The Correspondence of Charles Darwin, Volume 29: 1881 [New ed.] 1009233564, 9781009233569

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THE CORRESPONDENCE OF

CHARLES DARWIN

Editors FREDERICK BURKHARDT† SAMANTHA EVANS FRANCIS NEARY ANNE SECORD

JAMES A. SECORD

SHELLEY INNES

ALISON M. PEARN PAUL WHITE

Associate Editors ANNE SCHLABACH BURKHARDT† ROSEMARY CLARKSON AMPARO GIMENO-SANJUAN MICHAEL HAWKINS ELIZABETH SMITH RUTH GOLDSTONE† MURIEL PALMER

This edition of the Correspondence of Charles Darwin is sponsored by the American Council of Learned Societies. Its preparation is made possible by the co-operation of Cambridge University Library and the American Philosophical Society. The Advisory Committee for the edition, appointed by the Management Board, has the following members: Gillian Beer Janet Browne Sandra Herbert Randal Keynes Gene Kritsky Steven Wheatley

Tim Birkhead Daniel Grossman Mandy Hill Simon Keynes John Parker

Support for editing has been received from the Alfred P. Sloan Foundation, the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation, the Arts and Humanities Research Council, the British Academy, the British Ecological Society, the Evolution Education Trust, the Isaac Newton Trust, the John Templeton Foundation, the National Endowment for the Humanities, the National Science Foundation, the Natural Environment Research Council, the Royal Society of London, the Stifterverband für die Deutsche Wissenschaft, and the Wellcome Trust. The National Endowment for the Humanities funding of the work was under grants nos. re-23166-75-513, re-27067-77-1359, re0082-80-1628, re-20166-82, re-20480-85, re-20764-89, re-20913-91, re-21097-93, re-21282-95, rz-20018-97, rz-20393-99, rz-20849-02, and rq-50388-09; the National Science Foundation funding of the work was under grants nos. soc-75-15840, soc-76-82775, ses-7912492, ses-8517189, sbr-9020874, sbr-9616619, ses-0135528, ses-0646230, and ses-0957520. Any opinions, findings, conclusions, or recommendations expressed in this publication are those of the editors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the grantors.

THE CORRESPONDENCE OF

C H A RL E S DA RWI N VOLUME 29

1881

University Printing House, Cambridge CB2 8BS, United Kingdom One Liberty Plaza, 20th Floor, New York, NY 10006, USA 477 Williamstown Road, Port Melbourne, VIC 3207, Australia 314–321, 3rd Floor, Plot 3, Splendor Forum, Jasola District Centre, New Delhi – 110025, India 103 Penang Road, #05–06/07, Visioncrest Commercial, Singapore 238467 Cambridge University Press is part of the University of Cambridge. It furthers the University’s mission by disseminating knowledge in the pursuit of education, learning, and research at the highest international levels of excellence. www.cambridge.org Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9781009233569 DOI: 10.1017/9781009233545 © Cambridge University Press 2022 This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place without the written permission of Cambridge University Press. First published 2022 Citation: Burkhardt, Frederick, et al., eds. 2022. The correspondence of Charles Darwin. Vol. 29. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Printed in the United Kingdom by TJ Books Limited, Padstow Cornwall A catalogue record for this publication is available from the British Library ISBN 978-1-009-23356-9 Hardback Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of URLs for external or third-party internet websites referred to in this publication and does not guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate.

Dedicated to past and present members of the Darwin Correspondence Project Advisory Committee

The completion of this edition has been made possible through the generosity of the Evolution Education Trust together with the Alfred P. Sloan Foundation, the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation, and the Isaac Newton Trust. The Darwin Correspondence Project also gratefully acknowledges the essential long-term support for the edition provided by the British Academy, the National Endowment for the Humanities, the National Science Foundation, the Royal Society, and the Wellcome Trust, and by the following donors: Patrons The Evolution Education Trust Golden Family Foundation The Parasol Foundation Trust Jim and Hilary Potter Affiliates Bern Dibner† William T. Golden† Kathleen Smith† Friends Jane Burkhardt Pamela Davis Florence Fearrington and James Needham† Gerald† and Sue Friedman John C. Greene Daniel V. Grossman and Elizabeth Scott Andrews Lawrence K. Grossman Shirley Grossman, M.D. Mary S. Hopkins Robert McNeil Michael Mathews Victor Niederhoffer Wendy L. Thompson Daniel J. Wright

CONTENTS List of illustrations

viii

List of letters

ix

Introduction

xvii

Acknowledgments

xxxiii

List of provenances

xxxvii

Note on editorial policy Darwin/Wedgwood genealogy Abbreviations and symbols THE CORRESPONDENCE

xl xlvi xlviii 1

Appendixes I. Translations

637

II. Chronology

697

III. Diplomas

700

IV. Presentation list for Earthworms

701

V. Reviews of Earthworms

705

Manuscript alterations and comments

710

Biographical register and index to correspondents

731

Bibliography

857

Notes on manuscript sources

906

Index

909

ILLUSTRATIONS Marianne North, New Zealand flowers and fruit Linley Sambournes caricature of T. H. Huxley

frontispiece 66

G. J. Romanes

148

James Cossar Ewart

170

Werner von Voigts-Rhetz

215

Viquesnelia atlantica

263

Stativ IV (microscope)

281

Proof title page of Earthworms

343

Dischidia rafflesiana

406

Portrait miniature of Susannah Wedgwood

417

Julius Wiesner

432

Linley Sambournes caricature of Charles Darwin

472

Henry Clifton Sorby

631

CALENDAR LIST OF LETTERS

The following list is in the order of the entries in the Calendar of the correspondence of Charles Darwin. It includes all those letters that are listed in the Calendar for the year 1881, and those that have been redated into 1881. Alongside the Calendar numbers are the corrected dates of each letter. A date or comment printed in italic type indicates that the letter has been omitted from this volume. Letters acquired after the publication of the first edition of the Calendar, in 1985, have been given numbers corresponding to the chronological ordering of the original Calendar listing with the addition of an alphabetical marker. Many of these letters are summarised in a ‘Supplement’ to a new edition of the Calendar (Cambridge University Press, 1994). The markers ‘a’, ‘b’, ‘f ’, ‘g’, and ‘h’ denote letters acquired after the second edition of the Calendar went to press in 1994.

9622. 3 Sept [1881?] 9907. [4 Aug 1881] 10813. 24 June [1881] 11385a. Duplicate of 13185a. 11743f. 12 Nov [1881] 12382. [17 Dec 1881] 12392g. 1 Jan [1881] 12395. 2 Jan [1881] 12417. 12 Jan 1881 12498. 24 Feb [1881] 12789. [20–2] Nov [1881] 12959. [May 1881 or later] 12960. [11 June 1881] 12961. [before 25 Oct 1881] 12962. [before 20 June 1881] 12963. 1 and 6 Jan 1881 12964. 1 Jan 1881 12965. 1 [ June] 1881 12966. [5] Jan 1881 12967. 1 Jan [1877?]. See Supplement to vol. 30. 12968. 2 Jan 1881 12969. 2 Jan 1881 12970. 3 Jan 1881 12971. 3 Jan 1881 12972. 3 Jan 1881 12973. 3 Jan [1881] 12974. 3 Jan 1881

12974f. 3d-party letter. 12975. [4 Jan 1881] 12976. 4 Jan [1881] 12977. 4 Jan 1881 12978. 4 Jan 1881 12979. 5 Jan [1881] 12980. 5 Jan 1881 12980f. 6 Jan 1881 12981. 6 Jan 1881 12982. 6 Jan 1881 12983. 7 Jan 1881 12984. 7 Jan 1881 12985. 7 Jan [1881] 12986. 7 Jan 1881 12987. 7 Jan 1881 12988. 7 Jan [1881] 12989. [7 Jan 1881] 12990. January [1881] 12991. [after 7] Jan 1881 12992. 8 Jan 1881 12993. 8 Jan 1881 12994. 8 Jan 1881 12995. 8 Jan 1881 12996. 9 Jan 1881 12997. 10 Jan 1881 12998. 10 Jan 1881 12999. 10 Jan 1881

x 13000. 10 Jan 1881 13001. [after 10 Jan 1881] 13002. 10 Jan 1881 13003. 10 Jan 1881 13004. [10 Jan 1881] 13005. 11 Jan 1881 13006. 11 Jan 1881 13007. 12 Jan 1881 13008. 12 Jan [1881] 13009. 12 Jan 1881 13010. 13 Jan 1881 13010f. 13 Jan [1881] 13011. 13 Jan [1881] 13012. 13 Jan 1881 13013. 14 Jan [1881] 13014. 14 Jan 1881 13015. 17 Jan 1881 13016. 18 Jan 1881 13017. 18 Jan [1881] 13018. 20 Jan 1881 13019. 20 Jan [1881] 13020. 20 Jan 1881 13021. 20 [ June] 1881 13022. 21 Jan 1881 13023. 22 Jan 1881 13023f. [16 Jan 1881] 13024. 24 Jan 1881 13025. 24 Jan 1881 13026. 24 Jan 1881 13027. 25 Jan 1881 13027f. 25 Jan 1881 13028. 27 Jan 1881 13029. 28 Jan 1881 13030. 28 Jan 1881 13031. 29 Jan 1881 13032. 29 Jan 1881 13033. 29 Jan 1881 13033f. 30 Jan [1881] 13034. 31 Jan [1881] 13035. [27 Feb 1881] 13035f. 3 Feb [1881] 13035g. 4 Feb 1881 13036. 4 Feb [1881] 13037. 5 Feb [1881] 13038. 5 Feb 1881 13039. 6 Feb 1881 13040. 6 Feb 1881 13041. 7 Feb 1881 13041a. 7 Feb 1881 13042. 8 Feb [1881] 13043. 9 Feb 1881 13044. 9 Feb 1881 13045. 9 Feb 1881 13046. 9 Feb 1881

List of letters 13047. 9 Feb 1881 13048. 10 Feb 1881 13048f. [after 10 Feb 1881] 13049. 11 Feb 1881 13050. 11 Feb 1881 13051. 11 Feb 1881 13052. 13 [May] 1881 13053. 14 Feb 1881 13054. 15 Feb 1881 13054f. 16 Feb 1881 13055. 17 Feb 1881 13055f. 18 Feb 1881 13056. 18 Feb 1881 13057. 19 Feb [1881] 13058. 19 Feb [1881] 13058f. 20 Feb 1881 13059. 21 Feb 1881 13059a. 21 Feb 1881 13060. 22 Feb [1870] 13061. 22 Feb [1881] 13062. 22 Feb 1881 13063. 22 Feb 1881 13064. 23 Feb 1881 13065. Part of 13476. 13066. 25 Feb 1881 13067. 26 [Feb 1881] 13068. 27–8 Feb [1881] 13068a. 28 Feb 1881 13069. [6 or 13 or 20] Mar 1881 13070. Not a letter. 13071. 1 Mar 1881 13072. 4 Mar 1881 13073. 5 Mar 1881 13074. 6 Mar 1881 13075. 7 Mar [1881] 13076. 7 Mar 1881 13076f. 7 Mar 1881 13077. 7 Mar 1881 13078. 8 Mar [1881] 13079. [8 Mar 1881] 13080. 8 Mar 1881 13081. 8 Mar [1881–2] 13082. 9 Mar [1881] 13083. 10 Mar 1881 13084. 14 Mar 1881 13085. 14 Mar 1881 13086. 15 Mar 1881 13087. 15 Mar 1881 13088. 17 Mar 1881 13088f. 17 Mar 1881 13089. 18 Mar 1881 13090. [19 Mar 1881] 13091. 20 Mar 1881 13092. 20 Mar 1881

List of letters 13093. 12 Mar 1881 13094. 21 Mar [1881] 13095. 22 Mar 1881 13096. 23 Mar 1881 13097. 24 Mar 1881 13098. 26 Mar 1881 13099. 27 Mar 1881 13100. 29 Mar 1881 13101. 29 Mar 1881 13102. 31 Mar 1881 13102f. [after 21 Feb 1881?] 13103. [9 July 1881] 13103a. [after 2 Apr 1880]. See Supplement to vol. 30. 13104. 1 Apr 1881 13105. 1 Apr 1881 13106. 3 Apr [1881] 13107. 4 Apr 1881 13108. 7 Apr 1881 13109. 9 Apr 1881 13110. 10 Apr 1881 13111. 10 Apr 1881 13112. 11 Apr 1881 13113. 12 Apr 1881 13114. 12 Apr 1881 13115. [14] Apr 1881 13116. 14 Apr 1881 13117. 14 Apr [1881] 13118. 16 Apr 1881 13119. 16 Apr [1881?] 13120. 16 Apr 1881 13121. 16 Apr 1881 13122. 16 Apr 1881 13123. 17 Apr 1881 13124. 18 Apr 1881 13125. 18 Apr 1881 13126. 18 Apr 1881 13127. [after 18 Apr 1881] 13128. 19 Apr 1881 13129. 19 Apr 1881 13129f. 3d-party letter. 13130. 21 Apr [1881] 13131. 21 Apr 1881 13132. 21 Apr [1881] 13133. 22 Apr 1881 13134. 22 Apr [1881] 13135. 23 Apr 1881 13136. 23 Apr 1881 13137. 24 Apr 1881 13138. 25 Apr 1881 13138f. 25 Apr 1881 13139. 25 Apr 1881 13140. 30 Apr 1881 13141. 30 Apr 1881 13141a. 30 Apr 1881

13141f. [13 Mar 1881] 13141g. [24 April 1881] 13142. 2 May 1881 13142a. 2 May 1881 13143. 3 May 1881 13144. 4 May [1881] 13145. 5 May 1881 13146. 5 May 1881 13147. 6 May 1881 13148. 3d-party letter. 13148f. 7 May 1881 13149. 7 May [1881] 13150. 8 May [1881] 13151. 8 May 1881 13151f. 10 May 1881 13152. 8 May 1881 13153. 10 May [1881] 13154. 10 May 1881 13155. 12 May [1881] 13155f. 14 May 1881 13156. 14 May 1881 13157. 14 Oct 1881 13158. 15 May 1881 13159. 16 and 17 May 1881 13160. 17 May 1881 13161. 15 Apr [1881?] 13162. [after 15 April 1881] 13163. 18 May 1881 13164. 18 May 1881 13165. 18 May 1881 13166. 19 May 1881 13166f. 19 [May 1881] 13167. 20 May [1881] 13168. 20 May 1881 13169. 20 May 1881 13169f. 21 May 1881 13170. 22–3 May 1881 13170f. 23 [May 1881] 13170g. 23 May 1881 13171. 23 May 1881 13172. 25 May 1881 13173. 25 May [1881] 13174. 25 May [1881] 13175. 26 May 1881 13176. 26 May 1881 13177. 27 May 1881 13178. 27 May 1881 13179. 27 May 1881 13180. 28 May 1881 13181. [after 27 May 1881] 13182. 29 May 1881 13183. 29 May 1881 13184. 30 May [1881] 13185. [after 29 May 1881]

xi

xii 13185a. 31 May 1881 13186. [c. 8 July 1881?] 13187. 1 June 1881 13188. 1 June 1881 13189. Part of 13193. 13190. Part of 13193. 13191. 3 June 1881 13192. [3 June 1881] 13192f. [before 4 June 1881] 13193. 4 [ June 1881] 13194. [c. 6 June 1881] 13195. 5 June 1881 13196. 5 June 1881 13197. 8 June [1881] 13198. 8 June 1881 13199. [9 June 1881] 13200. 9 June 1881 13201. 12 June 1881 13202. 13 June 1881 13203. 13 June 1881 13203f. 13 June 1881 13204. 14 June 1881 13205. 14 June 1881 13206. [16 June 1881] 13207. 15 June 1881 13208. 17 June 1881 13208f. 17 June 1881 13208g. [after 17 June 1881] 13208h. 17 June 1881 13209. 18 June 1881 13210. 18 June [1880]. See Supplement to vol. 30. 13211. 20 June [1881] 13212. 21 June 1881 13213. 21 June 1881 13214. 22 June 1881 13214f. 22 June 1881 13215. 22 June 1881 13216. 24 June 1881 13217. 25 June 1881 13218. 25 June 1881 13219. 26 June [1881] 13220. 26 June [1881] 13220f. [19 June 1881] 13221. 27 June [1881] 13222. 27 June 1881 13223. 28 June 1881 13224. 28 June 1881 13225. 28 June [1881] 13226. 28 June 1881 13227. 29 June 1881 13228. 1 July 1881 13229. 1 July [1881] 13230. 3 July 1881 13231. 3 and 6 July [1881]

List of letters 13232. 4 July [1881] 13233. 4 July 1881 13234. 6 July [1881] 13235. 6 July 1881 13236. 6 July [1881] 13237. 8 July 1881 13238. 9 July 1881 13239. 9 July 1881 13240. 10 July 1881 13241. 10 July 1881 13242. 11 July 1881 13243. 12 July 1881 13243f. 12 July 1881 13244. 13 July 1881 13245. 13 July [1881] 13245f. 16 July 1881 13246. 16 July 1881 13247. 18 July 1881 13248. 18 July 1881 13249. 19 July 1881 13250. 19 July 1881 13251. 19 July 1881 13252. 23 July 1881 13252f. [25 July 1881] 13253. 26 July 1881 13253f. 27 July 1881 13254. 28 July 1881 13255. 28 July 1881 13256. 29 July 1881 13257. 29 July 1881 13258. 29 July 1881 13259. 30 July 1881 13260. 30 July 1881 13261. 30 July 1881 13262. 30 July 1881 13263. 30 July 1881 13264. [after 30 July 1881] 13265. 31 July 1881 13266. 31 July 1881 13267. 31 July [1881] 13268. [before 5 Aug 1881] 13269. 2 Aug 1881 13269a. 2 Aug 1881 13270. 3 Aug 1881 13271. Same as 9907. 13272. 4 Aug 1881 13273. 4 Aug 1881 13274. 4 Aug [1881] 13275. 5 Aug 1881 13276. 5 Aug 1881 13277. 6 Aug 1881 13278. 6 Aug 1881 13278a. 6 Aug [1881] 13279. 7 Aug [1881]

List of letters 13280. 8 Aug 1881 13281. 8 Aug 1881 13282. 8 Aug 1881 13283. 9 Aug 1881 13284. 10 Aug [1881] 13284a. 9 and 10 Aug 1881 13285. 10 Aug 1881 13286. 11 Aug 1881 13287. 11 Aug [1881] 13288. 12 Aug 1881 13288f. 16 Aug 1881 13288g. 16 Aug [1881] 13289. 17 Aug 1881 13289a. 18 Aug [1880?]. See Supplement to vol. 30. 13290. 19 Aug 1881 13291. 20 Aug 1881 13292. 20 Aug 1881 13293. 21 Aug 1881 13294. 21 Aug 1881 13294f. Same as 13296a. 13294g. 21 Aug 1881 13295. 24 Aug [1881] 13296. 25 Aug 1881 13296a. 21 Aug 1881 13297. 26 Aug [1881] 13298. 27 Aug 1881 13299. 28 Aug 1881 13300. [28 Aug 1881] 13301. 28 Aug 1881 13302. 29 Aug 1881 13303. [29 Aug 1881] 13304. 30 Aug 1881 13305. 30 Aug [1881] 13306. 30 Aug [1881] 13306f. 31 Aug 1881 13307. 31 Aug 1881 13308. [18 Sept 1881] 13309. [after 26 Aug 1881] 13310. 1 Sept [1881] 13311. 1 Sept [1881] 13312. 2 Sept 1881 13313. 2 Sept 1881 13314. 2 Sept [1881] 13315. 3 Sept [1881] 13316. 3 and 4 Sept [1881] 13317. 4 Sept [1881] 13317a. 5 Sept 1881 13318. 6, 7, and 9 Sept 1881 13319. 6 [Oct 1881] 13320. 7 Sept 1881 13321. [7 Sept 1881] 13322. 8 Sept [1881] 13323. 8 Sept [1881] 13324. 9 Sept 1881

13325. 9 Sept 1881 13325f. [7 Oct 1881] 13326. 10 Sept 1881 13327. 10 Sept [1881] 13328. 10 Sept 1881 13329. 10 Sept 1881 13330. 11 Sept 1881 13331. 12 Sept 1881 13332. 12 Sept 1881 13333. 12 Sept 1881 13334. 13 Sept [1881] 13335. 13 Sept 1881 13336. 13 Sept 1881 13337. 14 Sept 1881 13338. [before 15 Sept 1881] 13339. 15 Sept 1881 13340. 16 Sept 1881 13340f. Empty cover. 13340g. [13 Oct 1881] 13341. 17 Sept 1881 13342. 18 Sept [1881] 13343. 20 Sept 1881 13344. 20 Sept 1881 13345. 20 Sept 1881 13346. 20 Sept 1881 13347. 20 Sept [1881] 13347f. [27 Feb 1882] 13348. 12 Sept 1881 13349. 22 Sept [1881] 13350. 22 Sept 1881 13351. 22 Sept 1881 13352. [after 22 Sept 1881] 13353. 23 Sept 1881 13354. 24 Sept 1881 13355. 25 Sept 1881 13356. 26 Sept 1881 13357. 27 Sept [1881] 13358. 27 Sept 1881 13359. 28 Sept 1881 13360. 28 Sept 1881 13361. 28 Sept 1881 13362. [after 28 Sept 1881] 13363. 29 Sept 1881 13364. 30 Sept 1881 13365. 30 Sept [1881] 13366. [before 8 Oct 1881] 13367. [9 Sept 1881] 13368. 1 Oct 1881 13369. 3 Oct 1881 13370. 3 Oct 1881 13371. 4 Oct 1881 13372. 5 Oct 1881 13373. 5 Oct 1881 13373f. 5 Oct 1881

xiii

xiv 13374. 7 Oct 1881 13375. 7 Oct 1881 13376. 7 Oct 1881 13377. 8 [Oct 1881] 13378. 8 Oct 1881 13379. 8 Oct 1881 13379a. 8 Oct 1881 13380. 9 Oct 1881 13380f. [after 10 Oct 1881?] 13381. 9 Oct 1881 13382. 9 Oct 1881 13383. 9 Oct 1881 13384. 9 Oct 1881 13385. 10 Oct 1881 13386. 10 Oct [1881] 13387. 10 Oct 1881 13388. 10 Oct 1881 13389. 10 Oct 1881 13390. 11 Oct 1881 13390f. 11 Oct 1881 13391. 11 Oct 1881 13392. 10 Oct 1881 13393. 11 Oct 1881 13394. 12 Oct 1881 13395. 12 Oct [1881] 13396. 13 Oct [1881] 13397. 13 Oct 1881 13398. 14 Oct [1881] 13399. 14 Oct 1881 13400. 14 Oct 1881 13400f. [14 Oct 1881] 13401. 15 Oct 1881 13402. 15 Oct 1881 13403. 15 Oct [1881] 13404. [after 15 Oct 1881] 13405. 16 Oct 1881 13406. 16 Oct 1881 13407. 16 Oct 1881 13408. 17 Oct 1881 13409. 17 Oct 1881 13410. 17 Oct 1881 13411. 17 Oct 1881 13412. [18 Oct 1881] 13413. 18 Oct 1881 13414. 18 Oct [1881] 13415. 18 Oct 1881 13415f. [18 Oct 1881] 13416. 19 Oct 1881 13416f. 20 Oct [1881] 13417. 20 Oct 1881 13418. 21 Oct 1881 13419. 22 Oct 1881 13420. 22 Oct 1881 13421. 22 Oct 1881

List of letters 13422. 22 [Oct 1881] 13423. 22 Oct 1881 13424. [23 Oct 1881] 13425. 24 Oct 1881 13426. 24 Oct 1881 13427. 24 Oct 1881 13428. 24 Dec 1881 13429. 25 Oct [1881] 13430. 25 Oct 1881 13431. 25 Oct 1881 13432. 25 Oct 1881 13433. [after 25 Oct 1881?] 13434. 26 Oct 1881 13435. 27 Oct 1881 13436. 27 Oct 1881 13437. 28 Oct 1881 13438. 28 Oct 1881 13439. 28 Oct [1881] 13440. 28 [Oct 1881] 13441. 29 Oct 1881 13441a. 29 Oct 1881 13442. 30 Oct 1881 13443. 30 Oct 1881 13444. 31 Oct 1881 13445. 31 Oct 1881 13445f. 1 Nov 1881 13446. 31 Oct 1881 13446f. 9 Dec 1881 13447. [after 6 Nov 81] 13448. 1 Nov 1881 13449. 1 Nov [1881] 13450. 1 Nov 1881 13451. 11 Nov 1881 13452. 2 Nov 1881 13453. 2 Nov 1881 13454. 2 Nov 1881 13455. 2 Nov [1881] 13455a. 2 Nov 1881 13456. 3 Nov 1881 13457. 3 Nov 1881 13458. 3 Nov 1881 13459. 4 Nov 1881 13459a. 4 Nov 1881 13460. 5 Nov 1881 13461. 5 Nov 1881 13462. 6 Nov 1881 13463. 6 Nov 1881 13464. 6 Nov 1881 13465. 6 Nov 1881 13466. 6 Nov 1881 13467. 6 Nov 1881 13468. 7 Nov 1881 13469. 7 Nov 1881 13470. 7 Nov 1881

List of letters 13471. 7 Nov [1881] 13472. 8 Nov 1881 13473. 8 Nov 1881 13474. 8 Nov 1881 13474f. [21 Oct 1881] 13475. 9 Nov 1881 13476. 9 Nov [1881] 13477. 10 Nov 1881 13477f. 11 Nov 1881 13478. 11 Nov 1881 13479. 12 Nov 1881 13480. 12 Nov [1881] 13481. 13 Nov 1881 13482. 13 Nov 1881 13483. 14 Nov 1881 13484. 14 Nov 1881 13485. 14 Nov [1881] 13485f. [after 14 Nov 1881] 13486. 15 Nov 1881 13486a. 15 Nov 1881 13487. 16 Nov 1881 13487a. 16 Nov 1881 13488. 17 Nov 1881 13489. 19 Nov [1881] 13490. 19 Nov 1881 13491. 19 Nov 1881 13492. 4 Nov [1881] 13492f. 20 Nov 1881 13493. 20 Nov [1881] 13494. [20 Nov 1881] 13495. 21 Nov 1881 13496. 21 Nov 1881 13497. 21 Nov 1881 13497f. 21 Nov 1881 13498. 21 Nov 1881 13499. 21 Nov 1881 13500. 21 Nov 1881 13501. [after 21 Nov 1881] 13501f. [after 21 Nov 1881] 13502. 22 Nov 1881 13503. [22 Nov 1881] 13504. 22 Nov 1881 13505. 22 Nov 1881 13505a. 22 Nov 1881 13506. 23 Nov 1881 13507. 23 Nov 1881 13507a. 23 Nov 1881 13507f. 23 Nov 1881 13508. 24 Nov 1881 13509. 24 Nov [1881] 13510. 24 Nov 1881 13511. 25 Nov [1881] 13512. 26 Nov 1881 13513. 27 Nov 1881

13513f. 27 Nov 1881 13514. 27 Nov 1881 13515. 27 Nov 1881 13516. 27 Nov 1881 13516f. 23 Nov 1881 13517. 28 Nov 1881 13517f. 28 Nov 1881 13518. 29 Nov [1881] 13519. 29 Nov 1881 13520. 29 Nov 1881 13521. 29 Nov 1881 13522. [after 29 Nov 1881] 13523. 30 Nov 1881 13523f. [Dec 1881] 13524. 1 Dec 1881 13525. 1 Dec 1881 13525a. 1 Dec 1881 13525f. 1 Dec 1881 13526. 3 Dec 1881 13527. 3 Dec 1881 13528. 3 Dec 1881 13529. [after 3 Dec 1881] 13530. 5 Dec 1881 13531. 5 Dec 1881 13532. [6 Dec 1881] 13533. 6 Dec 1881 13533a. 6 Dec 1881 13534. 7 Dec [1881] 13535. 9 Dec 1881 13536. 8 Dec 1881 13537. 8 Dec 1881 13538. 8 Dec 1881 13539. [before 9] Dec 1881 13540. 9 Dec 1881 13541. 9 Dec 1881 13541f. 9 Dec 1881 13542. 9 Dec 1881 13543. 9 Dec 1881 13544. 10 Dec [1881] 13545. 10 Dec [1881] 13546. 10 Dec 1881 13547. 12 Dec 1881 13548. [18 Dec 1881] 13548f. 14 Dec [1881] 13549. 15 Dec 1881 13550. 15 Dec 1881 13551. 15 Dec 1881 13552. 15 Dec 1881 13553. [after 15 Dec 1881] 13554. 16 Dec 1881 13555. 16 Dec 1881 13556. 17 [Dec 1881] 13557. 17 Dec 1881 13558. 17 Dec 1881

xv

xvi 13559. 18 Dec 1881 13560. 18 [Dec 1881] 13561. 18 Dec 1881 13562. 18 Dec 1881 13563. 19 Dec [1881] 13564. 19 Dec 1881 13565. 19 Dec 1881 13566. 19 Dec 1881 13567. 19 Dec 1881 13568. 19 Dec 1881 13569. 19 Dec 1881 13569a. Not a letter. 13570. 20 Dec 1881 13571. 21 Dec 1881 13572. 21 Dec 1881 13573. 21 Dec 1881 13574. 21 Dec 1881 13574a. 21 Dec 1881 13574b. 21 Dec 1881 13575. 22 Dec [1881] 13576. 22 Dec 1881 13577. 22 Dec 1881 13578. 23 Dec 1881 13578f. [after 25 Dec 1881] 13579. 26 Dec 1881 13580. 26 Dec 1881 13581. 27 Dec 1881 13582. 27 Dec 1881 13582a. 27 Dec 1881 13583. 28 Dec 1881 13584. 28 Dec 1881 13585. 28 Dec 1881 13585f. 29 Dec 1881 13586. 29 Dec 1881 13587. 29 Dec 1881 13588. 30 Dec 1881 13589. 31 Dec 1881 13642. 24 Jan [1881]

List of letters

INTRODUCTION

In May 1881, Darwin, one of the best-known celebrities in England if not the world, began writing about all the eminent men he had met. He embarked on this task, which formed an addition to his autobiography, because he had nothing else to do. He had finished his book on earthworms in April and was filled with foreboding that he no longer possessed the physical or mental strength to take on challenging topics. ‘I am so old that I am not likely ever again to write on general & difficult points in the theory of Evolution’, he told the businessman Henry Wallis on 31 March, stating that he would restrict himself to ‘more confined & easy subjects’. A month earlier, on 23 February, he had told his valued South American correspondent Fritz Müller, ‘I feel myself a very old man, who probably will not last much longer.’ Darwin’s biggest fear was not death, but that he might not be able to work at all. ‘I have not the heart or strength at my age to begin any investigation, lasting years, which is the only thing, which I enjoy, & I have no little jobs which I can do’, he wrote despondently to Joseph Dalton Hooker on 15 June, concluding, ‘I must look forward to Down grave-yard, as the sweetest place on this earth’. From the start of the year, Darwin had his demise on his mind. He increasingly relied on his son William for help with his financial affairs and began to make provision for the dividing of his wealth after his death. Darwin’s gloominess was compounded by the decline of his brother, Erasmus Alvey Darwin, who, after several bouts of illness, died in August. Despite this blow, and intimations of his own heart disease in December, Darwin’s spirits improved towards the latter part of the year. The enthusiastic reception of his book on earthworms, published in October, was a boost. His 5-year-old grandson Bernard, who lived at Down House, remained a continual source of delight. A second grandchild was born in December. Old friends and new admirers got in touch, and, for all his fears, Darwin found several scientific topics to pursue. In January, Darwin’s work on earthworms was interrupted by Samuel Butler’s renewed claim that Ernst Krause had used Butler’s book Evolution old and new when revising his essay on Erasmus Darwin’s scientific work, and that Darwin had concealed this in his preface to his and Krause’s 1879 book Erasmus Darwin. Although Darwin thought the matter closed, Butler had repeated his accusations in Unconscious memory in November 1880 and in an abusive letter about Darwin in the St James’s Gazette on 8 December. Krause countered Butler’s accusations in a review of Unconscious memory in Kosmos and sent Darwin a separate letter for publication in the Journal of Popular Science detailing his use of Butler’s work. Members of the

xviii

Introduction

Darwin family consulted anxiously about whether Krause’s Kosmos article should be translated and also appear in a British journal. Darwin could see that Butler, as he told his daughter Henrietta Litchfield on 4 January, ‘would like its publication & call me & Krause liars’. Thomas Huxley’s advice was to ignore Butler, and Krause, who understood that Butler wished to boast publicly that his quarrel was with Darwin, agreed. Unsure how to address Butler’s campaign, which was conducted largely in newspapers and literary periodicals rather than the scientific press, the Darwins consulted the seasoned journalist and editor Leslie Stephen. There was ‘a hopeless division of opinion’ within the family, Henrietta explained to Stephen on 10 January, hoping that he did not think them ‘all gone mad on such a small matter’. The following day, Darwin himself wrote to Stephen, admitting that it was ‘difficult to avoid being pained at being publicly called in ones old age a liar, owing to having unintentionally made a small omission’. Stephen’s reply on 12 January was flattering, reassuring, and unambiguous. He was ‘unhesitating’ in his advice that Butler should be ignored and ‘undignified squabbles’ avoided, even though he wished ‘to give Somebody such a slap in the face as he would have cause to remember’. Darwin was enormously relieved. ‘Your note is one of the kindest which I have ever received,’ he told Stephen on 13 January, ‘& ... when in the dead of the night the thought comes across me how I have been treated, I will resolutely try to banish the thoughts, & say to myself that so good a judge, as Leslie Stephen thinks nothing of the false accusation’. Other friends rallied round. Francis Balfour translated Krause’s account and published it in Nature, and George Romanes wrote such a savage review of Unconscious memory that Darwin feared he had redirected Butler’s wrath upon himself. ‘Good Lord how he will hate you’, Darwin warned Romanes on 28 January. In the end, not only the Darwins but many periodicals shunned Butler and ignored his book. January also brought the good news that Alfred Russel Wallace, co-discoverer of natural selection, had received a civil list pension. ‘I hardly ever wished so much for anything in my life as for its success’, Darwin told Arabella Buckley on 4 January. Buckley had suggested petitioning for a pension for Wallace, but it was Darwin’s efforts that secured it (see Correspondence vol. 28, Appendix VI). When Huxley heard on 8 January that Wallace would receive £200 a year, he wrote to Darwin, ‘I congratulate you on the success of your undertaking—for yours it is totally & entirely’. Wallace also received the news on 8 January (his 58th birthday) and immediately wrote to Darwin to thank him for his ‘constant kindness’, and to state how gratified he was that so many scientific men had so good an opinion of the ‘little scientific work’ he had done. Buckley’s delight was evident when she told Darwin on 13 January: ‘I have always felt that your generous friendship for Mr. Wallace, & the almost overdue credit which you have always assigned to him, is one of those bright spots in the history of science, which ought to shame all those who indulge in petty jealousies; & this success is the befitting crown to the whole matter’. The positive reception of Movement in plants was another source of pleasure in the early months of 1881. This book had been a major undertaking for both Darwin

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and his son Francis, who assisted in the many experiments on which the analysis was based. Despite its length and complexity, the book sold well, and with copies ‘moving off very nicely’ by early January, the publishers decided to print ‘500 more, making 2000’ (letter to H. E. Litchfield, 4 January 1881). Unlike Darwin’s other books, Movement in plants did not generate a large correspondence. It was mainly those who had received presentation copies who complimented Darwin, made suggestions, and pointed out errors. Alphonse de Candolle’s approval of the technical terms used in the book particularly pleased Darwin because, he told Candolle on 24 January, ‘I have often been annoyed at the multitude of new terms lately invented in all branches of Biology in Germany; and I doubted much whether I was not quite as great a sinner as those whom I have blamed.’ The book inspired Fritz Müller to send observations from Brazil on the movements of leaves that were so original that Darwin sent them to Nature for publication. Darwin, who was pleased that Julius Carus, his German translator, liked the work, told Carus on 23 March that it would be ‘the last of any size’ that he would publish, although he was sending his printers ‘in 3 or 4 weeks the M.S. of a quite small book of little moment’. This book of ‘little moment’ was Darwin’s work on earthworms. By late January, Darwin was ‘wholly rewriting’ his first chapter on habits, which he thought would show that worms had ‘much bigger souls than anyone wd suppose’, and a month later he was confident enough to state: ‘worms though blind can judge by touch accurately of the shape of a new object & drag it into their burrows in the best way & this must be intelligence & very surprising the whole case is to me’ (letters to W. E. Darwin, 31 January [1881] and 19 February [1881]). On 7 March, Darwin sent his discussion of the mental powers of earthworms with his ‘sort of definition’ of intelligence to George Romanes. ‘I tried to observe what passed in my own mind when I did the work of a worm’, he explained, before joking that should he ‘come across a professed metaphysician’, he would ask for ‘a more technical definition with a few big words, about the abstract, the concrete, the absolute & the infinite’. Darwin assured Romanes, an expert on animal intelligence, that he would be grateful for suggestions, ‘for it will hardly do to assume that every fool knows what intelligent means’. Romanes outlined the difficulty. Intelligence had gradually evolved, making the line between non-intelligent and intelligent hard to draw. ‘What we want is a test that may be taken as a line—even though an artificial one—to divide actions which we agree to call intelligent from those which we agree to call non-intelligent’, Romanes pointed out, and since it was impossible to ‘get inside an animal’s mind so as to obtain direct, or subjective, knowledge of its operations’, the only objective test rested on the question of whether the animal learnt from its own individual experience (letter from G. J. Romanes, 7 March 1881). The difficulty with earthworms was that their actions stood ‘just on the border-land’. Darwin would have to devise an experiment to demonstrate that they could be taught through experience how best to manipulate some awkward leaf and show that henceforth they always chose that way. Above all, Romanes pointed out, Darwin should avoid attributing

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self-consciousness to worms, and emphasised that consciousness alone was of no help in defining intelligence. Darwin, wishing to test the intelligence of worms, bemoaned the fact that when kept in pots, they did their work in a ‘slovenly manner’, making it hard to know whether observations of their behaviour were trustworthy (letter to Francis Galton, 8 March [1881]). Although results from earlier experiments indicated that worms did learn from experience, Darwin was wary, telling Romanes on 9 March, ‘I intend to have another attempt to eliminate the source of doubt, but Heaven only knows whether I shall succeed.’ After finishing the draft of his book, Darwin informed Romanes on 16 April: ‘I tore up & rewrote what I sent you. I have not attempted to define intelligence, but have quoted your remarks on experience, & have shown how far they apply to worms.— It seems to me that they must be said to work with some intelligence, anyhow they are not guided by a blind instinct’. Darwin, eager to send his draft to the printers without delay, asked John Murray, his publisher, to make an overnight decision about the terms under which it would be published. Murray’s offer of their usual arrangement (two-thirds profit to the author) was met with Darwin’s gloomy attitude about the sale of books being ‘a game of chance’ (letter to R. F. Cooke, 12 April 1881). On 18 May he described his work on earthworms to Krause: ‘The subject is of no importance, but what we English call a hobby-horse of mine’. Darwin was occupied intermittently in checking proofs up to and during his holiday in the Lake District in June and early July, sending the pages to Germany for further checks by Francis Darwin, who was spending the summer working in Anton de Bary’s laboratory. The Lake District may have reminded Darwin of John Ruskin, who lived there. Sending the last two chapters to Francis on 27 May, Darwin wrote, ‘Attend to my query about last sentence of book; as Ruskin said the beginning & the end of every book is humbug.’ The prospect of the annual family holiday, which Darwin dreaded even more than in previous years, and the ennui of the periods between batches of proofs, prompted him to think about how he would occupy himself on his return. ‘The horrid pain of idleness makes me look forward with dread to the future & God knows what I shall do, for I have hardly strength to begin any new subject requiring much work’, he told Francis Darwin on 30 May. ‘I have been thinking’, he continued, ‘that I wd. have another look at absorption by roots & root-hairs, when I come home.’ Recalling a publication describing crystalline colouring matter that could pass through living membranes and colour protoplasm, Darwin thought he could devise a method to investigate aggregation. He explained to Fritz Müller on 10 September why he had embarked on this research: ‘Perhaps you may remember that I described in “Insectivorous plants” a really curious phenomenon which I called the aggregation of the protoplasm in the cells of the tentacles. None of the great German Botanists will admit that the moving masses are composed of protoplasm; though it is astonishing to me that anyone could watch the movements & doubt its nature. But these doubts have led me to observe analogous facts, & I hope to succeed in proving my case.’ An additional motivation may have been to support Francis

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Darwin’s published research on aggregation in the glandular hairs of teasels and the tentacles of Drosera. From August, Darwin tried a variety of plants and reagents, telling Francis on 17 October, ‘I have wasted much time over this, but my time is worth nothing.’ The Cambridge botanist Sydney Vines also thought the material was protoplasm, but both he and Darwin struggled to find a way to demonstrate this experimentally. ‘If I were wise I shd. throw up the job; but I cannot endure to do this’, Darwin told Francis on 9 November, and writing to Fritz Müller on 13 November, he confessed, ‘the subject is too difficult for me & I cannot understand the meaning of some strange facts which I have observed. The mere recording new facts is but dull work.’ It was Fritz Müller who sparked Darwin’s interest in another topic, when he suggested that in flowers with two-coloured stamens, one set served to attract insects, while the other ensured cross-fertilisation. Darwin immediately turned to his own notes, made twenty years before (when he supposed the phenomenon to be a form of dimorphism), to see whether his observations supported Müller’s conclusion. Set ‘on fire’ by Müller’s ‘novel & very curious explanation’, Darwin wrote to nurserymen for seeds of plants exhibiting this phenomenon and requested help from Kew for more suggestions of such plants, especially annuals (letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 21 March [1881]). Darwin thought flowers of the semitropical family Melastomataceae the best for testing and comparing the relative fertility of the pollen on the two sets of stamens, but apart from the absence of the usual pollinators of the Melastomataceae, Darwin had difficulty in obtaining mature plants. On 12 April, he reported to Müller, ‘I have procured some plants of Melastomaceæ, but I fear that they will not flower for two years & I may be in my grave before I can repeat my trials.’ Darwin did not return from his holiday reinvigorated. ‘I have everything to make me happy & contented,’ he told Wallace on 12 July, ‘but life has become very wearysome to me.’ It was perhaps this weariness that intensified his reaction to the news that his book on earthworms would not be published until October. Darwin complained that the delay destroyed his satisfaction in the book, but he supposed he would feel ‘less sulky in a day or two’ (letter to R. F. Cooke, 29 July 1881). The degree of Darwin’s distress prompted Murray to offer to publish as soon as the stereotypes for the United States were ready, and to explain, ‘he only looked at the matter from a publisher’s point of view and knowing how dead a work falls at this late period of the season’ (letter from R. F. Cooke, 30 July 1881). Darwin gave in. ‘I am now uneasy about your risk,’ he told Murray’s associate Robert Cooke on 31 July, ‘& if Mr. Murray really thinks that a scientific work would sell considerably worse at this season than late in the autumn, I shd. be very unwilling to take the responsibility on my own shoulders. … You will see that I am not so sulky as I was when I wrote last.’ Adding to his weariness was the time Darwin spent responding to gifts, requests, queries, and large quantities of unsolicited information from a wide variety of correspondents. He was scrupulous in sending any important observations to Nature or incorporating them into his own work, and unfailingly polite even to those who

