadelphia], They wish to carry out their threats of going even further in Philadelphia than in Germantown. We merely hope for the mercy of God. He will withstand their fury. He is the Lord: He may do what is pleasing to him. If he delights in us, he will comfort us again and give all the more blessing." See HN 2/2: 223. 8. Francke's letter to the Germantown elders of 24 August 1753 and 3 (or 8) September 1753. See Korrespondenz 2:95n5. 9. Francke's letter to the deacons and elders of the Lutheran congregations in Pennsylvania of 15 September 1753. See Korrespondenz 2: 95n6. 10. On Handschuh's problems, see above, 42-44, 62-68, 81. 11. The text reads (Latin) odium. 12. See 1 Cor. 10:13. 13. The text reads mit Vorbehaltung der Interessen ad dies vitae. 14. On 27 (or 29) September 1751 Francke reported to Mühlenberg that a benefactor - Berlin-born Sigismund Streit (1687-1775) from Venice, Italy (see below, 330n35) - had donated several thousand florins to the Lutheran congregations in Pennsylvania. On 30 October 1751, however, he told Mühlenberg that the money was intended for the mission in East India. Later the benefactor changed his mind so that the money could eventually be used for America. See Correspondence 2: 147-148, 163, 279. See "Sechste Fortsetzung der Nachricht von einigen Evangelischen Gemeinen in America, absonderlich in Pennsylvania" (1754), "Vorbericht" ("Sixth Installment of the Reports of Some Evangelical Congregations in America, Especially in Pennsylvania," "Introductory Remarks"), HN 2/1:483. 15. Francke's letter to the deacons and elders of the Lutheran congregations in Pennsylvania of 15 September 1753. See Korrespondenz 2: 95nl0; HN2H \ 549-550. 16. Friedrich Michael Ziegenhagen (1694-1776). See above, 37nl4. 17. Brunnholz's letter to the Stuttgart consistory of 16 April 1753 and Francke's letter to Fischer in Stuttgart of 18 July 1753. See above, 114nn98, 99, and Korrespondenz 2: 95nl 1. 18. Fischer's response confirming receipt of the two letters is dated 6 August 1753. See Korrespondenz 2: 95nl2. 19. See above, 66. 20. The text reads (Latin) Speciem Facti. 21. This is the testimonial issued to the Halle p a s t e s on 12February 1753. Mühlenberg had included a copy of this testimonial as "Litt: B." in his letter of 24 August 1753, which Francke had not yet received. See above, 70. 22. On Johann Helfrich Schaum (1721-1778), see above, 47nl3. On his illness, see ibid. 23. Johann Balthasar Bickel [Pickel] (1686-1765). He had come to America in 1709 or 1710. After temporarily adhering to a Baptist congregation, he had become a leading elder in Raritan (now in Hunterdon County, New Jersey). Bickel, whose daughter Anna Eva (1722-1752) got married to Schaum in December of 1750, suggested that his son-in-law, rather than Weygand, go to Raritan and that the legacy of his late wife be for the benefit of the Raritan congregation on condition that it

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support the pastor for the rest of his life. On Bickel, see Correspondence 2: 17, 22n50, 124. On his suggestion, see Correspondence 2: 255, 262nl5; HN 2/1: 566-567; HN2/2: 134. 24. Now a township in Remington Borough, Hunterdon County, New Jersey. 25. Johann Albert Weygand (1722-1770). See above, 28n31. 26. Johann Nikolaus Kurz (1720-1794). See above, 47n 12. 27. Johann Jakob Löser (1723-1793?). He arrived in Philadelphia on 20 November 1741 aboard the ship "Europa." In Pennsylvania he accompanied Mühlenberg on his visit to Tulpehocken, York, New Hanover and Lancaster in 1747 and to Raritan New Jersey a year later. In October, 1748, he became schoolmaster in Lancaster, where he remained until his death. Nothing else is known about the charges of cheating brought against him. See HN 1: 382; HN 2/1: 525; Pastors and People 1: 356, 360; Lutheran Church in PA, 307, 327-328. 28. Now a city in Lancaster County, Pennsylvania. 29. Then an imperial city; now in Hesse, Germany. 30. Could not be established. The Halle Reports contain three references to Löser, none of which mentions Handschuh's accusations. See 1: 525, 532; 2: 432. 31. Johann Siegfried Gerock (1724-1788). See above, 38n21. See also 68, 105, and Gerock's letter to Mühlenberg of 27 May 1754 (= Letter 147). 32. Christian Rabenhorst (1728-1776). He arrived on board the third transport of Swabian emigrants to America in November, 1752, together with Gerock. He answered a call to Ebenezer (meaning "stone of help" in Hebrew [see 1 Sam. 7:12]), a German settlement established in 1734 by Lutherans expelled from the Catholic archbishopric of Salzburg, in present-day Austria. Ebenezer was initially located about twenty-five miles northwest of Savannah, Georgia. In 1736, the settlement was moved to better farmland nearer to the Savannah River. Renamed St. Matthew's Parish in 1754, former Ebenezer became a part of newly founded Effingham County, Georgia, in 1777. See Pastors and People 1:43. 33. On Johann Theophil Engelland (tl775), see above, 39n28. 34. It was not Ludolf Heinrich Schrenck (*~ 1716) but Weygand who had received a call from Trinity Lutheran Church, located at Rector Street and Broadway in Lower Manhattan, in New York City. See above, 84, 94nn97, 98. On Schrenck, see above, 93n89. 35. Johann Dietrich Matthias Heinzelmann (1726-1756). See above, 71nl4. 36. See, e.g., Brunnholz's letter of 16 March 1752, extract printed in HN 1: 623-626; HN 2/2: 168170. See also his letter of 16 April 1753, extract printed in HN 1: 626-628; HN 2/2: 170-172. 37. Friedrich Schultze [Schultz] (1726-1809). See above, 71nl8. 38. See above, 51nl2. 39. Johann Gottlieb Bruchholtz (1699-1758). See above, 119nl. 40. Then a town in the electorate of Saxony; now a city in Saxony, Germany. 41. See Mühlenberg's letter to Bruchholtz of 12 September 1753 (= Letter 139). 42. Not extant. 43. There are lists of the years 1746 to 1751 extant. See HN 2/1: 325-326. 44. Not given in the original manuscript.

Letter 141

Muhlenberg to [Johann] Anton Armbruster1 Providence,2 28 September 1753 Muhlenberg discusses positive and negative aspects of the printing industry. He does not appreciate matters involving newspaper subscriptions and recognizes that poverty and poor education keeps many Germans from enjoying the advantages brought

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by literacy. He has high hopes for "edifying books " that teach moderation and concern for the common good. While apologizing for being unable to support Armbrtister materially, Muhlenberg commends him to [Johann] Christoph Sauer's apprenticeship and supports printing as a worthy livelihood. Text in German: Korrespondenz 2: 96-98. For further textual information, see Korrespondenz 2: 98. Dear Mr. Armbrtister, I received your letter3 together with the one of Mr. Sauer.4 What Mr. Sauer states about selling books in Pennsylvania is the truth, for experience proves it so and not otherwise. A few pieces can and may sometimes delight a whole party or denomination. The Reformed and the Lutherans seem to be the largest groups. Even when one considers that some of them were neglected in their youth and cannot read; furthermore, most of them live continually in poverty. I am speaking of the country folk: they earn money from their crops once a year to pay for their basic necessities; and also, many of them, alas!, spend more on their pride and well-being than on edifying books—therefore, one should not be amazed at the sluggish market for such books. 5 1 have already recommended the present book on the persecutions [of the early Christians] 6 and will apply all diligence possible to continue to make it known. I will also report shortly on what progress I made with God's support. The report Mr. Sauer makes on my displeasure at the name of his newspaper, 7 etc., etc., is partly correct, but partly inappropriate and misunderstood. Although my name was inserted and published without my consent, I did not object to it, since one is obliged to promote good and edifying books as much as possible, and since Mr. Sauer himself, out of impartial love, recommended the book and kindly offered to take subscriptions. What displeased me, though, was this: Mr. Armbrtister 8 had published a new newspaper on 26 July of this year, 9 announcing that potential subscribers could get in touch with me in Providence and have themselves registered, etc., etc. I do not despise journals and newspapers, provided that they focus on temporal matters in moderation and on the welfare of one's neighbor, etc., etc. This appeared too foreign to me and entirely beyond my scope of responsibilities; 10 indeed I thought I had enough reason for complaint, which can be communicated better orally, if necessary, than in writing. After I expressed my displeasure at the latter incident to one or more friends, it'' was not clearly explained 12 nor rightly understood, as I infer from Mr. Sauer's letter. To err is human, and to inquire, or hear the other side,13 is Christian. One must be familiar with conversations in Pennsylvania for some time before attaining a balanced understanding of the many attitudes and their ploys. Over the years, many people came to my home and began to tell the most amazing tales and strangest stories14 about Mr. Sauer, etc., etc. But whenever I responded that they should look into their own hearts and understand themselves, or to hold to their word and let me ask Mr. Sauer myself, only a few remained unchanged. In fact, they even went to Mr. Sauer themselves, distorting my words and blackening my name, etc., etc. Therefore, the best thing is to hear both sides, to listen carefully, to speak slowly, and to pass a judgment

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deliberately, etc., etc. I know very well that Mr. Armbriister is a beginner and poor and desires to make an honest living. If it were possible for me to help you with my own means in one way or the other, it would be a pleasure for me. My salary, however, consists of voluntary mites that do not suffice to sustain my family and myself. I have to thank, next to God, my father-in-law 15 and my dear parents in Germany for my home and my glebe, and for its maintenance God's blessing that he gives to our work. Hardly a day passes from year to year when I am not visited by poor and needy people. Whenever a pence or a piece of bread is left, friends and foes who need it stop by, etc., etc. My house and my heart are open to anyone who is needier than myself, my most humble circumstances permitting. But it is said, ultra posse nemo obligatur.161 also wanted to advise Mr. Armbriister to become better acquainted with Mr. Sauer and to take his advice in those matters that concern printing and making a living, 17 for he knows about them in this country and can give you good advice. The poor pastors are not of much avail in the physical matters on which everything depends in this country. The first Psalm must become our first and most important lesson. If w e experience its content in our hearts properly, the blessing and welfare that I wish you and your family will follow. I remain your Muhlenberg, ready to serve. Providence, 28 September 1753

1. [Johann] Anton Armbriister (-1717-1796). Born in Mannheim (then in the Electoral Palatinate; now in Baden-Württemberg, Germany). He came to Philadelphia around 1743 together with his older brother Gotthard Armbriister (*1779): born on the present site of Glan-Münchweiler (then in the Electoral Palatinate; now in Rhineland-Palatinate, Germany); arrived in Philadelphia on 12 October 1741 aboard the ship "Friendship;" original elder of St. Michael's Church. — J a k o b Rau (?-?): arrived in Philadelphia in 1744; elder of St. Michael's Church. — Michael Kuhn ( f l 8 0 4 ) : member of Lancaster's most prominent family of German descent; trustee of St. Michael's Church. (In Korrespondenz 2: 613, Kuhn's name is given as "Kuhnsmark," which is clearly not a family name but a misreading of "Kuhn's mark," indicating that this person was probably illiterate.) — Andreas Bosshardt [Boßhart, Bossert] ( f l 793): born in Rüppurr (then a village in the margravate of Baden; now a part of Karlsruhe, in Baden-Württemberg); shoemaker, later cordwainer; arrived in Philadelphia in 1747; original elder and trustee of St. Michael's Church; died during the 1793 yellow fever epidemic in Philadelphia. — Probably [Conrad] Joachim Hencke (*1732): born in Lüneburg (then in the electorate of Hanover; now in Lower Saxony, Germany). — [Johann] Peter Brunnholz (1717-1757): see above, 46nl 1. — Heinrich Schleydorn, Sr. (t 1759): elder of St. Michael's Church; see also above, 33n6. — Markus Kühl ( t l 7 6 5 ) : born in what was then the duchy of Holstein, near the Danish border (now Schleswig-Holstein, Germany); baker, merchant; lived in Philadelphia; in 1755 subscriber to the Philadelphia "Hospital for the Relief of the Sick Poor of the Province and for the Reception and Cure of Lunatics"; original elder of St. Michael's Church. — Lorenz Bast (t 1772): Born in Frankenthal (then in the Electoral Palatinate; now in Rhineland-Palatinate); naturalized in Philadelphia County on 3 April 1743; yeoman; original elder of St. Michael's Church. — Johannes Söffrens [Seffrens, Söfferentz] (*>1716): arrived in Philadelphia on 19 September 1732 aboard the ship "Johnson;" elder of St. Michael's Church. — Jakob Gräff [Graf], Sr. (1727-1806): arrived in Philadelphia on 9 October 1747 aboard the ship "Restauration;" first lived in Lebanon Township, Lancaster County (now Lebanon County); later moved to Philadelphia; original elder and trustee of St. Michael's Church; naturalized on 10 April 1761; street commissioner for Philadelphia City from 1779 to 1780; supervisor of the German Society of Philadelphia (later, of Pennsylvania). — Heinrich Böckle (*~1720): arrived in Philadelphia on 11 August 1732 aboard the ship "Samuel;" in the St. Michael's church records for 1735 listed as communicant; original elder and trustee of St. Michael's Church.

Letter 143

Muhlenberg et al. to Friedrich Michael Ziegenhagen and Gotthilf August Francke1 Providence,2 29 September 1753 Together with Letter 142, this document gives the ecclesial and legal basis for the United Congregations in Pennsylvania, recognizing the good rule of the British

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government and affirming Ziegenhagen and Francke as the "supervisors" of the church. This letter from the members of Augustus Church in Providence (now Trappe) gives specific legal conditions for the governance of the church, namely that the loan in perpetuity be paid back to their superiors should the church depart from the right teaching and discipline of Ziegenhagen, Francke or their successors. Text in German: Korrespondenz 2: 104-108. For further textual information, see Korrespondenz 2:108. Copy of a Declaration Made by the Founders, Elders and Deacons of the Evangelical Congregation in Providence in an Original Letter, Word for Word, as follows: We, the undersigned, His Royal British Majesty George II's loyal subjects and free inhabitants of the township3 of Providence, in the county of Philadelphia, in the province 4 of Pennsylvania, extend our greetings to all who read this document:5 Because our predecessors Johannes Becker, Johann Jakob Schrack, Daniel Schoner, Johann Nikolaus Kressmann, 6 etc., etc. and we, the undersigned, Friedrich Marsteller, Anton Heilmann, Johann Nikolaus Seidel, Johannes Heilmann, Hieronymus Haas, Michael Bastian, Hans Jiirg Kebner, Hans Jiirg Kressmann, Carl Reyer, Valentin Scherer, Johannes Schrack, Nikolaus Kiister, Jakob Muller, Jakob Schrack,7 etc., etc., His Royal Majesty George II's loyal subjects and free inhabitants of the aforementioned province,8 county and magistracy under God's gracious protection and British rule were entitled to enjoy the freedom to practice our Protestant Evangelical religion by virtue of an act of tolerance9 and of our marvelous provincial laws, and because we were completely without churches and schools, without rightfully ordained and godly ministers and able schoolteachers, without God's word and the holy sacraments and without bishops and superintendents according to the statutes of our Evangelical Church and thus, together with our children, would be forced to succumb to other [p]ers[u]asion[s] or to the heathen; therefore we, listed below, and our ancestors sought refuge, next to God, with His Reverence Royal Court Preacher Friedrich Michael Ziegenhagen at St. James's Chapel in London and with His Reverence Doctor, Professor and Director Francke in Halle, these two highly respected ministers of the Evangelical church, members of the Society for the Propagation of Christian Knowledge 10 in East and West, and, by frequent and continuous petitions and humble supplications," we moved the aforementioned ministers to accept the following difficult responsibilities and to render the following laborious services, as to wit: (1) That it may please the aforementioned gentlemen for God's sake to assume and administer the supervision, spiritual care and governance of our scattered Evangelical congregations in Philadelphia, Providence and New Hanover;12 (2) That they may always provide our three aforementioned congregations with rightfully ordained, godly Evangelical pastors and schoolteachers and good order, which we and our offspring will sufficiently maintain and observe according to Christ's commandment;

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(3) That they, in addition to sending several pastors and the necessary books free of charge, may lend us an amount of money for purchasing lots needed for churches and schools and for church and school buildings through advances and support from Christian patrons. The many signed supplications and powers of attorney that we and our predecessors have been sending to our supervisors 13 for twenty years now are not all that can attest to these aforementioned [rjequests and petitions. It is known to all that Their Reverences Court Preacher Ziegenhagen and Doctor Francke graciously accepted our most humble request and application for God's sake and (1) That they received us as congregations and foster children entrusted to their supervision and nurture as befits bishops and shepherds according to God's word and the Evangelical church statutes; (2) That from 1742 to the present day, they have provided us with rightfully ordained and faithful Evangelical pastors, namely, the Reverend Muhlenberg, Brunnholz, Handschuh, Kurz, Heinzelmann, Heinzelmann, 14 etc. sending them at no cost; (3) That they lent us, especially with regard to the township of Providence, 15 an amount of money totaling one hundred seventy-seven pounds, nine shillings, and three pence Pennsylvania [c]urrency, kept in their hands and under their seal, subject to certain conditions for the properties and the church and school buildings built on them, 16 as our church minutes and the signed invoices recorded in them clearly show. 17 We, listed below, have under God's gracious protection, been able 18 to purchase, under the rule of Great Britain and under the marvelous provincial laws and freedom granted us, three acres of land in Providence from the advance and support we received. The bill of sale has been issued to our former elder, Johann Nikolaus Kressmann and to two elders of our Evangelical congregation, still present in our midst, as chosen [t]rustees, and to their [sjuccessors on the condition that the land and the church and schoolhouse built on it may not be possessed by the trustees, Johann Nikolaus Kressmann, Friedrich Marsteller, Jakob Schrack and their successors, or by any church members, as private property and for private use, but may forever be used for the Evangelical Lutheran congregation. We have been assured that our gracious authorities and provincial laws will protect us from all [compulsory expropriation] and abridgements [of our rights] and will secure for us and our offspring the peaceful possession and enjoyment of the church, the schoolhouse and what pertains to them as long as we and they remain regular members of the congregation according to the order of our supervisors in England and Germany. The bill of sale shows that the land is designated for an Evangelical congregation, that the foundation stone was laid for the same purpose and the church was dedicated to an Evangelical Lutheran congregation in the presence of many hundred witnesses, 19 as the inscription engraved in a stone over the church door proves. 20 Now, however, we and our congregation are primarily lacking in a church statute and good Evangelical church order and discipline, which could maintain the congregation with good discipline. The pure Evangelical doctrine and holy sacraments, together with the power of godliness, would always be propagated because