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sent in useless or incredible information. Numerous letters made clear the veneration in which he was held. ‘I’d give one year of my life for one hours conversation with you’, a Swedish teacher told him (letter from C. E. Södling, 14 October 1881), while H. M. Wallis, who sent observations of his son’s ears on 14 March, thanked Darwin for having provided ‘a key-plan to the jungle of phenomena around us’. When a Russian student, writing in Latin, asked Darwin for some lines in his hand, he obliged, and did the same for a young Dutch-American, telling him, ‘my collections led me to turn to Science, & I hope that it may have the same effect on you, for there is no greater satisfaction as I know by experience than to add, however little, to the general stock of knowledge’ (letter to E. W. Bok, 10 May 1881). Josef Popper, an expert on aeronautics, sought CD’s opinion on a bird-powered flying machine, the viability of which Darwin doubted because of the difficulty of training birds to fly as a body in the same direction. Caroline Kennard wrote on 26 December after having heard a paper on the inferiority of women by the journalist Martha A. Hardaker, who stated that her authority was Darwin. Kennard, who admired Darwin’s ‘cautious and candid methods of conveying great results of learning and investigations to the world’, asked him, ‘whether the Author of the paper rightly inferred her arguments from your work: or if so, whether you are of the same mind now, as to possibilities for women, judging from her organization &c’. When Darwin replied the following January, he confirmed his belief that women would remain intellectually inferior to men unless they became regular ‘bread-winners’ (Correspondence vol. 30, letter to C. A. Kennard, 9 January 1882). ‘I sometimes receive so many letters & books that I have hardly time to acknowledge their receipt’, Darwin told Henri de Saussure on 17 March. Nonetheless, Darwin always made time, paying particular attention to authors who criticised his work and showing his appreciation of those who were courteous. On 6 February, he wrote to Carl Semper, ‘let me thank you for the very kind manner in which you often refer to my works, & for the even still kinder manner in which you disagree with me.’ When Semper was relieved that, unlike the harsh reviewers of his book, Darwin did not think him an antagonist, Darwin replied, ‘controversy does no good at all. It is the best plan to modify any future publication & to acknowledge any criticism’ (letter to C. G. Semper, 19 July 1881). He continued his friendly disagreement with Wallace about plant dispersal across mountains, exclaiming to him on 2 January, ‘How lamentable it is that two men shd take such widely different views, with the same facts before them; but this seems to be almost regularly our case, & much do I regret it.’ Darwin had changed his mind on one topic. He readily admitted to William Parker Snow, whose characterisation of the people of Tierra del Fuego as peaceful was at odds with the way they were depicted in Darwin’s writings, ‘the success of the Missionary establishment there proves that I took a very erroneous view of the nature & capabilities of the Fuegians’ (letter to W. P. Snow, 22 November 1881). Darwin received news about the mission from Benjamin Sulivan, who had recently revealed earlier misunderstandings. When the Fuegians called out on first seeing the

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Beagle, their cries did not mean ‘give me’ as was thought, but ‘be kind to us’; further work on language also revealed the more risible case of the Christian exhortation to praise God being understood by the Fuegians as ‘Slap God’ because the missionary, when attempting to explain the concept of praise, had incidentally patted one of the Fuegians on the shoulder (letter from B. J. Sulivan, 18 March 1881). Among numerous new correspondents there was one that Darwin thought worth cultivating: Francisco de Arruda Furtado, a young Portuguese naturalist on the Azores, who had read Origin and offered his services as an observer. Darwin was thrilled to discover an inhabitant of a group of oceanic islands who was not only a collector but also considered philosophical questions. Over the course of their correspondence, Darwin suggested observations Arruda Furtado could make, recommended that some of his work be published, and sent him Wallace’s book on geographical distribution. From the start, Arruda Furtado made his gratitude clear to Darwin: ‘You, Sir, know better than anyone what is in the heart of a young man who makes his debut under the kindly protection of the high priests of science’ (letter from Francisco de Arruda Furtado, 29 July 1881). Likewise, among the many books sent to Darwin, one stood out for capturing his attention: William Graham’s Creed of science, a work that considered the limits of science in questions of religion, morals, and society. Graham accepted evolution and the animal origin of humans as the orthodox scientific belief. However, he objected when biologists like Ernst Haeckel converted the Darwinian scientific hypothesis into a universal philosophical theory called Darwinism, as this made chance and physical necessity, to the exclusion of reason, morality, and purpose, into the fundamental principles of the universe and its development. Darwin told Graham on 3 July, ‘It is a very long time since any other book has interested me so much’, and wrote, ‘you have expressed my inward conviction, though far more vividly and clearly than I could have done, that the Universe is not the result of chance.’ ‘But then’, he continued, ‘with me the horrid doubt always arises, whether the convictions of man’s mind, which has been developed from the mind of the lower animals, are of any value or at all trustworthy. Would any one trust in the convictions of a monkey’s mind, if there are any convictions in such a mind?’ Graham’s view that natural selection had not contributed greatly to the progress of civilisation was contested by Darwin, who argued that ‘lower races’ were eliminated by ‘higher civilised races’. He also took issue with Graham’s emphasis on great men, pointing out that in science he considered ‘2nd, 3rd and 4th rate men of very high importance’. In addition to the stream of unsolicited scientific material Darwin received, he subscribed to Nature, which he thought ‘an excellent Journal’ (letter to G. J. Romanes, 4 July [1881]). In these ways, Darwin kept up with the latest developments, although he was wary of intervening. Praising Alexander Agassiz’s work on palaeontological and embryological development for having thrown light on affinities, Darwin, for whom the issue had been a difficulty that had ‘haunted’ him for half a century, wrote, ‘I wish the idea had been put into my head in old days. for I shall never

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again write on difficult subjects as I have seen too many cases of old men becoming feeble in their minds, without being in the least conscious of it’ (letter to Alexander Agassiz, 5 May 1881). His scientific friends, however, did not agree. Both John Lubbock and Hooker asked for Darwin’s advice when writing their addresses for the British Association for the Advancement of Science meeting. Lubbock’s address prompted Darwin to muse on the advances in geology over the past fifty years. In his opinion the most important had been the discovery of the three azoic formations beneath the Cambrian and, above all, the recognition of the glacial period. ‘You are too young’, he pointed out, ‘to remember the prodigious effect this produced about the year 1840(?) on all our minds’ (letter to John Lubbock, [18 September 1881]). When Hooker, anxious about his address on geographic distribution, warned Darwin that he would be pestering him, Darwin replied that the subject had become ‘a frightfully big one’ and had ‘gone much out’ of his mind (letter to J. D. Hooker, 20 June [1881]). Feeling ‘awfully guilty’ for doing so, on 4 August Hooker sent Darwin a list of queries and asked whether he could call Alexander von Humboldt the greatest scientific traveller, as it was ‘the custom to disparage Humboldt now as a shallow man’. Darwin enjoyed the intellectual stimulus, stating that he thought Humboldt ‘the greatest scientific traveller who ever lived ... more for his near approach to omniscience than for originality’, and telling Hooker, ‘Your long letter has stirred many pleasant memories of long-past days when we had many a discussion & many a good fight’ (letters to J. D. Hooker, 6 August 1881 and 12 August 1881). Darwin may have enjoyed sparring with friends, but when he thanked Romanes on 12 November for debating with the duke of Argyll on his behalf, he stated, ‘I hate controversy, & it wastes much time, at least with a man who like myself can work for only a short time in a day’. Nonetheless, Darwin had willingly defended regulated vivisection and accepted his share of ‘the abuse poured in so atrocious a manner on all physiologists’ (letter to G. J. Romanes, 18 April 1881). A letter he had written to the Swedish physiologist Frithiof Holmgren was published in The Times of 18 April, drawing the ire of antivivisectionists George Jesse and Frances Power Cobbe. Jesse, in a private letter, stated that Darwin must not have read the evidence given by physiologists to the 1875 Royal Commission for the regulation of vivisection, and a letter from Cobbe in The Times made the same charge. Darwin’s response, published on 22 April, did not engage with the accusation that he had peddled misinformation, but presented evidence from the Royal Commission report that contradicted Cobbe’s claims. To Darwin’s relief, a second letter from Cobbe, published on 23 April, was answered by Romanes in defence of physiologists. When thanking Romanes on 25 April, Darwin asked, ‘did you notice how in her second letter she altered what she quoted from her first letter, trusting to no one comparing the two?’ Jesse, who was refused publication in The Times, was outraged to see the letters from Cobbe, whom he thought mentally unfit and Darwin considered a liar. Darwin, however, prevented Jesse from publishing a private letter he had written to him, explaining that he was too old to bear the ‘wear & tear of controversy’ (letter

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to G. R. Jesse, 23 April 1881). Later in the year, Darwin declined to write an essay on vivisection for the Nineteenth Century or stand as the nominal head of a proposed Science Defence Association. Darwin usually managed to turn down requests he found unappealing. He declined to lecture on evolution because he had never given a lecture in his life; he avoided invitations to contribute to controversial subjects by sticking to his principle of never writing for periodicals; he turned down the prime minister’s request that he become a British Museum trustee; and he would not join Herbert Spencer’s Anti-Aggression League because he felt he lacked the knowledge to make judgments on political questions. It was, he claimed, his earlier reading on political economy that had produced the ‘disastrous effect’ of making him distrust both his own and everyone else’s judgment on the subject (letter to A. R. Wallace, 12 July 1881). However, some requests were inescapable. When James Paget wrote on 1 June to invite Darwin to a private lunch at the International Medical Congress in order that ‘the Prince of Wales may meet quietly some of the chief scientific visitors’, he felt obliged to accept. The event was as awful as Darwin had expected. The crush of attendees left him ‘half dead’ before luncheon and being seated between Rudolf Virchow and Frans Donders, ‘who both spoke bad English incessantly’, completed his ‘killing’; ‘I was a fool to go,’ he told William Darwin on 4 August, ‘but I could hardly have declined.’ He also felt obliged to sit for a portrait commissioned by the Linnean Society. ‘It tires me a good deal to sit to anyone, but I shd. be the most ungrateful & ungracious dog not to agree’, he told Romanes, secretary of the society, on 27 May. Romanes assured Darwin that the artist, John Collier, Huxley’s son-in-law, was ‘such a pleasant man to talk to’, that the sittings were ‘not so tedious as they would be with a less intelligent man’ (letter from G. J. Romanes, 1 July [1881]). Despite this, Darwin thanked ‘all the stars in heaven’ when the portrait was finished (letter to G. H. Darwin, 23 July 1881). ‘All my family who have seen it, think it the best likeness which has taken of me, & as far as I can judge this seems true’, Darwin reported to Romanes on 7 August. An unalloyed pleasure for Darwin was the progress of his sons’ careers. The success of Horace’s recently established Cambridge Scientific Instrument Company led Darwin to chide Francis for giving a klinostat designed by Horace to de Bary’s laboratory assistant rather than telling him to order one from Cambridge. When Robert Ball, Royal Astronomer of Ireland, praised George’s work, Darwin was so proud that he joked that his head had been so turned that it might come right off. On hearing that George was one of two possible candidates for the Plumian Professorship of astronomy and experimental philosophy at Cambridge University, Darwin advised him to remain in Cambridge, pointing out that in a competition between two men, the absent one was apt to ‘go to the wall’ (letter to G. H. Darwin, 19 November [1881]). Darwin was as solicitous about his least scientific son as his most brilliant and when William expressed his wish to join the Geological Society of London, if it were ‘not absurd for one with no pretensions’ (letter from W. E. Darwin, 13 January [1881]), Darwin immediately prepared a certificate for William’s

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nomination, canvassed supporters, and rejoiced in his election. Promoting Francis’s own botanical research was as important to Darwin as their collaborative work. When Asa Gray apologised to Darwin on 27 January for not commending papers presented by Francis at the Linnean Society the previous December (claiming that his nervousness about speaking at meetings led him to forget ‘a duty’ which he later realised was ‘incumbent’ upon him), Darwin, certain that Francis had not been offended, stated, ‘I wish I could infuse a few drachms of vanity & self-conceit into his veins, for he never will value in the least what he does. ... I am certain that the notion or wish that you would speak in his praise wd. never have occurred to him’ (letter to Asa Gray, 29 January 1881). While Francis was working in de Bary’s laboratory in Strasbourg over the summer, Darwin’s letters to him contained not only botanical matters but also news about Francis’s 5-year-old son, Bernard. Just ten days after Francis’s departure, Darwin reported that Bernard was scheming about ‘an army with elephants, camels, cannons—Bombs & God knows what, to besiege Strasburg, until at last Dr. De Bary is compelled to say “Mr. Dada you must go home at once”’ (letter to Francis Darwin, 20 May 1881). Francis tried to mitigate his absence by satisfying Bernard’s inordinate fondness for paper soldiers. Even when riding the donkey, Bernard insisted that his nurserymaid held a recently received regiment of paper soldiers loose in her hand, for they would ‘not be marching if they were put in her pocket’ (letter to Francis Darwin, 25 May [1881]). Two days later, on 27 May, Darwin warned Francis, ‘He asks every post whether any letter from you & I think he expects more soldiers, but with his delicate little soul, he said that he shd. not ask you to send any more.’ Emma Darwin clearly had different concerns about Bernard’s soul because Francis sent a message saying that she could teach Bernard ‘what religion she liked’ (letter from Francis Darwin, 23 [May 1881]). Most family events included Bernard. When the musician Hans Richter played for the Darwins at Down House—an experience Darwin ‘enjoyed surprisingly’—Bernard also listened and ‘gaped tremendously’ (letter to Francis Darwin, [after 27 May 1881]). His grandparents took him to the Lake District, where he and his paper soldiers accompanied them on walks. He was also present at a luncheon at Down House that resulted in one of the frankest statements about Darwin’s religious views. An 1883 pamphlet by Edward Aveling described the private discussion about religion following the lunch to which he and his fellow atheist Ludwig Büchner had been invited after expressing their wish to visit Darwin (letter from E. B. Aveling, 27 September [1881]). The formation of vegetable mould, through the action of worms: with observations on their habits was published in October. As ever, Darwin fretted about the risk and warned his publisher, who had printed 1000 copies, ‘the book will not excite much attention; so do not be disappointed if the sale is small’ (letter to R. F. Cooke, 5 October 1881). The publication date was 10 October, but by 7 October Darwin learned that 1200 copies had been subscribed to booksellers, and that 500 more were to be printed; next day that number had increased to 1000. The entire quantity had sold by 25 October, and the publisher predicted that a third thousand would sell before they

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could say ‘Jack Robinson’ (letter from R. F. Cooke, 25 October 1881). Darwin was ‘utterly astonished’, declaring that publishing a book was a ‘gambling transaction!’ (letter to R. F. Cooke, [after 25 October 1881?]). French and German editions were underway, and errors in the English text spotted by the translators as well as by Darwin’s many readers were rapidly corrected owing to the brisk sales. When the German translator asked whether ‘mould’ and ‘humus’ were interchangeable, Darwin confessed that they were, but with respect to the latter word, added, ‘two English Ladies complained that they did not know what the word meant, so I altered it; & I now wish that I had not done so’ (letter to J. V. Carus, 8 December 1881). The first reactions to the book were from those who had received presentation copies. Galton wrote on 9 October, ‘I wish the worms were not such disagreable creatures to handle & keep by one, otherwise they would become popular pets, owing to your book. and many persons would try to make out more concerning their strange intelligence.’ Many others were also intrigued by the worms themselves. Geologists, however, thought of the book as a work about the production of vegetable mould: Archibald Geikie appreciated the action of worms but felt that Darwin underestimated the importance of wind transport in the growth of soil, while his brother James Geikie told Darwin on 10 October that no one would ‘any longer undervalue the “earth-worm” as a potent geological agent’ and that henceforward this ‘lowly, organized worker’ would ‘occupy an honourable place in all geological manuals and text-books’. The countess of Derby recalled Darwin saying that ‘“Worms” could revolutionise the world’, and she believed that Darwin’s book had proved ‘the greatness of their power’ (letter from M. C. Stanley, 16 October 1881). Hooker thanked Darwin for the ‘diet of Worms’, telling him, ‘I must own I have always looked on worms as amongst the most helpless & unintelligent members of the creation; & am amazed to find that they have a domestic life & public duties!’ (letter from J. D. Hooker, [23 October 1881]). Wallace, writing on 18 October, admitted that he had hitherto regarded earthworms from a gardener’s point of view ‘as a nuisance’ (a view echoed by several correspondents), but he would ‘now tolerate their presence in view of their utility & importance’. The rapid sales of Earthworms, especially compared to Movement in plants, resulted in a large number and variety of people writing to Darwin, to point out errors, ask questions, and send observations. ‘I am driven almost frantic by the number of letters about worms’, he told Francis Darwin on 9 November, ‘but amidst much rubbish there are some good facts & suggestions. So I have sent for clean sheets & shall make an amended edition. It is laughable the enthusiasm with which the book has been received.’ By the end of 1881, six thousand copies of Earthworms had been printed. Readers also expressed their appreciation of Darwin’s originality and approach. The geologist Thomas Reade wrote on 6 November, ‘It seems strange that the geological work done by worms should not have been realised before— but so it is with every discovery—so simple when explained!’ And with seeming prescience of how the book would come to be used to demonstrate the scientific method in future science classes, the American entomologist Charles Riley praised

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Darwin for not only advancing knowledge, but also teaching ‘younger men the true methods of investigation’ (letter from C. V. Riley, 18 December 1881). Amidst this praise, Darwin began reading a book that took aim at his previous publication Movement in plants. Although the plant physiologist Julius Sachs and others disagreed with some of Darwin’s conclusions, this had not shaken his confidence. Nor did he seem unduly concerned when a book arrived on 1 October from the Austrian botanist Julius Wiesner, the English translation of its title being ‘The power of movement in plants. A critical study of the work of the same name by Charles Darwin, together with new investigations’. Thanking Wiesner for the book on 4 October, Darwin warned him, ‘I read German so very slowly, that your book will take me a considerable time, for I cannot read for more than half-an-hour each day.’ Perhaps because Wiesner had emphasised that he wrote in ‘loyal opposition’, Darwin seemed sanguine as he conceded that Wiesner was such a ‘skilful and profound experimentalist’ that he had most likely found some ‘gross errors’ in the book. ‘Although I always am endeavouring to be cautious and to mistrust myself, yet I know well how apt I am to make blunders’, Darwin admitted, though concern appears to have crept in when he told Wiesner, ‘I hope that you will not have upset my fundamental notion that various classes of movement result from the modification of a universally present movement of cir[c]umnutation.’ Two weeks later and eighty pages into Wiesner’s book, Darwin’s worst fears were realised. Although he had not quite reached the relevant section, Darwin knew that Wiesner strenuously denied that all growing parts of plants circumnutate. Darwin’s arguments about plant movement were based on the collaborative experimental work he had undertaken with Francis Darwin, to whom he broke the news on 17 October. Fatherly concern and responsibility for his son’s botanical reputation were apparent in the careful way Darwin used plural and singular when he told Francis that Wiesner found most of ‘our facts true’, but ‘my explanations wrong’. In turn, Francis exhibited his wish to protect his father from criticism when he admitted that he had already read the account of Wiesner’s ‘horribly conclusive’ experiment but had not said anything because he thought Darwin might have given up with the German before he reached that part of the book (letter from Francis Darwin, [21 October 1881]). Francis had a further problem: he had been asked to review Wiesner’s book for Nature. ‘It might be an opportunity of saying anything we want to say about it’, Francis acknowledged, but he was inclined to refuse, as it would be some time before he could prepare a longer signed review (letter from Francis Darwin, [21 October 1881]). He thought about publishing a short anonymous one, but Darwin urged him to work on a longer response because he had now read most of Wiesner’s book and could tell Francis, ‘he has repeated almost all our experiments & finds our statements correct, but it is almost laughable how different an interpretation he puts on every single case.’ Darwin considered some of these interpretations ludicrous but thought the book ‘a model of the spirit in which everyone ought to write controversially’ (letter to Francis Darwin, 22 [October 1881]). Wiesner’s courtesy, experimental

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skill, expertise in histology, and thoroughness led Darwin to admit to Hooker on 22 October, ‘No man was ever vivisected in so sweet a manner before, as I am in this book.’ In a long letter to Wiesner on 25 October, Darwin confessed that Wiesner’s experiments were so beautiful that he ‘actually felt pleasure while being vivisected’. Darwin concluded, ‘I wish that I had enough strength and spirit to commence a fresh set of experiments and publish the results with a full recantation of my errors when convinced of them; but I am too old for such an undertaking, nor do I suppose that I shall be able to do much, or any more original work.’ Darwin also believed that his opinion signified little: ‘I have no doubt that your book will convince most botanists that I am wrong in all the points on which we differ.’ To Darwin’s dismay, the plant physiologist Wilhelm Pfeffer, whose research he admired, also disagreed with some arguments in Movement in plants and pointed out that Darwin had misunderstood parts of his work. Pfeffer made these statements when writing to inform Darwin that he wished to investigate plant movement further but would stand aside if Darwin was still working on the topic. After encouraging Pfeffer to continue, Darwin received a reassuring response. Pfeffer had not meant to reproach him for misunderstanding some of his work and, more importantly (and contrary to Darwin’s expectations), he disagreed with many of Wiesner’s explanations, especially those of key importance to Darwin regarding the sensitivity of the root tip and the way external conditions acted on plants. Darwin’s confidence must have been boosted by this and by Vines’s opinion that Wiesner was not to be trusted and was too ‘finical in his experiments & strongly inclined to oppose everyone’ (letter to Francis Darwin, 28 [October 1881]). On 9 November, Darwin told Francis, ‘I have thought of 3 good experiments v. Wiesner,—two of which will be difficult.’ Although Darwin began exploring ways to show Wiesner’s reasoning defective in some cases—recruiting the help of Lord Rayleigh, George Darwin, and Horace Darwin—the task of defending Darwin’s arguments fell to Francis. Later in November, Francis was ‘glad to get to work on the antiWiesner experiments’ (letter from Francis Darwin, [after 14 November 1881]). With cruel timing, Francis’s response to Wiesner’s book appeared in the issue of Nature published the day after Darwin’s death in April 1882. The number of deaths in 1881 made friendships all the more valuable. ‘We have lost no end of friends this year, & it is difficult to resist the pessimistic view of creation’, Hooker told Darwin when informing him on 18 June of the untimely death of the anatomist George Rolleston, but added, ‘when I look back, however, especially my beloved friend to the days I have spent in intercourse with you & your’s, that view takes wings to itself & flies away: it is a horrid world to be sure, but it could have been worse.’ Recollections of the earlier loss of a close friend were prompted by the publication of Charles Lyell’s Life, letters, and journals in November. Although Darwin enjoyed reading the letters, he thought the book should have been shorter. He also read a draft of the entry on Lyell for the Encyclopaedia Britannica, telling the author, Arabella Buckley, on 11 July that he regretted that there could not be more about Lyell’s private character, such as ‘his strong sense of humour and love

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of society’, ‘his extreme interest in the progress of the world and in the happiness of Mankind’, and ‘his freedom from all religious bigotry’. The private character of another more recently deceased figure was not so well received by the Darwins. They found the cynical tone of and revelations in Thomas Carlyle’s posthumously published Reminiscences distasteful. Anthony Rich was indignant that Carlyle had ridiculed Darwin’s Origin without having read a page of it, but relieved that Carlyle’s friend Erasmus Alvey Darwin, Darwin’s brother, had ‘got through the fire without being scorched’ (letter from Anthony Rich, 13 June 1881). Although Carlyle appeared to flatter Erasmus, Darwin stated in his recollections that Carlyle’s sketch of his brother’s character had little truth and no merit. Far more accurate assessments were soon being made by old friends, who sent condolences to Darwin after Erasmus’s death on 26 August was made public. On 1 September, an old Shrewsbury School friend, Lamplugh Dykes, wrote to express his shock and to tell Darwin, ‘A more thoroughly honorable & excellent a man never lived’. Hooker read the death announcement on 29 August and wrote immediately, reminding Darwin, ‘It was in your brother’s house, near Park Lane, that I first became acquainted with you—& shall never forget his kind face & kinder welcome. That was nearly 40 years ago!’ Darwin, himself, told Thomas Farrer on 28 August, ‘The death of my brother Erasmus is a very heavy loss to all of us in this family. He was so kind-hearted & affectionate. Nor have I ever known any one more pleasant. It was always a very great pleasure to talk with him on any subject whatever, & this I shall never do again. The clearness of his mind always seemed to me admirable. He was not, I think, a happy man & for many years did not value life, though never complaining. I am so glad that he escaped very severe suffering during his few last days. I shall never see such a man again.’ Erasmus was buried in Down graveyard on 1 September, and his estate was settled by his executors George and William Darwin. For much of the year, William had also been helping Darwin assess his wealth so that he could add a codicil to his will. ‘We are the luckiest children in the world’, William declared to his father on 6 January, after hearing how Darwin intended to provide for his family. By the time William finished his valuation, Darwin had not only inherited the bulk of his brother’s property but also knew that Rich still intended to leave a substantial bequest to the Darwin family. Darwin decided to make an entirely new will. Apart from providing for his family, on 11 September he instructed his solicitor, William Hacon, to include bequests of £1000 each to Hooker and Huxley to acknowledge his ‘life-long affection & respect for them’. Darwin also decided to give more to the scientific community during his lifetime. On 16 September, he informed his children, concerning the annual division of his surplus income, ‘I shall ... probably give away more for scientific purposes, so that a less sum will probably be divided amongst you.’ These ‘scientific purposes’ were various. Darwin continued to raise money for the Belfast potato-blight researcher James Torbitt; Fritz Müller was offered £100 to replace books that Darwin (erroneously) thought had been lost in a flood; the same amount was offered to Haeckel if he was unable to get other funds for a proposed trip

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to Ceylon; and even Leopold Würtenberger, who had received £100 from Darwin in 1879 to continue his work on the phylogeny of ammonites, and persistently tried to scrounge another £80 as a loan, received £30 as a gift on condition that he asked for no more. Darwin also offered funds to scientific institutions and causes. After reading about fossil scorpions being found in Lower Carboniferous strata by the Scottish Geological Survey, and assuming that the survey could not allow their employees to search for fossils of other terrestrial animals and plants, Darwin told the director, Archibald Geikie, on 11 November, ‘This leads me to make an offer ... namely to subscribe £100 or £200, if you can find anyone whom you could trust to send, & if you think it worth while to make further search for the chance of fresh & greater palæontological treasures being discovered.’ Geikie, however, assured Darwin not only that it was within the survey’s duties to search for more fossils, but also that more ‘air breathers’ had already been found by Benjamin Peach, one of the survey men, who had not yet published his discovery. Geikie would therefore call on Darwin’s aid only if the work exceeded the capabilities of the survey. More pressing was the need to raise funds for the campaign to defend David Ferrier, the first physiologist subject to an ‘absurd and wicked prosecution’ under the terms of the 1876 Cruelty to Animals Act (letter to T. L. Brunton, 19 November 1881). Darwin initially pledged £20, but after hearing that many leaders of the medical profession were subscribing £100, he decided to match the largest sum offered by any other contributor. His most important gift and enduring scientific legacy was his pledge in 1881 to the Royal Botanic Gardens at Kew of an annual amount of £250 to produce a new catalogue of known plants (completed ten years later as Index Kewensis). For all that Darwin had thought about death in 1881, the year ended with the happy news of a birth. On 7 December, Charles and Emma Darwin’s second grandchild, another grandson, was born in Cambridge. His parents, Ida and Horace Darwin, named him Erasmus in honour of his great-uncle Erasmus Alvey Darwin. ‘As one grows old one’s chief interest is in the happiness of our children’, Darwin told his old Cambridge University friend John Price on 27 December. As Darwin rejoiced in the achievements of his children over the year, he also reflected on memory and the past. When he inherited a miniature of his mother from Erasmus, he was glad to know that the sweet expression was a good likeness because he remembered nothing about her. In contrast, his recollection of the reactions of his older sisters to her death when he was 8 years old was sharp. Very different memories surfaced when the botanical artist Marianne North stayed at Down House. Darwin enjoyed seeing her Australian paintings while sitting under a tree in the garden, later telling her, ‘I am often able to call up with considerable vividness scenes in various countries which I have seen, and it is no small pleasure’ (letter to Marianne North, 2 August 1881). However, for all his ability to recall pleasurable scenes, and despite his complaints about decline, Darwin resolutely looked to the future. He was more interested in puzzling out the cell structure of rootlets than in reminiscing. While many of Darwin’s followers saw the publication of Earthworms as a sign of his continued intellectual vigour, others thought he would be quite justified in resting

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on his laurels. ‘I wish that I could follow your advice & be idle,’ Darwin admitted to his old Beagle shipmate Sulivan on 1 December, ‘but I find myself miserable, without having some daily work.’

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The editors are grateful to the late George Pember Darwin and to William Darwin for permission to publish the Darwin letters and manuscripts. They also thank the Syndics of Cambridge University Library and other owners of manuscript letters who have generously made them available. Work for this edition has been supported by grants from the National Endowment for the Humanities (NEH), the National Science Foundation (NSF), and the Wellcome Trust. The Alfred P. Sloan Foundation and the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation provided grants to match NEH funding, and the Mellon Foundation awarded grants to Cambridge University that made it possible to put the entire Darwin correspondence into machine-readable form. Research and editorial work have also been supported by grants from the Arts and Humanities Research Council, the British Academy, the British Ecological Society, the Isaac Newton Trust, the Jephcott Charitable Trust, the John Templeton Foundation, the Natural Environment Research Council, the Parasol Foundation Trust, the Royal Society of London, and the Wilkinson Charitable Foundation. The Stifterverband für die Deutsche Wissenschaft provided funds to translate and edit Darwin’s correspondence with German naturalists. Since 2010, funding sufficient to complete the entire edition has been provided by the Alfred P. Sloan Foundation, the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation, the Evolution Education Trust, and the Isaac Newton Trust. We are extremely grateful for this unprecedented long-term support. We particularly wish to acknowledge the role of the Evolution Education Trust, without whose imaginative and generous support so distinguished a consortium could not have been established. Cambridge University Library, the American Philosophical Society (APS), Harvard University, and Cornell University have generously made working space and many services available to the editors; the American Council of Learned Societies has provided invaluable administrative and strategic support. Since the project began in 1975, the editors have been fortunate in benefiting from the interest, experience, and practical help of many people, and hope that they have adequately expressed their thanks to them individually as the work proceeded. English Heritage has responded most generously to requests for information and for material from the collections at Down House, Downe. We are particularly grateful to past and present curators, Olivia Fryman, Laura Houliston, Annie Kemkaran-Smith, Sarah Moulden, Frances Parton, Cathy Power, and Tori Reeve. The late Richard Darwin Keynes kindly made available Darwin family material in

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his possession. The late Ursula Mommens provided letters and other materials that belonged to her grandfather, Francis Darwin. The Cornford family have generously made available letters written by William Erasmus Darwin and Henrietta Litchfield. Institutions and individuals all over the world have given indispensable help by making available photocopies or digital images of Darwin correspondence and other manuscripts in their collections. Those who furnished copies of letters for this volume can be found in the List of provenances. The editors are indebted to them, and to the many people who have provided information about the locations of particular letters. The editors make daily use of the incomparable facilities of Cambridge University Library and have benefited greatly from its services and from the help and expertise of its staff, particularly the staff of the Manuscripts and Reader Services departments. We are especially grateful to the University Librarian, Jessica Gardner, and to her predecessors Anne Jarvis, Peter K. Fox, and Frederick W. Ratcliffe, and to the Keeper of Archives and Modern Manuscripts, Katrina Dean, and her predecessors Suzanne Paul and Patrick Zutshi, for their generous support. Other members of the library’s staff who frequently respond to the editors’ requests are: Marjolein Allen, Wendy Aylett, Jim Bloxam, Frank Bowles, Mark Box, Louise Clarke, Colin Clarkson, Jacqueline Cox, Maureen Dann, Amélie Deblauwe, Emily Dourish, Anna Johnson, Scott Maloney, Charlotte Marriott, Błazej Mikuła, Domniki Papadimitriou, Maciej Pawlikowski, Adam Perkins, Ben Perks, Nicholas Smith, Anne Taylor, Ngaio VinceDewerse, John Wells, and Jill Whitelock. The fetchers in the Rare Books reading room have also patiently dealt with the editors’ often complex requirements, as have the staff of the Map Room. The editors would like to acknowledge the assistance of Marten L. Leavitt of the American Philosphical Society Library, Rodney Dennis, Jennie Rathbun, and Susan Halpert of the Houghton Library, Constance Carter of the Science Division of the Library of Congress, and Judith Warnement, Lisa DeCesare, and Jean Cargill of the Gray Herbarium of Harvard University, who have all been exceptionally helpful in providing material from the collections in their charge. In Britain, the editors have received assistance from Will Beharrell, Lynda Brooks, Isabelle Charmantier, Gina Douglas, Liz McGow, Vida Milovanovic and of the Linnean Society of London; and from Lorna Cahill, Michele Losse, Virginia Mills, and Kiri Ross Jones of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew. We would also like to thank Anne Barrett, college archivist at the Imperial College of Science, Technology and Medicine, and Louisiane Ferlier and Keith Moore of the Royal Society; successive librarians and archivists of Christ’s College, Cambridge; Simon Chaplin, head of the Wellcome Library, Wellcome Trust; and Sarah Rayner and John Hodgson at The John Rylands Library. We owe a considerable debt to the staff of the American Council of Learned Societies for their help and advice since the Project began. We particularly thank the president, Joy Connolly, former president, Pauline Yu, vice president, James Shulman, former vice president, Steven Wheatley, and Kelly Buttermore, for their generosity and unfailingly warm welcome.

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Among the others who advise and assist the editors in their work are Nick Gill, Randal Keynes, David Kohn, Gene Kritsky, Jim Moore, Garry J. Tee, and John van Wyhe. The editors are also pleased to acknowledge the invaluable support of the members of the Project’s Advisory Committee. Among the many research resources on which we rely, special mention should be made of the Biodiversity Heritage Library (www.biodiversitylibrary.org), the Darwin Manuscripts Project (www.amnh.org), and Darwin Online (darwin-online.org.uk). From 2009 to 2013 we were fortunate to work with a group of colleagues based at Harvard under the direction of Professor Janet Browne and supported by grants from the National Endowment for the Humanities and the National Science Foundation. We are grateful to the History of Science Department at Harvard for providing space and facilities, and to Janet Browne for making her time and expertise available. For help with particular enquiries in volume 29 the editors would like to thank, besides those already mentioned, Dr Christian Clarkson, Angela Darwin, Geraldine O’Driscoll, Dr Florian Englberger and Erich and Monika Englberger, Inga Fraser, Professor Philip Hardie, Dr Kai Torsten Kanz, Dr Joan Leopold, Felix Lorenz, Tiziana Mazzotta, Bettina Rex, Dr Irmgard Schwanke, Lindsay Siviter, Ann Kennedy Smith, Helen Snelling, and Claudia di Somma. We have relied heavily on expert technical assistance both from external consultants and from colleagues in Cambridge University in developing and maintaining our electronic resources, including our typesetting systems, and in making the correspondence available over the World Wide Web. We are particularly grateful to our colleagues Hal Blackburn, Iain Burke, Mary ChesterKadwell, Andrew Corrigan, Jennie Fletcher, Wojciech Giel, Lesley Gray, Huw Jones, Philip Jones, John Norcott, Jay Pema, Tuan Pham, Tristram Scott, Zhipeng Shan, Merina Tuladhar, and Tomasz Waldoch of Cambridge University Library. For past help, we particularly thank Maarten Bressinck, Simon Buck, Anne Clarke, Matthew Daws, Peter Dunn, Robin Fairbairns, Patricia Killiard, Chris Martin, John Norman, Martin Oldfield, and Grant Young. This volume has been typeset using Adobe InDesign. Thanks are also due to all former staff and associates of the Darwin Correspondence Project, including: Doris E. Andrews, Katie Ericksen Baca, Geoff Belknap, Sarah Benton, the late Charlotte Bowman, Heidi Bradshaw, Pamela J. Brant, Janet Browne, P. Thomas Carroll, Finlay Clarkson, Stefanie Cookson, Andrew Corrigan, Henry Cowles, Sheila Dean, Sophie Defrance, Mario Di Gregorio, Rhonda Edwards, Deborah Fitzgerald, Kate Fletcher, Megan Formato, Hedy Franks, Jane Mork Gibson, Nick Gill, Philippa Hardman, Joy Harvey, Arne Hessenbruch, Thomas Horrocks, Dorothy Huffman, Rachel Iliffe, Andrew Inkpen, Christine M. Joyner, Thomas Junker, Rebecca Kelley, Joan W. Kimball, Barbara A. Kimmelman, David Kohn, Jyothi Krishnan-Unni, Gene Kritsky, Sam Kuper, Kathleen Lane, Sarah Lavelle, Margot Levy, Robert Lindsey, Jean Macqueen, Nancy Mautner, Anna K. Mayer, William Montgomery, Eleanor Moore, Leslie

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Nye, Perry O’Donovan, Ann Parry, Stephen V. Pocock, Duncan Porter, John A. Reesman, Marsha L. Richmond, the late Peter Saunders, Andrew Sclater, Myrna Perez Shelton, Tracey Slotta, Jessee Smith, Kate Smith, the late Sydney Smith, Alison Soanes, Emma Spary, Alistair Sponsel, Nora Carroll Stevenson, Edith Stewart, Zuzana Jakubisinowa Toci, Jenna Tonn, Jonathan R. Topham, Charissa Varma, Tyler Veak, Ellis Weinberger, Béatrice Willis, Sarah Wilmot, Jeremy Wong, and Rebecca Woods. We also thank our project colleague, Sally Stafford. We are most grateful to Helen Taylor for providing the index to the current volume.

Copyright statement We gratefully acknowledge the families and estates of letter authors for permission to include their works in this publication, and particularly the Darwin family for permission to publish the texts of all letters written by Charles Darwin. We make every reasonable effort to trace the holders of copyright in letters written by persons other than Darwin where copyright permission is required for publication. If you believe you are a rights holder and are concerned that we have published or may publish in the future material for which you have not given permission and which is not covered by a legal exception or exemption, we would be most grateful if you would contact us in writing by post or email. Darwin Correspondence Project Cambridge University Library West Road Cambridge United Kingdom CB3 9DR Email: [email protected] The editors are grateful to the executors of Alfred Russel Wallace’s literary estate for permission to publish in this edition such letters by Wallace as remain in copyright. All intellectual property rights in such letters, including copyright in the typographical arrangement, remain with the executors. For more information visit http://wallaceletters.info/content/wallace-literary-estate. Thanks are due to The Provost and Scholars of King’s College, Cambridge, and The Society of Authors as the E.M. Forster Estate for permission to print the text of the letter from L. M. Forster to H. E. Litchfield, [11 June 1881].