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God loves order and our supreme ruling authorities and the provincial laws forbid all disorder, quarrel, discord, mobs, murder and the like. We, the undersigned, are, as mentioned above, His Majesty George II's loyal subjects, free inhabitants, the foundation of the Evangelical congregation in Providence, the founders, initiators and builders of Augustus Church, chosen and authorized elders and deacons of the congregation, [t]rustees of the church property. By this document we again declare and acknowledge before God and all Christendom that His Reverence Royal Court Preacher Friedrich Michael Ziegenhagen and His Reverence Doctor, Professor and Director Gotthilf August Francke, and all those to whom they transfer their offices and the authority by their hands and under their seals are the only supervisors, governors and curators of our Evangelical church in Providence, of Augustus Church, the schoolhouse and what pertains to them without exception;21 we herewith give the aforementioned absolute power, prior to their departure from this world, to transfer and delegate their offices of supervisor and governor and the [tjrusteeship, through their choice and under their signatures and any seal they like, to other godly, Christian-minded Evangelical consistories or ministeria or individual persons in England and Germany in continuous succession; this stipulation shall always be maintained in full force as a law and statute by us and our offspring without exception and will not be violated without punishment of exclusion, in order that our congregation, church and school will never be without two or one, at least, head, supervisor, governor and guardian. We, the undersigned, further ordain and declare by the aforesaid authority that our congregation, Augustus Church, and school shall be governed according to the directives, statutes, both established and still to be established, laws, liturgy and rules of discipline of our aforementioned supervisors, governors, guardians and their successors and their authorized representatives. Anyone who disobeys them shall be excluded as a negligent member and deprived of all privileges, rights and advantages enjoyed by the obedient members. Moreover, we, the undersigned, ordain and declare by the aforesaid authority, that no pastor, preacher or schoolteacher shall ever be allowed to preach in our Augustus Church or schoolhouse or what pertains to them or to teach or administer the sacraments without producing a written license issued by our present supervisors, etc., etc., their successors or authorized representatives. And if, God forbid!, Augustus Church or the schoolhouse or the church property and what pertains to them should be unjustly usurped by a mob and troublemakers, or if the laws, order, liturgy and discipline ordained by our supervisors, governors and guardians should be violated and the established church government altered or infringed, we, the undersigned, by virtue of our aforesaid authority herewith ordain and declare before everyone that in these cases and in such troubles the rebels, usurpers and violators of the church government shall be forced by power of attorney from our supervisors, governors and guardians or from their attorneys before the supreme authorities of our province to pay without delay the amount of money of 177 pounds, 9 shillings and 3 pence that was lent and anything else that will be lent in addition to

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that, as is certified in our church minutes, together with legal interest beginning with the date the amount was lent, to our supervisors, governors and guardians or their successors, their attorneys or attorney.21 And in order that everything that is mentioned above be implemented well, the congregation be governed well, the faithful and obedient members be encouraged and the recalcitrant and disobedient ones be punished or excluded23 without delay; in order that frequent correspondence24 be maintained between our United Congregations25 and our supervisors, governors and guardians and the state of the whole government of the church be fully reported,26 herewith our Very Reverend Supervisors have the full power and right to designate their authorized attorneys or guardians and supervisors here for all times and to keep them as is pleasing to them. In order to have our open declaration faithfully implemented, fulfilled and obeyed and most loyally observed before God and Christendom, we put our own hands and the joint church seal of our United Congregations in Philadelphia, Providence and New Hanover here below. Made at Providence, 29 September in the 27th years of His British Majesty George II's reign and the year of Christ, 1753, in the presence of witnesses. Heinrich Melchior Mühlenberg Johann Conrad Jost Hieronymus Haas Johann Schrack Johannes Heilmann's mark Hans Jürg Kebner. Carl Reyer. Valentin Scherer Adam Heilmann. Friedrich Rieser Philipp Setzier's mark

Friedrich Marsteller Anton Heilmann [Hans] Jürg Kressmann Johann Nikolaus Seidel Jakob Müller. Jakob Schrack [Georg] Michael Bastian Nikolaus Küster. Michael Heilmann Johann Peter Mühlhahn and Matthias Fuchs27

1. On Friedrich Michael Ziegenhagen (1694-1776), see above, 37nl4. On Gotthilf August Francke (1696-1769), see above, 29n33. 2. Now Trappe, a part of Upper Providence Township, in Montgomery County, Pennsylvania. In Mühlenberg's day, also called "New Providence." In the following, the text alternately reads Neuprovidence and Providence. 3. The text reads Amte. 4. The text reads Landschafft. 5. The text reads an alle und jede vor welche dieses Gegenwärtige komt. 6. The text reads Johannes Becker, Johan Jacob Schrack, Daniel Schöner, Johan Nicolaus Croesman. See their joint appeals to ecclesial authorities in Germany of 1 May 1733 and 15 October 1739, HN2I\: 51-54,67-70. Johannes Becker (16837-1755?): born in Dannstadt (then in the Electoral Palatinate; now a part of Dannstadt-Schauernheim, in Rhineland-Palatinate). — [Johann] Jakob Schrack, Sr. (1679-1742): born in Ulm, in Swabia (then an imperial city; now in Baden-Württemberg); immigrated to Pennsylvania in 1717; settled in Providence; naturalized in 1729; kept a public house called 'Trap" (which gave the name to the village, "the Trappe"); in 1733 joined the Lutheran congregation in Providence, one of the three original United Congregations that would later be served by Halle clergy; co-signer of the 1733 and 1739 petitions of Pennsylvania German Lutherans for assistance from Europe. — [Johann] Daniel Schöner (1686-1741): born in Ehrstadt (then in the

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margravate of Baden; now in Baden-Württemberg); immigrated to Pennsylvania in 1717; settled in New Hanover; represented the New Hanover Lutherans on a 1733 trip to Europe and co-petitioned Ziegenhagen and Francke for pastors from Halle. — Johann Nikolaus Kressmann [Kreßmann, Croesman] (1695-1755): lived in Providence before moving to Germantown; later settled in Philadelphia (see also Correspondence 1: 53nl5, and Letters 37 and 53; HN 2/1: 37). 7. The text reads Friedrich Marsteller, Anthon Heilman, Johan Nicolaus Seidel, Johannes Heilman, Hieronymus Haaß, Michael Bastian, Hans Jürg Kebner, Hans Jürg Croesman, Carl Reyer, Valentin Scherer, Johannes Schrack, Nicolaus Cüster, Jacob Müller, Jacob Schröck. 8. The text reads Lande. 9. See above, 89n41. 10. The text reads Societaet von der Fortpflanzung der Christlichen Erkentniß. See above, 38nn 14,15, llln9. 11. See Correspondence 1: 135n8,170n6, and Letter 53. See also Selbstbiographie, 211-220. 12. Now a township in Montgomery County, Pennsylvania. 13. The text reads Oberaufseher. 14. Mühlenberg arrived in Philadelphia on 25 November 1742, [Johann] Peter Brunnholz (1717-1757), Johann Nikolaus Kurz (1720-1794) and Johann Helfrich Schaum (1721-1778) on 15 January 1745, Johann Friedrich Handschuh (1714-1764) on 5 April 1748, and Johann Dietrich Matthias Heinzelmann (1726-1756) on 1 December 1751. On these pastors. See above, 4 6 n l l , 47nnl2,13,71nl4. 15. The text reads in dem Amte Neuprovidence. 16. See Correspondence 1: 303, 307n22, and Letters 19 and 25. 17. A surviving invoice of the Providence congregation from the years 1744 and 1745 shows receipt of collections totaling 120 pounds and 9 shillings. See Correspondence 1: 307n22. 18. The text reads capable. 19. On 6 October 1745, Augustus Church at Providence was dedicated in the presence of Pastors Mühlenberg, [Johann] Peter Brunnholz (1717-1757), Tobias Wagner (1702-1769), and Laurentius Thorstonsen Nyberg ( t l 7 5 4 ) . See HN 1: 53; HN 2/1: 105,438. 20. The Latin inscription placed over the main entrance reads: "Sub remigio Christi has aedes Societati Augustanae Confess, deditae dedictas ex ipso fundamento exstruxit Henricus Melchior Muhlenberg una cum censoribus I.N. Cressmano, F. Marstellero, H. A. Heilmano, I. Mullero, H. Hasio et G. Kepnero, A.D. MDCCXLIII." English translation: "Under the helmsmanship of Christ, Heinrich Melchior Mühlenberg, along with the councilmen J. N. Kressmann, F. Marsteller, H. A. Heilmann, J. Müller, H. Haas and G. Kebner, has built up from its foundation this building dedicated to the Association devoted to the Augsburg Confession, in the year of our Lord 1743." See HN 2/1: 37. 21. The text reads (Latin) sine exceptione. 22. See above, 134, (5). 23. The text reads abgeschnitten. 24. The text reads fleißige Correspondence. 25. On the United Congregations, see above, 72n27. 26. The text reads damit... vondemgantzenKirch=Gouvernement Red und Antwort gegeben werde. 27. The text reads (left column) Henrich Melchior Muhlenberg, Johann Conrad Jost, (right column) Friederich Marsteller, Anthon Heilman, Hieronymus Haß, Jiirg Croesman, John Schrack, Johann Nicolaus Seidel, Johannis Heilmans Merck, Jacob Müller, Jacob Schrack, Hans Jürg Kebner, Michael Bastian, Carl Reyer, Valentin Scherer, Nicolaus Cüster, Michael Heilman, Adam Halman, Friederich Rieser, Hans Peter Mühlhan, Philip Setzier sein Merck und Matthias Fuchs. Here the seal of the Providence congregation follows. Johann Conrad Jost [Yost] (-1715-1760): arrived in Philadelphia on 26 September 1737 aboard the galley "St. Andrew;" settled in or near Providence. — Friedrich [Ludwig] Marsteller (1702-1753): born in Pfungstadt (then in the principality of Hesse-Darmstadt; now in Hesse, Germany); arrived in Philadelphia in 1729; long-time deacon of the Providence congregation; one of Mühlenberg's closest and most reliable friends. — Anton Heilmann [Haylman, Hallman] (1671-1759): probably born in

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Kleinniedesheim (then in the Electoral Palatinate; now in Rhineland-Palatinate); father of Johannes Heilmann; arrived in Pennsylvania in 1721; naturalized in 1731; farmer; in 1734 owner of 100 acres of land in the Perkiomen-Skippack area in Montgomery County; resided in Schwenksville, Montgomery County; one of the principal organizers of the Providence Lutheran congregation. — Hieronymus Haas [Haaß] ( t l 7 6 1 ) : settled in Montgomery County. — Hans Jiirg [= Johann Georg] Kressmann [Kreßmann, Croesman, Crisman] (1705-1785): born in Pfungstadt (see above); saddler; arrived in Philadelphia in 1735; deacon of the Providence congregation. — Johann [Joseph] Schrack (1712-1772): born in Ulm, in Swabia (thenm an imperial city; now in Baden-Württemberg, Germany); immigrated to Pennsylvania in 1717; elder of the New Hanover congregation; assessor for Philadelphia County from 1752 to 1754; elder of the Providence congregation. — Johann Nikolaus Seidel [Sidle] ( f l 7 9 8 ) : born in Pfungstadt (see above); arrived in Philadelphia on 3 December 1740 aboard the ship "Robert & Alice;" settled on the Skippack River near Providence; died in Montgomery County. — Johannes Heilmann [Haylman, Hallman] (1711-1778): born in Kleinniedesheim (see above); son of Anton Heilmann; arrived in Philadelphia in 1735; elder of the congregations in Providence and Barren Hill (now an unincorporated community in Whitemarsh Township), Montgomery County; in the Revolution was deprived of much of his personal property by English troops. — Jakob Müller (fl755?): co-signer of "Appendix B" of Letter 134 (see above, 70), but earlier referred to as an "Antipietist" (see Correspondence 2:288n2). — [Johann] Jakob Schrack, Jr. (1724-1777): born in Pennsylvania; innkeeper; elder of the Providence congregation.—Hans Jürg [= Johann Georg] Kebner [Keebner]: settled in or near Providence. — [Georg] Michael Bastian (?-?): deacon of the Providence congregation. — [Johann] Karl Reyer (17117-1780): born in Heilbronn (then an imperial city; now in Baden-Württemberg); arrived in Philadelphia on 25 September 1732 aboard the ship "Loyal Judith." — Valentin Scherer (* 1717): of German-Swiss descent; arrived in Philadelphia from the Electoral Palatinate in 1736 and settled there. — Nikolaus Küster [Custer, Koster] (1706-1784): born in Philadelphia; of German-Dutch descent; settled in Limerick, Philadelphia County (now a township in Montgomery County, Pennsylvania); long-time deacon and elder of the Providence congregation. — Michael Heilmann [Haylman, Hallman]: probably born in Kleinniedesheim (see above); no reliable information available. — Adam Heilmann [Haylman, Hallman] (*1715): probably born in Kleinniedesheim (see above); arrived in Philadelphia in 1738; elder of the Lutheran congregation in Pikestown (now East Pikeland Township), in Chester County. — Friedrich Rieser (?-?): long-time elder of the Providence congregation. — Johann Peter Mühlhahn (1690-1754): born in what was then the Electoral Palatinate (now Rhineland-Palatinate, Germany); mining official in Germany; arrived in Philadelphia in 1742; settled in the neighborhood of New Hanover before moving to Providence. For a detailed description of him, see Journals 1: 382-385. — Philipp Setzler (-1705-1771): settled in Providence. —Matthias Fuchs (1718-1783): arrived in Philadelphia on 27 September 1740 aboard the ship "Lydia" and settled in Providence.

Letter 144

[Gotthilf August Francke]1 to Muhlenberg Halle,2 2 November 1753 Francke expresses pleasure at being named a godfather for Muhlenberg's son Friedrich Augustus Conrad, and prays for the welfare of child and mother, Anna Maria Miihlenberg. The second part of the letter addresses the request from Muhlenberg and Pastor Peter Brunnholz that Francke give written assurance that the church accounts are in order. Though Francke asks for more information to assist him in making such a testimony, the postscript serves as a temporary attestation that they have managed congregational finances correctly.

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Text in German: Korrespondenz 2: 109-111. For further textual information, see Korrespondenz 2: 110. To Pastor Muhlenberg

2 November 17533

Reverend, Most worthy Friend, dearly beloved Brother in the Lord: I have seen with much pleasure from the last part of the journals 4 that have arrived here recently that the Lord has delighted you and your wife with the happy birth of a dear son and that you wanted to show your trust and love by choosing me, next to dear Court Preacher Ziegenhagen, 5 as the godfather. 6 In addition to cordially thanking you for this, I wholeheartedly wish that the Lord may let my little godchild grow up in good health and in reverence for him and in his grace, to the joy of his dearest parents and grandparents and under his gracious supervision. I therefore heartily implore the Lord, since this is the only favor I am now able to show him [= the child] in accordance with my duties of godfather. I would be sincerely delighted, though, if in the future, I would have the opportunity of showing you or your7 dear godchild my love through actions. May the Lord keep my dear friend in good health and strength for the improvement of his work until you can see this dear son lend a hand with the work of God and can leave it to him to continue to labor when you have ceased, according to God's will and provided God does not ordain anything else for him! May he strengthen your dearest wife 8 and let her be a great comfort to you in your burdens and in your work; may he also repay her for sharing the hardships of your office as a loyal companion and, for the sake of the work of God, for not feeling sad about your frequent absences, even in such circumstances as [occurred at the time of] the birth of this dear son and in seeing herself abandoned, so to speak. The Lord will stand by her in the future, and also grant her a share of your blessing in eternity. In your last letter,9 you requested that a receipt and attestation concerning the previous collections be issued to you so that in the future no claims can be made against you or your heirs. Dear Pastor Brunnholz10 sent over several extracts from bills for which account was given." But because it cannot be clearly inferred from this what amount of collections Your Reverence initially received alone and what Mr. Brunnholz received and was credited, which I cannot gather from your reports, and because I would like to issue such an attestation so that its purpose may be achieved and you and your loved ones may be free of all claims in the future, when you are in Philadelphia again you may want to apply an hour or so to explaining the matter a little more and at the same time, draft the attestation yourself in such terms as you consider expedient, which I will be glad to have issued according to your proposal. In the meantime, I enclose a general certificate until I am able to draw up the same in more specific terms. With this I entrust you to the protection of the Lord, in addition to my dear wife's heartfelt regards to you and your dear wife, and always remain Yours

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Halle, 28 October 1751 and copied a second time on 1 October 1753. That the pastors of the united Evangelical congregations in Pennsylvania have forwarded to me correct extracts from the bills of favors and collections sent to the aforementioned congregations as of this date, and that I see from them that the aforesaid benefactions were diligently and faithfully managed and applied to the aim and object of the aforementioned explicit dispositions and orders of all benefactors, for the betterment of the United Congregations,121 want to certify and prove by this attestation, herewith confirming also that the aforesaid pastors and Pastor Miihlenberg, in particular, are no longer responsible in any way whatsoever for managing those bills since the latter had already given an accounting of his [transactions] some years ago, handing the management over to Pastor Brunnholz, and Pastor Brunnholz has forwarded the bills of the congregations up to the year 1751, the last one [dating from this year], I also do so in order that no one shall have the right, justification, and power to make claims against them or their heirs based on those collections. To certify this, I have confirmed this attestation and receipt by signature from my own hand and by the seal appended above. Made at Halle, 1 October 1753.

1. On Gotthilf August Francke (1696-1769), see above, 29n33. 2. A Saxon town, then in the kingdom of Prussia; now in Saxony-Anhalt, Germany. Although the small town of Glaucha, the site of the Francke Foundations since 1695, would not be incorporated into Halle prior to 1817, Francke, Muhlenberg and others often used "Halle" synonymously with "Glaucha" when writing letters to or speaking about the Foundations and their missionaries, the Hallenser ("Hallensians"). 3. Date inserted in another hand. 4. Muhlenberg's journals for 1750, printed in HN 1: 346-372; HN2H: 503-519. See also Journals 1: 234-263. 5. Friedrich Michael Ziegenhagen (1694-1776). See above, 3 7 n l 4 6. Friedrich Augustus Conrad Muhlenberg was born at Providence (now Trappe, a part of Upper Providence Township, in Montgomery County) on 1 January 1750, as Muhlenberg reports in his journal for this day [see HN 2/1: 584-585; Journals 1: 234], He died in 1801. Together with his brothers Johann Peter Gabriel (1746-1807) and Gotthilf Heinrich Ernst (1753-1815), in 1763 Friedrich Augustus Conrad was sent to the Francke Foundations and to Halle University to study theology and be prepared for the ministry. Returning to Philadelphia in 1770, he left the ministry and after the Revolution started on a political career in Pennsylvania and the United States that, among other important offices, saw his election to Speaker of the U.S. House of Representatives. On his influential role in securing Pennsylvania's vote for the U.S. constitution in 1787-1788, see Owen S. Ireland, Religion, Ethnicity, and Politics: Ratifying the Constitution in Pennsylvania (University Park, Pa.: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1995). 7. The word Ihrem (your) is underlined in the text. The word meinem (my) on the margin was added in another hand. 8. Anna Maria Muhlenberg (1727-1802), daughter of [Johann] Conrad Weiser, Jr. (1696-1760). See Correspondence 1: 239-243.