PROVENANCES

The following list gives the locations of the original versions of the letters printed in this volume. The editors are grateful to all the institutions and individuals listed for allowing access to the letters in their care. Access to material in DAR 261 and DAR 263, formerly at Down House, Downe, Kent, England, is courtesy of English Heritage. Academy of Natural Sciences of Drexel University, The Ewell Sale Stewart Library, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, USA G. R. Agassiz ed. 1913 (publication) American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, USA Archives de la famille Candolle (private collection) Archives Gaston de Saporta (private collection) Archives of the New York Botanical Garden, Bronx, New York, USA Artis Library, Amsterdam, The Netherlands Francisco Ayala (private collection) Bayerische Staatsbibliothek München, Munich, Germany Bibliothèque de Genève, Geneva, Switzerland C. G. Boerner in Leipzig (dealer) Bonhams New York (dealers) Brigham Young University, Harold B. Lee Library, Provo, Utah, USA The British Library, London, England Bromley Historic Collections, Bromley Central Library, Bromley, London, England Cambridge University Library, Cambridge, England Centrum för vetenskapshistoria, Kungl. Vetenskapsakademien, Stockholm, Sweden Christie’s (dealers) Cleveland Health Sciences Library, Case Western Reserve University, Cleveland, Ohio, USA Cornford Family Papers (DAR 275) James Cranfield, Cranfield’s Curiosity Cabinet (dealer and private collector) CUL. See Cambridge University Library DAR. See Cambridge University Library De Beer ed. 1959b (publication) Duke University, Rubenstein Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Durham, North Carolina, USA

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The Edinburgh chair of natural history, testimonials in favor of E. Ray Lankester [1881] (publication) English Electric Co. 1953 (publication) English Heritage: Down House, Downe, Kent, England Ernst-Haeckel-Haus, Friedrich Schiller Universität, Jena, Germany Gray Herbarium of Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts, USA M. G. Hamer (private collection) Charles Hamilton (dealer) Harmas Jean-Henri Fabre, Sérignan-du-Comtat, France Harry Ransom Center, University of Texas at Austin, Austin, Texas, USA Haslemere Educational Museum, Haslemere, Surrey, England Historical Archive of the Museums of the University of Lisbon, Lisbon, Portugal The History Buff (dealer) Houghton Library, Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts, USA The Huntington Library, San Marino, California, USA Imperial College of Science, Technology and Medicine Archives, London, England Institut de France, Paris, France Institut Mittag-Leffler, Djursholm, Sweden Instituto de Estudios Coruñeses Jose Cornide, Coruña, Spain John Hay Library, Brown University, Providence, Rhode Island, USA Kinnordy MS (private collection) Det Kongelige Bibliotek, Copenhagen, Denmark Linnean Society of London, Piccadilly, London, England Maryland Historical Society, Baltimore, Maryland, USA Mitchell Library, State Library of New South Wales, Sydney, New South Wales, Australia ML (publication) Möller ed. 1915–21 (publication) National Library of Medicine, Bethesda, Maryland, USA National Library of Scotland, Edinburgh, Scotland National Museums Scotland, Edinburgh, Scotland National Records of Scotland, Edinburgh, Scotland Natural History Museum, Library and Archives, London, England Nature (publication) The New York Public Library. Astor, Lenox and Tilden Foundations. The Henry W. and Albert A. Berg Collection of English and American Literature. New York, USA North 1894 (publication) Rick Northwood (private collection) Oxford University Museum of Natural History, Oxford, England Papilio (publication) Pieces of the Past Auction (dealers) Barbara and Robert Pincus (private collection)

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Daniel Plunkett (private collection) Private collections, whose owners wish to remain anonymous Profiles in History (dealers) Record (publication) Rijksmuseum Boerhaave, Leiden, The Netherlands E. D. Romanes 1896 (publication) Rothamsted Research, Harpenden, Hertfordshire, England The Royal College of Surgeons of England, London, England David Schulson (dealer) A. C. Seward ed. 1909 (publication) Shrewsbury School, Taylor Library, Shrewsbury, Shropshire, England Smithsonian Libraries and Archives, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C., USA Sotheby’s (dealers) Sotheby’s New York (dealers) Sparks ed. 1836–40 (publication) Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin – Preußischer Kulturbesitz, Berlin, Germany J. A. Stargardt (dealer) State Library Victoria, Melbourne, Victoria, Australia Stockholms Auktionsverk (dealers) Sulivan family (private collection) The Times (publication) Tower Hamlets Independent and East London Advertiser (publication) Trustees of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, Richmond, Surrey UCL Library Services Special Collections, London, England Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek Düsseldorf, Dusseldorf, Germany University of California Berkeley, Bancroft Library, Berkeley, California, USA University of Chicago Library, Chicago, Illinois, USA The University of Liverpool Library Special Collections and Archives, Liverpool, England University of Otago Library, Dunedin, New Zealand Uppsala University Library, Uppsala, Sweden Wellcome Collection, London, England Western Mail (publication) Weiss 1948 (publication) John Wilson (dealer) Württembergische Landesbibliothek, Stuttgart, Germany Yale University Library: Manuscripts and Archives, New Haven, Connecticut, USA

A NOTE ON EDITORIAL POLICY

The first and chief objective of this edition is to provide complete and authoritative texts of Darwin’s correspondence. For every letter to or from Darwin, the text that is available to the editors is always given in full. The editors have occasionally included letters that are not to or from Darwin if they are relevant to the published correspondence. Volumes of the Correspondence are published in chronological order. Occasional supplements will be published containing letters that have come to light or have been redated since the relevant volumes of the Correspondence appeared. Letters that can only be given a wide date range, in some instances spanning several decades, are printed in the supplement following the volume containing letters at the end of their date range. The first such supplement was in volume 7 and included letters from 1828 to 1857; the second was in volume 13, and included letters from 1822 to 1864; the third was in volume 18, and included letters from 1835 to 1869; the fourth was in volume 24, and included letters from 1838 to 1875. Dating of letters and identification of correspondents In so far as it is possible, the letters have been dated, arranged in chronological order, and the recipients or senders identified. Darwin seldom wrote the full date on his letters and, unless the addressee was well known to him, usually wrote only ‘Dear Sir’ or ‘Dear Madam’. After the adoption of adhesive postage stamps in the 1840s, the separate covers that came into use with them were usually not preserved, and thus the dates and the names of many recipients of Darwin’s letters have had to be derived from other evidence. The notes made by Francis Darwin on letters sent to him for his editions of his father’s correspondence have been helpful, as have matching letters in the correspondence, but many dates and recipients have had to be deduced from the subject-matter or references in the letters themselves. Transcription policy Whenever possible, transcriptions have been made from manuscripts. If the manuscript was inaccessible but a photocopy or other facsimile version was available, that version has been used as the source. In many cases, the editors have had recourse to Francis Darwin’s large collection of copies of letters, compiled in the 1880s. Other copies, published letters, or drafts have been transcribed when they provided texts that were otherwise unavailable.

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The method of transcription employed in this edition is adapted from that described by Fredson Bowers in ‘Transcription of manuscripts: the record of variants’, Studies in Bibliography 29 (1976): 212–64. This system is based on accepted principles of modern textual editing and has been widely adopted in literary editions. The case for using the principles and techniques of this form of textual editing for historical and non-literary documents, both in manuscript and print, has been forcefully argued by G. Thomas Tanselle in ‘The editing of historical documents’, Studies in Bibliography 31 (1978): 1–56. The editors of the Correspondence followed Dr Tanselle in his conclusion that a ‘scholarly edition of letters or journals should not contain a text which has editorially been corrected, made consistent, or otherwise smoothed out’ (p. 48), but they have not wholly subscribed to the statement made earlier in the article that: ‘In the case of notebooks, diaries, letters and the like, whatever state they are in constitutes their finished form, and the question of whether the writer ‘‘intended’’ something else is irrelevant’ (p. 47). The editors have preserved the spelling, punctuation, and grammar of the original, but they have found it impossible to set aside entirely the question of authorial intent. One obvious reason is that in reading Darwin’s writing, there must necessarily be reliance upon both context and intent. Even when Darwin’s general intent is clear, there are cases in which alternative readings are, or may be, possible, and therefore the transcription decided upon must to some extent be conjectural. Where the editors are uncertain of their transcription, the doubtful text has been enclosed in italic square brackets. A major editorial decision was to adopt the so-called ‘clear-text’ method of transcription, which so far as possible keeps the text free of brackets recording deletions, insertions, and other alterations in the places at which they occur. Darwin’s changes are, however, recorded in the back matter of the volume, under ‘Manuscript alterations and comments’, in notes keyed to the printed text by paragraph and line number. All lines above the first paragraph of the letter (that is, date, address, or salutation) are referred to as paragraph ‘0’. Separate paragraph numbers are used for subscriptions and postscripts. This practice enables the reader who wishes to do so to reconstruct the manuscript versions of Darwin’s autograph letters, while furnishing printed versions that are uninterrupted by editorial interpolations. The Manuscript alterations and comments record all alterations made by Darwin in his letters and any editorial amendments made in transcription, and also where part of a letter has been written by an amanuensis; they do not record alterations made by amanuenses. No attempt has been made to record systematically all alterations to the text of copies of Darwin letters included in the correspondence, but ambiguous passages in copies are noted. The editors believe it would be impracticable to attempt to go further without reliable information about the texts of the original versions of the letters concerned. Letters to Darwin have been transcribed without recording any of the writers’ alterations unless they reflect significant changes in substance or impede the sense; in such cases footnotes bring them to the reader’s attention. Misspellings have been preserved, even when it is clear that they were unintentional: for instance, ‘lawer’ for ‘lawyer’. Such errors often indicate excitement

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or haste and may exhibit, over a series of letters, a habit of carelessness in writing to a particular correspondent or about a particular subject. Capital letters have also been transcribed as they occur except in certain cases, such as ‘m’, ‘k’, and ‘c’, which are frequently written somewhat larger than others as initial letters of words. In these cases an attempt has been made to follow the normal practice of the writers. In some instances that are not misspellings in a strict sense, editorial corrections have been made. In his early manuscripts and letters Darwin consistently wrote ‘bl’ so that it looks like ‘lb’ as in ‘albe’ for ‘able’, ‘talbe’ for ‘table’. Because the form of the letters is so consistent in different words, the editors consider that this is most unlikely to be a misspelling but must be explained simply as a peculiarity of Darwin’s handwriting. Consequently, the affected words have been transcribed as normally spelled and no record of any alteration is given in the textual apparatus. Elsewhere, though, there are misformed letters that the editors have recorded because they do, or could, affect the meaning of the word in which they appear. The main example is the occasional inadvertent crossing of ‘l’. When the editors are satisfied that the intended letter was ‘l’ and not ‘t’, as, for example, in ‘stippers’ or ‘istand’, then ‘l’ has been transcribed, but the actual form of the word in the manuscript has been given in the Manuscript alterations and comments. If the only source for a letter is a copy, the editors have frequently retained corrections made to the text when it is clear that they were based upon comparison with the original. Francis Darwin’s corrections of misreadings by copyists have usually been followed; corrections to the text that appear to be editorial alterations have not been retained. Editorial interpolations in the text are in square brackets. Italic square brackets enclose conjectured readings and descriptions of illegible passages. To avoid confusion, in the few instances in which Darwin himself used square brackets, they have been altered by the editors to parentheses with the change recorded in the Manuscript alterations and comments. In letters to Darwin, square brackets have been changed to parentheses silently. Material that is irrecoverable because the manuscript has been torn or damaged is indicated by angle brackets; any text supplied within them is obviously the responsibility of the editors. Occasionally, the editors are able to supply missing sections of text by using ultraviolet light (where text has been lost owing to damp) or by reference to transcripts or photocopies of manuscript material made before the damage occurred. Words and passages that have been underlined for emphasis are printed in italics in accordance with conventional practice. Where the author of a letter has indicated greater emphasis by underlining a word or passage two or more times, the text is printed in bold type. Paragraphs are often not clearly indicated in the letters. Darwin and others sometimes marked a change of subject by leaving a somewhat larger space than usual between sentences; sometimes Darwin employed a longer dash. In these

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cases, and when the subject is clearly changed in very long stretches of text, a new paragraph has been started by the editors without comment. The beginnings of letters, valedictions, and postscripts are also treated as new paragraphs regardless of whether they appear as new paragraphs in the manuscript. Special manuscript devices delimiting sections or paragraphs, for example, blank spaces left between sections of text and lines drawn across the page, are treated as normal paragraph indicators and are not specially marked or recorded unless their omission leaves the text unclear. Occasionally punctuation marking the end of a clause or sentence is not present in the manuscript; in such cases, the editors have inserted an extra space following the sentence or clause to set it off from the following text. Additions to a letter that run over into the margins, or are continued at its head or foot, are transcribed at the point in the text at which the editors believe they were intended to be read. The placement of such an addition is only recorded in a footnote if it seems to the editors to have some significance or if the position at which it should be transcribed is unclear. Enclosures are transcribed following the letter. The hand-drawn illustrations and diagrams that occur in some letters are reproduced as faithfully as possible and are usually positioned as they were in the original text. In some cases, however, it has been necessary to reduce the size of a diagram or enhance an outline for clarity; any such alterations are recorded in footnotes. The location of diagrams within a letter is sometimes changed for typesetting reasons. Tables have been reproduced as close to the original format as possible, given typesetting constraints. Some Darwin letters and a few letters to Darwin are known only from entries in the catalogues of book and manuscript dealers or mentions in other published sources. Whatever information these sources provide about the content of such letters has been reproduced without substantial change. Any errors detected are included in footnotes. Format of published letters The format in which the transcriptions are printed in the Correspondence is as follows: 1. Order of letters. The letters are arranged in chronological sequence. A letter that can be dated only approximately is placed at the earliest date on which the editors believe it could have been written. The basis of a date supplied by the editors is given in a footnote unless it is derived from a postmark, watermark, or endorsement that is recorded in the physical description of the letter (see section 4, below). Letters with the same date, or with a range of dates commencing with that date, are printed in the alphabetical order of their senders or recipients unless their contents dictate a clear alternative order. Letters dated only to a year or a range of years precede letters that are dated to a particular month or range of months, and these, in turn, precede those that are dated to a particular day or range of dates commencing with a particular day.

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2. Headline. This gives the name of the sender or recipient of the letter and its date. The date is given in a standard form, but those elements not taken directly from the letter text are supplied in square brackets. The name of the sender or recipient is enclosed in square brackets only where the editors regard the attribution as doubtful. 3. The letter text. The transcribed text follows as closely as possible the layout of the source, although no attempt is made to produce a type-facsimile of the manuscript: word-spacing and line-division in the running text are not adhered to. Similarly, the typography of printed sources is not replicated. Dates and addresses given by authors are transcribed as they appear, except that if both the date and the address are at the head of the letter they are always printed on separate lines with the address first, regardless of the manuscript order. If no address is given on a letter by Darwin, the editors have supplied one, when able to do so, in square brackets at the head of the letter. Similarly, if Darwin was writing from an address different from the one given on the letter, his actual location is given in square brackets. Addresses on printed stationery are transcribed in italics. Addresses, dates, and valedictions have been run into single lines to save space, but the positions of line-breaks in the original are marked by vertical bars. 4. Physical description. All letters are complete and in the hand of the sender unless otherwise indicated. If a letter was written by an amanuensis, or exists only as a draft or a copy, or is incomplete, or is in some other way unusual, then the editors provide the information needed to complete the description. Postmarks, endorsements, and watermarks are recorded only when they are evidence for the date or address of the letter. 5. Source. The final line provides the provenance of the text. Some sources are given in abbreviated form (for example, DAR 140: 18) but are listed in full in the List of provenances unless the source is a published work. Letters in private collections are also indicated. References to published works are given in author–date or shorttitle form, with full titles and publication details supplied in the Bibliography at the end of the volume. 6. Darwin’s annotations. Darwin frequently made notes in the margins of the letters he received, scored significant passages, and crossed through details that were of no further interest to him. These annotations are transcribed or described following the letter text. They are keyed to the letter text by paragraph and line numbers. Most notes are short, but occasionally they run from a paragraph to several pages, and sometimes they are written on separate sheets appended to the letter. Extended notes relating to a letter are transcribed whenever practicable following the annotations as ‘CD notes’. Quotations from Darwin manuscripts in footnotes and elsewhere, and the text of his annotations and notes on letters, are transcribed in ‘descriptive’ style. In this method the alterations in the text are recorded in brackets at the places where they occur. For example: ‘See Daubeny [‘vol. 1’ del] for *descriptions of volcanoes in [interl] S.A.’ ink means that Darwin originally wrote in ink ‘See Daubeny vol. 1 for S.A.’ and then

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deleted ‘vol. 1’ and inserted ‘descriptions of volcanoes in’ after ‘for’. The asterisk before ‘descriptions’ marks the beginning of the interlined phrase, which ends at the bracket. The asterisk is used when the alteration applies to more than the immediately preceding word. The final text can be read simply by skipping the material in brackets. Descriptive style is also used in the Manuscript alterations and comments. Editorial matter Each volume is self-contained, having its own index, bibliography, and biographical register. A chronology of Darwin’s activities covering the period of each volume and translations of foreign-language letters are supplied, and additional appendixes give supplementary material where appropriate to assist the understanding of the correspondence. References are supplied for all persons, publications, and subjects mentioned, even though some repetition of material in earlier volumes is involved. If the name of a person mentioned in a letter is incomplete or incorrectly spelled, the full, correct form is given in a footnote. Brief biographies of persons mentioned in the letters, and dates of each correspondent’s letters to and from Darwin in the current volume, are given in the Biographical register and index to correspondents. Where a personal name serves as a company name, it is listed according to the family name but retains its original order: for example, ‘E. Schweizerbart’sche Verlagsbuchhandlung’ is listed under ‘S’, not ‘E’. Short titles are used for references to Darwin’s books and articles and to collections of his letters (e.g., Descent, ‘Parallel roads of Glen Roy’, LL). They are also used for some standard reference works and for works with no identifiable author (e.g., Alum. Cantab., Wellesley index, DNB). For all other works, author–date references are used. References to the Bible are to the authorised King James version unless otherwise stated. Words not in Chambers dictionary are usually defined in the footnotes with a source supplied. The full titles and publication details of all books and papers referred to are given in the Bibliography. References to archival material, for instance that in the Darwin Archive at Cambridge University Library, are not necessarily exhaustive. Darwin and his correspondents writing in English consistently used the term ‘fertilisation’ for the processes that are now distinguished as fertilisation (the fusion of female and male gametes) and pollination (the transfer of pollen from anther to stigma); the first usage known to the editors of a distinct term for pollination in English was in 1873 (letter from A. W. Bennett, 12 July 1873 (Calendar no. 8976)). ‘Fertilisation’ in Darwin’s letters and publications often, but not always, can be regarded as referring to what is now termed pollination. In the footnotes, the editors, where possible, have used the modern terms where these can assist in explaining the details of experimental work. When Darwin or his correspondents are quoted directly, their original usage is never altered. The editors use the abbreviation ‘CD’ for Charles Darwin throughout the footnotes. A list of all abbreviations used by the editors in this volume is given on p. xlviii.

The Wedgwood and Darwin Robert Waring Darwin = Susannah Wedgwood 1766–1848 1765–1817 Henry Parker = Marianne 1788–1856 1798–1858 Robert 1825–1907 Henry 1827–92 Francis 1829–71 Charles 1831–1905 Mary Susan 1836–93 Susan Elizabeth 1803–66

Caroline Sarah = Josiah III (Jos) 1795–1880 1800–88 Sophy Marianne 1838–9 Katherine Elizabeth Sophy (Sophy) 1842–1911 Margaret Susan 1843–1937 Lucy Caroline 1846–1919

Erasmus Alvey 1804–81 Charles Langton = Emily Catherine (Catherine) 1801–86 1810–66

Charles Robert = Emma 1808–96 1809–82

Sara Price Ashburner Sedgwick = William Erasmus 1839–1902 1839–1914 Anne Elizabeth 1841–51 Mary Eleanor Sept.–Oct. 1842 Richard Buckley Litchfield = Henrietta Emma (Etty) 1843–1927 1832–1903 George Howard 1845–1912 Elizabeth (Bessy) 1847–1926 Amy Richenda Ruck = Francis (Frank) 1850–76 1848–1925 Bernard Richard Meirion 1876–1961 Leonard 1850–1943

= Horace Ida Farrer 1851–1928 1854–1946 Erasmus 1881–1915 Charles Waring 1856–8

Families up to 1881 Josiah Wedgwood II = Elizabeth (Bessy) Allen 1764–1846 1769–1843 Sarah Elizabeth (Elizabeth) 1793–1880 Mary Anne 1796–8 Charles Langton = Charlotte 1801–86 1797–1862 Edmund 1841–75 Henry Allen = Jessie Wedgwood 1804–72 (Harry) Frances Mosley = Francis 1799–1885 Louisa Frances 1834–1903 (Frank) (Fanny Frank) Caroline Elizabeth (Carry) 1807–74 1800–88 1836–1916 Godfrey 1833–1905 John Darwin 1840–70 Amy 1835–1910 Anne Jane 1841–77 Cicely Mary 1837–1917 Arthur 1843–1900 Clement Francis Rowland Henry 1840–89 1847–1921 Laurence 1844–1913 Hensleigh = Frances Emma Elizabeth Constance Rose 1846–1903 (Fanny) Mackintosh 1803–91 1800–89 Mabel Frances Frances 1852–1930 (Fanny) Frances Julia (Snow) 1806–32 1833–1913 James Mackintosh (Bro) 1834–64 Ernest Hensleigh 1838–98 Katherine Euphemia (Effie) 1839–1931 Alfred Allen 1842–92 Hope Elizabeth (Dot) 1844–1935

ABBREVIATIONS AL ALS DS LS LS(A) Mem pc (S) TLS

autograph letter autograph letter signed document signed letter in hand of amanuensis, signed by sender letter in hand of amanuensis with additions by sender memorandum postcard signed with sender’s name by amanuensis typed letter signed

CD CUL DAR del illeg interl underl

Charles Darwin Cambridge University Library Darwin Archive, Cambridge University Library deleted illegible interlined underlined TRANSCRIPTION CONVENTIONS

[some text] [some text] [some text] ⟨ ⟩ ⟨some text⟩ ⟨some text⟩

‘some text’ is an editorial insertion ‘some text’ is the conjectured reading of an ambiguous word or passage ‘some text’ is a description of a word or passage that cannot be transcribed, e.g., ‘3 words illeg’ word(s) destroyed ‘some text’ is a suggested reading for a destroyed word or passage ‘some text’ is a description of a destroyed word or passage, e.g., ‘3 lines excised’

New Zealand flowers and fruit by Marianne North. The spherical plant in the foreground is the ‘vegetable sheep’ (Raoulia eximia): see letter to Marianne North, 2 August 1881. Painting 721 © Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew.

THE CORRESPONDENCE OF CHARLES DARWIN 1881

From W. E. Darwin   1 January [1881]1 Bank, Southampton, Jan 1 1880 My dear Father, It is a nuisance to have these bonds paid off; the simplest way is to sell them as the Manager proposes. $10,000 = £20402 why not buy $10,000 Pennsylvania General Mortgage payable 1910 price is 127— therefore $10,000 will cost £2540 or $8000 will cost £2035 or, and will pay 434 per cent.3 Or Massachusetts state loan 5 per cent payable in gold as follows 1891—at 109 1895 at 111 1900 at 114 are perfectly safe, if they can be bought. Metropolitan 312 per cent Stock4 is at 10512 and will only pay 314 percent. or Baltimore & Ohio 6 per cent Mortgage payble. 1910 at 121 is I believe quite safe. Your affect son | W. E. Darwin P.S. Southampton Dock5 Debenture 412 per cent Stock is at 110 The liabilities of the company are as follows. £82 300 Mortgage Debes. 41 per cent Deb: Stock £217.700 2

£1,165,625

ordinary & prefce Stock

so that the Deb: Stock should be quite safe Cornford Family Papers (DAR 275: 75) CD annotation Verso of 3d page: ‘3 [circled pencil] First Mortgage | Bonds of Illinois Central R’ pencil; ‘11 [circled pencil] City of Boston Bonds | if to run about [interl] ten years’6 pencil

2 1 2 3 4 5

6

January 1881 William wrote ‘1880’ in error; the year is established by the reference to bonds bought and sold in CD’s Investment book and Account books (see nn. 2 and 3 below). CD had purchased Pennsylvania Central Railway bonds in 1852; these were sold in January 1881 for £2044 5s. 5d. (CD’s Investment book (Down House MS), pp. 61, 110). CD bought ‘Pennsylvania R. General Mortgage Bonds’ for £1980 in January 1881 (CD’s Account books–banking account (Down House MS)). 1 In 1870 and 1871, CD had purchased ‘Metropolitan consolidated stock’, which paid 32 per cent; he purchased more in December 1881 (CD’s Investment book (Down House MS), pp. 136, 166). The Southampton Dock Company had been formed in 1836 to build docks in the port; it continued to manage the docks until 1892, when ownership passed to the London and South Western Railway Company (Roussel 2009, pp. 12, 17). The notes are for CD’s reply of 3 January [1881].

To V. O. Kovalevsky   1 and 6 January 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Jan 1st 1881. My dear Sir I am very much obliged to you for your kind & magnificent present of the fine Russian Tea; & I will this evening drink your good health in a cup of it.— I enjoyed much seeing you & Madame Kovalevsky the other day in London, & I rejoice at your prosperity & at your appointment at Moscow.—1 I feel sure that you will do real good work.— My dear Sir | yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin Jan. 6th. This letter has been returned to me by the Post-Office, marked not known at 13. Montague St | Russell Sqr2 Institut Mittag-Leffler (Sophie Kowalevski collections, box 3) 1

2

CD had had lunch with Kovalevsky and his wife Sofia Vasilyevna Kovalevskaya at Queen Anne Street in London on 9 December 1880 (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter to G. H. Darwin, 9 December [1880]). Kovalevsky had been appointed associate professor of geology at Moscow University (see ibid., letter from V. O. Kovalevsky, [after 21 November 1880]). CD had been given this address for the Kovalevskys during their stay in London (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter to G. H. Darwin, 9 December [1880]).

From A. R. Wallace   1 January 1881 Pen-y-bryn, St. Peter’s Rd.; Croydon. Jany. 1st. 1881 My dear Darwin I have been intending to write to you for some weeks to call your attention to what seems to me a striking confirmation (or at all events a support) of my views of the land migration of plants from mountain to mountain.1 In Nature of Dec. 9 p. 126 Mr. Baker of Kew describes a number of the alpine plants of Madagascar as being identical species with some found on the Mtns. of Abyssinia, the Cameroons, & other African mountains.2 Now if there is one thing more clear than another it is that Madagascar

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has been separated from Africa since the Miocene (probably the early Miocene) epoch— These plants must therefore have reached the island, either, since then, in which case they certainly must have passed through the air for long distances,— or at the time of the union. But the Miocene and Eocene periods were certainly warm, & these Alpine plants could hardly have migrated over tropical forest lands, while it is very improbable that if they had been isolated at so remote a period exposed to such distinct climatal and organic environments as in Madagascar and Abyssinia, they would have in both places retained their specific characters unchanged. The presumption is, therefore, that they are comparatively recent immigrants, & if so must have passed across the sea from mountain to mountain,— for the richness & speciality of the Madagascar forest-vegetation renders it certain that no recent glacial epoch has seriously affected that island. Hoping that you are in good health & wishing you the compliments of the season, I remain | Yours very faithfully | Alfred R. Wallace. Charles Darwin F.R.S DAR 271.6: a6 1

2

For Wallace’s views on the migration of alpine plants across mountain chains and the role of wind as means of seed dispersal, see Wallace 1880a, pp. 248–9 and 480–91. For CD’s criticism, see Correspondence vol. 28, letter to A. R. Wallace, 3 November 1880, enclosure, and letter to J. D. Hooker, 23 November 1880. The note, ‘Plants of Madagascar’, was by John Gilbert Baker, assistant in the herbarium at the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew.

From T. H. Farrer   2 January [1881]1 11, Bryanston Square. | W. 2 January/80 My dear Mr Darwin I have forwarded your note and papers to Caird; and have no doubt he will agree with me in thinking that it would be worse than idle to return money to the subscribers which they meant to be devoted to a promising experiment, not yet concluded. If so I hope you will keep the money for Mr Torbitt.2 I should much like to try some of Mr T’s varieties at Abinger. Would he send me some addressed to Payne3—Abinger Hall Gomshall Station at what he thinks a perfectly remunerative price. But why should I trouble you with this. I can write myself & will do so I have been meaning to write to you about your last book which you were so good as to send me, but delayed doing so till I had finished it—4 And now Bankruptcy & I know not what more has intervened and when it will be finished who knows.5 But I cannot act on your advice and be satisfied with the last chapter. Pemmican will not digest properly.6 It is hardly possible to follow every experiment (how many are there!)—but I find that some must be followed in order to make general results stick in the mind.

4

January 1881 I am no judge but these results strike me as most important & most interesting Sincerely yours | T H Farrer

DAR 164: 96 CD annotation 1.2 Would … price. 1.7] double scored pencil 1

2

3 4 5 6

The year is established by the relationship between this letter, the letter to T. H. Farrer, 30 December 1880 (Correspondence vol. 28), and the letter from James Caird, 3 January 1881. Farrer evidently wrote ‘1880’ in error. CD had sent Farrer a report of James Torbitt’s experiments in breeding a blight-resistant variety of potato, and a statement of Torbitt’s expenses (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter to T. H. Farrer, 30 December 1880). CD, Farrer, and James Caird had all contributed to a subscription to support Torbitt’s work (see ibid., letter to James Torbitt, 6 March 1880). George Payne was the gardener at Abinger Hall. Movement in plants was published in November 1880; Farrer’s name appears on CD’s presentation list for the book (Correspondence vol. 28, Appendix IV). In 1881, the president of the Board of Trade, Joseph Chamberlain, submitted a bill to the House of Commons to reform bankruptcy law; a new Bankruptcy Act was passed in 1883 (EB). CD had suggested to others that they read only the introduction and last chapter of Movement in plants (see, for example, Correspondence vol. 28, letter to A. R. Wallace, 3 November 1880). Pemmican: dried lean meat ground into a coarse powder.

From Ernst Krause1   2 January 1881 Berlin N.O. Friedenstrasse 11. 3 Tr. den 2.1.1881. Hochverehrter Herr! Indem ich Ihnen mit bestem Danke das Eintreffen Ihres freundlichen Schreibens t vom 26. vorigen Monats bestätige2 und meine herzlichen Wünsche zum Jahreswechsel vorausschicke, muss ich sogleich um Entschuldigung bitten, dass meine Antwort so spät kommt. Durch einen Zufall hat sich nämlich die Fertigstellung des JanuarHeftes vom “Kosmos” um einige Tage verspätet, und da ich Ihnen meine darin abgedruckte Antwort auf Herrn Butlers Anklagen mitzusenden wünschte, so habe ich meine Antwort von einem Tage auf den andern verschoben, weil ich stets glaubte, am nächsten Morgen würden die gewünschten Abzüge eintreffen.3 Dies ist erst heute geschehen, und ich beeile mich, sie Ihnen mit den erforderlichen Correcturen einzusenden. In dieser Erklärung bin ich nicht näher auf den Vorwurf eingegangen, dass ich seinem Buche die Bemerkung Coleridge’s u. das Citat aus Buffon entnommen habe. Die erstere war mir vor vier Jahren im Athenäum selbst aufgefallen, sie ist in deutschen Zeitschriften discutirt, und unter andern in dem von mir citirten Werke Zöckler’s (Life of Erasmus Darwin p.  151) welches vor dem Erscheinen des Opus  4  fertig vorlag, enthalten. Die Stelle aus Buffon habe ich in der That aus Butler’s Werk entliehen, und habe mich nachher in einer hiesigen Bibliothek überzeugt, dass das Citat im Allgemeinen richtig war.4 In dem Original-Manuskript

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hatte ich hierbei speciel auf Butler’s Buch hingewiesen, und dabei bemerkt, dass Mr. Butler Buffon’s Ansichten meistens missverstanden habe. Diese Theile waren aber von Ihnen nachträglich gestrichen worden.5 Um nun auf diesen Punkt noch besonders einzugehen, habe ich eine zweite Erwiederung, für den englischen Leser speciale aufgesetzt, welche, wenn Sie Ihnen passender erscheint, vielleicht von Mr. Dallas freundlichst im nächsten Hefte seiner Popular Science Review aufgenommen werden würde?6 In letzterem Falle würde ich Sie bitten, an dieser Antwort nach Ihrem freundlichen Ermessen ändern und kürzen zu wollen, wie es Ihnen am besten erscheinen würde. Es handelt sich in diesem Falle ja gar nicht um mich, sondern nur darum die beispiellos malitiösen Angriffe gegen Ihre Person zurückzuweisen. Mr.  Butler sucht überall im Trüben zu fischen, seine ganzen Angriffe sind meiner Überzeugung nach, wider besseres Wissen, auf Täuschung der Leser berechnet. Bei uns wäre ein so alberner Angriff fast nicht denkbar. Die Mittheilungen, welche ich Ihnen neulich über einen Prof. Jäger zugestossanen Unfall, und über ein Eingehen des Kosmos gemacht habe, sind glücklicherweise beide auf einen Irrthum zurückzuführen. Der ersteren lag eine Verwechselung der Person zu Grunde,—der Unfall hat einen andern Prof. Jaeger in Stuttgart getroffen7—und was den Kosmos betrifft, so ist derselbe von Herrn Eduard Koch in Stuttgart, dem Verleger Ihrer Werke, gekauft worden und wird von demselben ganz in der bisherigen Form weiter geführt werden. Herr Koch theilt darin nicht die Ansicht seines Vorgängers, welcher allerdings mit der Absicht umging, das Journal in eine Wochenschrift umzuwandeln.8 Um den Abgang dieses Briefes noch mit dem heutigen Eisenbahnzuge zu ermöglichen, schliesse ich diese Zeilen mit der Bitte, dass Sie den traurigen Angriffen Butlers nicht mehr Beachtung schenken möchten, als dieselben verdienen und zeichne, hochverehrter Herr | Ihr | dankbar ergebenster | Ernst Krause P.S. Ich vermuthe, dass die im Manuscript beigefügte Erwiederung gelungener ausgefallen ist. [Enclosure] Unconscious memory by Samuel Butler Opus 5. London David Bogue 1880, 208p in 8 In diesem Buche, welches sich im Wesentlichen mit dem Nachweise beschäftigt, dass die von Mr Butler in seinem Opus 3 (Life and Habit)9 ausgesprochenen Ideen lange vorher von deutschen Naturforschern und Philosophen—nur mit grösserer Schärfe und in wissentschaftlicher Fassung—dargelegt worden sind, befinden sich eine Reihe grundloser Verdächtigungen gegen Herrn Charles Darwin und den Unterzeichneten, die hier der Reihe nach wiederligt werden sollen: I) Mr Butler behauptet Mr Darwin habe meinen in Feb  1879 veröffentlichten Aufsatz über Dr Erasmus Darwin nur deshalb in’s Englische übersetzen lassen, um sein (Mr Butler’s) im Mai? 1879 erschienenes Opus 4 (Evolution Old and New) zu

6

January 1881

diskreditiren. Ich bemerke hierauf, dass Herr Darwin mir mehr als zwei Monate vor dem Erscheinen jenes Buches siene Absicht kundgethan hat, meinen Aufsatz in englischer Sprache herauszugeben, worauf ich um einen Aufschub bat um eine Überarbeitung vorzunehmen10 II) Die Annahme des Herrn Butler, nach welchen Herr Darwin mich veranlasst haben soll, einige versteckte Angriffe gegen ihn (Mr B) in meine Skizze einzuschalten, ist in dem Maasse unbegründet, dan Mr Darwin im Gegentheil mich ersucht hat, von dem inzwischen erschienenem Buche des Herrn Butler keinerlei Notiz zu nehmen.11 Da es indessen zum Ruhme des Dr Erasmus Darwin beiträgt, dass seine Ansichten über die Entwickelung der lebenden Welt, noch heute gewissen “Denkern” genügen, so habe ich dies in einem schlusssatze und ohne Mr Butler zu nennen, angedeutet. Ich muss ausdrücklich hervorheben, dass Herr Darwin an meiner Arbeit zwar einige kürzungen vorgenommen, aber keinerlei Zusätze gemacht, oder mir vorgeschlagen hat. III) Wenn Herr Butler verkündet, meine Revision sei “by the light’ seines Buches geschehen, so ist dies insofern richtig, dass ich dusselbe noch vor Absendung meiner Arbeit gelesen habe und durch ihn auf einer stelle Buffon’s aufmerksam geworden bin. Über Dr Erasmus Darwins wissentschafliche Ansichten und Schriften habe ich dem genannten Buche nicht die geringste Andentung entnommen, oder entnehmen können, da dasselbe fast nur eine Stelle der Zoonomia ausführlicher diskutirt, die ich bereits vor ihm citirt hatte, während er den Botanic Garden nur in einer wenig wesenlichen stelle, die ‘Phytologia’ und den ‘Temple of Nature’ gar nicht benutzt hat,12 so dass ich von seiner höchst oberflächlichen Arbeit keine Zeile brauchen konnte. Herrn Butler’s Behauptung, dass ich ihm eine Bemerkung von Coleridge entnommen habe, ist völlig grundlos. Ich kannte diesselbe seit Jahren aus der von mir genauer, als von ihm selbst citirten Quelle, sie ist überdem in dem (S 151) von mir citirten und vor Butler’s Opus  4  erschienenern Werke Zöckler’s (Bd II S 256) ebenfalls erwähnt.13 Das gesammte “Licht,” welches ich Herrn Butler verdanke beschränkt sich also auf eine Citat aus Buffon! IV) Was nun die Hauptbeschuldigang betrifft, dass die vorgenommene Revision meines Aufsatzes in der Vorrede nicht erwähnt is, so handelt es sich, wie ein Kind einsehen kann, hierbei um keine Absicht, sondern lediglich nur ein Versehen. Wenn ein Schriftstetter in einem zurückdatirten Artikel eine später erschienene Schrift angreifen wollte, so wäre dass einfach absurd, und weitenfernt, dass die “Fälschung” Herrn Butler schaden könnte, konnte sie ihm nur angenehm sein, da sie dem anaufmerksamen Leser veraulassen musste, zu glauben, Mr Butler sei in dem Schlusssatze for nicht gemeint.14 War er aber gemeint—und für jeden Eingeweiheten erscheint das zweifillos,—so wird jeder Mensch mit gesundem Verstande, die fürchterliche “Fälschung” sofort als einfaches Versehen erkennen Berlin 2 Januar 1881 (signed) Ernst Krause DAR 92: B61; DAR 221.2: 27

January 1881 1 2 3

4

5 6 7 8 9 10

11

12 13 14

7

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. See Correspondence vol. 28, letter to Ernst Krause, 26 December 1880. Krause’s review of Butler 1880 was published in Kosmos (Krause 1881b). Samuel Butler had accused Krause and CD of making unacknowledged use of his work (see Butler 1880, pp. 58–79). CD had informed Krause of Butler’s accusations in his letter of 26 December 1880 (Correspondence vol. 28). Opus 4 was Butler 1879. The quotation from Samuel Taylor Coleridge was taken by Krause from the Athenæum, 27 March 1875, p. 423 (see Erasmus Darwin, p. 134). The quotation from Georges Louis Leclerc, comte de Buffon, had appeared in Butler 1879, p. 120; however, in Erasmus Darwin, pp. 147–8, Krause cited the original source (Buffon et al. 1749–1804, 5: 104). Krause also cited Otto Zöckler’s Geschichte der Beziehungen zwischen Theologie und Naturwissenschaft (History of the relations between theology and natural science; Zöckler 1877–9) in Erasmus Darwin, p. 151 n. CD had asked Krause to make substantial cuts to his essay in Erasmus Darwin (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter to Ernst Krause, 13 August 1879, and letter from Ernst Krause, 16 August 1879). William Sweetland Dallas was the editor of Popular Science Review. An English translation of Krause’s reply to Butler was published in Nature, 27 January 1881, p. 288. Krause had informed CD that Gustav Jäger had fallen under a train (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter from Ernst Krause, 4 December 1880); the other Professor Jäger has not been identified. On the purchase of Kosmos by Eduard Koch, the head of E. Schweizerbart’sche Verlagsbuchhandlung, see Correspondence vol. 28, letter from Ernst Krause, 4 December 1880. Butler 1878. CD had requested permission to publish an English translation of Krause’s essay on Erasmus Darwin (Krause 1879) in his letter of 9 March 1879 (Correspondence vol. 27). Butler 1879 was published on 3 May 1879; CD had been told about it by Dallas, and had also seen a notice of publication (see ibid., letter from W. S. Dallas, 9 May 1879, and letter to Ernst Krause, 13 May 1879 and n. 3). Krause had asked for time to revise and enlarge the essay in his letters of 12 March 1879 and 30 March 1879 (ibid.). For Krause’s initial assessment of Butler 1879, see his letter of 7 June 1879 (Correspondence vol. 27). CD had written to Krause, ‘I hope that you will not expend much powder & shot on Mr. Butler, for he really is not worthy of it. His work is merely ephemeral’ (ibid., letter to Ernst Krause, 9 June [1879]). E. Darwin 1789–91, E. Darwin 1794–6, E. Darwin 1800, and E. Darwin 1803. For the reference to Coleridge, see Zöckler 1877–9, 2: 256. The allusion to Butler appeared in the final sentence of Krause’s essay in Erasmus Darwin, p. 216: ‘Erasmus Darwin’s system was in itself a most significant first step in the path of knowledge which his grandson has opened up for us, but the wish to revive it at the present day as has actually been seriously attempted shows a weakness of thought and a mental anachronism which no man can envy.’

To A. R. Wallace   2 January 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Jan 2d 1881 My dear Wallace. The case which you give is a very striking one, & I had overlooked it in Nature.—1 But I remain as great a heretic as ever. Any supposition seems to me more probable than that the seeds of plants shd have been blown from the Mountains of Abyssinia or other central mountains of Africa to the Mountains of Madagascar.—2 It seems to me almost infinitely more probable that Madagascar extended far to the South during the Glacial period & that the S. Hemisphere was according to Croll then more temperate;3 & that the whole of Africa was then peopled with some temperate forms, which crossed chiefly by agency of Birds & sea-currents, & some few by the wind from the shores of Africa to Madagascar, subsequently ascending to the mountains.4

8

January 1881

How lamentable it is that two men shd take such widely different views, with the same facts before them; but this seems to be almost regularly our case, & much do I regret it.— I am fairly well, but always feel half dead with fatigue.— I heard but an indifferent account of your health some time ago,5 but trust that you are now somewhat stronger.— Believe me, my dear Wallace | Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin The British Library (Add MS 46434) 1

2 3

4 5

Wallace had referred CD to an article in Nature on the close similarity between the alpine flora of Madagascar and that of the mountain regions of continental Africa (see letter from A. R. Wallace, 1 January 1881). See letter from A. R. Wallace, 1 January 1881 and n. 1. James Croll had theorised that glacial periods alternated between hemispheres (Croll 1868). CD had used Croll’s theory to account for the survival of tropical species during an ice age (Origin 6th ed., pp. 336–42). CD had emphasised ocean currents and birds as a means of transport in Origin 6th ed., pp. 325–8. On Wallace’s health, see Correspondence vol. 28, letter from Alfred Tylor, 20 March 1880.

To H. W. Bates   3 January 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Jan. 3d. 1881 (After our 2d Post) My dear Bates I am rather alarmed about the Memorial for Wallace.— Mr. Sclater wrote that he had forwarded it to you.— Have you received it & on what day did you forward it to Sir J. Hooker.?1 Pray forgive me troubling you.— I am much disappointed in not having been able to get the M. into Mr Gladstone’s hands some days before meeting of Parliament.—2 Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin Cleveland Health Sciences Library (Robert M. Stecher collection) 1

2

CD was circulating a memorial for a civil list pension for Alfred Russel Wallace. CD had sent it to Philip Lutley Sclater; it was then to be forwarded to Bates, Joseph Dalton Hooker, and finally Thomas Henry Huxley (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter to P. L. Sclater, 29 December 1880). Sclater’s letter to CD has not been found. For a transcription of a draft of the memorial, see Correspondence vol. 28, Appendix VI. The memorial was to be presented to the prime minister, William Ewart Gladstone; Parliament was to convene on 6 January 1881 (Journals of the House of Commons. Session 1881).

From James Caird   3 January 1881 3, S.t James’s Square, | S.W. Jany 3. 81 Dear Mr. Darwin Farrer has sent for my perusal the papers inclosed with your letter to him of 30 Dec.1

January 1881

9

I have read them with great interest, and think it would be a great pity for Mr. Torbitt to discontinue his Experiments. In this Mr. Farrer agrees—and we both think that none of the money should be returned—but that if you will be so good as to hold and disburse it as you deem proper, that will be the best course.2 I notice that Mr. Torbitt desires to send specimens for trial to “friends of the Cause.” If he will send a bag (carefully distinguishing the specimens) to my Gardener. Mr. John Murray | Gardener | Cassencary. | Creetown—3 N. B. I will instruct Murray to treat them with care—& report the result. The communication between Belfast & Creetown—(Kirkcudbrightshire) is convenient and daily. With the kind wishes of the season | Believe me Dear Mr Darwin | yours sincerely | James Caird DAR 161: 6 1

2 3

CD had sent Thomas Henry Farrer a report of James Torbitt’s experiments in breeding a blightresistant variety of potato, a statement of Torbitt’s expenses, and extracts from two letters (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter to T. H. Farrer, 30 December 1880 and n. 2). CD, Farrer, Caird, and several others had contributed to a subscription to support Torbitt’s work (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter to James Torbitt, 6 March 1880). Cassencary, near Creetown in Kirkcudbrightshire, Scotland, was a sixteenth-century tower house, bought by Caird in 1866 (Groome 1882–5). John Murray (1847–1925) was the gardener.

To the Darwin children   3 January 1881 [Down.] Jan. 3d 1881. Circular I have written to Bank today to pay sums as below to your accounts; but as 3000£ has to be placed from Deposit to current account there may perhaps be a delay of 7 days before money actuall paid to all of you.—1 N.B Perhaps I shall not cut up so creditably next year, as there have been some extra receipts this year. —————————

William Bessy George Frank Leonard Horace

£ £ 474 } — 790 316 474 474 474 474 _____________ Henrietta £3002

£ Ƒ 3162

10

January 1881

Henrietta send to George at 6 Q. Anne St. He to William, he to Leonard, he to Horace. Your obedient Father | Ch. Darwin DAR 210.6: 169 1

2

The letter to the bank has not been found. CD had started distributing the surplus income from his investments to his children in 1880 (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter to the Darwin children, 10 January 1880). William Erasmus Darwin, Elizabeth Darwin, George Howard Darwin, Francis Darwin, Leonard Darwin, Horace Darwin, and Henrietta Emma Litchfield. Each daughter was to receive two-thirds of the amount allotted to each son; William was in charge of investing Bessy’s money.

To W. E. Darwin   3 January [1881] Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Jan 3d My dear old W. You have been very good to take so much trouble for me.— I have been particularly glad to get particulars about Teg Down, though Heaven knows whether I shall be able to make much use of your most laborious observations.—1 I had forgotten what a lot of work you did for me, you good old fellow.— I shall be glad of the other observations about some escarpment near Winchester.—2 Did you destroy Geikie’s letter which was in his book,—if not please return it at once, as there was a sentence which may be of use.—3 Very many thanks about the investment letter: you ought to have seen how Sara turned up her nose, when I showed her your letter, & said it was a very interesting one.—4 I will go in for “Massachussett State Loan” or “Penn. General mortgage”.—5 What do you think about Southampton Docks for your Mothers 1000£,—either a little more or less— The 50£ for the Miles—hardly signifies—6 Your affectionate Father | Ch Darwin Postmark: JA 4 81 DAR 210.6: 170 1

2 3

4 5

William had sent diagrams and notes that he had made in 1872 on the thickness of the mould on Teg Down near Winchester, Hampshire (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter from W. E. Darwin, 31 December [1880] and n. 3). William had made notes on St Catherine Hill, a chalk hill near Winchester (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter from W. E. Darwin, 31 December [1880] and n. 4). CD refers to the letter from James Geikie, 20 December 1880 (Correspondence vol. 28). CD had offered to lend William his copy of James Geikie’s Prehistoric Europe: a geological sketch (J. Geikie 1881; see Correspondence vol. 28, letter to W. E. Darwin, 2 December 1880). CD showed Sara Darwin the letter from W. E. Darwin, 1 January [1881]. Sara had spent time at Down after Christmas (letter from Emma Darwin to Sara Darwin, [13 January 1881] (DAR 219.1: 140)). See letter from W. E. Darwin, 1 January [1881]. CD purchased 1600 general mortgage bonds in the Pennsylvania Railroad Company on 11 January 1881 (CD’s Investment book (Down House MS)); there are no entries for Massachusetts State Loan.

January 1881 6

11

William had suggested buying stock in the Southampton Dock Company (see letter from W. E. Darwin, 1 January [1881] and n. 5. Emma Darwin had inherited £1000 from her sister, Elizabeth Wedgwood. Elizabeth had also left money to her servants, Samuel and Caroline Miles, and to their daughter, Alice.

From T. H. Huxley   3 January 1881 Janry 3. 1881 My dear Darwin I have no doubt your Memorial which I return herewith will succeed—1 I am very sorry not to be able to pay you a visit just now but the necessity of Lecturing at 10 AM on Mondays keeps me prisoner between October & February2 I hope soon to have the Classification paper to send you3 With best wishes for 1881 to you & Mrs Darwin & all Ever Yours | T H Huxley Wife is getting a little better & consequently wants to wait on the whole family4 Imperial College of Science, Technology and Medicine Archives (Huxley 9: 202) 1

2 3

4

CD was circulating a memorial for a civil list pension for Alfred Russel Wallace; Huxley was the last person to sign (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter to T. H. Huxley, [29 December 1880]). For a transcription of a draft of the memorial, see Correspondence vol. 28, Appendix VI. Huxley lectured on zoology at the Royal School of Mines at South Kensington. CD had read a summary of Huxley’s lecture ‘On the application of the laws of evolution to the arrangement of the Vertebrata and more particularly of the Mammalia’ in The Times (T. H. Huxley 1880b; see Correspondence vol. 28, letter to T. H. Huxley, [29 December 1880]). Henrietta Anne Huxley had been unwell since November (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter from T. H. Huxley, 14 November 1880).

To A. B. Buckley   4 January 1881 Down Beckenham Jan. 4th. 1881 My dear Miss Buckley The Memorial to Gladstone was despatched this morning to him, accompanied by a private note from me.—1 The Memorial was drawn up chiefly from the materials forwarded to me by you, and was corrected by Huxley.—2 I enclose list of the signers. The Duke of Argyll, to whom I wrote answered most courteously, and said that he had already written to Mr. Gladstone on the subject.—3 Heaven knows whether the M. will succeed, but I hardly ever wished so much for anything in my life as for its success.— I suppose that I shall receive only an official answer, but if it gives any indication I will inform you.— I wrote to all the signers and received from almost all a letter in return, saying how strongly they approved of the Memorial and wished for its success.— Your discretion will tell you whether it would at some time please Mr. Wallace to hear who have signed, and how cordially the signers expressed themselves. I know that I should be proud to be supported by such men.

12

January 1881

I am glad it is all over. I can truly say that I have done my best; but as my boys would express it “it has been an awful grind”—I mean so many letters. Believe me | My dear Miss Buckley | Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin [Enclosure] Spottiswoode Pres R. Soc. Allman — Lin Soc. Flower — Zoolog. Soc L. Aberdeen — Geograph. Soc Ramsay. — British Assoc Günther B. Museum Lubbock Sclater — Sec. Zoolog Soc. Bates — Geoph Soc. Hooker Huxley Darwin4 Copy (A encl) The British Library (Add MS 46434); DAR 143: 185 1 2 3

4

CD had sent the memorial for a civil list pension for Alfred Russel Wallace to William Ewart Gladstone (see letter to W. E. Gladstone, [4 January 1881] and n. 2). Thomas Henry Huxley. Buckley had enclosed a note on Wallace in her letter to CD of 7 November 1880 (Correspondence vol. 28); she also wrote a summary of Wallace’s case for a pension (see ibid., Appendix VI). CD had asked George Douglas Campbell, eighth duke of Argyll, to write a separate letter of support to Gladstone (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter to G. D. Campbell, [before 27 December 1880] and n. 4); Campbell’s letter to CD has not been found. The memorial was signed by William Spottiswoode, George James Allman, William Henry Flower, Henry Austin Bruce (first Baron Aberdare), Andrew Crombie Ramsay, Albert Günther, John Lubbock, Philip Lutley Sclater, Henry Walter Bates, Joseph Dalton Hooker, Thomas Henry Huxley, and CD.

To W. E. Gladstone   [4 January 1881]1 [Down.] Private—Gladstone. My Dear Sir The scientific men who have signed the enclosed memorial,2 are aware how much your time is occupied; otherwise they would have asked your permission to present the memorial through a small Deputation.—3 Should you require any further information, I shall be glad to answer any questions which your Secretary may address me may send to me

January 1881

13

Those who have signed their names are all capable of judging of the worth for their own special studies, or as as Pres of Scientific Soc on Mr Wallaces scientific work; the D. of A. permits me to say that he would gladly have signed the memorial as [illeg] scientific worker.—4 Hoping that you may be led to take a favourable view of our mem, in which I feel a very deep interest, | I have the honour to remain with great respect | etc ADraft DAR 202: 58 1 2

3

4

The date is established by the relationship between this draft letter and the letter to A. B. Buckley, 4 January 1881. CD had circulated a memorial for a civil list pension for Alfred Russel Wallace. It was signed by William Spottiswoode, George James Allman, Henry Walter Bates, Henry Austin Bruce (first Baron Aberdare), William Henry Flower, Albert Günther, Joseph Dalton Hooker, Thomas Henry Huxley, John Lubbock, Andrew Crombie Ramsay, Philip Lutley Sclater, and CD. The enclosed memorial has not been found; for a transcription of a draft of it, see Correspondence vol. 28, Appendix VI. See also Colp 1992. CD had doubted whether it would be wise to send ‘a small Deputation’ to deliver the memorial; Huxley had agreed it would be better to send the memorial with a private note (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter to T. H. Huxley, 27 December 1880, and letter from T. H. Huxley, 28 December 1880). CD had asked George Douglas Campbell, eighth duke of Argyll, to write a separate letter to Gladstone (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter to G. D. Campbell, [before 27 December 1880] and n. 4).

To Ernst Krause   4 January [1881]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Jan 4th My dear Sir I have received Kosmos & your letter.2 I thank you heartily for it. Nothing could be better, & your account of how it came to pass about Buffon & Coleridge is perfectly clear.3 My daughter has as yet only roughly translated to me the article in Kosmos & your letter,4 but I have not yet heard the answer to Butler about the extracts. I shd. much like to see your article in Kosmos translated & published in England; but I believe that Mr. Butler wishes for notoriety, & wd be pleased at its publication, for as he is utterly unscrupulous he would call me & you liars & rogues. I will consult one or two wise men, & be guided by their opinion. Anyhow I can at any time have the satisfaction of referring anyone who doubts my word to Kosmos.— Again I thank you most truly.— I will write again, when I see my way.— My dear Sir | yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin P.S | I have now had your letter for Pop. Science read aloud to me.—5 It is quite excellent, & perhaps wd suffice without a translation of article in Kosmos.— But I will get good judgment. I suppose you do not care whether it is published in Athenæum which has larger sale than in Dallas’s Journal.—6 I lean to the latter.— The Huntington Library (HM 36211)

14 1 2 3

4 5 6

January 1881

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from Ernst Krause, 2 January 1881. In his letter of 2 January 1881, Krause had enclosed his review of Butler 1880 in Kosmos (Krause 1881b), and a separate response to specific accusations made by Samuel Butler. Butler had accused Krause of extracting quotations from Samuel Taylor Coleridge and Georges Louis Leclerc, comte de Buffon, without acknowledgment from Butler 1879 (see Butler 1880, pp. 62–3; see also letter from Ernst Krause, 2 January 1881 and n. 4). Elizabeth Darwin had translated Krause’s review in Kosmos, and Emma Darwin had translated his letter (see letter to H. E. Litchfield, 4 January 1881). Krause had suggested that his reply to Butler be published in Popular Science Review. William Sweetland Dallas was the editor of Popular Science Review. A translation of Krause’s reply to Butler was published in Nature, 27 January 1881, p. 288; this was a slightly revised version, dated 12 January 1881, of the text he sent to CD on 2 January 1881.

To H. E. Litchfield   4 January 1881 [Down.] Jan 4. 81 My dear Henrietta, Enclosed is the article in Kosmos translated by Bessie & the letter which your mother has translated to me.—1 There is another letter in M.S intended for publication in Dallas’ Journal of Popular Science, which I have not yet had translated & which shall be sent tomorrow.—2 Now your husband,3 as I well know is the kindest & most unselfish of men & I want him to      about the publication of a translation of the Kosmos article.— I have no connection with the Athenæum, but have little doubt that Dallas for payment would make a good translation & publish it in Popular Science.— This Journal has not a wide circulation, but I can always refer to it for my vindication if necessary. I can see that Mr.      with his love of notoriety would like its publication & call me & Krause liars.4 As Mr.      is connected with periodical literature, would there be any harm in consulting him at my request,5—not that for one moment I doubt the judiciousness of the “judicious Litchfield”;6 but 2 heads are generally better than one.— I suppose Krause’s answer about the extracts must be published & then it will seem odd no vindication of me appearing.— If published in Dallas’ Journal, the affair would cost me no trouble.— Pray think over it.— Krause’s fault is a very venial one: & I will      in original M.S cut out at Coniston that there was a passage about      having misunderstood Buffon.— The answer about Coleridge seems clear,7 Yr. affecate. Father | C Darwin I have sent off Memorial on Wallace to Gladstone.8 I am worked half to death about odds & ends—Though everything goes well. I have heard today from      & that the Movements of Plants “are moving off very nicely” & they must print at once 500 more, making 2000 copies   Mudie is the great consumer!!!9

January 1881

15

P.S. 2nd.— I have now heard translated Krause’s letter for Popular Science & it seems to me good.— I would ask Dallas to insert it without any allusion to me.— He might afterwards give a translation of the Kosmos article, if it be thought advisable.—10 Keep carefully all documents including sheets from Kosmos.— Please show everything to George,11 as he is interested in the subject: he is a dead hand at reading & translating, & would translate (I dare say) Krause’s letter to Dallas to Litchfield.— Would Athenæum be much better than Dallas’ Journal: the latter seems in some respects the natural place for it.— There had better be no delay compatible with full consideration of the case. Copy12 DAR 153: 89 1 2

3 4

5 6 7

8 9

10 11 12

Elizabeth Darwin had translated Ernst Krause’s review of Butler 1880 in Kosmos (Krause 1881b); Emma Darwin had translated the letter from Ernst Krause, 2 January 1881. In his letter of 2 January 1881, Krause had enclosed a separate response to accusations made by Samuel Butler; Krause suggested that it be published in Popular Science Review, which was edited by William Sweetland Dallas. Richard Buckley Litchfield. The reference is to Butler, who had initiated a public controversy with CD in a letter in the Athenaeum, 31 January 1880 (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter to H. E. Litchfield, 1 February [1880] and enclosure 1). The gap in the transcription was left by the copyist. The reference is to Leslie Stephen. Richard Buckley Litchfield was a barrister. Butler had accused Krause of taking quotations from Samuel Taylor Coleridge and Georges Louis Leclerc, comte de Buffon, without acknowledgment from Butler 1879 (see Butler 1880, pp. 62–3; see also letter from Ernst Krause, 2 January 1881 and n. 4). While CD was staying in Coniston, in the Lake District, he had asked Krause to make substantial cuts to the essay in Erasmus Darwin (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter to Ernst Krause, 13 August 1879, and letter from Ernst Krause, 16 August 1879). CD had enclosed a memorial for a civil list pension for Alfred Russel Wallace with the letter to W. E. Gladstone, [4 January 1881]. No letter from CD’s publisher has been found. After the initial print run of 1000, 500 additional copies of Movement in plants had been printed in November 1880 (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter from R. F. Cooke, 26 November 1880); evidently a further 500 were printed in early January, completing the second thousand (see Freeman 1977). Charles Edward Mudie was the founder of Mudie’s Select Library, a large subscription library. A slightly revised version of Krause’s reply to Butler was published in Nature, 27 January 1881, p. 288; Krause’s article in Kosmos (Krause 1881b) did not appear in Popular Science Review. George Howard Darwin. The copyist left a number of gaps in the transcription.

From Gottlieb Haberlandt1   5 January 1881 Graz (Oesterreich) am 51 1881 Hochverehrter Herr! Gestern erhielt ich dank Ihrer gütigen Aufmerksamkeit ein zweites Exemplar Ihres jüngst erschienenen Werkes über die Bewegungen der Pflanzen. Ich ersehe daraus zu meinem grössten Bedauern, dass mein zu Anfang December geschriebener Brief,

16

January 1881

in welchem ich Ihnen, hochverehrter Herr, meinen aufrichtigsten Dank ausprach, leider verloren gegangen ist.—2 Da ich voraussetze, dass Sie dieses zweite Exemplar ursprünglich jemand Anderem zugedacht hatten, so erlaube ich mir, dasselbe heute mit diesem Briefe an Ihre geehrte Adresse abgehen zu lassen.— Gestatten Sie mir nunmehr den wiederholten Ausdruck meines aufrichtigsten Dankes für die gütige Uebersendung des bereits im November eingetroffenen Exemplares Ihres Werkes, welches stets eine der werthvollsten Zierden meiner Büchersammlung sein wird. Ich staune über die Fülle interessanter Beobachtungen u.  fruchtbringender Ideen, welche in diesem Ihrem Buche niedergelegt sind und beglückwünsche mit allen meinen Fachgenossen die Botanik, dass Sie, hochverehrter Herr, gerade dieser Wissenschaft einen so grossen Theil Ihrer Spezialstudien gewidmet haben.— Mit grosser Freude erfüllt es mich, dass Sie in Ihrem Werke auch meiner kleinen Schrift in mich so ehrender Weise gedenken.3 Ich werde mir im Lauf der nächsten Monate, wenn mehrere von mir verfasste Abhandlungen in Druck erschienen sind, die Freiheit nehmen, Ihnen dieselben sammt einigen früheren Arbeiten zu übersenden. Vielleicht findet sich Einiges darunter, was Ihrer Aufmerksamkeit nicht unwerth ist. Ich beschäftigte mich in den letzten Jahren hauptsächlich damit, die Principien Ihrer Lehre auf den histologischanatomischen Bau der Pflanzenorgane anzuwenden und den Nachweis zu liefern, dass auch dieser innere Bau mit den physiologischen Functionen der betreffenden Organe und Gewebe in vollständiger Uebereinstimmung sich befindet. Von diesem Gesichtspunkt aus habe ich in den beiden letzten Sommern das Chlorophyllführende, assimilirende Gewebe der Pflanzen eingehend untersucht und bin dabei zu nicht uninteressanten Resultaten gekommen. Diese mit einer grösseren Anzahl lithographirter Tafeln ausgestatte Abhandlung werde ich mir vor Allem Ihnen vorzulegen mir erlauben.—4 Sie werden es mir, hochverehrter Herr, nicht als eine zu grosse Unbescheidenheit auslegen, wenn ich Sie bitte, die beiliegende Photographie in Ihr Album gütigst aufnehmen zu wollen,5 und wenn ich hieran die weitere Bitte knüpfe, mich bei Gelegenheit mit Ihrem Bildnisse zu erfreuen. Mit der Versicherung meines ausgezeichnetsten Hochachtung und grössten Verehrung bleibe ich, hochgeehrter Herr, Ihr ganz ergebenster | G Haberlandt DAR 166: 14 1 2 3

4

5

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. Haberlandt’s name is on CD’s presentation list for Movement in plants (see Correspondence vol. 28, Appendix IV). Haberlandt’s letter from December 1880 has not been found. CD cited Haberlandt’s Die Schutzeinrichtungen der Entwickelung der Keimpflanze (Protective structures in the development of seedlings; Haberlandt 1877) in Movement in plants, pp. 59 n., 87–8, and 110 n.; CD’s extensively annotated copy is in the Darwin Library–CUL (see Marginalia 1: 353–4). CD’s copy of Vergleichende Anatomie des assimilatorischen Gewebesystems der Pflanzen (Comparative anatomy of the assimilatory tissue systems of plants; Haberlandt 1881) is in the Darwin Library–Down. See Correspondence vol. 30, letter from Gottlieb Haberlandt, 9 January 1882. No photograph of Haberlandt has been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL.

January 1881

17

From R. B. and H. E. Litchfield   5 January [1881]1 4 Bryanston Street | Portman Square | W Jan 5th. Dear Father, We have been reading carefully with George all the Krause Papers2   He Geo inclines rather to thinking that Krause’s reply had better appear in the Pop Sc.. Rev   R. still doubts whether it is any good doing anything—& is very much against sending it to the Athenaeum,3 or against anything appearing as from you or by your instigation in the Pop. Sc. Rev. or elsewhere; & we dont think that there is any “case” worth consulting with Pollock about—4 It would seem to be making it so very important— The enclosed draft is what we three agree upon as best but we have left it to you, as you did in the last case, to put in some final words of civility. Perhaps you might add—“Doubtless Mr Dallas will be glad to insert it” or words to that effect if you think that it is the fact.5 With regard to the translation we think the thing is so very small that it wd be scarcely possible to offer to pay Dallas for it, & that it is best to say nothing about this   D. is partly mixed up in the affair & could not mind the trouble of translating such a short article—6 We don’t see your point as to K’s paper not containing any indication of you. His paper does surely refer quite plainly enough to your error in the preface as an oversight merely.7 We are just setting off to dinner so this is scrabbled off in a hurry to catch a post—but the thing itself has had full consideration for an hour or more— Your affect | R B & H E L See Geos trans of one sentence in Krause8 [Enclosure] IV As far as regards the chief ground of complaint, namely that the revision of my paper, which I made, is not indicated in the Preface, a child might see that we are not here dealing with intention but only with oversight. It would obviously be absurd for an pre author to wish to attack a previous work by means of a dated ante I don’t know wh. is correct English article DAR 92: B88–90, B106 CD annotation Top of enclosure: ‘translation of a sentence of Krause.’ pencil 1

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to H. E. Litchfield, 4 January 1881.

18 2

3

4 5 6 7

8

January 1881

CD had asked the Litchfields and George Howard Darwin to read the letter from Ernst Krause, 2 January 1881, Ernst Krause’s review of Butler 1880 (Krause 1881b), and a response by Krause to specific accusations made by Samuel Butler (see enclosure to letter from Ernst Krause, 2 January 1881). Krause had suggested that his reply to Butler be published in Popular Science Review (letter from Ernst Krause, 2 January 1881). Butler had used the Athenæum to initiate a public controversy with CD (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter to H. E. Litchfield, 1 February [1880] and enclosure 1). Frederick Pollock had been consulted about Butler’s letter in the Athenæum of 31 January 1880 (see Correspondence vol 28, letter from R. B. Litchfield, 1 February 1880). This enclosure has not been found. William Sweetland Dallas was the editor of Popular Science Review. A translation of Krause’s response to Butler was published in Nature, 27 January 1881, p. 288. Dallas had translated Krause’s essay for Erasmus Darwin. In his response to Butler, Krause had summarised and tried to refute the accusations against CD (see enclosure to letter from Ernst Krause, 2 January 1881, and the slightly revised version published in Nature, 27 January 1881, p. 288). The translation is of part of Krause’s response to Butler.

To James Torbitt   [5] January 18811 Down, Jan. 1, 1881. My dear Sir I have now heard from Mr. Farrer and Caird. They both express “great interest” in your Report, and in the extracts from your two last letters, which I sent them. They instruct me to hold the £90  for your use till coming Spring, and you may draw the part or the whole as you may think adviseable.2 This has deeply rejoiced me, for now, you will, I hope, feel easy about your experiments, which I shall always consider of great value, this Spring. I have said £90, but I have not yet heard from Mr.. H. Wedgwood, but as he subscribed only £5, it does not much signify what he may decide.3 You were so kind as to offer some seedlings to the subscribers. Mr. Farrer tells me that he has written or will write to you on this head.4 In a letter just received from Mr. Caird, he says that he would be much obliged if you would send some addressed to his gardener: “Mr. John Murray, Gardener, Cassencary, Creetown, N.B.” Mr. Caird says communication between Belfast and Creetown in Kirkenbrightshire is easy.5 Mr. C. particularly desires that distinct varieties should be labelled and distinguished, as he will have them carefully propagated and reported on If you could send some to me (addressed to Orpington St) I would do my best with them through my gardener.6 I do sincerely hope that this account of what Mr. Farrer and Caird think and have done about the subscriptions will please you and relieve you of some anxiety. Yours very sincerely | C. Darwin. Copy DAR 148: 127 1

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from James Torbitt, 10 March 1881. The letter was evidently misdated by the copyist.

January 1881 2

3 4 5 6

19

See letter from T. H. Farrer, 2 January [1881], and letter from James Caird, 3 January 1881. CD had sent Thomas Henry Farrer a report of Torbitt’s experiments in breeding a blight-resistant variety of potato, a statement of Torbitt’s expenses, and extracts from two letters (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter to T. H. Farrer, 30 December 1880 and n. 2); Farrer forwarded the documents to James Caird. Farrer and Caird had contributed to a subscription to support Torbitt’s work (see ibid., letter to James Torbitt, 6 March 1880). Hensleigh Wedgwood had originally agreed to subscribe £10 (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter to James Torbitt, 6 March [1880]). See letter from T. H. Farrer, 2 January [1881]. See letter from James Caird, 3 January 1881. CD’s head gardener in 1880, William Duguid, was dismissed; CD apparently reinstated his previous gardener, Henry Lettington (F. Darwin 1920a, pp. 57–8).

From W. E. Darwin   6 January 1881 Bank, Southampton, Jany 6th 1881 My dear Father, I have seen our lawyer; he says that a gift during life unless the articles are actually handed over & taken possession of is not legally valid, and would only be evading legacy duty. He says also that a codicil is much better and more likely to prevent confusion than a letter to Exōrs, and that such a Codicil need be no longer than a letter.1 Also that there is no occasion to appoint new Trustees under the circumstances, so that I have written to ask if there is any objection to Southampton Dock Deb: Stock and to say that it be invested in his name.2 The Lawyer says the articles should be specified in the Codicil They are I suppose Family papers & deeds Autograph Voyage of Beagle Memoirs3 " Scientific Library Portraits of C. Darwin E . Darwin4 " R Darwin5 " J . Wedgwood6 " ? Picture of Foxgloves7 ? Portrait of Wm Darwin from Uncle Eras8 As to plate I do not know whether the Royal Society Medal Candle Sticks & Soup Tureen from your Father should be considered heirlooms.9 I have sent on your Memorandum to Leonard.10 What a grand Division it is; We are the luckiest children in the world. I am very glad. I am coming on Saturday. | Your affect son | W. E. Darwin Cornford Family Papers (DAR 275: 85)

20

January 1881

CD annotations 4.5 Scientific Library] ‘Diplomas’11 added above pencil 4.9 " J. Wedgwood] ‘& any other family Portraits’ pencil 4.10 Picture of Foxgloves] del ink 4.12 Royal … Sticks] ‘Yes’ in left margin pencil 4.12 Soup … heirlooms. 4.13] del pencil End of letter: ‘Date of will. & Codicil’12 pencil 1

2

3 4 5 6 7 8 9

10 11 12

CD’s solicitor was William Mackmurdo Hacon. CD made a new will, dated 27 September 1881, in which he appointed his two eldest sons at the time of his death as executors and trustees (in the event, these were William Erasmus and George Howard Darwin). William had suggested buying stock in the Southampton Dock Company (see letter from W. E. Darwin, 1 January [1881], and letter to W. E. Darwin, 3 January [1881]); the person in whose name the shares were to be purchased has not been identified. CD’s handwritten copies of his Beagle diary (published in revised form as Journal of researches) and autobiographical memoir (‘Recollections’) are in the Darwin Archive–CUL. Probably Erasmus Darwin; CD had purchased a painting of his grandfather in 1878 (see Correspondence vol. 26, letter from E. A. Greaves, 3 January 1878). Probably the painting of CD’s father, Robert Waring Darwin, that is now in Darwin College, Cambridge. Probably the painting of Josiah Wedgwood I that is now in Darwin College, Cambridge. Trajan Hughes’s ‘Still life with insects on foxgloves’ (1723) is at Down House; the painting originally belonged to Robert Waring Darwin. Probably the painting of William Darwin (1655–82) that is now in Darwin College, Cambridge. ‘Uncle Eras’ was Erasmus Alvey Darwin. CD had been awarded the Royal Society’s Copley medal in 1864 (see Correspondence vol. 12). CD’s will mentions ‘silver candlesticks with an inscription presented to me by the Royal Society’. A soup tureen passed to CD after the death of his sister Susan Elizabeth Darwin (see Correspondence vol. 14, letter from E. A. Darwin, 11 October [1866]). Leonard Darwin. See letter to the Darwin children, 3 January 1881. CD’s honorary diplomas are in the Darwin Archive–CUL; transcriptions appear in appendixes of the relevant volumes of Correspondence. The will and codicil have not been found; in CD’s will dated 27 September 1881, he bequeathed his family portraits, family papers, medals, silver candlesticks, diplomas, and manuscripts of the voyage of the Beagle and of his autobiography to William (or his surviving eldest son); his scientific library was bequeathed to Francis Darwin.

From W. E. Gladstone   6 January 1881 10. Downing Street. | Whitehall. Jan 6. 81. Dear Mr Darwin I had in some degree considered the subject of your note and the memorial before it arrived and I lose no time in apprising you that although the Fund is moderate, and is as present poor, I shall recommend Mr Wallace for a pension of £200 a year.1 I remain | Faithfully yours | W E Gladstone DAR 165: 52 1

CD had sent Gladstone a memorial for a civil list pension for Alfred Russel Wallace (see letter to W. E. Gladstone, [4 January 1881] and n. 1). Gladstone had received a separate letter of support from

January 1881

21

George Douglas Campbell, eighth duke of Argyll (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter to G. D. Campbell, [before 27 December 1880] and n. 4). As prime minister and first lord of the Treasury, Gladstone could recommend persons to the Crown for civil list pensions (see MacLeod 1970).

To J. D. Hooker   6 January 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Jan 6th 1881 My dear Hooker The Bearer of this, the palaontologist Prof. W. Kowalevsky wishes to be introduced to you & to see the Gardens.1 He thinks that he shall be able to send some interesting plants from Turkestan to Kew Ever yours | Ch. Darwin Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Directors’ Correspondence DC/136/949) 1

CD had recently met with Vladimir Onufrievich Kovalevsky and his wife, Sofia Vasilyevna Kovalevskaya, in London (see letter to V. O. Kovalevsky, 1 and 6 January 1881). Hooker was director of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew. Turkestan became a Russian province in 1867.

To H. W. Bates   7 January 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Jan 7th. 1881 My dear Bates I write one line, as I am sure that the news will please you, viz that I have just received a note from Mr Gladstone himself, saying that he “will recommend Mr Wallace for a pension of 200£ a year.”.1 The Memorial was sent in only on the 5th & answer received today! Wonderfully kind of Mr Gladstone.— I am weary of writing notes, though beyond measure pleased.— Ever Yours | Ch. Darwin Cleveland Health Sciences Library (Robert M. Stecher collection) 1

See letter from W. E. Gladstone, 6 January 1881 and n. 1. Bates had signed the memorial to William Ewart Gladstone requesting a civil list pension for Alfred Russel Wallace (see letter to H. W. Bates, 3 January 1881).

To A. B. Buckley   7 January [1881]1 Down Beckenham Jan. 7th. My dear Miss Buckley Here is good news— read the enclosed, copied from note just received in Mr. Gladstone’s own hand-writing.—2 I had intended to ask you to inform Mr. Wallace, but all

22

January 1881

my family thought that as Mr. Gladstone’s note was addressed to me, I ought myself to inform Mr. Wallace. This I have done telling him a little about the Memorial, but not who signed it.—3 It is evident that the D. of Argyll’s private note greatly influenced Mr. Gladstone.—4 I will write to the Duke.—5 How extraordinaryly kind of Mr. Gladstone to find time to write under present circumstances.6 Good Heavens how pleased I am.— In haste | Yours very truly Ch. Darwin I suppose that Mr. Gladstone’s note ought to be considered to a certain extent private Copy DAR 143: 186 1 2 3 4

5 6

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from W. E. Gladstone, 6 January 1881. William Ewart Gladstone had recommended Alfred Russel Wallace for a civil list pension (see letter from W. E. Gladstone, 6 January 1881 and n. 1). See letter to A. R. Wallace, 7 January 1881. CD had asked George Douglas Campbell, eighth duke of Argyll, to write a separate letter of support to Gladstone (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter to G. D. Campbell, [before 27 December 1880] and n. 4). Campbell’s letter to Gladstone has not been found. See letter to G. D. Campbell, [7 January 1881]. Parliament convened on 6 January 1881 (Journals of the House of Commons. Session 1881).

To G. D. Campbell   [7 January 1881]1 [Down.] Dear D. of Argyll You must allow me to have the pleasure of informing your Grace that I have just received a note from Mr Gladstone, in which he says “I shall recommend Mr W. for a pension of 200£ a year”.2 He says that he “had already in some degree considered the subject, of your note & the memorial before they arrived”; & it is thus evident that Mr Wallace is deeply indebted to your Grace for having written to Mr Gladstone.3 It has been an extraordinary act of kindness in Mr Gladstone to write to me so soon & at such a time I beg leave to remain | Your Grace | Very faithfully | Ch Darwin ADraftS DAR 202: 24 1 2 3

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from W. E. Gladstone, 6 January 1881. William Ewart Gladstone had recommended Alfred Russel Wallace for a civil list pension (see letter from W. E. Gladstone, 6 January 1881). CD had asked Campbell to write a separate letter to Gladstone; as a member of the government (lord privy seal), Campbell could not sign the memorial (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter to G. D. Campbell, [before 27 December 1880] and n. 4). Campbell’s letter to Gladstone has not been found.

January 1881

23

To W. E. Gladstone   7 January 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Jan 7th. 1881 My dear Sir Your note just received has given me an extraordinary amount of pleasure, for I was much grieved that Mr. Wallace should be so hard worked in his declining years & with failing health.1 Your giving me this good news in your own hand-writing has been one of the kindest actions which I have experienced in my life. I remain with great respect | My dear Sir | Yours gratefully | Charles Darwin The British Library (Add MS 44468: 11) 1

See letter from W. E. Gladstone, 6 January 1881. Gladstone had recommended Alfred Russel Wallace for a civil list pension.

To É. M. Heckel   7 January [1881?]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. Jan. 7th. My dear Sir Looking again at your last note, I see that you ask for my Photograph, & I cannot remember having sent one.—2 If I did send one you can burn the enclosed.— With much respect | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin Barbara and Robert Pincus (private collection) 1 2

The year is conjectured from the fact that the letter was tipped into Heckel’s copy of Movement in plants, which was published in November 1880. The note has not been found; Heckel’s most recent extant letter to CD concerned the French translation of Movement in plants (Heckel trans. 1882; see Correspondence vol. 28, letter from E. M. Heckel, 23 September 1880).

To T. H. Huxley   7 January 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Jan 7th 81 My dear Huxley Hurrah.— Hurrah— read the enclosed. Was it not extraordinary kind in Mr Gladstone to write himself at the present time.—1 The Duke of Argyll’s private note to Mr G. seems to have done good service.—2 I have written to Wallace.3 He owes much to you; had it not been for your advice & assistance, I shd never have had courage to go on.—4 Ever yours sincerely | Charles Darwin The Memorial was sent in only on the 5th—

24

January 1881

P.S.  I see in the newspapers that you have been appointed to the Fisheries in F.  Buckland’s place.—5 I heartily hope that it is a fairly good place worth your accepting.— I suppose & hope that it may compel you, to move about the country; & this I shd. think wd. be good for your health; for you have done an awful lot of work of late years. P.S.  2d. | It is wonderfully handsome in Gladstone, as he has dated Wallace’s pension from last July 1st.— His Secretary wrote & told me.—6 Imperial College of Science, Technology and Medicine Archives (Huxley 5: 356) 1 2 3 4

5 6

CD had enclosed a copy of William Ewart Gladstone’s letter of 6  January  1881; Gladstone recommended Alfred Russel Wallace for a civil list pension. CD had asked George Douglas Campbell, eighth duke of Argyll, to write a separate letter of support to Gladstone (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter to G. D. Campbell, [before 27 December 1880] and n. 4). See letter to A. R. Wallace, 7 January 1881. Huxley had worked with CD on the draft of the memorial and had advised CD on how to present it to Gladstone (see Correspondence vol. 28, letters from T. H. Huxley, 14 November 1880 and 28 December 1880). Frank Buckland had been an inspector of fisheries from 1867 until his death in 1880 (ODNB). On Huxley’s appointment, see MacLeod 1968, pp. 138–40. The secretary was Horace Alfred Damer Seymour (see letter from A. R. Wallace, 29 January 1881). His letter to CD has not been found.

To [C. E. Meetkerke]   7 January 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Jan 7th 1881. Dear Madam I am much obliged for the present of your very elegant work.—1 I daresay, & I hope, that you may by your book make many good observers of nature.— I beg leave to remain with my best thanks | Dear Madam | Yours faithfully | Charles Darwin American Philosophical Society (Mss.B.D25) 1

The book was probably The guests of flowers: a botanical sketch for children (Meetkerke 1881); there is a copy in the Darwin Library–Down. It was published in December 1880 (Publishers’ Circular, 15 December 1880, p. 1319).

To A. R. Wallace   7 January [1881]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Jan 7th My dear Wallace You know from Miss Buckley that with her assistance I drew up a Memorial to Mr Gladstone with respect to your services to science.2 The memorial was corrected by Huxley, who has aided me in every possible way.3 It was signed by 12 good men,

January 1881

25

& you wd. have been gratified if you had seen how strongly they expressed themselves on your claims. The Duke of Argyll, to whom I sent the Memorial, wrote a private note to Mr Gladstone.4 The Memorial was sent in only on Jan 5th & I have just received a note in Mr Gladstones own hand-writing, in which he says “I lose no time in apprising you that although the Fund is moderate & at present poor, I shall recommend Mr Wallace for a pension of 200£ a year.”5 I will keep this note carefully, as if the present Government were to go out, I do not doubt that it would be binding on the next Government.— I hope that it will give you some satisfaction to see that not only every scientific man to whom I applied, but that also our Government, appreciated your life-long scientific labour. Believe me, my dear Wallace | Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin I shd expect that there will be some delay before you receive an official announcement The British Library (Add MS 46434) 1 2

3

4

5

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from W. E. Gladstone, 6 January 1881. Arabella Burton Buckley had provided information on Alfred Russel Wallace’s career and publications to assist CD in preparing a memorial for a civil list pension (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter from A. B. Buckley, 7 November 1880); the memorial was submitted to William Ewart Gladstone (see letter to W. E. Gladstone, [4 January 1881]). Thomas Henry Huxley had worked with CD on the draft of the memorial and had advised CD on how to present it to Gladstone (see Correspondence vol. 28, letters from T. H. Huxley, 14 November 1880 and 28 December 1880). CD had asked George Douglas Campbell, eighth duke of Argyll, to write a separate letter of support to Gladstone (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter to G. D. Campbell, [before 27 December 1880] and n. 4). As a member of the government (lord privy seal), Campbell could not sign the memorial. See letter from W. E. Gladstone, 6 January 1881.

From W. R. Browne   [after 7] January 18811 38, Belgrave Road, S.W. Jan., 1881. Dear Sir, At the Private Conference, held by His Grace the Archbishop of Canterbury, at Lambeth Palace, on 7th inst., the following Resolution was passed unanimously:— “That it is desirable that th〈o〉se Scientific men who believe in the truths of Religion, should take every fitting opportunity of stating that belief; and that the following be appointed a Committee, with power to add to their number, for the purpose of maintaining communication amongst those desirous of promoting this object:— His Grace the Archbishop of Canterbury, Prof. Stokes, Prof. Balfour Stewart, Dr. Sorby, Prof. Rolleston, Dr. Gladstone and Prof. McKendrick; Hon. Sec., Mr. Walter Browne.” 2

26

January 1881

It was suggested that such expressions of opinion might preferably take the form of articles to be published through the periodical press;3 and I shall be greatly obliged by any suggestions as to writers or subjects for such articles. Thanking you sincerely for your interest in the movement, | I remain, | Yours truly, | Walter R Browne LS DAR 160: 335 1 2

3

The date is established by the reference to the conference at Lambeth Palace on 7 January 1881. CD had been invited to attend the conference, but had declined (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter from W. R. Browne, 16 December 1880, and letters to W. R. Browne, 18 December 1880 and 22 December 1880). The other committee members were Archibald Campbell Tait (the archbishop of Canterbury), George Gabriel Stokes, Balfour Stewart, Henry Clifton Sorby, George Rolleston, John Hall Gladstone, and John Gray McKendrick. The committee had planned to publish a series of articles in the Contemporary Review (see letter from W. R. Browne, [20–2] November [1881]).

From T. H. Huxley   8 January 1881 Jany 8th. 1881 My dear Darwin I congratulate you heartily on the success of your undertaking—for yours it is totally & entirely— Gladstone’s note is very good & much to his credit.1 It convinces me that if my first inspiration had been followed out it would have been successful— But perhaps it is as well that the actual plan was adopted—2 There would have been no restraining your ferocious spirit of domination hereafter if you had found a Prime Minister obeying your orders! I hear that the “Butler” has been throwing the dirty water in his pantry about again—3 Of course he is quite mad at being ignored— and the best thing that can happen is that he should get madder Do you recollect what Goethe wrote about a man who attacked him in this way? I forget the first two lines but the last two run “Hat doch der Wallfisch seine Laus Muss auch die meine haben”.4 Ever yours | T H H. Imperial College of Science, Technology and Medicine Archives (Huxley 9: 203) 1

2 3

CD had sent Huxley a copy of the letter from W.  E.  Gladstone, 6  January  1881 (see letter to T. H. Huxley, 7 January 1881). William Ewart Gladstone had recommended Alfred Russel Wallace for a civil list pension. CD had first discussed the plan of a memorial for Wallace when he met with Huxley in London on 31 October 1880 (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter to A. B. Buckley, 31 October [1880]). CD was considering whether to respond to new accusations made by Samuel Butler in Unconscious memory (Butler 1880; see letter to H. E. Litchfield, 4 January 1881).

January 1881 4

27

‘After all, the whale has its louse, so I must also have mine’ (German; Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, in ‘Pseudo-Wanderer’; see, for example, Goethe 1845–6, 1: 138). Huxley had quoted the same passage in his letter of 3 February 1880 (Correspondence vol. 28).