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Muhlenberg's letter to Francke and Ziegenhagen of 15 June 1751 (= Letter 93). See 9. Correspondence 2: 127-128. 10. [Johann] Peter Brunnholz (1717-1757). See above, 46nl 1. 11. See Brunnholz's letter to Francke and Ziegenhagen of 16 March 1752: "My Pennsylvania Collection Bill of Income and Expenditure from 1746 to 1751" (see Korrespondenz 2: 11 ln7). Brunnholz's bills for 1750 and 1751 are printed in HN 2/1: 326-327. See also Correspondence 1: 307n22. 12. On the United Congregations, see above, 72n27.

Letter 145 Miihlenberg to Samuel Theodor Albinus1 Providence,2 14 March 1754 Miihlenberg here shares many of his personal and professional disappointments and struggles. In the first paragraph, he describes setting aside money from Court Preacher Ziegenhagen to his son Johann Peter Gabriel for what he sees as his family's impending financial ruin. Next he summarizes the ups and downs of other Lutheran pastors and leaders (Brunnholz, Gerock, Handschuh, Hartwig, Heinzelmann, Kurz, Rauss, Schaum, Schrenck, Schultze, and Weygand). Miihlenberg ends this list with a description of his own hardships and the loss of close friends and coworkers, Swedish Provost Israel Acrelius and lay leader Friedrich Marsteller. Miihlenberg then describes other possible avenues for ministry in Pennsylvania that he has discussed with his father-in-law, Conrad Weiser. The first of these is to join with the Anglicans in order to offer Lutheran preaching in both English and German and to provide a firmer institutional structure for the German Protestants. The other option (pursued in Letters 143 and 144, which were sent with this letter) is to gain institutional backing from the British government under the oversight of Ziegenhagen in London and Director Francke in Halle. Throughout the letter, Miihlenberg balances his faith in God's care with serious concerns for his own and his colleagues' ministry and for the sustenance of his health and his family. Text in German: Korrespondenz 2: 115-126. For further textual information, see Korrespondenz 2: 123. Very Reverend Court Preacher Albinus, Highly regarded Brother in Christ: Hardship, love and trust are moving me to write to Your Reverence about confidential affairs.3 I have received the fatherly letter from His Reverence Father Francke,4 dated 13 September 1752,5 together with an enclosure from His Reverence Father Ziegenhagen,6 dated 19 October 1752,7 both included in the pleasant letter of Your Reverence, dated 29 January 1753,8 and I was both deeply embarrassed and encouraged by them. In September of 1753,1 was honored once again by a private letter from His Reverence Dr. and Prof. Francke, dated 18 May 17539 and, among other things, was instructed to receive 144 Reichstalers, 10 good groschens10 and 6 dinars from the book and medicine treasury from Pastor Brunnholz,11 on account of my

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paternal legacy. 12 He calculated accurately and granted me £42 of local money. According to the receipt, he paid me £30 in cash and deducted the remaining £12 for medicine and some books I had received. In a previous fatherly letter,13 it had pleased His Reverence Court Preacher Ziegenhagen to assign £10 sterling to my son Johann Peter. 14 1 have not claimed them yet, though, and will keep them in reserve until some of my poor colleagues or all of us are chased into exile for Christ's sake. It shall be the first deposit for a pilgrim's refuge. As to our general circumstances, I want to start with Philadelphia: (1) Mr. Brunnholz has been very ill since last fall, spending most of the time in seclusion. He always feels better in the Providence climate than in Philadelphia. The English doctor told me it was a fluctuating and unusual fever that was caused by the stomach and the duodenum and ultimately could end in a general inflammation of the [entire] intestines or of the large and small parts,15 etc., etc. Among other things, this is my biggest concern. Let anyone who can, help me pray! (Matt. 17:21; 21:21.)16 (2) Mr. Heinzelmann 17 has faithfully attended to his work in the congregation with much tribulation and labor and especially to his many students at school, staying sufficiently healthy and keeping up his courage through God's exceptional mercy. (3) Mr. Handschuh 18 continues to work on the little flock in Germantown, 19 giving lessons at school on weekdays. The landlord wanted to terminate the lease of the home where they [= the Handschuh family] live and where divine services are held and school lessons are given. He changed his mind, though, and let the house for one more year.20 On January 1 of this year,21 Pastor Andreae 22 died safely in bed in Germantown without ever waking up from a deep coma. 23 Magister Wagner 24 is currently serving and strengthening the rough crowd at church until the preacher promised to them arrives from Württemberg. They expect to finish the lottery next month and pay the debts for the church and the parsonage. Nota bene: Magister Wagner is also gathering a crowd of supposedly disgruntled Lutherans in Philadelphia that is to be combined with the loose crowd in Germantown and served alternately.25 From what I hear, the noble Englishmen are pleased to see the Germans split up and devouring themselves while the many small denominations are increasing and profiting from this, too. (4) Mr. Schultze 26 continues to learn about the circumstances in Pennsylvania and keeps closer fellowship with us since suffering and repugnance isolates one. He still has the courage and drive to attend to the scattered Germans in the more remote deserts of the neighboring provinces because he does not yet have a family and a home. It would do no harm if he once went on a mission for the poor people's own good. He has hitherto been serving New Goshenhoppen 27 and Indianfield. 28 But there are two parties in New Goshenhoppen. One party wants to have a slovenly vagabond for a preacher and want to force him onto the church. For this reason, he will probably yield since it is neither expedient nor possible to stop a rushing river.29 (5) Mr. Rauss 30 is still serving the congregation in Old Goshenhoppen. 31 Since he fell out with the congregations in Indianfield and in Birkensee, or Tohickoh, 32 but is sincere in his ministry and is loyal to us, I ceded my charges beyond the Schuylkill River and in the Oley Mountains to him, which, however, are almost too far from his

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home and are difficult to reach. In August of last year, 33 he took a poor woman as his wife 34 and lives in physical poverty and grief, often worrying himself secretly that we allegedly receive subsidies to our salaries from Europe and consider him a mere stepbrother. He bought a small plantation near Old Goshenhoppen for £65 of [Pennsylvania] [cjurrency, but has not yet paid anything because he has nothing. We want to serve the poor people in Pennsylvania with God's word, but without the necessary physical means it is too hard. Therefore, one thinks twice about every penny that one spends35 and still it is often not enough. (6) Mr. Schrenck 36 is now stationed in the congregations on the Raritan River, near Reading, 37 New Jersey, and continues to faithfully administer his office, being a fine example of a pastor of the [Lutheran] Ministerium [of Pennsylvania], notwithstanding some faults. At the last conference in Tulpehocken, 38 he pleased us with his internal and external gifts. 39 May God preserve this useful instrument! As to his natural temperament, he is a sanguine choleric, 40 can think hard and comprehend matters quickly and, for all his honesty, is also politically astute. By contrast, Mr. Rauss is a pure, unadulterated melancholic 41 and slower. Jesus, help us win the victory! 42 Satan is cunning and does not rest! We were obliged by the circumstances to ordain both brothers in Providence in November of 1752.43 (7) Mr. Kurz44 continues to enjoy external peace, much work and a healthy body. He does what he knows and is able to do, but at times inadvertently commits a blunder; he is eager and working hard to build the kingdom of God. He does not always work well with Mr. Weiser 45 because he has studied little, has little supervision, etc.46 and Mr. W[eiser] would like to have a pastor of high gifts and deep humility in accord with the [religious] climate in Pennsylvania. But one rarely finds such learned individuals among catechists. (8) Mr. Schaum 47 is still in York and remarried last year. The most prominent members of the congregation have broken with him and have accepted a student who has recently arrived from Erlangen. 48 He, Mr. Schaum, is still serving the largest party in the congregation, but I do not know how long that will last. He is poor in physical and spiritual means and feels abandoned since he is stationed so far away.49 We only lack a hospital [given that] there are enough poor and sick brothers. (9) Mr. Weygand 50 has a good position and is obviously laboring with blessing. He recently wrote to me51 that I should give up my claims to New York [City] and Hackensack, 52 which is no problem because I am not longing for anything more than a blessed end or a hidden corner where to collect myself spiritually, teach my children and prepare for dying and weep over the ruin of Joseph. 53 (10) Mr. Hartwig 54 is now finished with his congregations, useless, and lives in seclusion. (11) There are two parties and bad circumstances in Lancaster. 55 One has Magister Gerock 56 and the other ungodliness personified, namely Pastor Wortmann. 57 (12) I am the most wretched one of all. I am besieged on all sides by internal and external temptations. My faith is truly poor and my absent-mindedness is often great. I could write much about the devil's wiles58 against the little sprouting mustard seed59