From Ernst Krause1    8 January 1881 Berlin N.O. Friedenstrasse 11. 3 Tr. den 8.1.81. Hochverehrter Herr! Ihr gütiges Schreiben vom 4.t c. ist, vermuthlich in Folge einer verzögerten Überfahrt Über den Kanal erst heute in meinen Besitz gelangt,2 und beeile ich mich, Ihnen zu erwiedern, dass, im Falle Sie sich überhaupt zur Publikation einer oder der andern meiner Entgegnungen entschliessen sollten, Ihnen natürlich die Wahl des Organs überlassen ist. Das Athenäum würde offenbar viel geeigneter sein, nicht nur weil es mehr gelesen ist, als auch weil es früher den Artikel bringen würde.3 Ich hatte selbst die Idee, an das “Athenäum” zu schreiben, aber ich bin leider des Englischen nicht in dem Maasse mächtig, um mich darin sicher und geläufig auszudrücken, und ich nehme an, dass man sich in der Redaction kaum die Mühe geben würde, einen eintreffenden deutschen Brief übersetzen zu lassen. Vielleicht würde es besser sein, der Entgegnung für das Athenäum die Form eines Briefes an den Redacteur zu geben, und ich werde auf der andern Seite einen Briefeingang hinzufügen, an den sich das Folgende anschliessen könnte, für den Fall, dass Sie derselben Meinung wären, und die Entgegnung in dieser Form publiciren wollen.4 Offenbar treffen Sie das Richtige, wenn Sie sagen, dass es Herrn Butler in erster Linie darum zu thun ist, Aufsehen zu erregen und sich damit öffentlich zu brüsten, dass er mit Ihnen einen Streit habe. In dieser Erkenntniss bleibt es jedenfalls, meiner Meinung nach das Beste, wenn Sie ihm gar nicht antworten. Anders scheint mir dagegen die Sache mit meiner Entgegnung zu liegen. Dass ich ihm antworte, wird seiner Eitelkeit keine Nahrung zuführen, zumal ihm nachgewiesen wird, dass seine Reclamationen sich um ein Nichts drehen, und auf eine Entstellung des Thatbestandes hinauslaufen. Das Ganze würde lächerlich und nur lächerlich sein, so wie es mit gutem Humor in der St. James Gazette vom 8 Dezemb. dargestellt wurde;5 allein Mr. Butler ist kein Verrückter und leidet auch nicht, wie es dort angedeutet wird, an Verfolgungs-Wahnsinn. Eher an Grössenwahn. Im Uebrigen sind aber seine polemischen Artikel mit einer so raffinirten Schlauheit abgefasst, dass er Jeden, der nicht die Objekte, um die es sich handelt, selbst genau vergleicht, zu täuschen im Stande ist. Auch die Deponirung meines ältern Artikels in der öffentlichen Bibliothek ist nur ein schlaues Manöver,6 bei dem es ihm nicht darum zu thun ist, dass Jemand wirklich beide Abdrücke genau vergleiche, sondern darum, das Publikum glauben zu machen, er müsse völlig Recht haben, denn er legt die Entscheidung in seine Hand. Das zeugt für eine gute Dosis Menschenkenntniss, denn er weiss recht wohl, dass er damit in den Augen weniger weltkluger Personen den Prozess gewinnt, während Niemand das Intresse hat, die “Corpora delicti”7

28

January 1881

wirklich eingehend zu vergleichen. Nach alledem glaube ich jetzt nun auch, dass sein Life and Habit wirklich nur ein Plagiat ist.8 Wahrscheinlich hatte er in englischen Journalen eine Analyse der Hering’schen Schrift gelesen, und sich daraus in seiner paradox-phantastischen Manier seine “welterschütternden” Träumereien ausgemalt.9 Selbstverständlich wünsche ich mit diesen Erwägungen nicht, Ihren Entschluss in Betreff des ev. Abdrucks einer Übersetzung meiner Entgegnung irgendwie zu beeinflussen, da ich die Verhältnisse der englischen Polemik so gut wie gar nicht kenne, und Ihnen darin besser informirte Rathgeber zu Gebote stehen werden. Mit den herzlichsten Wünschen für Ihr Wohlbefinden zeichne ich, hochverehrter Herr | Ihr | treu ergebenster | Ernst Krause DAR 92: B62 1 2 3

4 5

6 7 8 9

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. See letter to Ernst Krause, 4 January [1881]. Krause had sent CD a reply to accusations by Samuel Butler, suggesting that it might be published in Popular Science Review (see letter from Ernst Krause, 2 January 1881 and enclosure). CD had mentioned that the Athenæum had a larger circulation (letter to Ernst Krause, 4 January [1881]). Butler had used the Athenæum, a weekly journal, to initiate the public controversy with CD (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter to H. E. Litchfield, 1 February [1880] and enclosure 1). The page containing the new introduction to Krause’s reply to Butler has not been found; the reply was eventually published as a letter to Nature, 27 January 1881, p. 288. CD had mentioned an abusive letter by Butler in the St James’s Gazette, 8 December 1880, p. 5, and had asked a friend to send a copy to Krause (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter to Ernst Krause, [12 December 1880]). The letter repeated the accusations made by Butler in the Athenæum, 31 January 1880, and Unconscious memory (Butler 1880, pp. 79). In Unconscious memory (Butler 1880, pp. vii–viii), Butler said he had presented a copy of Krause’s original article from Kosmos (Krause 1879) to the British Museum (British Library). ‘Corpora delicti’ (Latin: bodies of the crime) refers to the legal principle that concrete evidence must be provided of a crime (OED, s.v. corpus delicti). For Krause’s initial assessment of Life and habit (Butler 1878), see his letter of 23 May 1879 (Correspondence vol. 27). Life and habit (Butler 1878) first introduced the concept of ‘unconscious memory’, which Butler later elaborated in comparison with the work of Ewald Hering. Butler 1880 included a translation of Hering 1870.

From James Torbitt   8 January 1881 58 North Street Belfast 8th. Jany. 1881 Charles Darwin Esq’r | Down. My dear Sir, I have been unwell for some time and have had very little energy, but I have not neglected the work in hand: on the contrary, in view of your great interest in it, and also that of the subscribers, and of my own, I have last season grown 7,000 new varieties of the plant in place of the usual 5,000.1

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They are thrice crossed, and many hundreds of them are sound, and appear to be valuable, and of these I shall send you a specimen tomorrow. Some of the previous year’s varieties (seedlings of 1880) were also thrice crossed and some few hundreds of them also are sound, and seem to be valuable, and of these I shall send specimen also. And this brings me to the varieties (seedlings of 1880) which I sent you last spring in small paper bags:2 such of these as were round red or round white (and they were almost all so) were all of one particular cross (a second cross) which divided itself into varieties of three types—one nondescript and valueless, one round red, and the other round white as above described. And the selected varieties of the last two types, and of which yours were part, were all of most vigorous growth, each seed producing a plant having numerous tall strong stems, broad dark green leaves, and a large crop of sound tubers: they were apparently the best I had ever grown, and as such I sent them to you. Of this cross, I planted many hundred varieties last spring, in fact a whole acre full, and excepting 37, all these varieties produced plants, having only one, two, or three, small feeble stems, with yellowish green, small curled up leaves, and no tubers of any value—in one year the seemingly best varieties became utterly worthless, and unluckily I sent some of them to you and to Mr Farrer and Mr Caird as specimens of my work.3 The cause of the change I believe to be this—some three or four years ago I sent you a few tubers of a variety, some tubers of which produced most vigorous plants, having broad dark green leaves and an immense yield of both fruit and tubers, while other tubers produced plants having narrow pale green leaves, a much smaller yield of smaller tubers, and no fruit at all; and the tubers which produced the bad plants, were to my eye indistinguishable from the tubers which produced the good plants, and you Sir, after having grown this variety wrote to me that it “seemed to be affected by some constitutional malady”. Now I, having for the moment forgotten all about hereditary disease—I crossed some plants of this variety, and the specimens which I sent you, and the acre which I planted, are results of that cross: it seems to me to be disease in the variety, transmitted by seminal reproduction, and should you believe the matter to be worth your attention I shall be happy to send you one tuber (or the whole) of each of the 37 varieties of this cross which remain healthy, and I propose myself to plant some of each of them in order to see how they turn out. The tubers in the small linen bag which I sent you last spring were each of a different, twice crossed variety, and from what I have seen, I hardly think any of them were of any value. I am pleased only with the thrice crossed varieties of ’80 and ’81, and curiously, with some 5 uncrossed varieties of 1875. A large agriculturist (as well as a considerable landowner) says he has obtained, last season, at the rate of 16  tons per acre, off unreclaimed Irish bog land, the government valuation of which is less than one shilling per acre: this is a variety of of 1875 uncrossed, and I send a sackful of a ’75 variety of the same type as specimen

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of quality, it is stored on a loft, and exposed to the air more than it should be, but is still good. I am about to try this government for assistance, in accordance with the resolution they have carried in the House of Commons, and shall lose no time in letting you know the result (witholding your name in the first instance, as instructed.)4 There is no disease here this year, of importance, either in mine or the common varieties, excepting in certain early ones which are always diseased and expected to be diseased. I have made only a few crosses last season which are fourth crosses but in them, like all the others, I have used pollen gathered promiscuously and no doubt specific breeding should be resorted to. Trade seems at last to be coming a little better, and I have good hope that in a few months I shall be able to return the subscribers money and with most sincere thanks. With apologies for the awful length of this letter and with best good wishes I am | My dear Sir | most respectfully & faithfully yours | James Torbitt DAR 178: 172 1 2

3 4

CD had informed Torbitt that £90 was available from subscribers for his potato experiments (see letter to James Torbitt, [5] January 1881). Torbitt occasionally sent CD seedlings and tubers of his more successful potato varieties (see, for example, Correspondence vol. 27, letter from James Torbitt, 30 April 1879); no details about potatoes sent in the spring of 1880 have been found. Thomas Henry Farrer and James Caird had helped to raise the subscription for Torbitt’s experiments (see letter from T. H. Farrer, 2 January [1881], and letter from James Caird, 3 January 1881). A select committee had reported to the House of Commons in July 1880 on the best means of reducing failures in the potato crop; it recommended Government support for experiments to breed new potato varieties (see Report from the Select Committee on Potato Crop). Torbitt had sent CD copies of his letter to William Ewart Gladstone, requesting government assistance (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter from James Torbitt, 15 December 1880). CD had asked Torbitt not to mention that he had helped raise money for the potato experiments (ibid., letter to James Torbitt, 16 June 1880).

From A. R. Wallace   8 January 1881 Pen-y-bryn, St. Peter’s Road, | Croydon. Jany. 8th. 1881 My dear Darwin I need not say how very grateful I am to you for your constant kindness, and especially for the trouble you have taken in recommending me to Mr. Gladstone.1 It is also of course very gratifying to hear that so many eminent men have so good an opinion of the little scientific work I have done,—for I myself feel it to be very little in comparison with that of many others.2 The amount you say Mr.  Gladstone proposes to recommend is considerably more than I expected would be given, and it will relieve me from a great deal of the anxiety under which I have laboured for several years.3 Today is my 58th.  birthday and it is a happy omen that your letter shd.  have arrived this morning.

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I presume after I receive the official communication will be the proper time to thank the persons who have signed the Memorial in my favour. I do not know whether it is the proper etiquette to write a private letter of thanks to Mr. Gladstone, or only a general official one. Whenever I hear anything from the Government I will let you know. Again thanking you for your kindness | Believe me | Yours very faithfully | Alfred R. Wallace Charles Darwin Esq. DAR 106: B150–1 1 2 3

CD had circulated a memorial for a civil list pension for Wallace; he sent it to William Ewart Gladstone on 4 January 1881 (see letter to W. E. Gladstone, [4 January 1881]). For a list of the persons who signed the memorial, see the letter to A. B. Buckley,  4 January 1881, enclosure. Gladstone had recommended Wallace for a pension of £200 per year (see letter from W. E. Gladstone, 6 January 1881 and n. 1).

From Fritz Müller   9 January 1881 Blumenau, St Catharina, Brazil January 9. 1881. My dear Sir I do not know how to express you my deep heartfelt gratitude for the generous offer, which you made to my brother on hearing of the late dreadful flood of the Itajahy. From you, dear Sir, I should have accepted assistance without hesitation, if I had been in need of it; but fortunately, though we had to leave our house for more than a week and on returning found it badly damaged, my losses have not been very great.—1 I must thank you also for your wonderful book on the movements of plants, which arrived here on new year’s day.2 I think, nobody else will have been delighted more, than I did, with the results, which you have arrived at by so many admirably conducted experiments and observations; since I observed the spontaneous revolving movement of Alisma, I had seen similar movements in so many and so different plants, that I felt much inclined to consider spontaneous revolving movement or circumnutation as common to all plants and the movements of climbing plants as a special modification of that general phenomenon.3 And this you have now convincingly, nay, superabundantly, proved to be the case. I was much struck with the fact, that with you Maranta did not sleep for two nights after having its leaves violently shaken by wind; for here we have very cold nights only after storms from the west or southwest and it would be very strange, if the leaves of our numerous species of Marantaceae would be prevented, by these storms, to assume their usual nocturnal position, just when nocturnal radiation was most to be feared.4 It is rather strange also that Phaseolus vulgaris should not sleep during the early part of the summer, when the leaves are most likely to be injured during cold nights.—5 On the contrary it would not do any harm to many subtropical plants, that

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their leaves must be well illuminated during the day in order that they may assume at night a vertical position; for, in our climate at least, cold nights are always preceded by sunny days. Of nearly allied plants sleepinwg very differently I can give you some more instances. In the genus Olyra (at least in the one species observed by me) the leaves bend down vertically at night; now in Endlicher’s Genera plantarum this genus immediately precedes Strephium, the leaves of which you saw rising vertically.6 In one of two species of Phyllanthus growing as weeds near my house, the leaves of the erect branches bend upwards at night, while in the second species, with horizontal branches, they sleep like those of Phyllanthus Niruri or of Cassia.7 In this second species the tips of the branches also are curled downwards at night, by which movement the youngest leaves are yet better protected. From their vertical nyctitropic position the leaves of this Phyllanthus might return to horizontality, traversing 90o, in two ways, either to their own or to the opposite side of the branch; on the latter way no rotation would be required, while on the former each leaf must rotate on its own axis in order that its upper surface may be turned upwards. Thus the way to the wrong side appears to be even less troublesome. And indeed in some rare cases I have seen three, four or even almost all the leaves of one side of a branch horizontally expanded on the opposite side, with their upper surfaces closely appressed to the lower surfaces of the leaves of that side. branch, viewed from above.) ( Horizontal Leaves unusually large) (nat. size)

This Phyllanthus agrees with Cassia not only in its manner of sleeping, but also by its leaves being paraheliotropic.8 Like those of some Cassiæ its leaves take on almost perfectly vertical position, when at noon, on a summer day, the sun is nearly in the zenith; but I doubt, whether this paraheliotropism will be observable in England. To day, though continuing to be fully exposed to the sun, at 3 P.M. the leaves had already returned to a nearly horizontal position. As soon as there are ripe seeds, I will send you some; of our other species of Phyllanthus, I enclose a few seeds in this letter.9 In several species of Hedychium the lateral hal〈ves〉 of the leaves, when exposed to bright sunshine, bend downwards so that the lateral margins meet. It is curious, that a hybrid Hedychium in my garden shows scarcely any trace of this paraheliotropism, while both the parent species are very paraheliotropic.10 Might not the irregularity of the cotyledons of Citrus and of Pachira be attributed to the pression, which the several embryons enclosed in the same seed exert upon each other? I do not know Pachira aquatica, but in a species, of which I have a tree in my garden, all the seeds are polyembryonic, and so were also almost all the seeds of Citrus, which I examined. With Coffea arabica also seeds including two embryons,

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are not very rare; but I have not yet observed, whether in this case the cotyledons be inequal.11 I repeated to day Duval-Jouve’s measurements on Bryophyllum calycinum; but mine did not agree with his; they are as follows.12 Distance between the tips of the upper pairs of leaves. January 9. 1881. 8 A.M. 1 P.M. 6 P.M. First plant: 54 mm. 43 mm. 36 mm. 2d – : 28 – 25 – 23. – d 3 – : 28. – 27 . – 27. – 4th – : 51 . – 46. – 39. – th 5 – : 61 . – 52 . – 45. – 222 193 170 Recently my attention has been called by Dr Paul Mayer to an extremely interesting subject, viz. the fertilisation of figs by various hymenoptera. Dr Paul Mayer is now investigating with Prof. Solms-Laubach the “caprifrication” of figs and they have found a great many quite novel and unexpected facts, which will probably be published in the course of this year.13 Dr Mayer bade me to examine for him our wild figs and I have been able to confirm most of the observations, made in Italy.14 Our figs appear to possess even a richer fauna of peculiar hymenopterous insects; you may meet with five or six different species in the figs of a single tree. I must of course refrain from communicating to you P. Mayer’s interesting discoveries; but I may at least give you a rough sketch of some of the odd fellows to be found in our Figs.

45/1

45/1

ventral view

Side-view.

45/1 Ventral view.

abdomen first leg third leg.

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From what I know of it, I think, Dr Mayer’s paper will be one of the most interesting contributions to entomology ever published, and Prof. Solms-Laubach’s botanical researches on the figs will probably be equally important.15 Repeating my cordial thanks and wishing that the new year may be a very happy one for you and your family I am, dear Sir, with the highest respect | Yours very faithfully | Fritz Müller.

DAR 99: 217–20 1

CD had heard about the flood that occurred near Müller’s home in September 1880 from Ernst Krause and immediately wrote to Müller’s brother Hermann Müller to offer financial assistance in replacing any scientific equipment that might have been lost (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter from Ernst Krause, 26 November 1880, and letter to Hermann Müller, 27 November 1880). The Itajahy river is now called Itajaí Açu.

January 1881 2 3

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Müller’s name is on CD’s presentation list for Movement in plants (see Correspondence vol. 28, Appendix IV). Müller had written to CD in a now missing letter of 1868, describing the movements of the pedicel in Alisma macrophyllum (a synonym of Echinodorus macrophyllus); he later published a paper on these movements (F. Müller 1870; see also Correspondence vol. 16, letter to Fritz Müller, 3 April [1868]). In 1865, Müller had described the revolving motion of the stem of Linum usitatissimum (common flax; see Correspondence vol. 13, letter from Fritz Müller, 10 October 1865); CD cited Müller on this in Movement in plants, p. 203. CD described the cessation of sleep in Maranta arundinacea (arrowroot) in Movement in plants, p. 319. CD had noted that sleep protected the upper surfaces of leaves from being chilled through radiation (ibid., pp. 3, 284). See Movement in plants, p. 318; Phaseolus vulgaris is the common bean. Olyra and Strephium are genera of bamboo; Stephan Ladislaus Endlicher had placed them next to each other in Endlicher 1836–42, 1: 82–3. Phyllanthus niruri is gale of the wind; Cassia is a genus of the legume family (Fabaceae). CD described nyctitropic (sleep) movement in several species of Cassia in Movement in plants, pp. 369–73; he mentioned Wilhelm Pfeffer’s description of movements in P. niruri in ibid., pp. 388–9. Several species of Phyllanthus are native to the area where Müller lived, Santa Catarina, Brazil. CD had coined the term ‘paraheliotropic’ to describe the movement of leaves during the day to reduce intense illumination (Movement in plants, p. 419). The drawings in this letter are reproduced at 90 per cent of their original size. Müller taped a branch of Phyllanthus with seed pods to the last page of the letter. Hedychium is the genus of ginger lilies; most species are native to central and south-east Asia, but are invasive in Brazil and many other places with suitable conditions. Natural hybridisation among species is common. In Movement in plants, p. 95 n., CD mentioned the disparity in size of the cotyledons of Pachira aquatica (Guiana-chestnut or provision tree; see also Correspondence vol. 26, letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 14 May 1878 and n. 5). Eduard Strasburger had described polyembryony in citrus species in Strasburger 1878b, pp. 654–9. Strasburger noted that the nucellar embryos (those that developed from the nucellus, or layer of cells in the ovule in which the embryo sac develops) were more vigorous than the fertilised one and germinated earlier. In Movement in plants, p. 237, CD included Joseph Duval-Jouve’s measurements of the distance between the tips of the upper pair of leaves of Bryophyllum calycinum (a synonym of Kalanchoe pinnata, cathedral bells) at different times of day (Duval-Jouve 1868). Caprification is the process of hanging clusters of wild fig (caprifig) flowers in edible fig trees in order to facilitate the transfer of pollen by fig wasps. Hermann Graf zu Solms-Laubach published his research in ‘Die Herkunft, Domestication und Verbreitung des gewöhnlichen Feigenbaums (Ficus Carica L.)’ (The origin, domestication and propagation of the common fig tree (Ficus carica L.); Solms-Laubach 1881). Mayer had asked Müller to provide him with Brazilian figs for his research and to observe the local specimens. In his reply of 26 October 1880, Müller pointed out the difficulty in getting flowers because of the inaccessibility of the treetops, but promised to send specimens when he could (see Möller ed. 1915–21, 2: 400–1). Müller later sent Mayer numerous specimens of several local species (see Mayer 1882, pp. 572–6). Mayer’s paper ‘Zur Naturgeschichte der Feigeninsecten’ (On the natural history of fig insects; Mayer 1882) appeared in September 1882. Müller summarised Mayer 1882 in a review in Kosmos, January 1883 (F. Müller 1883).

From T. L. Brunton   10 January 1881 Europa Hotel. | New Mole Parade, Gibraltar. Jany 10th. 1881 Dear Mr. Darwin About two years ago I gave some lectures in Natural History & Theology at the Free Church College in Aberdeen.1 The choice of my subject was guided by the

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motives which I have mentioned in the preface to the reprinted lectures the proof sheets of which I now send to you. My object in doing so is to beg you to do me the great favour to look at the preface & Lecture XVI & if you find anything in it with which you disagree to let me know2 If you think it correct please put the proofs in the waste basket without a word of comment but if incorrect I should be infinitely obliged by your kindly letting me know in order that I may if possible alter or amend anything in an appendix. I should have greatly wished to dedicate the work to you but that would to a great extent have frustrated the purpose I have in view which is to reach those who will not read your works. You will see by the address on this letter that I am at present abroad I have been suffering so much from ague that I have been obliged to leave London for three months & I am now on my way to Algiers. I was extremely sorry to miss you when you called upon me3   I trust you will forgive my troubling you with the proofs but beg you will not waste a moment upon them if it is inconvenient for you. Believe me | Yours very sincerely | T Lauder Brunton Charles Darwin Esq DAR 160: 343 1 2

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The Free Church College was a training college for clergy of the Free Church of Scotland. Brunton sent the proof-sheets of The Bible and science (Brunton 1881). In the preface, he stated that the aim of the book was to show that the doctrine of evolution was not atheistic, and not opposed to the biblical account of creation (p. viii); chapter 16 was titled ‘The Mosaic record and evolution’. CD was last in London from 7 to 11 December 1880 (Correspondence vol. 28, Appendix II). Brunton lived in Welbeck Street, London (Correspondence vol. 27, letter from T. L. Brunton, 5 December 1879).

From Leonard Darwin to Leslie Stephen   [10 January 1881]1 My father writes as follows in his Preface to the Life of Erasmus Darwin. “In the February number 1879, of a well known German scientific Journal “Kosmos”, Dr Ernst Krause published A sketch of the life of Erasmus Darwin … and Dr Krause has kindly allowed my brother and myself to have a translation made of it for publication in this country.”2 And as a footnote “Since the publication of Dr. Krause’s article, Mr Butler’s work Evolution Old and New 1879 has appeared …”3 Supposing these statements to be strictly accurate, could, or could not, a passage have been introduced into the article from Butler’s Book. I say it could not. But as a fact a passage (a quotation from Buffon) was introduced into the translated article from Butler without any acknowledgement, and Butler’s book was attacked in the article, though not by name.4 Therefore the Preface is inaccurate. Leaving Butler as much as possible out of consideration, what is the most honourable course

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to be followed by anyone whose name is attached to an inaccurate statement which is being published, and to which the interested party, on whatever grounds, strongly objects? Is it not to insure, if possible, that no more copies are sold with this inaccurate statement? This could be very easily be done by inserting a slip somewhat as follows. Errata Preface, page III line 8   after the words “has kindly” insert the words “made considerable alterations and additions in it, and” Page— With reference to the passage quoted from Buffon insert the following— Foot Note:—Taken from Butler’s Evolution Old and New Butler will no doubt consider it a triumph, and will probably write to the papers a letter headed “Mr Darwin’s Apology”, and will continue to make all sorts of unpleasant insinuations. But this he will probably do in any case (especially if Dr Krause enters into the controversy), and it seems to me best that he should be thought of as little as possible, and the only question that should be considered is What is the most just thing to do? Were I my father under the circumstances, I should feel quite comfortable if I knew that everything that appeared with my name attached to it was quite in accordance with the facts; but until I felt that I should not rest quite satisfied. My father promised Butler to make a correction of this sort if another edition appeared, but it is now probable that no second edition will be published—at all events not for some years.5 Looking to the future, is it not better that this correction should be made during his lifetime, however trivial it may be. It has been objected that this is an somewhat underhand way of putting things right, and that a letter should be written to some paper to say that it has been done. Otherwise Butler might not hear of it for years. But for myself I do not think it worth doing this. L.D The New York Public Library. Astor, Lenox and Tilden Foundations. The Henry W. and Albert A. Berg Collection of English and American Literature (MSS Stephen) 1 2

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The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from H. E. Litchfield to Leslie Stephen, 10 January 1881. See Erasmus Darwin, pp. iii–iv. Erasmus Alvey Darwin had recommended that Ernst Krause’s essay (Krause 1879) be translated into English (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter from E. A. Darwin, 8 March [1879]). Samuel Butler’s Evolution, old and new (Butler 1879) was published on 3 May 1879 (Butler’s letter in the Athenæum, 31 January 1880; see Correspondence vol. 28, letter to H. E. Litchfield, 1 February [1880], enclosure 1). In Erasmus Darwin, pp. 147–8, Krause had quoted a passage from Georges Louis Leclerc, comte de Buffon, citing the original source (Buffon et al. 1749–1804, 5: 104); he also referred to Butler, but this reference was cut when CD shortened Krause’s essay (see letter from Ernst Krause, 2 January 1881). Krause alluded to Butler’s work in the last sentence of his essay (Erasmus Darwin, p. 216). See Correspondence vol. 28, letter to Samuel Butler, 3 January 1880. Erasmus Darwin 2d ed. was published in 1887; it contained the following note on p. iv: ‘Mr. Darwin accidentally omitted to mention that Dr. Krause revised, and made certain additions to, his Essay before it was translated. Among these additions is an allusion to Mr. Butler's book, ‘Evolution, Old and New’.

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To Ernst Krause   10 January 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. Jan 10. 1881 My dear Sir, I have now consulted some good literary and scientific judges. All agree that your statement is a very good one, and all are unanimous that I ought not myself to take any notice of Mr Butler’s attack.1 On these grounds they advise me to ask you to be so good as to send your letter direct to:— “W. S. Dallas Esq Geolog Soc Burlington House London” asking him without any allusion to me to be so kind as to translate and publish your letter in the Pop: Sc: Review. If he should refuse I should ask you to authorize its being sent to ‘Nature’; but my advisers think that as Dallas translated your book, his journal would be the most appropriate place.2 I am myself very anxious that your letter should appear in English, so that if my character in future years is attacked, my sons could refer to your letter as well as to the article in Kosmos as a complete answer.3 Finally permit me to thank you cordially for having spontaneously written these articles, and believe me that I grieve that your time should have been lost in so frivolous & vexatious an affair. My dear Sir | Yours very sincerely | Charles Darwin P.S. | Since this note was written I have received your last very kind letter; and what you say about delay has altered my opinion and that of my family. We all think that ‘Nature’, which has a circulation of 5,000, would be much better than the Athenæum.4 In order that neither I nor my sons should be concerned with your letter, will you be so kind as to send it to ‘F. Balfour Esq FRS Trin: Coll: Cambridge’ He has been staying here and offered to translate your letter and send it to ‘Nature’.5 He is one of our most distinguished Naturalists, and a man universally respected. You will have to alter your first sentence to adapt it for ‘Nature’; and permit me to add that it seems to me unadvisable at this particular time to refer to Herings works.6 You can yourself make the alteration indicated in your P.S. I do hope that this will be your last trouble in the affair. C. D. LS The Huntington Library (HM 36212) 1

CD had asked Henrietta Emma and Richard Buckley Litchfield about whether to respond to new accusations made by Samuel Butler in Unconscious memory (Butler 1880; see letter to H. E. Litchfield, 4 January 1881, and letter from R. B. and H. E. Litchfield, 5 January [1881]).

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Krause had sent CD a response to Butler, and had suggested publishing it in Popular Science Review, a journal edited by William Sweetland Dallas (see letter from Ernst Krause, 2 January 1881). Dallas had translated Krause’s essay in Erasmus Darwin. Krause had also sent CD a review of Butler 1880 published in Kosmos (Krause 1881b; see letter from Ernst Krause, 2 January 1881). See letter from Ernst Krause, 8 January 1881. Nature and the Athenæum were weekly journals, whereas Popular Science Review was published monthly. Butler had used the Athenæum to initiate the public controversy with CD (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter to H. E. Litchfield, 1 February [1880] and enclosure 1). Francis Maitland Balfour arrived at Down on 8 January 1881 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). The translation of Krause’s reply to Butler was published in Nature, 27 January 1881, p. 288; it is a slightly revised version of the text Krause sent to CD in his letter of 2 January 1881. Ewald Hering; see letter from Ernst Krause, 8 January 1881 and n. 9.

From H. E. Litchfield to Leslie Stephen   10 January 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. Jan 10th. 1881 Dear Mr Stephen, We have been having a great family talk & at last have come to such a hopeless division of opinion that my Father has commissioned me to write & ask you whether you would be so very kind as to consider the following question & give him your judgement as to what he had better do. He hopes you will not mind the trouble, & that the consideration of the points involved will not take much time— but he will be really grateful for the opinion of an outsider & of someone in whose opinion he will have so much confidence as in yours. The question is as to the advisability or necessity of his meeting in any way Butler’s allegation that he has made a false statement in his preface to the Life of Eras. Darwin, which he—Butler—considers does him a great injury.1 We are sending you Butler’s Op. 5 with the pages marked which bear upon the question,2 namely 60– to 79, & also Erasmus Darwin’s life in order that you may see the preface. The only point which some of us think my Father should meet is, the alleged implication in the preface that Krause’s original article in Kosmos was not altered or added to before translation.3 All the accusations as to Krause’s having taken passages from Op  4  without acknowledgement do not concern my Father & we none of us wish that he should enter into any sort of controversy with Butler.4 Two or three of my brothers much wish that a fly leaf should be inserted in the unsold copies of the Life of Eras. Darwin stating as an erratum on p. 1, ten lines from the top, that Krause’s article in Kosmos was altered & enlarged before it was sent to Mr Dallas for translation.5 My husband & I, on the other hand, are very strong that nothing whatever should be done. My brother Leonard will be the Devil’s Advocate & will send you what he has to say & I will state our views.6 We maintain: 1st. that Butler has put himself out of court by the grossness of his attack on my Father. If a man clearly implies that he considers another to be a liar, he cannot

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expect his complaints to be listened to & met by statements, which are only worth making on the assumption that his opponent is a person of credit. 2nd.: That supposing he has any cause of complaint, which we do not grant, my Father’s letter to him of Jan 3rd. 1880, in which he states that there has been a blunder & that if there should be a second edition this shall be altered, removes all reasonable ground of complaint: Butler has himself made this letter public not only in Op. 5 but also in the Athenæum & in the St James Gazette, so that any one who reads his books will see that this imaginary injury was not intentional.7 If, in last January, it had occurred to my Father to offer to insert a fly leaf with this correction, we should have had no objection, but we do strongly object to any action being taken in consequence of Butler’s last book. We think it is a confession that he has done someone a wrong and this is not the fact. Also his doing anything will open the way to fresh insults. 3rd: We maintain that no injury has been done to Butler— Supposing any careful & unprejudiced reader had read Butler’s Op. 4 & afterwards read the Life of Eras. D. he would see when he came to the last sentence of the book that it applied to Butler, & he would, if he turned to the preface, be puzzled by finding that it was implied that this was the mere translation of Kosmos unaltered, but a very little reflection would, let him see that in the interval which elapsed between Feb & Nov it was likely that Krause had added to & revised his original article—& had in the meantime read Op 4. It is hardly necessary to remark that it is impossible to discover what advantage it would be to my Father to attack Butler by a spirit of prophecy. It would I suppose be an infinitesimal disadvantage to Butler to have it supposed that some anonymous person existed, who had already, before Feb 79, given forth similar views to Butlers—but he has never put that forward as his ground of complaint, &, on the contrary, has said that it was clear the sentence was intended for him. 4th: The plea for now correcting the statement in the preface is, that its words now mislead as to a matter of fact. But we contend that it is a case where literal accuracy will now give a false impression of what has occurred. The worst that the preface can now do is to cause a misapprehension in a minute point of no consequence to anyone; but the act of meeting Butler’s attack in any way now will be read, & naturally, as a confession by my father that he has done a wrong; and this is not the fact. We think the whole thing utterly unimportant & that the outside world will think so too. And finally we tell my Father that the good sensible rule is, ‘when you doubt let it alone.’ This he is upon the whole inclined to do. He still holds that the preface is not materially inaccurate—the note as to Butler’s book being wholly detached from the sentence as to Krause, & appended to the list of Authors on page 2—& though he would, if he had thought of it, have put in the fly leaf erratum twelve months ago, he leans to our view that he had best now let the matter alone or at any rate is quite doubtful on the matter. I hope you will not think us all gone mad on such a small matter.

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My Father sends his best remembrances & apologies for thus troubling you. He desires me to say he only asks for your verdict & not for any reasons why you give it. I am, | yours sincerely | H. E. Litchfield P.S. I may as well add that Krause has written a statement which he is going to send to the Popular Science Review* giving his observations as to Butlers attack upon himself & upon my Father. In this statement he explains as to the inadvertent omission in the preface— *or Nature more probably8 The New York Public Library. Astor, Lenox and Tilden Foundations. The Henry W. and Albert A. Berg Collection of English and American Literature (MSS Stephen) 1

2 3 4 5 6 7

8

CD had asked Henrietta and Richard Buckley Litchfield whether he should respond to accusations made by Samuel Butler in Unconscious memory (Butler 1880; see letter to H. E. Litchfield, 4 January 1881, and letter from R. B. and H. E. Litchfield, 5 January [1881]). In the preface to Erasmus Darwin, p. iv, CD had stated that Ernst Krause’s essay, which comprised the second part of the book, was completed before the publication of Butler’s Evolution, old and new (Butler 1879). ‘Op. 5’ was Butler 1880. Krause’s original essay (Krause 1879) was substantially modified before it was translated into English for Erasmus Darwin. On Butler’s specific accusations against Krause, see the letter from Ernst Krause, 2 January 1881 and n. 3. ‘Op. 4’ was Butler 1879. William Sweetland Dallas had translated Krause 1879 for Erasmus Darwin. On the proposed errata sheet, see the letter from Leonard Darwin to Leslie Stephen, [10 January 1881]. See letter from Leonard Darwin to Leslie Stephen, [10 January 1881]. See Correspondence vol. 28, letter to Samuel Butler, 3 January 1880. CD’s letter was quoted in full in Butler 1880, pp. 72–3; extracts also appeared in Butler’s letters in the Athenæum, 31 January 1880 (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter to H. E. Litchfield, 1 February [1880], enclosure 1), and the St James’s Gazette, 8 December 1880, p. 5. Krause had suggested publishing his response to Butler in Popular Science Review (see letter from Ernst Krause, 2 January 1881); however, it was eventually published in Nature, 27 January 1881, p. 288.

From Montagu Lubbock   10 January 1881 19 Grosvenor St. W 10th Jany. 1881 Dear Mr. Darwin I hope that should you be the least unwell you will simply tear this letter up & think no more about it. Should however you be quite well, I thought you perhaps would not mind giving me one line of introduction to Sir Joseph Fayrer, should you know him as I thought you probably would.1 Perhaps in that case you would not mind saying that you are an old friend of our family—2 I ask this as I am applying t for a vacancy at the Charing Cross Hosp. with which Sir Joseph is connected Hoping that I am not troubling you too much, | Believe me | Yrs. very truly | Montagu Lubbock. C. Darwin Esq |Downe DAR 202: 109

42 1 2

January 1881

Joseph Fayrer was consulting physician and governor to Charing Cross Hospital, London (Fayrer 1900, p. 426); he had provided cobra venom for CD’s work on insectivorous plants (see Correspondence vol. 22). The Darwins had become friends and neighbours of the Lubbock family on moving to Down (see Correspondence vol. 2, letter to W. D. Fox, [20 November 1843]).

To Lawrence Ruck   10 January 1881 Down, | Beckenham. | Kent. Jan 10th 1881. My dear Mr. Ruck I should be very much obliged if you could obtain for me from shepherds or from your own observation a little information which will appear to you a ridiculously small point but which interests me in relation to little ledges on mountain-sides which have been observed in many parts of the world. My question is whether sheep or mountain cattle whilst grazing on a very steep slope of turf usually travel across the slope horizontally or slowly ascend it.1 If a flock of sheep were grazing on a steep slope it would be easy to observe whether they moved up parallel to the bed of the valley, and this I wish to know. If you trust the shepherds, it would I think be advisable to ask two of them as a check, one on the other. I hope that you will forgive me for troubling you on points apparently so trivial, and I remain, my dear Mr. Ruck | Yours sincerely Charles Darwin. M. G. Hamer (private collection) 1

CD was trying to determine whether worms had played a role in the formation of horizontal ledges on steep grassy slopes; a common explanation for these ledges was grazing animals (see Earthworms, pp. 278–83).

To A. R. Wallace   10 January 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Jan 10th 1881 My dear Wallace I am heartily glad that you are pleased about the Memorial.1 I do not feel that my opinion is worth much on the points which you mention. A relation who is in a Government Office2 & whose judgment, I think, may be fully trusted, felt sure that if you received an Official announcement without any private note, it ought to be answered officially, but if the case were mine, I would express whatever I thought & felt in an official document. His reason was that Gladstone gives or recommends the pension on public grounds alone.—3 If the case were mine I wd not write to signers of the Memorial,4 because I believe that they acted like so many Jurymen in a claim against the Government. Nevertheless if I met any of them or was writing to them on any other subject, I shd take the opportunity of expressing my feelings.— I think you might with propriety write to Huxley, as he entered so heartily into the scheme & aided in the most important manner in many ways.—5

January 1881

43

Sir J. Lubbock called here yesterday & Mr F. Balfour came here with one of my sons, & it wd. have pleased you to see how unfeignedly delighted they were at my news of the success of the Memorial.—6 I wrote also to tell the D. of Argyll of the success, & he in answer expressed very sincere pleasure.—7 My dear Wallace | Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin The British Library (Add MS 46434) 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

See letter from A. R. Wallace, 8 January 1881. CD had circulated a memorial for a civil list pension for Wallace (see letter to W. E. Gladstone, [4 January 1881]). Probably Thomas Henry Farrer, secretary of the Board of Trade. As prime minister and first lord of the Treasury, William Ewart Gladstone could recommend persons to the Crown for civil list pensions (see MacLeod 1970). For a list of the persons who signed the memorial, see the letter to A. B. Buckley,  4 January 1881, enclosure. For Thomas Henry Huxley’s role in drafting the memorial, see Correspondence vol. 28, Appendix VI. John Lubbock; Francis Maitland Balfour and William Erasmus Darwin visited Down on 8 January 1880 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). See letter to G. D. Campbell, [7 January 1881]. CD had asked George Douglas Campbell, eighth duke of Argyll, to write a separate letter of support for Wallace (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter to G. D. Campbell, [before 27 December 1880] and n. 4). Campbell’s letter to CD has not been found.

To Joseph Fayrer   [after 10 January 1881]1 [Down.] I hope that you will excuse the liberty which I take in giving this note to Dr. Montagu L (a brother of Sir John L.) as an introduction to you in reference to the Charing X Hospital2 I have known Dr. L since he was a boy, & I believe him to be an enthusiastic follower in the study of medicine & that he has worked hard for many years Pray believe me | Yours very f. | C. D ADraftS DAR 202: 109v 1 2

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from Montagu Lubbock, 10 January 1881. Montagu Lubbock, the younger brother of John Lubbock, was applying for a position at Charing Cross Hospital, London (see letter from Montagu Lubbock, 10 January 1881 and n. 1).

From A. B. Buckley   11 January 1881 Villa Margherita San Remo | Italy— Jan. 11. 1881. Dear Mr. Darwin, Thank you so much for writing to me all about the memorial, especially after you had already written so many letters— I feel that it is almost certain to succeed.1 With such names it cannot fail—2 Your letter was forwarded to me here, where I

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January 1881

have come to stop a couple of months with some friends— I wish you could travel easily so as to have the advantage of the beautiful bright sun & cloudless skies, it is so refreshing. I will wait till we know the fate of the memorial & then will show the list to Mr. Wallace   I am sure he will be much gratified with the appreciation it shows— Till we are quite sure it is better I think not to remind him of it so that he may not dwell upon it— There is a young fellow Mr. Alfred Haddon of Cambridge who has just been appointed professor of Zoology at Dublin who has such a great desire to see you if only once—3 He is I think a man who will do splendid work by & bye— For the present he is in Dublin but when he is in England next summer or autumn if he might call on you one day when you happen to be in town you would confer an immense pleasure. He brought some excellent preparations from the Naples station for the Cambridge Museum—4 I only mention this now because it is in my mind so that if at any time you happen to hear of him you may know who he is— With kind regards to Mrs. Darwin I remain | Yrs very sincerely | Arabella B Buckley DAR 160: 369 1 2 3 4

See letter to A. B. Buckley, 4 January 1881. Buckley had not yet received CD’s letter of 7 January [1881], informing her that the memorial for a Civil List pension for Alfred Russel Wallace had been successful. For a list of the persons who signed the memorial, see the letter to A. B. Buckley,  4 January 1881, enclosure. Alfred Cort Haddon. Haddon had spent six months at the zoological station at Naples in 1879; he had been appointed demonstrator of the Zoology Museum at Cambridge on his return, and then moved to Dublin in 1880 (ODNB).

To Leslie Stephen   11 January 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Jan 11 1881 Dear Leslie Stephen.— It has suddenly occurred to me that you might possibly like to place the Life of Erasmus Darwin in your Library, so I have told Murray to send you a copy.—1 I fear that you will have groaned over my daughter, Henrietta’s, long letter, & will have thought the whole lot of us the most unreasonable of human beings.2 The sole excuse which I can offer is that I shall value your verdict most highly & act on it implicitly. What you said to my daughter at some dinner-party consoled me much, for it is difficult to avoid being pained at being publicly called in ones old age a liar, owing to having unintentionally made a small omission, which omission, as far as I can see, makes no difference to Mr. Butler or anyone else.3 Hoping for your forgiveness & begging you not to add to your trouble by acknowledging this note, I remain Yours sincerely & obliged | Charles Darwin The New York Public Library. Astor, Lenox and Tilden Foundations. The Henry W. and Albert A. Berg Collection of English and American Literature (MSS Stephen)

January 1881 1 2 3

45

Erasmus Darwin was published by John Murray; no letter to Murray has been found. See letter from H. E. Litchfield to Leslie Stephen, 10 January 1881. Samuel Butler had accused CD of making a false statement (see Butler 1880, pp. 58–62). In the preface to Erasmus Darwin, p. iv, CD had stated that Ernst Krause’s essay, which comprised the second part of the book, was completed before the publication of Butler’s Evolution, old and new (Butler 1879), whereas Krause’s original essay (Krause 1879) was substantially modified before it was translated into English, and the revised version included an allusion to Butler’s work (see Erasmus Darwin, p. 216).

To F. M. Balfour   12 January 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Jan 12. 1881 My dear Balfour Shortly after you left this house,1 a letter came from Dr. Ernst Krause, in which he expressed a wish that his letter shd.  appear in some periodical sooner than on April 1st. in the Pop. Sc. Review. My sons concurred in this view, but there was the difficulty of getting the letter translated out of my family. I then remembered your most kind offer of translating or getting translated the letter, & sending it to Nature.2 I have ventured to act on this offer, & have returned Krause’s letter to him, & have given him your address.3 If you will do this deed, it will be a great kindness, for it is painful to me in my old age to be publicly called a liar.4 I never hinted in the most remote manner to Krause that I shd. like him to publish a statement of the case.— Believe me | my dear Balfour | Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin National Records of Scotland (GD433/2/103C/3) 1 2

3 4

Balfour had arrived at Down on 8 January 1880 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). In his letter of 8 January 1881, Ernst Krause had suggested publishing his response to Samuel Butler in a weekly journal, rather than the monthly Popular Science Review. In Nature, 27 January 1881, p. 288, Krause’s response is dated 12 January 1881 and is slightly revised from the version he sent to CD with his letter of 2 January 1881. See letter to Ernst Krause, 10 January 1881. For Butler’s accusation against CD, see the letter to Leslie Stephen, 11 January 1881 and n. 3.

From Ernst Krause1   12 January 1881 Berlin N.O. | Friedenstr. 11. 3 Tr. den 12.1.81. Hochverehrter Herr! Ich schreibe nur zwei Zeilen, um Ihnen für Ihren Brief zu danken und Ihnen zu sagen, dass ich sofort an Mr. Balfour geschrieben und ihn um seine freundliche Vermittlung in dieser hässlichen Angelegenheit gebeten habe.2 Es beschämt mich, dass Sie mir für meine geringe Mühe um die Abwehr danken, trotzdem ich durch meine Unvorsichtigkeit Mr. But〈ler〉 erst Handhaben zu seinen böswilligen Verlämdungen gegeben habe. Eine Begegnung mit einem so unberechenbar boshaften Menschen muss freilich fast wie ein unvermeidliches Naturereigniss, wie ein Platzregen oder

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January 1881

dergl. aufgefasst und ertragen werden, und wenn man an Mrs Seward denkt, könnte man fast auf den Gedanken kommen, auch die grundlosen Verläumdungen seien bei Ihnen erblich.3 Ich bitte, hochverehrter Herr, alle diese Aergernisse, soweit ich daran mitschuldig bin, mir verzeihen zu wollen, und zeichne mit dem Wunsche, dass Sie nun Ruhe vor solchen gewissenlosen Angriffen haben mögen Ihr | von ganzem Herzen ergebner | Ernst Krause DAR 169: 112 1 2 3

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. See letter to Ernst Krause, 10 January 1881. CD had asked Francis Maitland Balfour to translate Krause’s reply to Samuel Butler for Nature (see letter to F. M. Balfour, 12 January 1881 and n. 2). CD had been highly critical of parts of Anna Seward’s biography of Erasmus Darwin (A. Seward 1804; see Correspondence vol. 27, letters to Ernst Krause, 14 March 1879 and 19 March 1879, and Erasmus Darwin, pp. 70–9).

From Lawrence Ruck   12 January [1881]1 Aberdovey Jany 12 1880 My dear Mr. Darwin I have much pleasure in giving you any information I can in regard to the little ledges on the mountain sides or slopes.2 1st. as to grazing I have frequently observed that Cattle & Sheep do graze across the Slope horizontally & rarely feed vertically except when wind or rain compel them to turn their tails down to protect their heads or when they maintain their onward course horizontally. I should consider the horizontal ledges one sees on our very steep slopes to be caused by the Sheep depasturing thereon as both Cattle & Sheep usually maintain a horizontal position while grazing to save I suppose their back sinews & for their comfort that being so the angle of the bed of the valley would not affect their position usually at right angles to the perpendicular or nearly so On the lower Heaths where Cattle graze with the Sheep there are two sets of pathways or ledges on the steep sides of the gorges caused by the Stock being driven to seek Shelter or by the Shepherds from boundary to boundary or other reasons   Our mountain Sheep are very clever in knowing how to shift for themselves with the least amount of friction or loss to their bodies so they dont go straight up a hillside by choice I shall be most happy to answer any other question you may have for me on the subject though there is little more to add that I can think of   I have not consulted any of our Shepherds as I feel sure they wd only confirm my observations if questioned on the matter Believe me My dear Mr Darwin | yours very truly | Lawce. Ruck DAR 176: 224

January 1881 4 5

47

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to Lawrence Ruck, 10 January 1881. Ruck wrote ‘1880’ in error. See letter to Lawrence Ruck, 10 January 1881.

From Leslie Stephen   12 January [1881]1 13, Hyde Park Gate South. | S.W. 12.1.80 My dear Mr Darwin, I hope that you will not object to my saying by way of preface to my answer to your question that it would always give me pride & pleasure if I could be of any service to you.2 I owe (like many more distinguished men) so great a debt to your writings that I should be glad to make the most trifling return: and I have (if I may say so) that personal respect for you which every one must feel who knows you at all. When you tell me that it pains you to be called a liar in your old age, I can quite understand it. To hear you called a liar makes me wish to give Somebody such a slap in the face as he would have cause to remember. But I also reflect that you & your friends are bound also to remember your position & to avoid undignified squabbles. After all a man who insults you in that way is only exhibiting his own want of any claims to respect. My opinion about the matter is perfectly distinct and unhesitating. I think that you should take no further notice of Mr Butler whatever. Perhaps it would be wiser to say nothing more: but I give you my reasons on another sheet, wh. you can read or put in the fire as you please. Your book shall be put in the most honourable place in my library.3 When I have a chance of seeing you, I shall ask you to write my name as there are one or two little Stephens4 who may some day be proud of any token of your esteem for their papa. Your’s [respectfully] | L. Stephen I return the books by post. [Enclosure] I think that Mr Darwin should take no further notice of Mr Butler. My reasons are as follows: Butler has deprived himself of any claim to personal consideration by his want of common courtesy. Any injury done to him should of course be redressed. But he must not be taken as the judge of what constitutes an injury. Had he kept within the bounds of courtesy, it might have been proper to consider his fancies as well as his arguments. As he has exceeded those bounds so grossly, the only question is whether any wrong is being done to him. Now, in my opinion, there is no real injury whatever. If the inaccuracy in the preface injures any one, it injures Mr Darwin: for it takes no notice of the revision (& presumable improvement) of Krause’s article.5 Every statement bearing upon Butler would remain absolutely unaffected whether it were or were not noticed in the preface. When I reprint articles from reviews,

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January 1881

I revise them as a matter of course & without thinking myself bound to give any notice of the fact. The publication of Mr Darwin’s letter & the promise to introduce a change in future editions is, in my opinion, amply sufficient for any purposes.6 But in any case, Butler is not injured. He only comes in for a reference, not [promised] in the preface. This is, I think, the plainer from Butler’s own chapter.7 He does not really even alledge any injury to himself. The true nature of his complaint is clear. He says himself (p.  70) that Mr Darwin did think him worth notice & did not venture to attack him openly. This is the whole pith & substance of his argument. The obvious truth is that his vanity has been wounded. When he saw the book advertized, he expected a formal reply. He found only the allusion at the end of Krause’s article, & the reference to the book in the preface. When he discovered the inaccuracy, he immediately assumed that there must be malice. There was a plot to injure him by underhand methods. How else could anybody fail to give a serious reply to so terrible an antagonist? This is really his whole case. If any change were to be introduced in consequence, it would not be in any way to Butler’s advantage. The whole point of it would be to relieve Mr Darwin from a possible imputation   It would do Butler no good, but it would deprive him of a pretext for charging Mr Darwin with ill faith. The whole question, therefore, to my mind comes to this: whether it is worth while for Mr. Darwin to do anything more than he has done in order to avoid this possible misconstruction? I say no, first because Mr Darwin has done quite enough already & has given ample publicity to the facts. Secondly, because the misconstruction is so absurd that nobody could fall into it, unless he were blinded by wounded vanity. It is not conceivable that Mr Darwin wished to sink the fact of Butler having attacked him, for he mentions Butler’s book.: not that he thought him worth a serious answer, for he only publishes Krause’s contemptuous reference; and the slip of the pen upon wh. this absurd theory rests is acknowledged in a letter published in the Athenæum & in Butler’s own book.8 I cannot think, therefore, that the correction is necessary in Mr Darwin’s interest; nor is it called for by justice to Butler; and to make any more fuss about such an infinitesimal detail would look like a consciousness of some appreciable injustice. DAR 92: B68–71 CD annotations Enclosure: 5.11 make] ‘make’ above blue ink Foot of enclosure: ‘Leslie Stephen’ blue ink 1 2

3

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to Leslie Stephen, 11 January 1881. CD had asked Stephen to advise him on how to respond to accusations made by Samuel Butler (see letter from H. E. Litchfield to Leslie Stephen, 10 January 1881, letter from Leonard Darwin to Leslie Stephen, [10 January 1881], and letter to Leslie Stephen, 11 January 1881). CD had asked his publisher to send Stephen a copy of Erasmus Darwin (see letter to Leslie Stephen, 11 January 1881).

January 1881 4 5

6 7 8

49

Stephen’s children were Laura Makepeace, Vanessa, and Julian Thoby. In the preface to Erasmus Darwin, p. iv, CD had stated that Ernst Krause’s essay, which comprised the second part of the book, was completed before the publication of Butler’s Evolution, old and new (Butler 1879), whereas Krause’s original essay (Krause 1879) was substantially modified before it was translated into English, and the revised version included a highly critical allusion to Butler’s work (see Erasmus Darwin, p. 216). See Correspondence vol. 28, letter to Samuel Butler, 3 January 1880. Butler’s accusations were in chapter 4 of Unconscious memory (Butler 1880, pp. 58–79). The letter to Samuel Butler, 3 January 1880, was quoted in full in Butler 1880, pp. 72–3; extracts also appeared in Butler’s letter in the Athenæum, 31 January 1880 (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter to H. E. Litchfield, 1 February [1880], enclosure 1).

From F. M. Balfour   13 January [1881]1 Trinity College | Cambridge. Jan 13. 1880 My dear Mr Darwin I shall have the greatest pleasure in translating Krause’s letter for Nature. I only wish that I could have the pleasure of writing such a review of Butler’s book as it merits. His attack on you is in my opinion one of the most dastardly things I have ever seen in print.2 The impudence of the man is to me something astounding; I order to prove you guilty of unfairness towards him, he distorts & twists your meaning in a manner, wh. even a political opponent would hardly have ventured to do upon the Eastern Question.3 I enjoyed my visit to Down immensely;4 & have to thank you for inviting me there so often. Your’s very truly | F. M. Balfour DAR 160: 28 1 2

3

4

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to F. M. Balfour, 12 January 1881. CD had asked Balfour to translate Ernst Krause’s response to Samuel Butler for Nature (see letter to F. M. Balfour, 12 January 1881 and n. 2). For Butler’s attack on CD, see Butler 1880, pp. 58–62, and the letter to Leslie Stephen, 11 January 1881 and n. 3. The ‘eastern question’ refers to the instability of the Ottoman Empire in the Balkans, and to recent debates over British involvement to oppose Russian influence in the region; on the eastern question in British politics, see Ković 2010. Balfour had visited Down House from 8 January 1881 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)).

From A. B. Buckley   13 January 1881 Villa Margherita San Remo— Jan 13. 1881 Dear Mr. Darwin I am glad & congratulate you most heartily on the success of your generous undertaking

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January 1881

Of course you were the only person who could tell Mr. Wallace— He may well be proud both of his proposer & seconders, & it is this which will make the pension a pleasure as well as a boon to him.1 Beyond being proud of the instinct which led me to state the particulars to you as the right man, I have really had nothing to do with it—2 I have always felt that your generous friendship for Mr. Wallace, & the almost overdue credit which you have always assigned to him, is one of those bright spots in the history of science, which ought to shame all those who indulge in petty jealousies; & this success is the befitting crown to the whole matter— I shall now write & congratulate him, telling him that you have let me know, though of course it must not be spoken of till officially announced— I will also let him know who are his supporters. I am so glad it has come just now when he is looking forward to settling down in a month or two in his little cottage at Godalming,3 so that he can work with his garden & his writing without feeling the pressure which has forced him of late to work at uncongenial writing— With most sincere congratulations | I remain | Yours very sincerely Arabella B Buckley. DAR 160: 371 1

2

3

The memorial for a civil list pension for Alfred Russel Wallace had been successful (see letter to A. B. Buckley, 4 January 1881). For a list of the persons who signed the memorial, see the letter to A. B. Buckley, 4 January 1881, enclosure. Buckley had written to CD in 1879 about Wallace’s financial difficulties and later provided a summary of his career and contributions to science (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter from A. B. Buckley, 16 December 1879, and Correspondence vol. 28, Appendix VI). Wallace moved to Nutwood Cottage, Godalming, which he had built for himself, in 1881 (Wallace 1905, 2: 103).

From W. E. Darwin   13 January [1881]1 Basset, | Southampton. Jan 13th My dear Father, I am getting one of these London Brigade Portable Fire Engines price £3.10 cover 7s/6d— Fan spread is 7s/6d— I should think it would be well worth the expense to have one ar two at Down.2 With several men on the premises who could keep filling it with water, I think it would be a considerable safe guard. I do not want the advertisements again. It is now set in very cold, & we are looking for skating. I think, if it not absurd for one with no pretensions, I should like to join the Geological Society.3 What steps should I take? I am very anxious to hear what L. Stephens says.4 I will look at the acacias soon—5 Your affect son | W. E. Darwin Cornford Family Papers (DAR 275: 86)

January 1881 1 2 3 4 5

51

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to Leslie Stephen, 11 January 1881 (see n. 4, below). The ‘London Brigade’ fire-pump, a portable hand-operated device, was sold by Merryweather and Sons, Greenwich Road, London. CD had been a member of the Geological Society of London since 1836 and had served as secretary from 1838 to 1841 (Freeman 1978). CD had asked Leslie Stephen for advice about how to reply to Samuel Butler (see letter to Leslie Stephen, 11 January 1881, and letter from Leslie Stephen, 12 January [1881]). CD had asked William to examine worm burrows for the petioles of Robinia pseudoacacia (black locust or false acacia; see Correspondence vol. 28, letter to W. E. Darwin, 23 [November 1880], and Earthworms, pp. 81–2).

To Leslie Stephen   13 January 1881 Down, | Beckenham, | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Jan 13th 1881 My dear Leslie Stephen Your note is one of the kindest which I have ever received, & your advice shall be strictly followed.1 It was very good of you, busy as you are, to take so much trouble for me; but your trouble will not be thrown away, in so far as when in the dead of the night the thought comes across me how I have been treated, I will resolutely try to banish the thoughts, & say to myself that so good a judge, as Leslie Stephen thinks nothing of the false accusation   The Litchfields & some of my other children are intensely anxious to read your judgment2 | Believe me | yours ever gratefully | Charles Darwin I have written on opposite page my name if you think fit to paste it into the Life of E. D.;3 but I much wish that you wd. name one or more of the books, written wholly by myself, which I could treat in the same manner for you.— Stockholms Auktionsverk (dealers) (15 December 2015) 1 2

3

See letter from Leslie Stephen, 12 January [1881]. CD had asked for advice on how to respond to Samuel Butler from Henrietta Emma and Richard Buckley Litchfield (see letter to H. E. Litchfield, 4 January 1881, and letter from R. B. and H. E. Litchfield, 5 January [1881]). Henrietta and Leonard Darwin had written to Stephen about the matter (letter from H. E. Litchfield to Leslie Stephen, 10 January 1881, and letter from Leonard Darwin to Leslie Stephen, [10 January 1881]). Stephen had asked CD to sign a copy of Erasmus Darwin (letter from Leslie Stephen, 12 January [1881]). A piece of paper stuck into Stephen’s copy of Erasmus Darwin reads, ‘From Charles Darwin | with kindest regards. | Jan 13th. 1881.—’

To W. E. Darwin   14 January [1881] Down Jan. 14th My dear W. I am glad that you wish to join the Geolog. Socy, which well deserves support, as 1 it has largely aided the magnificent progress of Geology, during the last 2 century.1

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January 1881

I have written for Certificate & will take all proper steps.—2 The Leslie Stephen judgment will be sent you— very kind note from him: & I shall act implicity on his advice.—3 Mr Ruck is positive about sheep & cattle grazing on steep slopes always in horizontal lines, & he does not believe that the slope at bottom of valley would ever influence them.4 But it seems not improbable to me, that if a sheep or several first grazed, walking at the foot a steep slope & cleared the ground, or as far as it could reach; it would ascend & if it cropped all the pasturage on the next stage above it would be compelled to travel parallel to the bed of the valley.— If you visit again the spot with ledges extending parallel to the valley at about angle of 7o, keep this notion in your mind. This action would occur only when a slope abutted on a nice level bed of valley. George & Frank think that sheep have very slightly impressed sides of Cudham valley in horizontal lines; but why they shd elect to walk often along the same line I cannot imagine.5 I have been working at some of your materials about mould & furrows, & your facts have proved very useful; but I think that I shall be able to give only a few probable conclusions.—6 Do not think of ledges till weather becomes niceish. It will not do to look for acacia petioles till frost quite goes & ground is soft.— Remember about dipping the buried ends for about 101 of inch into ink. Collect all which are fairly within holes, not rejecting those which has been doubled. The doubling is new to me.—7 Your affectionate Father | C. Darwin Bare places, such as walks, are best for objects drawn into burrows.— Postmark: JA 14 81 DAR 210.6: 171 1 2 3 4

5 6 7

See letter from W. E. Darwin, 13 January [1881] and n. 3. CD prepared a certificate for William’s election to the Geological Society of London (see letter to T. H. Huxley, 22 January 1881). CD had asked Leslie Stephen for advice about how to reply to Samuel Butler (see letter to Leslie Stephen, 11 January 1881, and letter from Leslie Stephen, 12 January [1881]). See letter from Lawrence Ruck, 12 January [1881]. CD was trying to determine whether worms had played a role in the formation of horizontal ledges on steep grassy slopes; a common explanation for these ledges was grazing animals (see Earthworms, pp. 278–83). George Howard Darwin and Francis Darwin. Cudham Valley was about a mile from Down House. See Correspondence vol. 28, letter from W. E. Darwin, 31 December [1880] and n. 3. In Earthworms, pp. 81–2, CD discussed whether leaves and petioles were drawn into burrows by worms by their base or apex; he noted that some of the petioles of Robinia pseudo-acacia were doubled up.

From Leslie Stephen   14 January 1881 13, Hyde Park Gate South. | S.W. 14.1.81 My dear Mr Darwin, I believe that barristers consider it very wicked to refuse a fee; and in that respect I think that they show a good deal of sense. So, as I have been more or less acting

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as your Counsel, I will certainly not refuse the fee which you are so good as to offer, though it is more than an equivalent for anything that I have done— If you will send me either the “origin of species” or the voyage of the Beagle (which was the first book of yours I ever read & which I therefore specially affect) I shall be sincerely grateful.1 You are most kind to think of such a thing. I go to the Alps for a fortnight on tuesday next, to gratify a love of snow & which proves, I suppose, my descent from some prehistoric inhabitant of caves; but I hope to be back on Feby. 10th Believe me to be | Yours very sincerely | L. Stephen DAR 177: 255 1

CD had offered to sign and send several of his books as a gesture of thanks for Stephen’s advice on how to respond to Samuel Butler (see letter to Leslie Stephen, 13 January 1881; see also letter from Leslie Stephen, 12 January [1881]).

From W. E. Darwin   [16 January 1881]1 Basset, | Southampton. Sunday My dear Father, Thank you for your letter and for writing for papers to obtain entrance to the Geolog: Soc: I shall be very glad if my subscription is a help to them.2 I will read your note carefully again before I go to Winchester to look at the ledges—3 I am very glad to read, and so is Sara4 Leslie Stephen’s nice letter and memorandum; and it is a very satisfactory reply. I felt pretty certain that he would not approve of the flyleaf method, and quite expected that he would advise to do nothing.5 I return the letter and paper registered, as it would be a great misfortune to lose it. I am extremely glad that nothing need be done, it would have been such a triumph for the wretch B. I am very sorry to hear of poor old Leo. I hope he has managed to reach Down by this time6 We have a most severe frost— On Friday night Hankinson’s7 Thermometer registered 812°— and mine at 10.20 today was 23°. Please tell Mother that alas her puppy died on Friday, of distemper I fancy. I have only one left, a she. I will look out for a spaniel papa next time. Sara is pretty well and her holiday has done her good.8 She sends her love. Your affect Son | W. E. Darwin Cornford Family Papers (DAR 275: 100) 1 2

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to W. E. Darwin, 14 January [1881]. The Sunday following 14 January 1881 was 16 January. See letter to W. E. Darwin, 14 January [1881]; CD was preparing a certificate for William’s application for membership of the Geological Society of London.

54 3 4 5

6

7 8

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See letter to W. E. Darwin, 14 January [1881] and n. 5. CD was trying to determine whether worms had played a role in the formation of horizontal ledges on steep grassy slopes. Sara Darwin. CD had asked Stephen for advice about how to reply to Samuel Butler (see letter to Leslie Stephen, 11 January 1881, and letter from Leslie Stephen, 12 January [1881]). Leonard Darwin had suggested adding an errata sheet to unsold copies of Erasmus Darwin (see letter from Leonard Darwin to Leslie Stephen, [10 January 1881]). Leonard was ill in London (letter from Emma Darwin to Sara Darwin, [13 January 1881] (DAR 219.1: 140)). According to Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242), Leonard next visited Down on 5 and 6 February 1881. Robert Chatfield Hankinson was partner in William’s bank in Southampton. Sara had spent time at Down after Christmas (letter from Emma Darwin to Sara Darwin, [13 January 1881] (DAR 219.1: 140)).

To William Ogle   17 January 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Jan 17th 1881 r My dear D. Ogle. Very many thanks for your trouble in copying & translating the passages, about which I know nothing.1 It is always interesting & curious to see the first notices of any phenomenon; but I doubt whether they are of any real use.— The passage, however, about the summer solstice may indicate something new, though in our sunless climate any such phenomenon might be difficult to verify.— My dear Dr. Ogle | Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin DAR 261.5: 17 (EH 88205915) 1

The passages have not been identified; no other correspondence with Ogle about this matter has been found.

From Alphonse de Candolle   18 January [1881]1 Genève 18 Janvier 1880 Mon cher Monsieur J’ai achevé avec beaucoup de plaisir la lecture de votre volume On the movements of plants.2 J’ai admiré, comme dans d’autres occasions, votre persévérance dans des observations de détail, que vous multipliez de manière à donner des resultats généraux ayant une base suffisante. C’est une jouissance de l’esprit quand on voit des faits épars se grouper dans un ensemble sous ce rapport   votre loi de circumnutation, qui embrasse et explique tout de phénomènes me plait beaucoup. J’aime aussi les termes que vous avez introduits. Ils sont plus simples et plus clairs que ceux usités précédemment, et étant tirés du grec ils passeront dans toutes les langues.3 Vous me permettrez de faire une reserve sur l’emploi du mot purpose que j’ai critiqué dans ma Phytographie. Il se rattache aux théories téléologiques, qui me

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paraissent contraires, ou au moins étrangères, à l’ensemble de vos ideès. Si j’ai encore une fois le plaisir de causer avec vous, nous romprons ensemble une lance— amicalement—sur ces vieilles questions.4 Pages  362, 363. Je ne sais ce quil faut penser de la réduction des folioles dans beaucoup de plantes. Plusieurs folioles sont une complication d’organisation et si l’on présume une evolution du simple au composé comme le mode ordinaire les plantes à plusieurs folioles viendraient de plantes unifoliolées. D’un autre côté on voit des espèces plurifoliolées produisent des formes unifoliolées. C’est le cas du Robinia pseudo-Acacia monophylla, qui commence à se répandre dans les jardins.5 J’en ai deux pieds sur les quels j’observe beaucoup de feuilles unifoliolées et quelques unes 3-4-5-foliolées. Le fraisier monophylle découvert dans les bois par Duchesne fils, venait d’un fraisier ordinaire 3-foliolé.6 On peut dire: ce sont des retours à un état primitif unifoliolé. Et aussi: ce sont des dégénérescences sans cause connue—des innovations de forme, comme on est obligé d’en admettre dans le système de l’evolution. Par parenthèses Mr Ray Lankester vient de faire un livre sur la dégénerescence sans se doute que l’idée et le mot étaient deja dans les ouvrages de mon père en 1813.7 Chez d’un la dégénerescence est dans les formes successives, chez l’autre dans la diminution de complication d’un état moyen, mais les faits et l’expression concordent. Sur la complication relative des feuilles du bas de la plante (ou du rameau), du milieu et du sommet vous faites une comparaison avec les embryons que je ne comprends pas bien.8 Ce sont des organes similaires que je comparerais plutot aux pattes d’une écrevisse ou d’un myriapode, ou aux vertebres superposées d’un vertébré. Ils diffèrent en raison de causes qu’on peut deviner souvent. Les cotylédons sont gênés dans la graine, et les premières feuilles du rameau sont exposées aux intempéries pendant longtemps à l’extérieur du bourgeon. Il est tout simple que ces feuilles se developpent mal. Ensuite les feuilles marchent avec vigueur, sans obstacles et se compliquent plus ou moins. Enfin les feuilles supèrieures (bractèes, calyse) ont une végétation, par position, moins heureuse et reviennent à un état imparfait. Dans un mêmoire d’anatomie que mon fils vous a envoyé en 1880, on voit des faits analogues sur les vaisseaux plus ou moins compliqués qui existent dans les pétioles et la nervure centrale des feuilles.9 Leur complication diffère d’une espèce à l’autre dans quelques genres, d’un groupe d’espèeces à un autre dans certains autres genres ou de tout un genre à un autre, mais sur chaque branche les feuilles inférieures et supérières ne sont pas aussi compliques de structure. La géographie botanique rend compte quelquefois de la cause probable des différences. Ainsi mon fils a trouvé dans les Fagus antarctiques une organisation des petioles différente de celle des Fagus de notre hémisphère, quoique pour les fleurs et fruits ils soient très analogues.10 On peut presumer que les uns descendent d’une souche ancienne, les autres d’une autre souche, vu l’eloignement. Vous n’avez pas considéré l’organisation des limbes comme pouvant influer sur les directions et les mouvements. Cependant les organes foliaces (des Graminées, Iris, Jacinthes, phyllodes des Acacias de la Nouvelle Hollande etc) qui ont des stomates des deux côtés, avec les cavités sous-jacentes, n’ont pas précisément des surfaces supérieures et inférieures, mais se dressent plutot, se tournent un peu sur elles mêmes

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ou se placent la tranche verticale sur le sol (phyllodes), ce qui, dit-on, donne aux forêts de la Nouvelle Hollande un aspect particulier.11 Il doit y avoir quelque relation entre cette organisation de tissu et la direction principale et ordinaire des organes. Je ne sais si l’on s’est occupé en Allemagne de ce point de vue. Je remarque aussi que les traitès de botanique ne parlent pas de la relation des stomates et des positions, mais le fait a été connu depuis longtemps. Autant qu’il me souvient mon père le mentionnait dans ses cours ou en conversation. Ferdinand Müller indique le nombre des stomates sur les deux côtés des feuilles d’Eucalyptus (Eucalyptographia, in –4o).12 Il serait curieux de voir si les espèces ayant autant de stomates d’un côté que d’un autre, ou à peu près, se comportant d’une certaine manière quant aux directions ou plutot aux positions habituelles. Les mouvements des plantes, d’aprés vos travaux, ressemblent beaucoup aux mouvements involontaires, plus ou moins localisés, des animaux—surtout à ceux des tissus érectiles. On présume partout ou on a la preuve que la cause est dans la translation des sucs ou dans l’accroissement des tissus qui en est l’effet. D’un autre côté je ne vois rien dans les végétaux qui ressemble aux mouvements volontaires, determinés chez des animaux (même inférieurs) par la crainte d’un ennemi éloigné, le desir de prendre un objet nourrissant, etc. On dira peut-être que les ondulations lumineuses ou sonores agissent sur le système nerveux, comme l’humidité de l’air sur une racine, en determinant des changements intérieurs physiques. Mais les physiologistes n’en sont pas encore à pouvoir expliquer la transformation des forces exterieures en volonté. A moins de se payer de mots ou de comparaisons il me semble qu’on en est loin.13 J’avais dit quelques mots à Monsieur votre fils d’un procédé graphique dont j’ai essayé de me servir pour me rendre compte des faits d’hérédité. Je n’avais pas le temps de m’expliquer, mais voici un spécimen, tracé d’aprés un individu quelconque imaginé. Vous me direz, en me renvoyant le papier, si vous et Monsr Francis14 y voyez quelque cause d’erreur et si je ferais bien, de m’en servir, tot ou tard, dans quelque publication. L’objection principale est que très rarement on possède sur trois générations successives des details assez nombreux et assez certains pour qu’un tableau pareil puisse être dressé. J’avais dabord l’intention de tracer des lignes pour des familles de princes bien connues. J’ai essayé Louis XVI, Frederic II, les Stuarts, Charles IX fils de Catherine de Medicis.15 On a des renseignements variés et considérables sur chacun de ces personnages, mais quand on regarde de plus près on trouve que les mères ou aieules sont souvent à peine connues et que dans les rois on a mentionné surtout les caractères qui intéressent le public et les courtisants, sans dire un mot des autres. Voyant ces lacunes, j’ai cherché des familles de ma connaissance. Encore des incertitudes, des lacunes, surtout à l’egard des femmes. Enfin je me suis amusé à faire mon propre tableau. Voici ce que j’ai trouvé, qu’on ne verrait pas dans d’autres personnes, même de ma famille, car le genre des ressemblances diffère beaucoup. J’ai constaté 38 caractères par les quels on me distinguerait d’un autre individu de ma race ou sous-race.

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Ils existaient tous chez mon père ou ma mère16 ou chez les deux en même temps. Je n’ai donc rien qui me soit propre, et il n’y a pas de fait d’atavisme dans ce cas particulier. Sur 13 caractères physiques extérieurs, 11 existaient aussi chez mon père, dont 3 se voyaient aussi chez mon aieul paternel, et 1 chez mon aieule paternelle. 2 seulement existaient chez ma mère et j’ignore s’ils existaient chez ses parents.17 Sur 8 caractères internes, que j’ai pu constater, 3 existaient chez mon père, 1 chez ma mère, 4 étaient chez mes deux parents. Un est venu de mon aieul paternel à mon père et à moi. Sur 10 caractères moraux, 2 etaient chez mon père, et en même temps chez son père; 3  chez ma mère, dont un chez mon aieul maternel aussi; 5  chez mes deux parents, dont 4 venaient surtout de la ligne maternelle. Sur 7 caractères intellectuels, 4 etaient chez mon père; 2 chez ma mère; 1 chez les deux. Je ne sais pas s’ils remontaient plus haut. Ainsi—ressemblances extérieures et intellectuelles surtout avec le père— ressemblances internes surtout avec le père ou les deux parents—ressemblances morales surtout avec la mère ou les deux parents. Il me semble que si l’on avait beaucoup de documents pareils on connaitrait mieux la tendance moyenne des ressemblances dans l’espèce humaine. Malheureusement c’est difficile à obtenir, et de plus, quand on a fait un tableau vrai on ne peut pas le montrer, car ce serait une indiscretion inconcevable à l’egard de ses ascendants. J’ai détruit l’explication de mes lignes. Ceux qui verront le tableau (si quelqu’un le voit) ne sauront pas si chaque ligne exprime un défaut ou une qualité. On se fiera à mon appreciation si l’on veut. Il faut avoir 60 ou 70 ans, et avoir connu vos ascendants de vue, par la conversation, ou par la lecture de leurs lettres ou notes, pour connaitre bien les caractères distinctifs. Il faut aussi que les ascendants aient vécu jusqu’a l’age où les formes et la santé se sont montrées clairement. Tout cela est rare. Le seul profit peut-être à tirer de ma tentative est que généralement on apprécie les ressemblances d’une manière incomplète, superficielle, que les naturalistes doivent dédaigner. Votre parent, Mr Galton, a approché par d’autres moyens ingénieux. Ses procédés montrent un peu trop les bonnes qualités et pas du tout les choses indifférentes ou mauvaises.18 Mes compliments à Monsieur Francis et croyez-moi toujours, mon cher Monsieur, votre très dévoué et affectionné | Alph. de Candolle DAR 161: 25 1 2 3 4

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. The year is established by the reference to Movement in plants; Candolle wrote ‘1880’ in error. Candolle had received a presentation copy of Movement in plants (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter from Alphonse de Candolle, 23 November 1880). CD explained his terminology in Movement in plants, pp. 4–5. Candolle had sent CD a copy of La phytographie (A. de Candolle 1880; see Correspondence vol. 28, letter to Alphonse de Candolle, 28 May 1880). On the meaning of ‘purpose’ and ‘end’ as implying ‘intent’, see Candolle 1880, pp. 212–15. Candolle visited Down on 27 September 1880 (Correspondence vol. 28, letter from J. D. Hooker, 24 September 1880).

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6 7 8 9 10 11

12

13 14 15

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CD suggested that the occasional appearance of unifoliate leaves on trifoliate species of Desmodium was best explained by reversion (Movement in plants, pp. 362–3). Robinia pseudoacacia is the black locust or false acacia (R. pseudoacacia monophylla is a horticultural variety). Antoine Nicolas Duchesne was the son of Antoine Duchesne; on his famous discovery of the singleleafed strawberry, see Ratcliff 2007. Edwin Ray Lankester and Lankester 1880. Candolle’s father was Augustin Pyramus de Candolle. The word ‘dégénérescence’ appeared in A. P. de Candolle 1813, p. 173; see also Flourens 1842, p. 15. On what CD termed the ‘embryology’ of leaves, see Movement in plants, pp. 414–17. Candolle’s son was Casimir de Candolle; the article was C. de Candolle 1879. See Correspondence vol. 27, letter to Casimir de Candolle, 21 October 1879. On Fagus antartica, see C. de Candolle 1879, p. 446. Fagus antartica is a synonym of Nothofagus antarctica, the Antarctic beech. Phyllodes are modified flattened petioles that can perform the functions of leaves. CD and Francis had studied the location and number of leaf stomata in relation to their work on the protective function of bloom (an epicuticular waxy or pruinose coating) on leaves. Francis later published the results of some of this work in F. Darwin 1886. Ferdinand von Mueller’s Eucalyptographia included tables showing the number and distribution of stomata on leaves of different species of Eucalyptus (Mueller 1879–84, sections on E. pachyphylla and E. phoenicea). CD had compared the tip of the radicle, or embryonic root, to the brain of an animal (Movement in plants, p. 573). Candolle may have discussed the matter with Francis Darwin on his visit to Down on 27 September 1880 (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter from J. D. Hooker, 24 September 1880); the table has not been found. Louis XVI of France, Frederick II of Prussia, and Charles IX of France, the son of Catherine de’ Medici. The Stuarts were the ruling family of Scotland from 1371, and then of Scotland, England, and Ireland from 1603 to 1714. Candolle’s mother was Anne Françoise Robertine de Candolle. Candolle’s paternal grandparents were Augustin de Candolle and Louise Eléonore de Candolle; his maternal grandparents were Pierre Torras and Anne Jeanne Louis Torras. Francis Galton had published studies of hereditary genius and the characteristics of men of science (Galton 1869 and Galton 1874).

To T. H. Farrer   18 January 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Jan 18th 1881 My dear Farrer When you next go to Abinger, if you can spare the time & the weather is decent, will you be so kind as to aid me once more to the many times already.—1 I am perplexed by the amount of residue left on the surface of the chalk here & by the very little on the sloping Downs to the north of your house.— I want you to go to the Downs & select any turf-covered sloping surface & cut with any strong knife or spud a small square hole & to send me about 2 oz. of clean chalk-fragments, immediately beneath the vegetable mould. I want to ascertain the percentage of earthy matter in the chalk. You will not, I imagine, have to dig above 6  inches deep, if so much.— I shd like to hear what the thickness of the vegetable mould is, measured from the upper surface, at the base of the free blades of grass. Near Winchester I find that much fine earthy matter percolates into the chalk—, from 10 to 13 per cent; whereas the unaltered upper chalk contains only from 1 to 2 per cent.—2

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P.S. | Note from Mr Caird agreeing with what you generously proposed in re Torbitt.3 Linnean Society of London (LS Ms 299/32) 1 2

3

Farrer had sent information about worm activity on the Abinger estate (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter from T. H. Farrer, 10 October 1880). See also Earthworms, pp. 186–8. William Erasmus Darwin had collected chalk fragments under sloping turf near Winchester; CD compared the proportion of chalk to earth in these samples with others taken from the downs near Abinger (see Earthworms, pp. 299–300). Farrer and James Caird had agreed to continue support for James Torbitt’s potato experiments, and had asked CD to use the subscription money raised the previous year as needed (see letter from James Caird, 3 January 1881).

To G. H. Darwin   20 January [1881]1 Down Jan. 20th My dear George. Your letter to Nature was despatched registered.2 I enclose letters for you.—3 There is a Norwegian letter to me— Can you make out what it is about & let me hear, returning the letter.4 I have a swarm of letters to answer. Gladstone has dated Wallace’s pension from last July 1st & this is splendid.—5 Yours affect | C. D.— How I do wish to hear that you have arrived alive at Madeira.—6 DAR 210.1: 102 1 2 3 4 5

6

The year is established by the reference to Alfred Russel Wallace’s pension (see n. 5, below). No letter from George to Nature has been found. The letters have not been identified. George translated the letter from Alexander Kielland, 31 December 1880 (Correspondence vol. 28). Alfred Russel Wallace had been awarded a civil list pension (see letter from W. E. Gladstone, 6 January 1881); these were officially granted by the Crown, and recommended by the prime minister and first lord of the Treasury, William Ewart Gladstone. On the backdating of the pension, see the letter from A. R. Wallace, 29 January 1881; no earlier letter informing CD of the backdating has been found. On George’s trip to Madeira, see the letter to W. E. Darwin, 4 February [1881] and n. 5.

From F. J. Myers   20 January 1881 Mrs. S. M. Rust, Pres’t. " S. H. Gifford, Vice-Pres’t.

Mrs. A. D. Fairbanks, Treas. " M. J. Myers, Sec’y Cor Hawley & Green Sts | Syracuse, N.Y. | U.S.A. The Syracuse Botanical Club, | Syracuse, N.Y., Jan 20th. 1881 Dr Darwin | Dear Sir A short time since I saw in one of the New York City papers, that you were confined to the house by illness,1 and the thought came to me that it might interest

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you to hear of our Botanical Club. It is composed entirely of ladies, number limited to thirty two. We have been in existence about two years. We began as a class formed for the study of ferns, Mrs Rust our President is a very thorough botanist,2 she has also excellent executive ability. We have never been in debt, and have quite a little sum in Bank. Have purchased a very good herbarium case, and hired rooms. Are about to purchase a Microscope. We have received many presents of books and plants. Gave an Author’s party last November for the purpose of raising money— We made about ninety dollars. There is a class meeting weekly— we are now at work on climbing plants. using Gray’s new Structural and your work on the subject.3 I have studied your Insectivorous plants, and Fertilization of Orchids, & read Voyage of a Naturalist, and Origin of Species.4 The Club members under the direction of Mrs Rust, meet weekly to place in the case, the specimens collected, poisoned & mounted, last summer. The object now is to arrange a complete collection and catalogue of our Onondaga Co. Flora.5 We have about forty species of ferns represented here, our limestone rocks give us many. Our fertile valley, and woody hillsides yield many more. The rarest are Scolopendrium, A. Rutamuraria, B lunaria, & matricuriæfolium & simplex.6 We all hope very soon to hear of your restored health, and all wish to tell you how very much we enjoy your thorough scientific work, And now my dear Sir, believe me always. | Resp’y yr’s. | Frances J. Myers. | Cor, Secy of The S. B. Club DAR 171: 526 1

2 3 4 5 6

The following note appeared in the personal gossip section of Frank Leslie’s Illustrated Newspaper, 8 January 1881, p. 319: ‘Professor Darwin, who is now past seventy, is confined to his bed by bodily infirmities, and may never leave it. It is said to this late day that he has never fully recovered from the terrible attacks of sea-sickness which he experienced in the exploring voyage of the Beagle nearly fifty years ago, and to which he refers from time to time in his most interesting account of that voyage.’ Several British newspapers had also reported erroneously that CD was confined to bed in late December 1880 (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter to Henry Johnson, 28 December [1880] and n. 3). The Syracuse Botanical Club was founded in 1879 (Bulletin of the Torrey Botanical Club 6 (1879): 330); the president was Mary Olivia Rust. Climbing plants 2d ed. and Structural botany, or, organography on the basis of morphology (A. Gray 1879). Asa Gray was a corresponding member of the club (Bulletin of the Torrey Botanical Club 6 (1879): 330). Insectivorous plants US ed., Orchids 2d US ed., Journal of researches US ed. (1872), and Origin 3d US ed. Onondaga County is in central New York state. Asplenium scolopendrium (hart’s-tongue fern), A. ruta-muraria (wall-rue), Botrychium lunaria (moonwort), B. matricariaefolium (a synonym of B. matricariifolium, daisy-leaf moonwort), and B. simplex (least moonwort).