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that I have observed in the eleven years [of my being here]. Oh, that I could properly describe the immeasurable grace, patience, forbearance and mercy of God in Christ toward me, the barren fig tree,60 and praise [these things] in a worthy manner! Your Reverence strengthened and refreshed me most thoroughly by your last letter and especially through the paraphrase of the Psalm, giving me salutary lessons and counting me, among others, among the unbelieving, grumbling simpletons. It is true that anxious sighs and grieving and self-tormenting care do not move God to giving: all must be gained by prayer!61 Wife and children, body and life, yea, nothing shall be too precious to me if I can serve the cause of God and the welfare of my neighbor with them, but it does not help. I am most grieved when seeing Satan triumph so often and the work of the Lord lag behind. (13) Swedish Provost Acrelius62 has been called back to his fatherland. I feel sorry for this man because he was a good support to all. (14) My best friend in Providence, Mr. Friedrich Marsteller,63 passed away blessedly and edifyingly in October of last year,64 being rescued from everything. Yes, I can truly say that a Jonathan65 has left my family and me, the best deacon has left the congregation and a loyal coworker has left the Ministerium, etc., etc. (15) Some of our old friends from the early days have died and others have moved to other provinces66 because Pennsylvania is too crowded, being flooded continually year after year by a strange bunch swept together from all corners of the world. It is teeming everywhere with godless and imprudent rabble and wandering preachers and students; in this way the devil causes confusion 67 and rages against the poor, so-called Hallensians. If only each of us would stand firm in his post, armored, shielded and equipped with the power of the strength of God according to Eph. 6[: 10-20], that bad hour should not be harmful and dangerous to us, but salutary. We do not even have one finger of the long arm of secular authority in this country68 but are under Christocracy with our cause, and what would happen to us if the Lord said: "There are devoted things among you," etc., etc.?69 Some years ago, our cause was doing very well. The world paid attention and Satan became anxious seeing pastors so united, so cheerful, so watchful and of one heart and spirit. One felt the blessing but, alas!, woe betide it if a house becomes disunited! Now I have poured out most of my lamentations. If Your Reverence still has some patience, I would like to present some general thoughts that disturb me in sad hours, with the humble request that you will be favorably disposed toward everything70 and will not be angry, for they are Mr. Weiser's thoughts. (1) God rules his church either in an ordinary or in an extraordinary way. Our cause in Pennsylvania is going ordinarily, and it would be inappropriate if we expected extraordinary things, etc., etc. The ordinary way takes the longest. (2) A Protestant Evangelical Church is established in the British dominions. The Church has proper laws, great freedom, articles made by humans that can be explained and discussed pro and con, like our Augsburg Confession or the Synod of Bern.71 The Church has its martyrs and blood witness from the Reformation, as good as and even more than other German national and provincial churches.72 It enjoys protection by law

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and by the authorities, who are also God's servants. It is lacking nothing but more honest servants and faithful laborers—this being a common complaint in our own church. What is more, it provides more freedom and opportunity to promote the power of godliness like others, too, etc., etc. (3) The English church would have enough benevolent means, space and opportunity to adopt and care for the scattered and largely lost sons of the Lutheran and Reformed churches. (4) Our Reverend Fathers in London and Halle do not have such a narrow, hypocritical compass,73 as did the theologians in Wittenberg,74 Hamburg,75 etc., etc. but an impartial, universal spirit, and they desire to work entirely for the kingdom of Christ, etc., etc. The question is:16 Mr. Weiser says: Why do the Reverend Fathers not have the candidates bound for service in Pennsylvania ordained or provided with a license by a bishop in London? He thinks one could sign the English articles of faith just as well as one could swear by the Symbolical Books, using the English [Book of] Common Prayers, liturgy, etc., etc. as edifyingly as the Swedish, Württemberg or some other liturgy, because he has at hand some copies of the English translated into German and printed. Application:11 (1) If the German [Lutheran] Church [in Pennsylvania] had a good foundation in external matters78 and would be undisturbed and taken over by other kinds of denominations,79 (2) it would be protected from those vagrants who are getting out of hand, are increasing every day and do not rest until they have created factions and caused ruin. (3) The honest ministers from Halle would obtain a very large and extensive field and the best opportunity to propagate the pure Evangelical doctrine and accordingly true repentance, active faith and the power of godliness among the English and the Germans—for he [= Mr. Weiser] had heard noble Englishmen say several times: oh, if only we had such pastors in our church like the Germans who grace their teaching with godly conduct! (4) The ministers would then have a freer hand and could not be dismissed and chased away so easily by the elders and deacons because of truth and godliness. (5) If the country should come under Roman Catholic rule, through war or anything the like, one national church would not be devoured as easily as separate flocks being individually tolerated. (6) It would take nothing away from the authority of our Reverend Fathers, for they would maintain the jus vocandi and repraesentandi.m If this method is not chosen, the Lutheran Church would fail after a while, the reason being:81 (1) The many young people among the German inhabitants learn English in the street without the will and blessing of their parents, and this language is indispensable.

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(2) Due to their current disorganized circumstances 82 and constitutions, the German Lutheran and Reformed churches cannot remain without factions, strife and trouble-making. (3) Therefore, as soon as they understand the English language, the peace-loving and most eminent German members together with their children go over to the English83 Church, leaving the newly arriving rabble of unreformed hearts alone with the unaltered Augsburg Confession 84 and letting them quarrel with and maul each other. However, if there were an established Evangelical church where sermons were given in German and English, the peace-loving ones could stay and have spiritual nourishment and the new Germans would also have the opportunity to hear God's word and would not be allowed to act so insolently and without restraint. I noticed this in New York. The children of the old Dutch85 Lutherans exchanged their mother tongue for the English language; their peace-loving parents hated the squabbles with the pastors and gradually went over to the English Church. Look at all the flocks or associations86 tolerated here, especially since the Presbyterians do not have an Established Government either. Even though they establish the best statutes for managing their affairs, they still split up into parties and are ruined. Whenever I saw a congregation of the English Church that had an honest preacher trying hard, people flocked to it from all kinds of denominations. In New England, as I learned from some friends there, the High Church87 is growing well and increasing in the number of members because there are a few hard-working ministers. It went the same way with the Swedish [Lutheran] Church. The children exchanged their mother tongue for the English language, and for the most part joined other denominations so that only a few are left who are called Lutherans. It seems that the kingdom of God suffers deprivation everywhere. Now and then, there are fine, suitable institutions but no faithful workers and builders for them. At other times there are willing and favorably disposed builders but no equipment or institution. It is a pity to find thousands of listeners in the big English churches who are cold-heartedly fobbed off with a few morals whereas on our side one presents repentance, faith and godliness and most people pay no attention. Had Count Zinzendorf 88 known from the beginning, that I only wear the cassock of an English priest but without a license from the bishop [in London], he would have taken a different approach. Like many others, he must have been under the impression from my garb that I was connected to the [English] Church, because he threatened to bring charges against me with the archbishop, etc., etc.89 If our cause is to endure, the best means and methods must be considered and used before God, for no harm has been done to it90 yet and now there is still time to think of the future as much as we can, lest these many efforts be made in vain. I still have some control of the first United Congregations91 in Philadelphia, Providence and New Hanover,92 but there is danger ahead. 93 1 was forced for valid reasons to decline what seemed to me like a divine call to New York [City],94 and to sacrifice what remains of my health to the severe, terrible roads and weather of Pennsylvania. If I had ten more bodies and lives, I would like to sacrifice them to my Savior and to my neighbor, if only one-tenth of the people felt real thirst for God's word and for my poor services! At the beginning there was a thirst for God's word, and one would hear people thank God with hands uplifted for his moving our Reverend Fathers to mercy and support. Yet since the

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country has begun to be filled with new kinds of people, as if being covered by locusts, and since itinerant preachers with no call have been wandering about everywhere, slandering the Hallensians, the market is becoming abundant95 [in preachers], and many who do not like the practical truth think they are favoring me and my superiors in Europe by tolerating us and supporting us miserably. The Lord still has his offspring among the flocks who support his work with prayer. When considering the full extent of the situation, I see, according to my poor insight, only two ways in which it should be continued in the future with God's support and be put on a better foundation under normal circumstances. (1) The lands and churches in Philadelphia, Providence and New Hanover must be assigned to and declared to be the property of an established Church of the German Congregation, our Reverend Fathers must be designated as trustees96 or [aJttorneys and the future pastors must be called and presented by them, ordained by the [Anglican] bishop in London and sent there, etc., etc., (2) Or, if through God's providence, a fund is established in Europe for supporting two or three ministers, the Reverend Fathers could exercise the jus episcopate and patronatus97 alone and transfer it to like-minded leaders prior to their blessed end. They could ordain future ministers, send them over on their own authority and with instructions and designate one of them as inspector, in this way continuing a corporate, Evangelical institution of school and church.98 The sites of the churches and schools in the first three congregations have generally99 been assigned to this latter institution, but in a way that also allows for the first way with just a few changes. The written legal instruments100 of the Philadelphia and Providence congregations, copies of which are enclosed, aim at the latter way, too. For the sake of this matter, I wished to receive a response and some information because the remainder of my lifetime may be short and I am approaching departure [from this world] all the sooner. Experience has convinced me that, of all Germans in North America, the German newspaper printer Sauer101 did the greatest damage and obstructed the power of godliness. He does not do me any harm, is friendly toward my colleagues and several times even contributed some shillings as alms for Mr. Handschuh. I, too, would have his good opinion if only I resigned my office, left Babylon102 and became a Separatist, etc., etc. I have been observing his ploys103 for eleven years, anticipating the damage and noting many times how the matter could have been improved and much good could have been done with a monthly paper. Since the all-seeing God has not desired to provide a remedy in these circumstances, however, I must be quiet and submit. Should God permit my dear colleagues, Messrs. Brunnholz, Handschuh and Schaum to become even less effective and to be expelled [from their congregations], God will provide for them as his creatures and redeemed ones, for I cannot do so since I have enough to do caring for myself and my large family. In such cases, one can easily care too much or also care too little. Mr. Heinzelmann is still single and can support himself by working at school.104 Mr. Handschuh thinks he could learn to spin wool if necessary. Mr. Schaum relies on his [knowledge of] empirical medicine.105 Mr. Schrenck is still young, strong and single. Mr. Kurz bought a farm106 in Tulpehocken, already paying for a good part