To H. A. D. Seymour1   20 January 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Jan 20th 1881 My dear Sir I beg leave to inform you that the required address, is

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“A. R. Wallace Esq Pen-y-Bryn St. Peters Road Croydon.” Your letter with its unexpected news about the date of the pension has given me much pleasure, for Mr Wallace will be able at once to rest from his miscellaneous literary work, & devote all his strength to natural science.2 I have the pleasure to remain | Yours faithfully & obliged | Charles Darwin P.S. The receipt of all letters has been delayed by snow-drifts American Philosophical Society (Mss.B.D25.579) 1 2

The name of the correspondent is established by the letter from A. R. Wallace, 29 January 1881. Alfred Russel Wallace had been awarded a pension of £200 per year, backdated to July 1879 (see letter from A. R. Wallace, 8 January 1881 and n. 3, and letter to G. H. Darwin, 20 January [1881]). The letter from Seymour, who was Gladstone’s private secretary, has not been found.

To J.-H. Fabre   21 January 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. Jan 21 1881 Dear & Honoured Sir I am much obliged for yr very interesting letter. Your results appear to me highly important, as they eliminate one means by which animals might perhaps recognise direction; & this from what has been said about savages, & from our own consciousness, seemed the most probable means.1 If you think it worth while, you can of course mention my name in relation to this subject. Should you succeed in eliminating a sense of the magnetic currents of the earth, you would leave the field of investigation quite open. I suppose that even those who still believe that each species was separately created, would admit that certain animals possess some sense by which they perceive direction, & which they use instinctively. On mentioning the subject to my son George,2 who is a mathematician & knows something about magnetism, he suggested making a very thin needle into a magnet; then breaking it into very short pieces, which would still be magnetic, & fastening one of these pieces with some cement on the thorax of the insect to be experimented on. He believes that such a little magnet, from its close proximity to the nervous system of the insect, would affect it more than would the terrestial currents. I have received your essay on Halictus, which I am sure that I shall read with much interest.3 With much respect, I remain | Dear Sir | Yours very faithfully Charles Darwin LS(A) (photocopy) Harmas Jean-Henri Fabre

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2 3

January 1881

Fabre’s letter has not been found; CD sent it to George John Romanes (see letter to G. J. Romanes, 24 January 1881). CD and Fabre had corresponded about homing instincts in 1880 (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter to J.-H. Fabre, 31 January 1880 and n. 5, and letter from J.-H. Fabre, 18 February 1880). See also Fabre 1879, pp. 261–74. George Howard Darwin. CD’s annotated copy of ‘Étude sur les mœurs et la parthénogenèse des Halictes’ (Study on the habits and parthenogenesis in the halictids; Fabre 1880) is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. Halictus is a genus of sweat bees (family Halictidae).

To T. H. Huxley   22 January 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Jan 22d. 1881— My dear Huxley My son William wishes to become a member of the Geological Socy.—1 In old days anyone who felt an interest in Geology—(I can truly say that this is the case with my son, who has read much & observed for himself) was thought worthy of election.— If this be still the case, will you append your name to the enclosed certificate & return it in enclosed envelope.— If you will send it (together with this note) to Mr Judd,2 perhaps he will sign it, & then it will be amply backed. Ever yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin Imperial College of Science, Technology and Medicine Archives (Huxley 5: 358) 1 2

William Erasmus Darwin had expressed his interest in joining the Geological Society of London in his letter of 13 January [1881]. John Wesley Judd.

To Alphonse de Candolle   24 January 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. Jan 24/81 My dear Monsieur de Candolle, It was extremely kind of you to write me so long and valuable a letter, the whole of which deserves careful consideration. I have been particularly pleased at what you say about the new terms used, because I have often been annoyed at the multitude of new terms lately invented in all branches of Biology in Germany; and I doubted much whether I was not quite as great a sinner as those whom I have blamed.1 When I read your remarks on the word ‘purpose’ in your ‘Phytographie’, I vowed that I would not use it again; but it is not easy to cure oneself of a vicious habit.2 It is also difficut for any one who tries to make out the use of a structure to avoid the word purpose. I see that I have probably gone beyond my depth in discussing plurifoliate & unifoliate leaves; but in such a case as that of Mimosa albida, where rudiments of additional leaflets are present we must believe that they were well developed in the progenitor of the plant. So again when the first true leaf differs widely in shape

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from the older leaves, & resembles the older leaves in allied species, is it not the most simple explanation that such leaves have retained their ancient character, as in the case of the embryos of so many animals?3 Your suggestion of examining the movements of vertical leaves with an equal number of stomata on both sides, with reference to the light, seems to me an excellent one and I hope that my son Francis may follow it up.4 But I will not trouble you with any more remarks about our book. My son will write to you about the diagram.5 Let me add that I shall ever remember with pleasure your visit here last autumn,6 & I remain dear Monsieur De Candolle Yours very sincerely | Charles Darwin LS Archives de la famille Candolle (private collection) 1 2 3 4 5 6

Candolle had sent comments about Movement in plants and had praised CD’s terminology in the book (see letter from Alphonse de Candolle, 18 January [1881] and n. 3). Candolle had referred CD to the discussion of ‘purpose’ in La phytographie (A. de Candolle 1880, pp. 212–15). See letter from Alphonse de Candolle, 18 January [1881] and nn. 5 and 7. On rudimentary leaflets of Mimosa albida, see Movement in plants, pp. 364–5, 416. Francis Darwin. Candolle had enclosed a table showing how hereditary characteristics could be represented over several generations with his letter of 18 January [1881]; the table has not been found. Candolle had visited Down on 27 September 1880 (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter from Asa Gray, 30 September 18[80]).

From Francis Darwin to Alphonse de Candolle   24 January [1881]1 24 Jan. 1882 Dear Sir, I was much pleased at your kindness in remembering the interest which I felt in your method of illustrating inheritance. Both my father & myself have been much interested in examining your diagram2    It seems to us that the difficulty of estimating the different qualities in oneself or in others is very great. My father tried to compare himself with his father3 but quite failed to determine what qualities he inherited from him. If it were not for this difficulty there is no doubt as it seems to my father & myself that your method would give most interesting results   I venture to send you a diagram showing a way of graphically comparing a man with his parents. It is composed so as to compare myself with my parents, the qualities being in some instances perhaps exaggerated. Since writing the above part of this letter, I have shown the diagram to my father, & he has filled in his father. I think it shows that he resembles my grandfather more than I do my father. I seem to resemble my mother4 in some points. I remain, with great respect | Yours sincerely | Francis Darwin

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January 1881

Black Quick Great

mod

G

m G

m

G

m m

G

m

S

G

S

Memory

S

Perseverence

S

m or mod = moderate G = great

Tendency to Biological Sciences

Tendency to mathematical sciences

mod

S

power of drawing

small

musical capacity

Black

grey

pulse

Slow

The subject his mother his father his paternal grand father

Blue

[black] [blue] [red] [green]

eyes

Brown

Flaxen or Red

hair

Tall

mod

Short

stature

Foreign languages Archives de la famille de Candolle (private collection) 1

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to Alphonse de Candolle, 24 January 1881. Francis wrote ‘1882’ in error.

January 1881 2 3 4

65

Candolle had enclosed a table showing how family characteristics could be traced over several generations with his letter of 18 January [1881]; the table was evidently returned to Candolle and has not been found. Robert Waring Darwin. Emma Darwin.

From T. H. Huxley   24 January 1881 Jany 24. 1881 My dear Darwin I have had great pleasure in signing your son’s certificate & have handed it on to Judds Assistant for him to do the like when he comes1   No doubt you will get it tomorrow I have accepted the Fishery Inspectorship but I am not yet officially appointed   I suspect, but don’t know that there has been a battle between the Home Secretary & the Lord President on my side & the Treasury, on the other, about some details.2 I had never so much as thought of the appointment but Harcourt wrote me a very considerate letter to the effect that he had made up his mind if ever he had the power to do something to improve the position of men of Science—& as this just involved light work he thought I might take it be all the easier. I declined the appointment at first, but the Home Secretary asked me to call upon him & as I found he was ready & willing to smooth some difficulties which I saw were likely to arise—I accepted the appointment & left the adjustments in his hands Lord Spencer behaved like a trump & I understand the Treasury also consented— But there has evidently been some hitch. However I have reason to believe it is all right now— The difference to me will be this—that whereas for the last twenty years I have been obliged to make as much again as my official income in order to live decently & do justice to my children—the new appointment £700 a year) will about do that business & relieve me from the necessity of bread-making So long as I had health I was quite content with the old arrangement and I am wonderfully well & vigorous now But I shall be 56 next May & in common prudence I thought it right to seize upon the opportunity of taking in some sail & making things snug for that old age which is likely enough to set in rapidly some of these days, in a man who has worked at as high pressure as I have The pleasantest thing about it is that the affair is no seeking of mine— I have been a quarter of a century more or less in contact with the governing class & it is the first time that it occurred to any one of them to put me into a better position than a third class Treasury clerk So three cheers for Harcourt of whom I know very little & who I believe has acted wholly out of regard for Science Ever | Yours very truly | T H Huxley I am very glad to hear what you say about Wallace’s pension3   It is all in the same direction 〈    〉 Imperial College of Science, Technology and Medicine Archives (Huxley 9: 205)

Linley Sambournes caricature of T. H. Huxley. Punch, 19 March 1881, p. 130. By permission of the Syndics of Cambridge University Library.

January 1881 1

2

3

67

CD had asked Huxley to sign William Erasmus Darwin’s certificate for membership of the Geological Society of London, and to send it on to John Wesley Judd (see letter to T. H. Huxley, 22 January 1881). Judd was professor of geology and a colleague of Huxley’s at the Royal School of Mines; his assistant has not been identified. CD had inquired about Huxley’s appointment as inspector of fisheries in his letter of 7 January 1881. The home secretary was William Vernon Harcourt; John Poyntz Spencer was lord president of the Council (a Cabinet position). On Huxley’s appointment, see MacLeod 1968, pp. 138–40. Alfred Russel Wallace had been awarded a civil list pension (see letter to T. H. Huxley, 7 January 1881).

To G. J. Romanes   24 January 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Jan 24/81 My dear Romanes, On receipt of your letter, I made enquiries & found that young pigs could be purchased for about 30/- each, on the premises where they had been born. But there is an insurmountable difficulty at present in the way of your experiment1   The owner of the pigs said he could not allow them even to cross the road without their being first examined by an inspector & then getting an order from a magistrate, & no magistrate would allow a pig at present to be turned loose as infection is about. Our immense snow-drifts would be another obstacle. So you must give up the attempt. You had better keep the enclosed letter from Fabre as I shall never use it—2 Yours very sincerely | Charles Darwin LS American Philosophical Society (Mss.B.D25.580) 1

2

Romanes’s letter has not been found. The nature of the experiment has not been identified; however, Romanes later discussed the homing instincts of various domesticated animals, including pigs (see G. J. Romanes 1883a, pp. 289–90). The enclosed letter from Jean-Henri Fabre has not been found; see, however, the letter to J.-H. Fabre, 21 January 1881.

To W. S. Dallas   25 January 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington S.E.R.) Jan 25th 1881 r Dear M Dallas Will you be so kind as to suspend the enclosed certificate, & take whatever other steps are necessary.—1 Yours very faithfully | Ch. Darwin John Wilson (dealer) (May 2007) 1

CD had prepared a certificate for William Erasmus Darwin’s application for membership of the Geological Society of London (see letter to W. E. Darwin, 25 January 1881 and n. 1). William was elected on 9 March 1881 (Proceedings of the Geological Society of London 37 (1880–1): 236).

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To W. E. Darwin   25 January 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Jan 25th 1881 My dear W. I have just despatched your Certificate to Geolog. Soc.  signed by self, Prof Hughes of Cambridge, Huxley & Judd.—1 I see on back of Certificate, admission fee £6s6.0— annual Subscription £2.s6.0— Composition (which I imagine does not include admission) 31£"10s"0d.— You will hear in due time of your election, but as far as I remember the Certificate remains suspended for 3 meetings at intervals of a fortnight.— The castings from Beaulieu proved very useful, as the greater number of particles of brick were plainly rounded; & now I have so many cases that I can hardly doubt that when same particle is often swallowed it undergoes much attrition.—2 Your most laborious observations at St. C. Hill & Teg Down have interested me greatly, & I have given them in abstract.3 George saw a case of ledges in Sussex on a steep slope, in which the ledges were parallel to slope of valley; & he remarked that if they had extended horizontally they would necessarily have been very short; & possibly animals walk & graze parallel to bed of valley so as to make each traverse longer.—4 I have got codicil to my will for Hacon,5 but must wait the chance till I can catch 2 men for witnesses.— When shall you invest your mother’s 1000£?—6 We heard this morning from George, dated early on Monday from Dartmouth, saying that the steamer wd soon be in;7 & that he shd then start & that it was a calm— Best love to Sara8 | Ever yours affect | C. Darwin DAR 210.6: 172 1

2

3

4

5 6 7 8

CD had prepared a certificate for William’s application for membership of the Geological Society of London. The signatories were Thomas Henry Huxley, John Wesley Judd, and Thomas McKenny Hughes. William had collected worm-castings from Beaulieu Abbey, Hampshire (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter from W. E. Darwin, 1 December [1880]). CD discussed the grinding of small particles of stone in the gizzards of worms, including those from the nave at Beaulieu, in Earthworms, pp. 246–58. William had sent diagrams and notes on the thickness of the mould at Teg Down and St Catherine’s Hill near Winchester, Hampshire (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter from W. E. Darwin, 31 December [1880] and n. 3, and Earthworms, pp. 298, 302–4. George Howard Darwin. CD was trying to determine whether worms had played a role in the formation of horizontal ledges on steep grassy slopes; he mentioned the short little embankments observed at Beachy Head, East Sussex, ‘by another of [his] sons’ in Earthworms, pp. 280–1. William Mackmurdo Hacon was CD’s solicitor; on the codicil to the will, see the letter from W. E. Darwin, 6 January 1881 and n. 12. See letter to W. E. Darwin, 3 January [1881] and n. 6. George’s letter from Dartmouth has not been found; he was travelling to Madeira (letter to G. H. Darwin, 20 January [1881]). Sara Darwin.

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From Asa Gray   27 January 1881 Charlton House, Kew. Jan, 27, 1881. My Dear Mr. Darwin A proof of my attempt to review your last book in the Amer. Journal of Science having reached me here, I venture to enclose it—not that I think it very interesting reading, tho, it may serve to give an idea of a very noteworthy book.1 It has lately dawned upon me that I may have much offended your son, Mr. Francis Darwin, and given him reason to think me a very ungracious person. I should like you to know that if I have done so, it was most unintentional and drifted into from mere want of thought and proper consideration. I see that I might have been expected, at that I ought—as being one of the older botanists—to have added my word of commendation of his very interesting and excellent papers when read at the Linnean Society, and that my declining to speak may have seemed a slight.2 All of which at the time never entered into my head. The fact is that, though I can write sensibly enough, I cannot speak at a meeting, and whenever I attempt it I maunder, and fail to speak to any purpose. Nervously aware of this, I quite forgot a duty which I afterwards perceived was incumbent upon me. I should be unhappy not to explain this. That done, I do not ask you, or Mr. Francis Darwin, to take any further notice of this letter. Very sincerely Yours | Asa Gray DAR 165: 203 1 2

Proof-copies of Gray’s reviews of Movement in plants in the American Journal of Science 3d ser. 21 (1881): 245–9 and the Nation 32 (1881): 17–18 are in DAR 226.1: 6–7. Francis Darwin had presented two papers at the Linnean Society of London on 16 December 1880 (F. Darwin 1880a and F. Darwin 1880b). Gray and his wife, Jane Loring Gray, had stayed at Kew in December 1880 (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter from J. D. Hooker, 22 November 1880).

To F. M. Balfour   28 January 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Jan. 28th 1881 My dear Balfour I must write a few lines to thank you cordially for all that you have done about the letter in Nature.— The translation is as clear as daylight. For the future I shall not care if Mr. Butler calls me a liar, thief or murderer.1 Again thanking you, believe me, Yours very sincerely | Charles Darwin National Records of Scotland (GD433/2/103C/4) 1

Balfour had translated Ernst Krause’s response to Samuel Butler; it was published as a letter in Nature, 27 January 1881, p. 288 (see letter to F. M. Balfour, 12 January 1881).

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January 1881

To G. J. Romanes   28 January 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Jan 28th 1881 My dear Romanes I have just read your review in Nature with the greatest interest.1 If the man is not as callous as a rhinoceros he will smart under your stricture; but I think that you have been almost too severe: It seems to me that you have hit the right nail on the head in attributing his conduct to the disappointment of his inordinate vanity. It is really a psychological curiosity that he should suppose (or pretend to suppose) that Huxley lectured & Murray advertised my book on account of his book,2—not to mention the curious history of his own thoughts & jottings which he has thought worth publishing. Good Lord how he will hate you. It is heroic in you to save my devoted head by calling down on your own his malignant revenge. But he has gone to the utmost possible limits of abuse, & no one will regard any further abuse.— As for myself, I shall now feel easy. Krause’s letter seems to me a very good one, & is strictly accurate in every respect—3 Believe me, my dear Romanes | Yours faithfully & gratefully | Charles Darwin P.S. It is lucky you did not come down to turn out the pigs, for there is much infection about, & strictest rules are followed.4 I am daily bothered to give orders as a magistrate for animals to cross from one field to another on the same farm, if across any road!5 American Philosophical Society (Mss.B.D25.581) 1 2

3 4 5

Romanes’s review of Samuel Butler’s Unconscious memory (Butler 1880) was published in Nature, 27 January 1881, pp. 285–7. Butler remarked that Thomas Henry Huxley’s lecture ‘The coming of age of the Origin of Species’ (T. H. Huxley 1880c) was a defence of CD against accusations made by Butler in a letter in the Athenæum, 31 January 1880; he also noted that CD and Ernst Krause’s book, Erasmus Darwin, had been advertised more frequently and prominently after his complaint than before (see Butler 1880, p. 77). John Murray was CD’s publisher. Ernst Krause’s reply to Butler was published in Nature, 27 January 1881, p. 288. See letter to G. J. Romanes, 24 January 1881. CD was a county magistrate for the Bromley division of Kent (Post Office directory of the six home counties).

To Asa Gray   29 January 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Jan. 29th. 1881 My dear Gray It was extremely kind of you to send me your review in the Journal & that in the Nation.—1 They have pleased me greatly; for there is hardly any one in the world whose approbation I value more highly than I do yours. That was a stupid blunder about Apium; but you cannot put yourself in my frame of mind: “Celery” calls up an image in my mind, but not the word Apium.— As for Apios I remember the name, & I fancy in connection with climbing plants.2 I am a pretty sort of man to write about plants!!

January 1881

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Nothing in your Review pleased me more than your opening sentence about Frank.3 If you know him well, you wd know that such an idea as being offended with you never could cross his mind.4 In fact I wish I could infuse a few drachms of vanity & self-conceit into his veins, for he never will value in the least what he does.— Therefore I am certain that the notion or wish that you would speak in his praise wd. never have occurred to him.— He was pleased by receiving a letter from you some little time ago,5 & he did not answer it, having nothing definite to say, simply from not liking to trouble you.— I hope when you come back from the continent that you & Mrs Gray6 may find time to pay us a little visit.— Once again thanking you for your kindness, extended to me now for very many years | I remain, Ever yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin Gray Herbarium of Harvard University (130b) 1

2

3

4 5 6

Gray had sent proof-copies of his reviews of Movement in plants in the American Journal of Science 3d ser. 21 (1881): 245–9 and Nation 32 (1881): 17–18 with his letter of 27 January 1881. CD’s copies are in DAR 226.1: 6–7. Gray noted a few misprints in the text, including ‘Apios’ for Apium in Apium graveolens (celery; see Movement in plants, pp. 422 and 424). Apios tuberosa (a synonym of A. americana, groundnut or potato bean), a vine in the family Fabaceae, is mentioned in the letter from J. D. Hooker, [4–]6 August 1864 (Correspondence vol. 12). Francis Darwin. The first sentence of Gray’s review reads: ‘First let us congratulate the scientific community, no less than the author, that Mr. Darwin’s experimental researches are seconded, and are we hope long to be continued, by the son whose name appears upon the title-page, and whose independent papers already published approve his worthiness for that honour’ (American Journal of Science 3d ser. 21 (1881): 245). See letter from Asa Gray, 27 January 1881 and n. 2. Gray had written to Francis Darwin about a paper he had read at the Linnean Society on 16 December 1880 (F. Darwin 1880b; letter from Asa Gray to Francis Darwin, 17 December 1880 (DAR 165: 202)). Jane Loring Gray.

To Ernst Krause   29 January 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Jan. 29th 1881 My dear Sir I send by this post a copy of Nature with your letter, which has been very well translated by Mr Balfour.—1 The letter seems to me in every way excellent.— It says everything which I wished to be said & not a word which I would wish unsaid. I thank you cordially. I shall now feel easy, & Mr. Butler may abuse me to his heart’s content.2 Yours faithfully & gratefully | Charles Darwin P.S | You will see a long review of Mr Butler’s book by Mr. Romanes.3 It seems to me very well done, but all my family think that he has used too strong language, & perhaps this is the case.— Mr Butler’s vanity is a real psychological curiosity.— The Huntington Library (HM 36213)

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2 3

January 1881

CD had asked Francis Maitland Balfour to translate Krause’s response to Samuel Butler; it was published as a letter to Nature dated 12 January 1881, and appeared in the issue for 27 January 1881, p. 288 (see letter to F. M. Balfour, 12 January 1881). For Butler’s attack on CD, see Butler 1880, pp. 58–62, and the letter to Leslie Stephen, 11 January 1881 and n. 3. George John Romanes’s review of Butler 1880 appeared in Nature, 27 January 1881, pp. 285–7.

From A. R. Wallace   29 January 1881 Pen-y-bryn, St. Peter’s Road, | Croydon. Jany. 29th. 1881 My dear Darwin Yours just received was very welcome, & the delay in its reaching me is of no importance whatever, as having seen the announcement of the Queen’s approval of the pension of course I felt it was safe.1 The ante-dating of the first payment, is a very liberal & thoughtful act; but I do not think it is any way exceptional, as regards myself. I am informed it is the custom because, as no payment is made after the death of the person, if the first payment were delayed, the proposed recipient might die before the 12 year (a quarter day) & thus receive nothing at all. I suppose you sent the right address to Mr Seymour.2 I have not yet heard from him, but I dare say I shall during next week. As I am assured both by Miss Buckley & by Prof. Huxley that it is to you that I owe in the first place this great kindness, & that you have also taken an immense amount of trouble to bring it to so successful issue, I must again return you my best thanks, and assure you that there is no one living to whose kindness in such a matter I could feel myself indebted with so much pleasure & satisfaction.3 Believe me, Dear Darwin, | Yours very faithfully | Alfred R. Wallace— Charles Darwin Esq. DAR 106: B152–3 1

2 3

Wallace had been awarded a civil list pension of £200 a year (see letter from W. E. Gladstone, 6 January 1881); these were officially granted by the Crown (Queen Victoria), and recommended by the prime minister and first lord of the Treasury, William Ewart Gladstone (see MacLeod 1970). See letter to H. A. D. Seymour, 20 January 1881. Arabella Burton Buckley and Thomas Henry Huxley had assisted CD in preparing the memorial for Wallace’s pension (see letter to A. R. Wallace, 7 January 1881 and nn. 1 and 2).

From W. E. Darwin   30 January [1881]1 Ridgemount, | Basset, | Southampton. Jany 30 My dear Father, I am sorry that you have had so much writing to do about the Geolog: Soc: but I hope it is over now.2 I am very glad to hear that you have been able to make up your

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mind as to the rounding of the particles from Beaulieu, it is a very curious thing and proves what an effect worms must have to preparing supplies of mould.3 I mean to look at the castings that are white on St Catherines hill, and see if the particles of chalk are rounded. I should have thought there was nothing definite enough made out as to St Catherines or Teg Down to make mention of.4 I think what Geo. says about the paths being very short if they were horizontal instead of following the slope of the valley is quite true about the small slope I examined, when I go again I will remember the point as to the larger space covered with ledges.5 The Brokers cannot get hold of any Southampton Dock Deb: Stock yet, what do you say to the preference 5 per cent stock at 110 or so—the ordinary pays 4 percent—& perhaps might be bought—or I will look out something else.6 We were greatly amused by Romanes’ article in Nature on Butler, it is very clever and treats Butler with proper contempt; and Krause’s letter is very satisfactory.7 There need be no more worry about such vermin whatever he says or does. I am very glad old Geo. got off, it was plucky of him to start;8 here the snow except in the ditches is almost all washed away by the rain; but no doubt you have plenty in the lanes still. Sara9 & I were greatly struck with Brights’ & Gladstone’s speeches,10 I wonder what deadly poison R & Hen.11 will manage to find in them. I hear that the guards are doubled at the Ordnance Office & Netley Hospital for fear of the Fenians & dynamite.12 Goodbye dear Father I ought to have written before but I have been a slave for last 8 days on a Relief Comee. for the distress in the Town.13 Sara sends her best love, she is pretty well, but delighted that it no longer necessary to huddle over the fire. We shall be glad to hear that Bessy14 thinks of coming soon Your affect son | W E Darwin Cornford Family Papers (DAR 275: 87) 1 2

3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to W. E. Darwin, 25 January 1881. CD had collected signatures for a certificate for William’s application for membership of the Geological Society of London (see letter to W. E. Darwin, 25 January 1881). William was elected on 9 March 1881 (Proceedings of the Geological Society of London 37 (1880–1): 236). See letter to W. E. Darwin, 25 January 1881 and n. 2. See letter to W. E. Darwin, 25 January 1881 and n. 3. George Howard Darwin. See letter to W. E. Darwin, 25 January 1881 and n. 4. William had suggested buying shares in the Southampton Dock Company (see letter from W. E. Darwin, 1 January [1881], and letter to W. E. Darwin, 3 January [1881]). George John Romanes’s review of Samuel Butler’s Unconscious memory (Butler 1880) was published in Nature, 27 January 1881, pp. 285–7; Ernst Krause’s reply to Butler was published in the same issue, p. 288. George had taken a steamer from Dartmouth to Madeira (letter to W. E. Darwin, 25 January 1881). Sara Darwin. John Bright was a member of the Cabinet in William Ewart Gladstone’s ministry; both men spoke in the House of Commons in favour of the Protection of Persons and Property Bill, which involved the

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suspension of habeas corpus in Ireland to combat ‘agrarian crime’ and the ‘violence and intimidation’ of the Irish Land League. Extracts from Bright’s and Gladstone’s speeches were published in The Times, 29 January 1881, p. 9. Henrietta Emma and Richard Buckley Litchfield. The Ordnance Survey Office was in Southampton; Netley Hospital was a large military hospital near Southampton. On the Fenian dynamite campaigns, see Kenna 2011. On the extreme cold and heavy snow in Britain during the third week of January, see, for example, The Times, 17 January 1881, p. 12, and 24 January 1881, p. 10. William served on a relief committee in Southampton (Southampton Herald, 22 January 1881, p. 4). Elizabeth Darwin.

To W. E. Darwin   31 January [1881] My dear W. I shd. think that the Preference 5 per cent stock of the Southampton Docks would do very well, but you can settle as you think fit, for it concerns you all very much more than me.—1 I have had to refund 30£ for Duty & £50 goes to Miles, but you can invest about the £1000, only there will be so much less to divide next year.2 We had a note this morning from Leonard at Chatham, & he seems going on very well: he says that he has just invested £800!3 I am very glad that you approve of Romanes article:4 some have thought it vulgarly strong, but I & others did not think so,—though perhaps a few terms had better have been softened— I received this morning a remarkably nice letter from Wallace about the Pension—5 When you have a bit of leisure look to Petioles of Acacia & remember that I want to see the spec.s & know which end was buried.6 I am now wholly rewriting my first chapter on habits & think that I shall show that worms have much bigger souls than anyone wd suppose—7 Dear. old William—goodbye | C. Darwin Down Jan. 31.— Postmark: JA 31 81 DAR 210.6: 173 1 2

3 4 5 6 7

See letter from W. E. Darwin, 30 January [1881] and n. 6. In 1880, CD had started distributing his surplus income each year to his children (see letter to the Darwin children, 3 January 1881). £30 duty was paid on the £1000 bequest from Elizabeth Wedgwood; £50 was paid to Samuel Miles, who was Elizabeth’s butler from 1871 (CD’s Account books–banking account (Down House MS)). Leonard Darwin was an instructor in chemistry and photography at the School of Military Engineering in Chatham; his letter has not been found. George John Romanes’s highly critical review of Samuel Butler’s Unconscious memory (Butler 1880) was published in Nature, 27 January 1881, pp. 285–7. Alfred Russel Wallace had been awarded a civil list pension (see letter from A. R. Wallace, 29 January 1881 and n. 1). In Earthworms, CD discussed the direction in which leaves and petioles were drawn into burrows by worms; on the petioles of Robinia pseudo-acacia (black locust or false acacia), see Earthworms, pp. 81–2. Earthworms, pp. 8–54; on the senses and mental powers of worms, see Earthworms, pp. 19–35.

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From W. E. Darwin   3 February [1881]1 Ridgemount, | Basset, | Southampton. Feb 3d My dear Father, I send you a paper box with leaves in it, they were very sodden & decayed so that they are a poor set.2 I took out a plate & some ink, and dipped the end in the ink & laid them on the plate, and afterwards put an atom of vermilion on the inked parts, as I doubted whether the ink would be very distinct   the best are in little box fastened with sealing wax in the bigger one.3 I also send several Rhododendron leaves which I found drawn in and apparently stopping up holes.4 Underneath these in a paper are some leaves which were tucked in sideways, but I am not quite sure which side was lowest, however they were doubled up as you see them.5 I will have another look on Sunday, but I doubt if I shall find any more; so that I hope you will make something out of these; I found a good number of crumbling broken scraps but I found it difficult to say which way they were placed in the holes, as they may have got turned in being pulled out. I am very glad to hear that you think you will make out the habits satisfactorily. The post is soon off—so no more— | Your affect son | W. E. Darwin Cornford Family Papers (DAR 275: 88) 1 2 3

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The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from W. E. Darwin, 4 February 1881. This was a collection of leaves that earthworms had pulled into the mouths of their burrows to plug them up at night. CD was ‘wholly rewriting’ his chapter on the habits of worms, and had asked William to check which ends of leaves were pulled into earthworm burrows (see letter to W. E. Darwin, 31 January [1881]). William marked one end of the leaves with ink to help his observations (see letter to W. E. Darwin, 14 January [1881]). CD had observed that worms usually drew in leaves by the more streamlined tips rather than by the footstalk (Earthworms, pp. 64–8). CD became particularly interested in rhododendron leaves after William pointed out that the leaves of some species were narrower at the base than at the apex; they therefore provided a way of testing whether earthworms exhibited intelligence in selecting the end that could be dragged into their burrows most easily (Earthworms, pp. 69–70). As leaves were drawn into earthworm burrows, they became closely folded and pressed together (Earthworms, p. 59).

From W. E. Darwin   4 February 1881 Bank, Southampton, Feb 4th 1881 My dear Father No Southampton Dock Deb: or Prefce Stock to be bought.1 What do you say to one of the following.

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Canada Gov.t 4 per cent St— Leeds Corporation Debenture Stock 4 per cent Leicester Corporation "

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London St Katherine 108 Dock Debenture St 4 percent The Canada Bonds could be inscribed in Uncle Ras’s2 name & he would receive the dividend by post. I know I can buy the Canada Bonds, or the L. St Katherine Deb. Stock, & perhaps the others. I do not doubt the Canada Govt being quite safe. Please name one or two. I sent off my leaves yesterday.3 Your affect | son | W. E Darwin Cornford Family Papers (DAR 275: 89) 1 2 3

CD had been consulting William about investments, and had suggested purchasing Southampton Docks stock (see letter to W. E. Darwin, 31 January [1881]). Erasmus Alvey Darwin. See to letter to W. E. Darwin, [27 February 1881] and n. 2. See letter from W. E. Darwin, 3 February [1881].

To W. E. Darwin   4 February [1881] Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Feb. 4th My dear W. Many thanks. Do not trouble about Acacia, as yours seems a bad place, & Frank has just collected almost 60 at Mr Teesdale’s place: they also prove ill-adapted for my purpose, as I cannot decide positively, whether basal end, when drawn in, has been gnawed.1 The little leaves sent, were so crumpled, partly from drying that I could make out nothing, & I have got a good body of facts showing that as a general rule leaves are drawn by their apices. Therefore the case of your rhododendron leaves interested me, as 7 were drawn in by base & 2 by apex. The case is all the better in relation to intelligence that the plant is not a native.2 Like a big ass I thought at first that these leaves had been rolled up by the worms, & placed them in water, so that they have expanded somewhat. On reflexion I was almost convinced that they are first rolled up from drying & are afterwards dragged into holes. I find that the shape of the fresh leaves here differs considerably in the different vars., being sometimes much narrower near the base than near apex. I also found many dead leaves somewhat curled up, & I think that in this state their basal end is generally narrower than their apical end, & this wd account for their being generally drawn in by base.

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Now will you endeavour to find a good many more drawn-in leaves, & count how many are drawn in by base & how many by apex.— Also look to shape of fresh leaves of neighbouring bushes, & more especially to dead withered leaves & observe whether the curling in is more at base than apex, so that it is best for the worm to drag them in by base.— I can find as yet here none dragged in.— I have collected many dead leaves & shall look at them tomorrow & collect still more. But you will see that as the vars. differ I dare not trust to my observations here for the leaves, (perhaps of other vars.) drawn in near you.— The interest is that worms should apparently be able by touch of ant. end3 of body to judge of shape, so as to draw in objects in the most favourable manner.— I am now trying triangles of card of this shape,— only 3 as yet have been drawn in & all 3 by apex.—4 We heard from George this morning just arrived at Madeira after rather stormy passage.—5 Yours affect. | C. Darwin Postmark: FE 4 81 DAR 210.6: 174 1

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CD had asked William to observe which end of acacia leaves was drawn into worm burrows (see letter to W. E. Darwin, 31 January [1881]). Francis Darwin had evidently collected leaves at Downe Hall, the home of John Marmaduke Teesdale (Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/855/92/19)). CD wished to distinguish between leaves used by worms to stop up the mouths of burrows and those that they consumed; he noted that worms often gnawed off small fragments of leaves after softening them with digestive fluid (Earthworms, pp. 57–9). For the rhododendron leaves and other leaves sent by William, see the letter from W. E. Darwin, 3 February [1881] and nn. 3 and 4. ‘ant. end’: anterior end. CD gave the results of the ways in which worms pulled triangular pieces of ‘moderately stiff writingpaper’ into their burrows, and the conclusions he drew from these observations, in Earthworms, pp. 82–93. George Howard Darwin’s letter has not been found. George’s trip to Madeira in 1881 is mentioned in F. Darwin 1916, p. xvi.

To W. E. Darwin   5 February [1881]1 My dear W. I think that the Leeds Corporation or the Leicester Corporation wd be best, & next the Canada Bonds.—2 My objection to latter is chance of war with U. States.— I have lost so much money in London & St. K. Docks. that I loathe the investment,— not that I really object—3 I have been hunting the Rhododendron beds & can find no leaves drawn in, & I imagine reason is the worms do not like peat.—4 The leaves of the varieties

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observed today, do not become nearly so much narrowed or infolded at their basal ends by withering, as did the leaves collected yesterday, in which the process was well marked.— The worms are drawing in my triangles of card nicely, but enough have not yet been drawn in for any conclusion. I think that I shall try feathers.—5 Leonard has just arrived, I am glad to say. He looks well, but seems very chilly & is easily tired: his figure has become quite graceful.—6 Goodbye—dear old fellow | your affect Father | C. Darwin Best of love to Sara.—7 Down. Feb. 5th— DAR 210.6: 175 1 2 3

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The year is established by relationship between this letter and the letter from W. E. Darwin, 4 February 1881. William had drawn up a list of companies in which CD might invest (see letter from W. E. Darwin, 4 February 1881). Between 1876 and February 1881, the value of CD’s investment in the London and St Katherine Docks went down from £50 2s. 5d. to £40 1s. 1d.; by July 1881, it had dropped further to £33 8s. 3d. (CD’s Investment book (Down House MS), p. 163). Disputes between Bolivia, Peru, and Chile over nitrate territories had resulted in the 1879–83 War of the Pacific and affected the complicated trade arrangements concerning supplies of nitrates and guano between British, Continental, and American powers. Britain, having invested heavily in South American nitrate production, was likely to suffer the most from the war, and the British government hoped that a concerted effort by European powers and the United States might settle the situation. The US government, however, decided to act unilaterally, fearing British intervention. By early 1881, the distrust between London and Washington was at its worst. See Kiernan 1955. Peat produces the acidic soil that rhododendrons require. CD thought that the differences in leaf shape exhibited by different varieties of rhododendron would provide the means to determine whether worms plugged up their burrows with the narrower end of a leaf regardless of whether this was the apex or the base (see letter from W. E. Darwin, 3 February [1881] and n. 4). In Earthworms, p. 58, CD noted that worms drew in feathers to plug their burrows. For his experiments with card triangles, see the letter to W. E. Darwin, 4 February [1881] and n. 4. Leonard Darwin had been ill in London (letter from Emma Darwin to Sara Darwin, [13 January 1881] (DAR 219.1: 140)). Sara Darwin.

To J. H. Gilbert   5 February 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Feb 5 1881 My dear Sir I trust to your kindess to forgive me for troubling you with a question. It is, whether vegetable mould, such as occurs close beneath the roots of the grasses on a pasture field, or in a Garden, has an acid reaction. I have tried in a few places & find no signs of acidity by neutral litmus paper, excepting on one damp & not very well drained place on my Lawn, where the mould was distinctly acid.— I ask because I have no experience in such work, & dare not fully trust my own observations.— I

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have often read of poor soil being “sour”, but imagined that this was only a form of expression for a poor soil. I have long attended to the action of earth-worms, & I find that the contents of their intestines & their castings (or ejections) are acid, (except when contents were white with chalk) & this leads me to wish to know about mould.1 I have read that the humus acids, (to which class I have some slight reason to believe that the intestinal acids of worms belong) are easily decomposed.— I hope that it will not cause you much trouble to answer this question, & that you will kindly oblige me.— My dear Sir | Yours very faithfully | Ch. Darwin Rothamsted Research (GIL13) 1

Digestive fluid (pancreatic juice) is alkaline, therefore CD attributed the acidity of fresh wormcasts to the acids produced by the decay of the leaves ingested by earthworms (Earthworms, pp. 50–2).

From W. E. Darwin   6 February 1881 Ridgemount, | Basset, | Southampton. Feb. 6th 1881 | Sunday My dear Father, I have just found the following numbers of Rhododendrons leaves buried— I have neglected a good many cases where there was great doubt whether it was the action of worms, but if anything I have erred on the side of including cases where they were buried apex downwards.1 I have found 36 drawn in stalk downwards to 17 with the apex downwards. or 36 to 18, if you include the enclosed one which I have considerable doubts about. Where ever a leave is standing up and fairly buried in part, whether apex or stalk downwards, I have taken it to be the action of worms, though frequently there is no other sign of worms at that particular spot; as I suppose that the snow & rain in many cases would 〈    〉 the earth close round the 〈    〉 and leave no sign of 〈    〉 worm hole; if this is no〈t〉 satisfactory I will try agai〈n〉 and only take cases wher〈e〉 there is other evidence of worms. I send you a bo〈x〉 containing most of those I extracted, so that you will see the sort of leaf— When the leaf is fresh and not curled up it easies〈t〉 〈    〉 drawn by the stalk from 〈the〉 tapering of the leaf. I collected a number of withe〈red〉 leaves some curled & some uncurled under the trees an〈d〉 sorted them in 3 lots 1. in which it would be easiest to draw in by the stalk 〈2. th〉ose in which it would be the same both ways 〈3.〉 those in which it would be easiest to draw in by the apex. (1.) there were 153 leaves (2) — 21 " (3) — 63 "

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(2) and (3) there is a larger proportion of leaves closely 〈curle〉d up than in (1) 〈    〉 are almost all curled into two parallel pipes. 〈I ca〉n easily look again if there is any other point. 〈I〉 enclose a slip Mlle. Wild gave me showing an article in “La Nature” on your book.2 We were glad to get George’s note3 Your affect son | W. E Darwin DAR 162: 112/1 CD annotations 1.1 I have … apex downwards. 1.4] crossed blue crayon 6 2.1 I have … stalk downwards] ‘ 42 from lot’ added ink 2.1 to 17 … downwards.] ‘3/20. from lot’ added ink 4.1 When the … leaf. 4.2] scored red crayon 5.8 63] ‘/237’ added below blue ink 8.1 〈I ca〉n … note 9.2] crossed blue crayon CD note: Rhododendron – leaves in Burrows by Base 42 68 62 = 100 by Apex 20 32 4 62 =100 1

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CD had asked William to observe which end of rhododendron leaves had been used to pull them into worm burrows, and whether this correlated with the narrowest part of the leaf (see letter to W. E. Darwin, 4 February [1881]). Rhododendrons were useful for testing worm intelligence because the narrowest part of their leaves was sometimes the apex and sometimes the base depending on the variety of rhododendron (Earthworms, p. 69). Henriette Wild. Movement in plants was reviewed in ‘Le mouvement chez les végétaux par M. Charles Darwin’, La Nature, 29 January 1881, pp. 138–9. This review was a translation (with some omissions) of the review published in Gardeners’ Chronicle, 27 November 1880, pp. 692–3. Probably the letter from George Howard Darwin to CD announcing his arrival on Madeira (see letter to W. E. Darwin, 4 February [1881] and n. 5). The numerators ‘68’ and ‘32’ were added in William’s hand.

1.