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of it. Messrs. Brunnholz, Schaum and Rauss do not yet know where to go and plan to come to me, if need be. My fields 107 are too poor for one family, however—to say nothing of [supporting] more people. Whether one should merely trust [God] and not contemplate such ideas, or whether one must take precautions prior to the onslaught of difficulties, or whether one must wait until a desperate situation [actually] arises, I do not know. "Do not worry about tomorrow," etc.108 "Cast all your anxiety on him," etc.109 "Even the hairs of your head are all counted," etc. 110 "Which of you, intending to build a tower," etc., etc.111 "Be wise as serpents" 112 may not be stretched too far [as to apply here], etc., etc. There are perhaps more directions in the Old Testament. The assumption and the possibility of such a trial exist, etc., etc., and I cannot deny having asked dear Pastor Boltzius 113 whether in an emergency there would be a refuge in their orphans' and poor home. I did not receive a full answer. Mr. Zubly,114 who was with us last year, told me privately that there was no orphanage in Ebenezer. 115 1 myself, however, saw the orphans' home there during my stay, etc., etc." 6 At our last conference in Tulpehocken, the question was raised in strictest confidence 117 as to whether we should pool our mites and collectively purchase a convenient piece of land in South or North Carolina, Virginia or Maryland, where it is still cheap, and prepare it as an emergency refuge for us and our widows. They all said yes, except for Mr. Schultz, who responded that he had land for himself and did not want to have anything to do with jointly owned land."8 We have not yet pooled our mites together, because we do not have any yet. Therefore, I considered selling my little piece of land in Providence because it is higher priced now and buying a common asylum for my family and my poor, poor colleagues with the money, etc., etc., but not without further advice from Europe and not without real necessity, etc., etc. I have never been at a loss for bread but trust in my Holy Father, who gave me his Son. But when I hear and see that some of my colleagues live miserably and in their sorrow grumble about me, and when one hears from the swarm of enemies: "We want to chase the Halle Pietists out of the country, yea, to the devil" while most of us do not have pleasant homes [but have] poor children and wives who have even less faith than the heads of the households, then I would really like to apply my meager possessions toward purchasing a refuge in America for the immediate crisis. After all, I can get several hundreds of acres and much better land in neighboring provinces for the eighty acres I own in Providence. Your Reverence will take some offense at my writing.119 But it is necessary to talk about it in moderation and as a secondary matter. It is indeed difficult to tell free, independent and mostly unconverted people the truth as [my] office and conscience require, and to live with physical needs according to their benevolence and goodwill. With most people, the empirical truth, Veritas odiumparit,120 probably remains correct. Our old, faithful friend, comrade-in-arms, and fellow sufferer, Mr. Schleydorn,121 is hurrying toward eternity with long strides. Last winter, he was so wretched that we thought his life was over. His eldest son causes him much grief and refuses to behave well. He is also concerned about the younger one in Halle, since he can no longer afford to keep him there any longer. In the meantime, his continuous and serious illnesses render Mr. Schleydorn incapable of doing business so that he cannot earn anything and

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cannot bear it any longer. If the boy could be taken into the [Halle] pharmacy or be employed otherwise and the costs be reduced, it would be very pleasing to him. If Your Reverence could put in a good word for him as the opportunity presents itself, I would humbly ask you to do that. The aged Reverend Tennent 122 took with him my last letters to the Reverend Fathers and promised to hand them over in person. We are anxiously waiting for a certificate from Stuttgart concerning the 300 florins that had been given to the Germantown church from the [Württemberg] church treasury and that Mr. Brunnholz is accused of having stolen, as if he had received 600 Reichstalers and embezzled 300. The matter is in court as we await the certificate. We read in the local newspapers that Captain Davis's ship went down [on the Thames River] off Gravesend, and we are afraid that letters addressed to us were on board of it.123 Late last year, Mr. Schlatter124 departed from here to go to Holland via England and present his sad quarrels.125 The [Reformed] synod and classis are trying hard, and sent a large number of Bibles to the Reformed congregations and more than £500 of money to their pastors for their support.126 Nevertheless, there are still three parties among the [Reformed] ministers and congregations. I must really [draw this letter to a] close now, and request again that Your Reverence would judge this letter according to the wisdom granted you by God and, at your own discretion, communicate what you will to the Reverend Fathers, and delight us with a quick answer while remembering the cause in serious prayer. We are united in the covenant before the Lord and believe that the Lord can do more through his grace and mercy than we may ask and understand. He can also give us, and especially our poor brother Brunnholz, new strength and make him able to strengthen his brothers! 127 1 remain in due veneration and with most obedient regards from my family Providence, 14 March 1754.

Your Reverence's, my highly esteemed Master's and Patron's, most humble Mühlenberg

1. On Samuel Theodor Albinus (-1719-1776), see above, 70n4. 2. Now Trappe, a part of Upper Providence Township, in Montgomery County, Pennsylvania. In Muhlenberg's day, also called "New Providence." 3. The text reads (Latin) privatissime. 4. Gotthilf August Francke (1696-1769). See above, 29n33 5. = Correspondence 2, Letter 124. 6. Friedrich Michael Ziegenhagen (1694-1776). See above, 37nl4 7. Not extant. 8. Not extant. 9. = Letter 132. 10. A legal silver coin, of proper weight and alloy, circulating in some parts of Germany from the fourteenth to nineteenth centuries. 11. [Johann] Peter Brunnholz (1717-1757). See above, 46nl 1. 12. See above, 50. 13. Not extant.

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14. Mühlenberg's son Johann Peter Gabriel was born at Providence (now Trappe, a part of Upper Providence Township, in Montgomery County) on 1 October 1746. He died there on 1 October 1807, his sixty-first birthday. See Correspondence 1: 305, 307n27. 15. The text reads ein abwechselndes extraordinaires Fieber, welches ex caimo [sic] quodam[sic] stomachi et duodeni herrühren, und sich endlich in inflammat[a] intestin[orum] univers[orum] sive partium solidar[um] etßuidar[um] enden könte. The "solid and fluid parts" are eighteenth-century designations for the small and large intestines; i.e., where the waste is liquid or solid. 16. The text reads Matth:17, 21, 21. 17. Johann Dietrich Matthias Heinzelmann (1726-1756). See above, 71nl4. 18. Johann Friedrich Handschuh (1714-1764). See above, 48n22. 19. Then in Philadelphia County, Pennsylvania; now a part of Philadelphia. 20. See Handschuh's letter to Ziegenhagen and Francke of 28 May 1754, printed in HN 1: 641-647 and HN 2/2: 179-183. See also above, 107; HN 1: 1280-1281; HN 2/2: 649. 21. The text reads (Latin) a[nni] c[urrentis]. 22. .Johann Conrad Andreae [Andreä] (-1703-1754). See above, 26nl9. 23. The text reads aus seinem tiefen Todes Schlafe. See above, 105, and HN 2/1: 265-266. 24. Tobias Wagner (1702-1769). See above, 28n25. 25. See above, 69,108-109, and HN 2/1: 437. 26. Friedrich Schultze [Schultz] (1726-1809). See above, 71nl8. 27. Now Upper Hanover Township, in Montgomery County, Pennsylvania. 28. Now in Telford Borough, Montgomery County, Pennsylvania. 29. After departing from New Goshenhoppen in 1752, Andreae left behind some followers there. The preacher mentioned was Johann Martin Schäfer [Schäffer] (17247-1794). Arriving at Philadelphia in August of 1750, he was probably ordained by Andreae shortly thereafter. See Pastors and People 1: 115. See also below, 167n3 and//A? 2/1: 111-112. 30. Lukas Rauss [Rauß, Rouse] (1723-1788). See above, 48n26. 31. Now Upper Salford Township, in Montgomery County, Pennsylvania. See above, 83. 32. Birkensee and Tohickon are now Bedminster Township, Bucks County, Pennsylvania. The complains of the congregation largely referred to Rauss's unreliability in discharging his duties. See HN 2/1:633. 33. The text reads (Latin) a[nni] p[raeteriti], 34. Rauss married the maid Johanna Sophia Gemling (1734-1798) in Mühlenberg's Providence home on 7 August 1753. See HN 2/1: 663. 35. The text reads darum wirfft mans von einer Seite auf die andere. 36. Ludolf Heinrich Schrenck (*~1716). See above, 93n89. 37. Now Readingsburg, in Hunterdon County, New Jersey. 38. Now a township in Berks County, Pennsylvania. The synodical convention was held in October of 1753. See HN 2/1: 264; Documentary History, 41. 39. The text reads mit seinen donis internis et externis. 40. In medical and psychological theory of the time, the body contained four humors that correspond to personality types: blood (sanguine: sturdy, confident, optimistic), phlegm (phlegmatic: sluggish, apathetic, indifferent), black bile (melancholic: thoughtful, gloomy) and yellow bile (choleric: bilious, irascible). These humors could be found in different levels, thus defining a range of behaviors. 41. The text reads (Latin) purus put[us] Melanchol[icus]. 42. From the first verse of the hymn, "Jesu, hilf siegen, du Fürst des Lebens" (1695), by Johann Heinrich Schröder (1667-1699). 43. At the 1752 synodical convention in Germantown the Ministerium resolved to ordain Rauss and Schrenck. The ordinations took place in Providence on 5 November 1752, Mühlenberg given the sermon for this special occasion. See Handschuh's journal for 2 October 1752, printed in HN 1: 572; HN 2/2: 92-93; Documentary History, 36-40. 44. Johann Nikolaus Kurz (1720-1794). See above, 47n 12.

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45. [Johann] Conrad Weiser, Jr. (1696-1760), Mühlenberg's father-in-law, also lived in Tulpehocken at that time but later moved to Reading, Berks County. He served as justice of the peace for Berks County. On him, see above, 92n73. 46. The text reads weil er schwache studia, wenig Conduite etc. hat. 47. Johann Helfrich Schaum (1721-1778). See above, 47nl3. 48. Then a town in the principality of Bayreuth; now in Bavaria, Germany. 49. See above, 82,90n60. After the death of his first wife Anna Eva, née Bickel [Pickel] ( 1722-1752), Schaum married Maria Dorothea Stumpf, of Lancaster, on 7 August 1753. The student from Erlangen was Johann [Wilhelm] Samuel Schwerdtfeger (1734-1803). See HN 2/1: 67; Pastors and People 1: 130-131; Lutheran Church in PA, 280-281, 285. On Schwerdtfeger, see below, 192nl30, 285n6. 50. Johann Albert Weygand (1722-1770). See above, 28n31. 51. Since the spring of 1753, Weygand had been serving Trinity Lutheran Church in New York City, located at Rector Street and Broadway in Lower Manhattan. See above, 83-84,94nn97,98. Weygand's letter to Mühlenberg is not extant. 52. Now a city in Bergen County, New Jersey. 53. See Amos 6:6. 54. Johann Christoph Hartwig [Hartwich, Hartwick] (1714-1796). Born in Thürungen (then in the duchy of Saxe-Coburg; now a part of Kelbra, in Saxony-Anhalt, Germany), he studied Lutheran theology at Halle University. After the Lutheran ministerium of Hamburg extended to him a call to the congregations in Camp (now Camp Columbia, New York City) and Rhinebeck, Dutchess County, New York, he was ordained in London on 10 November 1745. In the spring of 1745, he arrived in Philadelphia and spent some weeks with Halle paster [Johann] Peter Brunnholz (1717-1757). In 1748, he was a founding member of the Lutheran Ministerium of Pennsylvania, exhibiting strong pietist leanings. By 1758 he had given up all of his New York congregations and during the following three decades ministered at various places in Pennsylvania, Maryland while apparently not seeking any permanent position. He attended several synodical conventions of the Ministerium. Already in his early seventies, he returned to New York to serve the congregation in Claverack, Columbia County, from 1788 to 1791. In his will he left a sizable estate for the establishment of a Lutheran seminary (Hartwick College, founded at Oneonta, in Otsego County, New York in 1797). See Pastors and People 1: 52. On Brunnholz, see above, 46nl 1. 55. Now a city in Lancaster County, Pennsylvania. 56. Johann Siegfried Gerock (1724-1788). See above, 38n21. 57. Heinrich Burchard Gabriel Wortmann (?-?). See above, 92n67. See also 68,82. 58. The text reads (Greek) iiedôôeiaiç[s>ïc] Diaboli. 59. See Matt. 13:31 and 17:20. 60. See Matt. 21:18-22; Mark 11:12-14,20-24. 61. From the second verse of the hymn, "Befiel du deine Wege" (1653), by Paul Gerhardt (16071676). 62. Israel Acrelius (1714-1800). See above, 48n29, and HN 2/1: 285-286. 63. Friedrich [Ludwig] Marsteller (1702-1753) was a deacon of the congregation in Providence, residing in Philadelphia since 1729. See also above, 142n27. 64. The text reads (Latin) a[nni] p[raeteriti]. Marsteller died in the night of 14 October 1753 and was buried three days later. See Mühlenberg's entry in his journal for late September of 1753, printed in HN 1: 593-602; HN 2/2: 150-156; Journals 1: 370-376. 65. Jonathan was the eldest son of King Saul and a good friend of David. See 1 Sam. 13-14,18-20; 23:16-18; 31:2; 2 Sam. 1. 66. The text reads Lander. 67. The text reads womit der Diabolus sein öiaßaAAei v exerciret. 68. The text reads Wir haben nicht so viel als einen Finger von dem brachio saeculari in diesem Lande.

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69. See Joshua 7:13: "There are devoted things among you, O Israel; you will be unable to stand before your enemies until you take away the devoted things from among you." The term "devoted things" refers to items which the ancient Jews had "deceitfully" obtained in defiance of God's command and " p u t . . . among their own belongings." See Joshua 7:11. 70. The text reads alles zum Besten zu wenden. 11. Mühlenberg refers to the Thirty-Nine Articles of Religion that formed the confessional basis for the Anglican Church until the nineteenth century. The Augsburg Confession, presented by Lutheran . princes to Emperor Charles V (1500-1558) in 1530, became in the years to come the central confession of faith for Lutherans. The Synod of Bern of 1552, at which the Strasbourg reformer Wolfgang Capito [Köpfel] (1478-1541) was particularly involved, approved Reformed articles of faith that did not yet touch upon predestination. Reprinted in 1728 (Ordnung wie sich die Pfarrer und Prediger zu Statt und Land Bern in leer und leben halten sollen . . . beschlossen im Synodo daselbst versamelt am 9. Tag Januarij... MDXXXIl), the acts of the synod gained new respect in the eighteenth century as a source for "moderate" Reformed thought. 72. The text reads Particular Kirchen. 73. The text reads Compos und Zirckel. 74. A town on the Elbe River; then in the electorate of Saxony, now in Saxony-Anhalt, Germany. In the sixteenth century, Wittenberg was the center of the Lutheran Reformation. 75. A port on the Elbe River; then an imperial city, now a state of Germany. 76. The text reads (Latin) Quaeritur, literally, "it is being asked." 77. The text reads (Latin) Usus; literally, "use." 78. The text reads gutes fundament quoad externa. 79. The text reads könte von den vielerley Parteien nicht turbiret und usurpiret werden. 80. Latin: the privileges to call and to present candidates for the ministry. 81. The text reads (Latin) ratio. 82. The text reads in ihren jetzigen arbitrairen Umständen. 83. Anglican. 84. The phrase "unaltered Augsburg Confession" (unveränderte Augsburgische Konfession) is a technical term for the text of the editio princeps (the first printed edition) of that Confession, published in 1531 and contained in the Book of Concord of 1580, upon which the common Lutheran confession of faith was based. The "altered" Augsburg Confession, or Variata, refers to a text first published in the 1540s that fell into disrepute during later debates over the Lord's Supper (Holy Communion) in the 1550s and 1560s. 85. The text reads Niederteutschen [=niederdeutschen]; literally, "Low German." 86. The text reads tolerirte Hauffens oder Societaeten. 87. The Anglican Church in New England as opposed to the (established) Puritan, Congregational Church. 88. Count Nikolaus Ludwig von Zinzendorf (1700-1760), the leader of the Moravians (Moravian Brethren). See above, 89n43. 89. On Muhlenberg's controversy with Zinzendorf, see Correspondence 1, Letters 15 and 17; Journals 1: 76-80. 90. The text reads (Latin) res integra, a legal term meaning "a matter untouched by dictum or decision." 91. On the United Congregations, see above, 12x0.1. 92. Now a township in Montgomery County, Pennsylvania. 93. The text reads (Latin) periculum in mora. 94. See above, 84, 94n97. 95. The text reads so wird der Marckt wohlfeiler. 96. The text reads Commissarien. 97. Latin: the right of patronage and oversight. See above, 27n21. 98. The German text reads eine Evangelische Schul= und Kirchen Anstalt.

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99. The text reads (Latin) generatim. 100. The text reads simply Instrumente. These are Letters 142 and 143. 101. On [Johann] Christoph Sauer, Sr. (1693-1758), see above, 129n4. Sauer seems to have joined the Dunkers (Dunkards). 102. I.e., the established Lutheran Church. 103. The text reads tours. 104. On Heinzelmann's work in Philadelphia, see above, 125. 105. The text reads H. Sch[aum] trotzet auf seine Empirica. 106. The text reads Plantage. 107. The text reads mein Land. 108. See Matt. 6:34. 109. See 1 Peter 5:7. 110. Matt. 10:30. 111. See Luke 14:28. 112. See Matt. 10:16. 113. Johann Martin Boltzius (1703-1765). See above, 30n9. 114. Johann Joachim Zübly (1724-1781). Born in Switzerland, this Reformed pastor served his countrymen on Amelia Island, South Carolina, where he had moved in 1747 after becoming successor to the late Lutheran pastor Johann Ulrich Driessler [Drießler] (1692-1746) (see Correspondence 1: 145n6) in Frederica, Georgia in 1745. In the summer of 1753, he had visited Philadelphia. He later became paster of an independent Presbyterian congregation in Savannah, Georgia. See HN 2/2: 224; Winde, "Frühgeschichte," 87-88; William J. Hinke, Ministers of the German Reformed Congregations in Pennsylvania and Other Colonies in the Eighteenth Century, ed. George W. Richards (Lancaster, Pa.: Historical Commission of the Evangelical and Reformed Church, 1951), 345-352. 115. A German settlement founded in 1734 by Lutherans expelled from what was then the Catholic archbishopric of Salzburg (now in Austria). Ebenezer was initially located about twenty-five miles northwest of Savannah, Georgia and was originally designed as a military defense for this newly established British town. In 1736, Ebenezer (meaning "stone of help" in Hebrew [see 1 Sam. 7:12]) was moved to better farmland nearer to the Savannah River. Renamed St. Matthew's Parish in 1754, the settlement became a part of Effingham County, Georgia, in 1777. 116. Miihlenberg stayed at Ebenezer, Georgia from 4 to 11 October 1742. See Journals 1: 60-62. 117. The text reads (Latin) privatissime. 118. See Correspondence 2: 210, 256-258. 119. The text reads einen Eckel an diesem meinem Geschreibe empfinden. 120. Latin: truth begets hatred. A popular adage already in the sixteenth century, from Terence [Publius Terentius Afer] (-195-159 B.C.), Andria [The Girl from Andros], I.i.41. 121. Heinrich Schleydorn, Sr. (f 1759) was in a difficult financial situation after falling seriously ill in 1753 and being unable to carry on his occupation. On him, see above, 33n6. In a letter of 18 February 1752, Miihlenberg had asked Francke to admit Schleydorn's younger son Heinrich [= Henry] (~1742-