To C. G. Semper   6 February 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Feb. 6th 1881 Dear Professor Semper Owing to all sorts of work I have only just now finished reading your “Nat. Conditions of existence”.1 Although a book of small size it contains an astonishing amount of matter; & I have been particularly struck with the originality with which you treat so many subjects, & at your scrupulous accuracy. In far the greater number of points I quite follow you in your conclusions; but I differ on some, & I suppose that no two men in the world would fully agree on so many difficult subjects. I have been interested on so many points, I can hardly say on which most. Perhaps as much on Geograph. Distribution as on any other, especially in relation to M. Wagner.2

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(No, no! about parasites interested me even more).3 How strange that Wagner shd. have thought that I meant by struggle for existence, struggle for food. It is curious that he shd. not have thought of the endless adaptations for the dispersal of seeds & the fertilisation of flowers.— Again I was much interested about Branchipus & Artemisia: when I read imperfectly some years ago the original paper, I could not avoid thinking that some special explanation would hereafter be found for so curious a case:4 I speculated whether a species very liable to repeated & great changes of conditions, might not acquire a fluctuating condition, ready to be adapted to either conditions.— With respect to Arctic animals, being white, (p.  116  of your book) it might perhaps be worth your looking at what I say from Pallas & my own observations in the Descent of Man (later Editions) Ch. 8 p 229 & Ch 18 p. 542.—5 I quite agree with what I gather to be your judgment, viz that the direct action of the conditions of life on organisms, or the cause of their variability is the most important of all subjects for the future..6 For some few years I have been thinking of commencing a set of experiments on Plants, for they almost invariably vary when cultivated. I fancy that I see my way with the aid of continued self-fertilisation. But I am too old & have not strength enough. Nevertheless the hope occasionally revives. Finally, let me thank you for the very kind manner in which you often refer to my works, & for the even still kinder manner in which you disagree with me.— With cordial thanks for the pleasure & instruction which I have derived from your book, I remain | My dear Professor Semper | Yours sincerely | Charles Darwin My son Francis begs to be very kindly remembered to you.—7 Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek Düsseldorf (slg 60/Dok/62) 1

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CD’s lightly annotated copy of Semper’s book The natural conditions of existence as they affect animal life (Semper 1881) is in the Darwin Library–CUL. He had asked for a copy to be sent to him as soon as it was published (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter to Williams & Norgate, [before 4 September 1880] and n. 3). Moritz Wagner had argued in opposition to CD that natural selection could operate only in conjunction with migration; Semper suggested that the two theories were not as opposed as Wagner thought (see Semper 1881, pp. 288–93). Semper 1881, pp. 331–52. In Semper 1881, p. 158, Semper described Wladimir Schmankewitsch’s experiments showing that when water salinity was slowly reduced, Artemia (the genus of brine shrimp; misspelled as ‘Artemisia’ by CD) produced offspring that over generations resembled Branchipus (the genus of freshwater shrimp-like branchiopod crustaceans). Schmankewitsch’s article on the subject was published in 1877 (Schmankewitsch 1877); CD’s annotated copy is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. CD wrote on the cover of his offprint: ‘On changes in Crustaceans from salt water’, adding, with double underlining, ‘Very good’. From the 1890s, however, Schmankewitsch’s views were heavily criticised (Vucinich 1988, pp. 84–5, 158–9, 371). Outside Germany his name was usually given as Vladimir Ivanovich Shmankevich. In Descent 2d ed., pp. 229 and 542, CD reported that Siberian domestic cattle and horses as well as wolves, some antelopes, elk, and reindeer become lighter coloured during the winter, citing Pyotr Simon Pallas in Pallas 1778. In the preface of his book, Semper had stated, ‘It appears to me that of all the properties of the animal organism, Variability is that which may first and most easily be traced by exact investigation to its

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efficient causes; and, as it is beyond a doubt the subject around which at the present moment the strife of opinions is most violent, it is that which will be most likely to repay the trouble of closer research’ (Semper 1881, p. vi). Francis Darwin had worked in Julius Sachs’s laboratory in Würzburg in the summer of 1878, and first met Semper during this visit (see Correspondence vol. 26, letter from Francis Darwin, [21 July 1878]).

To Ernst Krause   7 February 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Feb. 7th 1881 My dear Sir As Mr. Butlers last letter was almost wholly a renewed attack on me, & not on you, you probably will not think of answering it.1 But some of my friends have written to me today saying that they hope that you will not write again, as the letter which has been published contains everything which was necessary, & as Mr. Butler is utterly unscrupulous in what he writes.2 If you have preserved the letter in which I asked your permission for a translation, I shd. like to hear the date to keep as a record for my private satisfaction;3 & of a second letter in which I told you (if I remember rightly) that Mr Dallas had just informed me of the advertisement of Mr. Butlers book, for this was the first time I ever heard of it.—4 My dear Sir | Yours ever sincerely obliged | Ch. Darwin The Huntington Library (HM 36214) 1

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Samuel Butler had published a letter in Nature, 5 February 1881, pp. 312–13, renewing his claim that unacknowledged use had been made of his work and that his views had been attacked by Krause and CD in Erasmus Darwin; he concluded by deploring CD’s lack of ‘gentlemanly conduct’. Krause’s letter had been published in Nature, 27 January 1881, p. 288, with the title ‘Unconscious memory – Mr Samuel Butler’ (see letter to Ernst Krause, 29 January 1881). It is unclear from whom CD received the advice that Krause should refrain from writing a reply to Butler’s letter in Nature. CD had requested permission to publish an English translation of Krause’s essay on Erasmus Darwin’s evolutionary work in early 1879 (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter to Ernst Krause, 9 March 1879). William Sweetland Dallas informed CD that Butler had published a book titled Evolution, old and new (Butler 1879); CD, in turn, told Krause (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter from W. S. Dallas, 9 May 1879, and letter to Ernst Krause, 13 May 1879).

From Fritz Müller1   7 February 1881 Blumenau, Sa. Catharina, Brazil, 7. Februar 1881. … In Ihren “Forms of flowers” sprechen Sie von Lagerstroemia als zweifelhaft verschiedengrifflig.2 In meinem Garten habe ich einen Baum, dessen Blüten immer sechs lange Staubfäden haben mit grünlichem Pollen und ungefähr 30  kurze mit gelbem Pollen; der Griffel ist so lang wie die längeren Staubfäden und die Narbe berührt oft eine der Antheren. In früheren Jahren habe ich wiederholt Blumen mit grünem und andere mit gelbem Pollen von derselben Pflanze befruchtet, aber nicht

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eine hat Frucht angesetzt. Kürzlich sah ich in einigen Gärten eine zweite Varietät oder Art mit abweichend gefärbten Blumen, welche in der Veränderlichkeit der längeren Staubfäden vollkommen mit Ihrer Beschreibung der L.  indica übereinstimmt.3 Der Griffel ist ungefähr so lang wie die längeren Staubfäden. Blumen der Pflanze in meinem Garten, welche mit grünem Pollen dieser zweiten Varietät befruchtet wurden, bringen jetzt gute Früchte hervor; vier Blumen, die mit gelbem Pollen befruchtet waren, fielen am dritten Tage nicht ab, wie sie es ohne Befruchtung gethan haben würden, sie liessen nur die Blumenblätter fallen wie diejenigen, die mit grünem Pollen befruchtet waren; einige Tage später sind sie aber abgefallen. In meinem Garten werden die Blumen von Lagerstroemia von verschiedenen Arten von Trigona und Melipona besucht,4 welche den Pollen sammeln und nach dem Benehmen mancher dieser Insecten vermuthe ich, dass die verschiedene Länge der Staubfäden und die verschiedene Farbe des Pollens der Pflanze nützlich sein wird, weil die pollensammelnden Insecten vorzugsweise durch den hellgelben Pollen angezogen werden, der wegen der Kürze der Staubfäden nicht leicht auf die Narbe einer anderen Blüte übertragen werden kann, während der Pollen der längeren Staubfäden, der sich in einer für die Uebertragung auf die Narbe anderer Blüten günstigen Stellung befindet, durch seine grünliche Farbe der Aufmerksamkeit der Insecten leicht entgehen kann. So dient ein Theil der Antheren dazu, die Insecten anzulocken, während der andere Theil die Kreuzbefruchtung sichert. Eine unserer Pontederiaceen (Heteranthera reniformis) zeigt einen entsprechenden Fall.5 Sie hat zwei kurze Staubfäden, deren Antheren am Eingang der Blumenröhre stehen und hellgelben Pollen enthalten; der dritte Staubfaden ist lang und hat blassbläulichen Pollen; der Griffel ist mit seltener Ausnahme so lang wie dieser längere Staubfaden. Wenn die Blüte sich öffnet, so ist der Griffel nach rechts und der Staubfaden nach links gebogen, und beide bilden einen Winkel von ungefähr 60°; wenn die Blume zu welken beginnt, so biegen sich der Griffel und der Staubfaden gegeneinander, die Anthere berührt die Narbe, und es tritt Selbstbefruchtung ein. Bei mehreren Commelynaceen6 ist der Pollen der verschiedenen Antheren ebenfalls verschieden gefärbt, und man kann als allgemeine Regel feststellen, dass er weniger sichtbar bei denjenigen Antheren ist, von denen er am leichtesten auf die Narbe anderer Blüten übertragen werden kann. Vor einigen Tagen erhielt ich von Dr. Mayer eine sehr interessante Abhandlung über die Metamorphose von Palaemonetes varians, der zur selben Zeit auch von J. E. V. Boas in Dänemark untersucht worden ist.7 Nun ist es äusserst merkwürdig, dass die Larven in Dänemark das Ei in einem viel weiter vorgerückten Zustande verlassen, als diejenigen in Süditalien. Bei den ersteren fehlen ausser anderen Unterschieden die Branchien am Thorax und den Abdominal-Füssen vollständig, während sie bei den letzteren vorhanden sind. Ich kann sagen, dass ich erwartete, es würden derartige Verschiedenheiten bestehen; auch Paul Mayer nahm dies an, ohne die Untersuchungen von Boas zu kennen.8 Mit der grössten Hochachtung u. s. w. | Fritz Müller. Möller ed. 1915–21, 2: 406–7

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For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. All Fritz Müller’s letters to CD were written in English (see Möller ed. 1915–21, 2: 72 n.); most of them have not been found. Many of the letters were later sent by Francis Darwin to Alfred Möller, who translated them into German for his Fritz Müller: Werke, Briefe und Leben (Möller ed. 1915–21). Möller also found final drafts of some Müller letters among the Fritz Müller papers and included these in their original English form (ibid., 2: 72 n). Where the original English versions are missing, the published version, usually appearing in German translation, has been used. See Forms of flowers, pp. 167–8. Lagerstroemia is the genus of crape myrtle. All species of Lagerstroemia, including L. indica, are native to south-east Asia; trees of L. indica have one colour of flower, but this ranges from white to pink to red on different trees. Trigona and Melipona are genera of stingless bees that range from Mexico to South America. Heteranthera reniformis is kidneyleaf mudplantain; Pontederiaceae is the family of pickerel weed. Müller had previously mentioned Heteranthera as a monomorphic genus (Correspondence vol. 17, letter from Fritz Müller, 18 December 1869). Commelynaceae is a synonym of Commelinaceae, the family of spiderwort. Paul Mayer’s essay ‘Die Metamorphose von Palaemonetes varians Leach’ (The metamorphosis of Palaemonetes varians Leach; Mayer 1880) was published in Mittheilungen aus der Zoologischen Station zu Neapal. Johan Erik Vesti Boas had discussed the metamorphosis of Palaemonetes varians in ‘Studier over Decapodernes Slægtskabsforhold’ (Research on the affinities of decapod Crustacea; Boas 1880, pp. 50–4, 171–2). Palaemonetes varians is a synonym of Palaemon varians. See Mayer 1880, pp. 203–4; Mayer noted that the temperature of the water was a major factor in determining when young shrimp hatched.

To W. E. Darwin   8 February [1881]1 Down, Feb. 8th— My dear W.— You have sent me splendid information about Rhododendron leaves—2 I cannot doubt from appearance of leaves sent that they have been dragged in by worms.— Your examining so many leaves lying dead & not dragged in has proved especially valuable; because I see in leaves sent by you, that many inserted by base are now narrower in apical part—& many inserted by apex are now narrower in basal part; This surprised me at first, but reflecting that after leaf had been dragged in by base or by apex, the part exposed & standing up in air wd be almost sure to become more infolded & wd thus become narrower.— The form of the leaves whilst lying on the ground wd determine the worms how to drag them into burrow.— I have now got 42 drawn in by base & 20 by apex.— I think this is enough—but if in a week or two your spirits will allow you to pull up a few more, so much the better, for the bigger the number so much the better.— If you do, do not bother to send them or to count more on ground.— It is clear that there is much variability in shape of leaf & in manner of withering.— Frank sent card about investment, this morning—3 You are a first-rate man to ask to make any observations. Will Sara4 tell me on what points you are not first rate? your affect Father. | C.D. There was fierce review against Geikie in last Nature, but I doubt its justice.—5 If, however, bones of rein-deer & Hippopotamus have really been found in close contact in same bed—it tells heavily against interglacial periods.— DAR 210.6: 176

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The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from W.  E.  Darwin, 6 February 1881. See letter from W. E. Darwin, 6 February 1881 and n. 1. Francis Darwin may have been deciding how to invest the money he had received from CD in January (see letter to the Darwin children, 3 January 1881). Sara Darwin, William’s wife. A scathing review by William Boyd Dawkins of James Geikie’s Prehistoric Europe: a geological sketch ( J. Geikie 1881) was published in Nature, 3 February 1881, pp. 309–10. A reply from Geikie appeared in Nature, 10 February 1881, p. 336.

To W. W. Baxter   9 February 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Feb. 9th/81 Dear Sir Will you be so good as to send me a bottle of Vaseline of white colour if you have any.—1 Also I want a pot or bottle of soft Bears-grease or Pomatum (whichever you think best) to put on my beard, which in dry weather feels uncomfortably harsh.—2 AL incomplete Bromley Historic Collections, Bromley Central Library (Baxter Collection) 1

2

Vaseline was the trade name used by Robert Augustus Chesebrough when he began promoting soft purified petroleum jelly for medicinal purposes in 1872. In 1858, he had observed that the black petroleum that built up as a waxy residue on the oil rigs in Pennsylvania was used by oil miners to heal cuts and burns. The white petroleum jelly he patented as Vaseline underwent three purification processes. (‘Vaseline’, http://www.vaseline.co.uk/article/vaselinestory.html (accessed 20 August 2019).) Perfumed bear’s grease was used to promote hair growth and to soften beards. The grease from Russian bears was considered the best, but from the mid nineteenth century the demand was so great that other animal fats were often passed off as bear’s grease. Vegetable oils, especially macassar oil, began to supersede bear’s grease by the 1870s. These greasy products for hair were known as pomatums or pomades. (Marsh 2009, p. 30.)

To R. D. Fitzgerald   9 February 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Feb. 9th 1881 Dear Sir I received a few weeks ago your kind note dated Nov.  20th & this morning Part  6.  of your magnificent work on Orchids.—1 I have read your account of Calæna & most curious it is; but I have as yet looked only at the other Plates. Your account of Calæna reminds me of the case of the Fly Ophrys in Europe; only here when fertilisation does occur it is cross-fertilisation.2 You will think me a bigot but I cannot avoid the belief that it may prove to be so with Calæna. It is, however, now evident that there is more self-fertilisation with the Orchideæ than I had supposed. From my experiments on the effects of self-fertilising & crossing, I imagine that a species could endure for a very long period self-fertilisation, unless it were subjected to very severe competition with other plants.—3

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Should you on further consideration desire to dedicate your truly magnificent work to me, I can assure you that I shall feel greatly honoured.—4 Believe me, my dear Sir | Yours very faithfully | Ch. Darwin P.S. I am always inclined to believe that every detail of structure has a meaning, but it would, I suppose, puzzle any one to conjecture the meaning of the wonderfully elongated divisions of the perianth of Sarcochilus Divitiflorus, as shown in your last Plate.—5 Mitchell Library, Sydney (A 2546) 1

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Fitzgerald’s letter has not been found; he had sent CD the sixth part (dated July 1880) of his work Australian orchids (R. D. Fitzgerald 1875–94). CD had received the first part in 1875 (see Correspondence vol. 23, letter to R. D. Fitzgerald, 16 July 1875 and n. 1). CD’s copies of the parts of this work are in the Darwin Library–CUL. Fitzgerald had concluded from his observations that the Australian orchid genus Caleana, whose structure seemed to preclude insect pollination, reproduced through self-fertilisation; he also stated that whatever the mechanism, the flowers were seldom fertilised (R. D. Fitzgerald 1875–94, 1: part 6, opposite the plate illustrating Caleana major and Caleana minor). In Orchids 2d ed., pp. 45–9, CD stated that the fly ophrys (Ophrys muscifera), though rarely visited by insects, was most likely cross-fertilised by them; he wondered, however, why the plant produced so many flowers when so few were fertilised. He concluded that it seemed that something was ‘out of order in its mechanism or in its conditions’ (ibid., p. 49). The results of CD’s experiments on this subject had been published in Cross and self fertilisation, pp. 285–91. Fitzgerald’s first volume, comprising the first seven parts of Australian orchids, was published in 1882 after CD’s death; it was dedicated ‘to the memory of the late Charles Darwin, as a token of the veneration in which that great naturalist and fearless expounder of science is held’. In his description of Sarcochilus divitiflorus (a synonym of Rhinerrhiza divitiflora), Fitzgerald noted that it was very distinct from other Australian members of the genus (R. D. Fitzgerald 1875–94, 1: part 6, opposite the plate illustrating Sarcochilus divitiflorus). It is now the only species in the genus Rhinerrhiza.

From Ernst Haeckel1   9 February 1881 Jena 9 Febr 81 Hochverehrter theurer Freund! Ihr kommender Geburtstag giebt mir willkommene Gelegenheit, Ihnen nach längerer Pause wieder einen freundlichen Gruss zu senden, und zugleich meine besten Wünsche zum Beginn des neuen Lebensjahres.2 Möge dasselbe Ihnen die volle Frische und Geisteskraft, sowie erfreuliche Gesundheit erhalten, damit Sie die Wissenschaft, der Sie ein neues Fundament gegeben haben, noch lange fördern. Ihr letztes Werk “über die Bewegungen der Pflanzen, für dessen gütige Zusendung ich herzlich danke, giebt mir einen neuen erfreulichen Beweis, dass Ihre seltene Arbeits-Kraft und Ihr Genius, der seine eigenen Wege geht, auch im höchsten Alter ungeschwächt fortwirkt.3 Viele Sätze dieses interessanten Werkes sind, wie ich glaube, directe Bestätigungen für meine Theorie von der Zellseele (in den Popul. wissensch. Vorträgen).4 Mein “System der Medusen” (II. Part., Acraspeden) ist in den letzten Wochen des vorigen Jahres fertig geworden und ich hoffe, Sie werden es inzwischen erhalten haben.5 Es war eine sehr mühselige und schwierige Arbeit, besonders wegen der sehr umfangreichen und schlechten Litteratur. Ich werde kein zweites Werk von

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diesem Umfang unternehmen. Indessen hoffe ich doch damit ein Fundament für die schwierige Systematik und Morphologie der Medusen gelegt zu haben. Gegenwärtig beschreibe ich die “Deep-Sea-Medusen of the Challenger” (nicht viele, aber merkwürdig)6 —Ihre allgemeinen Theorien sind jetzt in Deutschland so allgemein angenommen, dass darüber nicht mehr in wissensch. Zeitschriften gestritten wird. Der Darwinismus hat gesiegt. Der beste Beweis ist, dass alle Zoologen und Botaniker in Ihren Wegen wandeln und phylogenetisch denken! Das wird Ihre beste Belohnung für Ihre grosse Arbeit sein! Mit freundlichsten Grüssen und besten Wünschen stets | Ihr treuer | Ernst Haeckel DAR 166: 77 1 2 3 4

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For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. CD’s birthday was on 12 February. Haeckel’s name is on CD’s presentation list for Movement in plants (see Correspondence vol. 28, Appendix IV). Haeckel’s essay on the ‘soul cell’ (Haeckel 1878a) was included in his collection of popular science lectures (Haeckel 1878c). Haeckel had spoken on this subject when making a lecture tour in 1878 popularising evolution (Krauße 1987, p. 133). His soul cell theory proposed that even the simplest single cell or origin of life possessed a version of the soul, which consisted of a sum of sensations, perceptions, and volitions, and differed from the human soul only in degree; he based his views on experimental observation, and drew on studies that tried to locate the mechanisms of sensation and will within the protoplasm (Proctor 2006, pp. 417–18). Haeckel refers to the second part of the first volume of his monograph on medusae (Monographie der Medusen; Haeckel 1879–81); this part, the System der Acraspeden, does not have a publication date on the title page. Acraspeda is a former class of jellyfish, roughly synonymous with the class Scyphozoa (true jellyfish). CD had also been sent the first part of volume 1 of Haeckel’s work (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter to Ernst Haeckel, 21 January 1880). All four volumes of this work are in the Darwin Library–Down. The second volume of Haeckel’s monograph (Haeckel 1879–81) was Die Tiefsee-Medusen der ChallengerReise und der Organismus der Medusen (The deep-sea medusae of the Challenger-voyage and the organism of the medusa). It was translated into English and appeared as the second part of volume 4 of Zoology in Report on the scientific results of the voyage of H.M.S. Challenger during the years 1873–76 (Haeckel 1882).

To Ernst Haeckel   9 February 1881 Feb 9/81 My dear Haeckel, Will you forgive me for troubling you on a subject in which you can help me? My son Francis, who works with me, wants to get a microscope from Zeiss.1 Will you therefore be so kind as to call on Zeiss and see that he really sends good lenses. On the blank sheet opposite is a list of the ‘Stativ’, objectives and other things which my son wishes to have.2 He will send the money to Zeiss as soon as the latter will let him know that the microscope can be sent off. I received a few weeks ago two additional parts of your magnificent work on the Medusæ, for which I am very much obliged3 My dear Haeckel | Yours very sincerely | Charles Darwin LS Ernst-Haeckel-Haus

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Carl Zeiss had established a workshop to produce optical instruments in Jena in 1846; by the late 1870s, the demand for the microscopes made there was so great that the business had expanded into an industrial enterprise (DBE). Francis Darwin was CD’s secretary and botanical assistant. The sheet with Francis’s list of specifications for his microscope has not been found. The objectives are the lenses of a microscope; a typical microscope has several objective lenses providing different magnifications. Stativ (German): stand. CD had received the second part of the first volume of of Haeckel’s monograph on medusae, System der Acraspeden, together with the associated plates of the Atlas (Haeckel 1879–81). In his letter written on the same day, Haeckel asked whether CD had received the most recent part (see letter from Ernst Haeckel, 9 February 1881).

From Anthony Rich   9 February 1881 Chappell Croft, | Heene, Worthing. Feby. 9. 1881. My dear Mr. Darwin The sight of your handwriting was a pleasant sight to me. It needed some such stimulus to releive me from the “deficiency of voluntary power” with which I have been contending of late. I take the phrase from the Life of Erasmus Darwin; but it suits me exactly.1 Ever since the late autumn I have been thinking from week to week and day by day that I would write to you, but the good intentions only served for paving of a certain road that no one is particularly desirous to travel. A rather acute phase of a chronic ailment which has tormented me for the last twenty years or more has been the obstacle to the performance of social duties. In other respects I got through and over the severe weather of last month without any greater than the usual discomforts of such a season. But I was obliged to have a fire in my bed room for eight days together, for the first time in my life— All that time I was puzzling myself by endeavouring to guess how it had fared with George D: whether he had got clear away before the snow storm came down—whether he had been caught in it and been blocked on his way to take ship whether his start had been altogether arrested, and he compelled to remain in this ungenial climate till the thaw and milder days set in.2 Your letter clears it all up in the most satisfactory way3—at which I greatly rejoice, and hope that you will not omit to transmit to him my congratulations amidst the first communications that go out from Down. Six weeks ago I bought his friend McLellan’s book on Primitive Marriage—4 For the reason already given it lies still unopened on my table; and the Movement of Plants only yet half through;5 while I have been again travelling for amusement with Miss Bird; this time to the northern island of Japan, amongst a race whom she calls “unmitigated savages, with a splendid physique”, (ahem!) and “bodies covered thickly over with hair, growing longest on the shoulders, from which it falls in flakes like the curls on a retriever’s back”.—6 I hope that she will send you a photograph from one of these originals for the next edition of the Descent of Man.— Who the Devil’s Mr. Butler?7 When he can say, as you can say, that he has opened out to the knowledge of mankind a new field of Science, and has cultivated it

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through a life time with marvellous skill and industry, till all the most able men of every country have come to acknowledge the work as one of the greatest and most important discoveries of the age, while the worker is regarded with respect and honour by all who know him—well, when he can say that it will be time enough for you to pay attention to anything he may say.— The compliment you have received from Mr. Gladstone in such a kind and generous way, is proof enough of the estimation in which you are held by one of the first and noblest of men.8 Pity that he can’t know it.— I have learnt from the Movement of Plants how to account for an appearance which I had long and constantly observed without being able to explain it in any way—why the rows of peas and beans in my garden always made their first start from the earth in little bright yellow arches.9 It is a pleasure to be able to explain to ones own mind an apparent mystery which had attracted observation over and over again while remaining a mystery still. When my gardener was sowing a row of peas last week I took up one of them in my fingers and dropped him into the rill, saying, “ah. when you come up, young fellow, I shall know something more about you than s I did when your father was born”.— When I come to read the Chap. which explain the sleep & movements of leaves, as I am about to do, I shall surely be greatly interested, and acquire knowledge.10 But a thorough book like yours requires for its due appreciation some degree of information & mental calibre more closely allied to your own, than I, alas! can boast—. I see that Professor Huxley is to succeed Fr. Buckland as Inspector of Fisheries.11 I do not exactly know what the duties of the post may be; but I should fancy that they were pleasant ones, not onerous, and the position one of fair emolument & distinction. Will it induce him, I wonder to live out of London? or in any particular part of the country, inland or by the sea side? If I thought that a cottage like this, (which however might be enlarged by additions) would increase his comfort as a convenient locality for his professional work or as a seaside residence to escape to from time to time and for change air when the London atmosphere or the London season pronounced such a change to be beneficial, I would leave the reversion of the freehold with its 214 acres to him when my hour has struck; and that in the ordinary nature of things cannot be very far off.—12 But you permit me to indulge in the hope that I shall meet you at Worthing sometime in the course of the coming summer; and then we may have a talk. Moreover I wish particularly to show you a Report which we had drawn up three years ago by the City Surveyors, when the old leases were about to expire, respecting the best way of dealing with that property its value for sale, leasing, & amount of rents proper to be asked &c &c &c all of which things it would be well for you to be acquainted with. I look to that visit with interest and, of course, with the greatest of pleasure; and I herewith send my respects and humble petition to Mrs. Darwin that she will not let that promise slip from her own or your memory. After that I shall be able to look on with much equanimity, not to say with a considerable amount of malicious satisfaction, while you are being

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born bodily away to the Lakes kicking—and screaming—and struggling—like a refractory baby in the arms of its nurse.13 Dear Mr. Darwin | Most truly yours | Anthony Rich. P.S. My lawn is the Paradise of earth-worms DAR 176: 145 1 2

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9 10 11 12 13

In his life of his grandfather, CD quoted Erasmus Darwin’s view that the propensity for procrastination exhibited by one of CD’s uncles resulted from ‘defect of voluntary power’ (Erasmus Darwin, p. 75). The severe blizzard that had struck the southern parts of Britain from 17 to 20 January 1881 had delayed George Howard Darwin’s departure from Dartmouth for a convalescent stay on Madeira (letter from Emma Darwin to G. H. Darwin, 25 January 1881 (DAR 210.3: 1)). For the severity of the weather, see ‘The gale and the snowstorms’, The Times, 20 January 1881, p. 11. CD’s letter to Rich has not been found. George Howard Darwin had stayed with John Ferguson McLennan in Algiers in 1879 (Correspondence vol. 27, letter from G. H. Darwin, 3 March 1879). McLennan’s book Primitive marriage had been published in 1865 (McLennan 1865). Rich’s name is on CD’s presentation list for Movement in plants (Correspondence vol. 28, Appendix IV). Isabella Lucy Bird visited Japan in 1878; her travel diary, in which she described her encounter with the Ainu people of Sakhalin Island (referring to them as the Aino), was published as Unbeaten tracks in Japan (Bird 1880). Rich’s quotations are not accurate; Bird described the Ainus as ‘handsome savages, with their powerful physique’, and an Ainu ferryman as ‘completely covered with hair, which on his shoulders was wavy like that of a retriever’ (ibid., 2: 83, 136). CD already knew that the Ainu were renowned for their hairiness (see Correspondence vol. 23, letter from W. F. Segrave, 28 May 1875). In his book Unconscious memory, Samuel Butler had accused Ernst Krause and CD of using his work on the history of evolution without acknowledgement in Erasmus Darwin (Butler 1880, pp. 58–79). Butler’s most recent defence of his position, and his claim that he had been disparaged by Krause and CD, was published in Nature, 5 February 1881, pp. 312–13 (letter to Ernst Krause, 7 February 1881). CD may have told Rich that the prime minister, William Ewart Gladstone, had immediately recommended that Alfred Russel Wallace receive a civil list pension of £200 a year after receiving a petition sent to him by CD (letter from W. E. Gladstone, 6 January 1881). CD thought Gladstone’s personal letter informing him of the decision was one of the kindest actions he had experienced in his life (letter to W. E. Gladstone, 7 January 1881). The pension was announced in The Times, 22 January 1881, p. 9. In Movement in plants, pp. 87–8, CD discussed how the epicotyl (the embryonic shoot) of beans and peas breaks through the ground in a strongly arched form. Chapters 6 and 7 of Movement in plants dealt with sleep and the movement of leaves. Following Frank Buckland’s death, Thomas Henry Huxley had been appointed inspector of salmon fisheries at a salary of £700 a year (ODNB). Rich bequeathed his house in Worthing to Huxley in 1891 (ODNB s.v. Huxley, Thomas Henry). The Darwins did not visit Rich in Worthing until September 1881, following their summer holiday in Patterdale in the Lake District (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)).

From Ernst Krause1   10 February 1881 Berlin N.O. Friedenstrasse 11. den 10.2.81. Hochverehrter Herr! Vor Allem sende ich Ihnen zu Ihrem Geburtstage meine innigsten und tiefgefühltesten Wünsche für Ihr Wohlbefinden und Ihre Schaffensfreudigkeit;2 wozu sich der meinen Gedanken jetzt besonders lebhafte Wunsch gesellt, dass Sie

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niemals wieder von so boshaften und gewissenlosen Angriffen zu leiden haben mögen, wie die gegenwärtigen. Die Frechheit derselben wird einzig noch durch ihre Raffinirtheit überboten. Auf Butlers Erwiedrung nochmals zu antworten, halte ich auch meinerseits für vollkommen überflüssig.3 Er würde sich darüber höchstens freuen, da er dann eine neue Gelegenheit hätte, seine unverschämten Schmähungen zu wiederholen. Er sagt jetzt, dass er alle die von mir wiederlegten Behauptungen und Unterstellungen gar nicht gemacht habe,4 und es ist wahr, er hat das alles nicht mit klaren Worten vorgebracht und zwischen den Zeilen seine Angriffe versteckt, um sie nachher keck abläugnen zu können. Ich sehe aber, dass der Kritiker der St. James-Gazette und Mr. Romanes, dasselbe aus seinen Redensarten herausgelesen hatten, wie ich selbst; es lag also alles darin, was er jetzt läugnet, gesagt zu haben, darum sucht er jetzt auch den Angriff von einer andern Seite fortzusetzen.5 Mit grossem Vergnügen habe ich den Artikel von Mr. Romanes gelesen; es ist vielleicht ganz richtig, einen solchen Menschen einfach lächerlich zu machen, und dazu sind die Citate: “How I wrote Life and Habit” u.s.w. ganz ausgezeichnet.6 Ich danke Ihnen sehr für die freundliche Übersendung der beiden Nummern, aber ich halte es ebenfalls ganz überflüssig, ihm nochmals Anlass zu neuen Expectorationen zu bieten. Das Datum des Briefes, in welchem Sie mir Ihre Absicht, den Artikel übersetzen zu lassen, mittheilten, habe ich absichtlich nicht genannt, weil es der albernen Unterstellung Butler’s günstig wäre; der Brief ist vom 9 März. Die erste Erwähnung des Butler’schen Buches in Ihren Briefen, die ich als werthvolles Andenken natürlich sorgfältig aufbewahrt habe, ist vom 13  May, in einem von Basset (Southampton) datirten Briefe. “I see announced a book about Erasmus Darwin and Lamarck by Samuel Butler and I will write to the booksellers and tell them to send you a copÿ.”7 Wahrscheinlich war Ihnen damals auf Ihrer Erholungsreise von Mr. Dallas zuerst Mittheilung von dem Buche gemacht worden.8 In Ihren späteren Briefen kommt Mr. Butler nur noch zweimal vor, und ich will diese beiden Stellen ebenfalls citiren, damit Sie die ganze “Verschwörung” übersehen können. 9  June  1879 …… I hope, that you will not expend much powder & shot on Mr. Butler, for he really is not worthy of it.” (Ich hatte meine Absicht angedeutet, seine Ansichten ad absurdum zu führen.)9 Dann erwähnen Sie seiner erst wieder nach dem Erscheinen des AthenäumArtikels: 4 Feb. 1880 …… He seems to insinuate that I suggested to you or persuaded you to add passages attacking his book, or that I myself interpolated such passages. As far as I can remember the sole suggestion, which I made to you was to take no notice of Mr. Butler’s book ……”10 So traurig die ganze Machination ist, so glaube ich doch, dass es am besten ist, dass die Sache jetzt klar gelegt wurde. Auch ohne den Kosmos-Artikel und seinen Wiederabdruck würde Mr.  Butler seine grossen “Enthüllungen” gemacht haben, aber seine Lorbeeren wird Niemand beneiden.11 Bei uns in Deutschland ist die Entrüstung gross; und man wundert sich, dass die englischen Zeitungen und Journale

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so raffinirten Verläumdungen Raum und Aufnahme gewähren, ohne ihrerseits zu bemerken, dass die ganze Anklage eine Kinderei ist. Jede deutsche Redaction würde zu Butlers Antwort auf Pos. 4 meines Briefes bemerkt haben, warum denn Mr. Butler nichts auf die darin nachgewiesene Dummheit seines Angriffes antworte? Statt dessen klammert er sich an die nicht ganz glückliche Übersetzung des von mir gebrauchten Ausdrucks Versehen (oversight)   Mr. Balfour—dem ich für seine freundliche Unterstützung sehr verpflichtet bin—hat sich offenbar gescheut, blunder zu übersetzen, aber das Wort wäre vielleicht besser gewesen.12 Freilich ist das ganz unerheblich, Leute von dem Schlage des Mr. Butler werden immer das letzte Wort behalten, und daher ist es jedenfalls das Beste, ihnen das Feld zu überlassen. Bei Vollendung dieser Zeile erhalte ich einen Brief von Herrn Prof. Balfour, der mir ebenfalls freundlichst räth, nicht zu antworten. Es war dies gleich meine entschiedene Absicht, und hatte ich nur unterlassen, Ihnen dies eher mitzutheilen, weil ich heut zu schreiben, die erwünschteste Veranlassung hatte. Ich zeichne, hochverehrter Herr, mit den herzlichsten Wünschen für Ihr Wohlbefinden | In dankbarer Verehrung | Ihr | ergebenster | Ernst Krause P.S. Voraussetzend, dass Ihr Herr Sohn Francis am Sonnabend bei Ihnen sein wird, bitte ich um die Erlaubniss, die folgende Seite zu einigen Zeilen an denselben benützen zu dürfen.13 DAR 92: B63–4 1 2 3

4 5

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12

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. CD’s birthday was on 12 February. CD had asked Krause not to respond to Samuel Butler’s latest claim in Nature, 5 February 1881, pp. 312–13, that unacknowledged use had been made of his work and that he had been disparaged by Krause and CD in Erasmus Darwin (letter to Ernst Krause, 7 February 1881). Krause’s refutation of Butler’s earlier claims was published in Nature, 27 January 1881, p. 288. George John Romanes’s review of Butler’s book Unconscious memory (Butler 1880) appeared in Nature, 27 January 1881, pp. 285–7, the same issue of Nature as Krause’s letter in defence of CD (see n. 2, above). A review of Unconscious memory titled ‘Mr. Butler’s “Op. 5.”’ had also appeared in St. James’s Gazette, 2 December 1880, p. 13; in it, Butler was criticised for his ‘savage attack’ on CD and for being out of his depth with regard to science. Romanes had poked fun at Butler for having devoted a chapter of Unconscious memory to ‘How I wrote “Life and habit”’ (Nature, 27 January 1881, p. 287). Butler’s work Life and habit had been published in 1878 (Butler 1878). See letter to Ernst Krause, 7 February 1881 and nn. 3 and 4. William Sweetland Dallas had informed CD that Butler had published a book titled Evolution, old and new (Butler 1879; Correspondence vol. 27, letter from W. S. Dallas, 9 May 1879). CD was visiting Sara and William Erasmus Darwin in Southampton at the time (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). Correspondence vol. 27, letter to Ernst Krause, 9 June [1879]. Correspondence vol. 28, letter to Ernst Krause, 4 February 1880. For Samuel Butler’s letter in the Athenæum, 31 January 1880, p. 155, see Correspondence vol. 28, letter to H. E. Litchfield, 1 February [1880], enclosure 1. Butler’s complaint was that the revised version of Krause’s essay on Erasmus Darwin (published together with CD’s biographical account of his grandfather in Erasmus Darwin) made unacknowledged use of Butler’s work. Krause’s original essay in German had been published in the journal Kosmos (Krause 1879). Krause’s letter to Nature, 27 January 1881, p. 288, defending CD against Butler’s claim that Erasmus Darwin was designed as an attack on Butler’s work, had been translated into English by Francis

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Maitland Balfour (letter to Ernst Krause, 10 January 1881). The offending sentence read: ‘Finally, as concerns the main accusation that no mention is made in the preface of the fact that my essay had been revised previously to publication, it is clear, as even a child could not fail to see, that this is not due to design, but is simply the result of an oversight’ (Nature, 27 January 1881, p. 288). Krause’s note to Francis Darwin was written on the back of the last page of the letter to CD (verso of DAR 92: B64). Krause wished to publish a German translation of a lecture by Francis on climbing plants (see letter from Francis Darwin to Ernst Krause, [after 10 February 1881] and n. 5).

From Francis Darwin to Ernst Krause   [after 10 February 1881]1 Down | Beckenham Dear Sir, My father begs me to express to you his warm thanks for your kind congratulations and especially for so obligingly giving him full details about the letters.2 He is particularly glad to have this information & will preserve your letter amonst the rest of the Butlerian documents.3 My father would have written himself, had it not been that I had to answer your note to myself—4 I feel much pleased that you think my little lecture worthy of Kosmos. I am quite willing that it should be translated, and I think it would be best for me to mention it to Mr Dallas—5 The only condition which I should care to make, is that it must be clearly stated that it is meant to be strictly popular   I do not care either that the original source or date of the article be given— I beg leave to remain | Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Francis Darwin Dr Ernst Krause The Huntington Library (HM 36219) 1 2 3 4 5

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from Ernst Krause, 10 February 1881. See letter from Ernst Krause, 10 February 1881. Krause had sent details of the letters in which CD had discussed Samuel Butler’s work when preparing Erasmus Darwin. Butler had publicly charged CD and Krause with the unacknowledged use of his work on the history of evolution, and claimed that they had disparaged him. On the back of the letter from Ernst Krause, 10 February 1881, Krause had written a note to Francis (verso of DAR 92: B64). Krause, an editor of the German periodical Kosmos, wished to publish a German translation of an article by Francis on climbing plants. This article had appeared in Popular Science Review, edited by William Sweetland Dallas; it was based on a lecture given by Francis to the Sunday Lecture Society (F. Darwin 1880c).

From Josef Popper1   11 February 1881 Wien den 11. Februar 1881 Hochgeehrter Herr! Vertrauend auf Ihr Wohlwollen, erlaube ich mir, Sie mit einer Frage und der Bitte um gefällige Mittheilung Ihrer Ansicht über deren Gegenstand zu belästigen.

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Ich befasse mich seit Jahren sehr lebhaft mit der Theorie der Flugmaschinen und den einschlägigen Studien; trotz aller Mühe und stets neu auftauchender, fremder oder eigener, Ideen und Projecte zeigt mir aber die genaue Rechnung immer an, dass wir noch lange nicht im Stande sein werden, fliegen zu können; dabei setze ich immer die Anwendung von Maschinenkraft voraus, denn mittelst blosser Muskelkraft ist es absolut unmöglich, je zu fliegen.2 Nun erinnere ich mich immer wieder an die Sagen der Orientalen und Griechen, denen zufolge Vögel vor einen Wagen gespannt werden, um fliegen zu können. Man lacht über diesen Einfall; ich nicht, denn, es scheint mir, als ob gar kein Grund vorhanden wäre, diese Idee im Vorhinein zu verwerfen. Wenn wir es verstehen, Pferde vor unsere Wagen zu spannen, und mit 6, oder 8 Pferden, zu fahren, warum sollte es nicht gelingen, z. B.  ein oder zwei Dutzend Pelikane oder (australische) Kraniche so zu dressiren, dass sie gemeinschaftlich in richtiger Weise ihre Flugkräfte vereinigen und uns durch die Luft tragen? Wir müssten eben anfangen, diese Vögel abzurichten und man hat in diesem Gebiethe schon so viel erreicht, dass man wohl Grund hat, practische Resultate zu erwarten. Ich bitte nun, hochgeehrter Herr, mir gütigst mitzutheilen, ob ich mit dieser Ansicht im Unrecht bin und ob in der That die Erfahrung uns verbiethet, je ernstlich an eine Dressur gewisser Vogelarten zum Zwecke des Fliegens zu denken. Ich gebe mich der Hoffnung hin, dass Sie meine Belästigung nicht übel aufnehmen und füge bei, dass ich wohl englisch verstehe, aber nicht schreiben kann, daher ich mich des Deutschen bediente. Schliesslich erlaube ich mir, noch zu erwähnen, dass ich Ihnen vor 3 Jahren ein Werk “Das Recht zu leben und die Pflicht zu sterben” (Von J. P), das zur VoltaireFeier erschienen war,3 und ferner einen Aufsatz, enthaltend einen Briefwechsel mit Dr. Robert Mayer aus Heilbronn, im J. 1879—als kleines Zeichen meiner grossen Hochachtung—übersandt hatte.4 Es würde mich sehr freuen, wenn Sie Gelegenheit nehmen wollten, mir Ihre Meinung über jenes Werk—falls Sie es überhaupt zu lesen, Zeit hatten—unumwunden mitzutheilen; einen jüngst erschienenen Aufsatz, (über Herrn Bradlaugh, der in seinem ersten Theile Ideen allgemeinerer Natur (social-politischer Art) enthält, bin ich so frei, unter Kreuzband ebenfalls, mit diesem Briefe zugleich, zu übersenden.5 Indem ich nochmals um Entschuldigung bitte, Sie belästigt zu haben, zeichne ich mit | ausgezeichneter Hochachtung | Josef Popper | Wien, VII, Apollogasse 6 Sr Wohlgeboren | Herrn Charles Darwin | in London! DAR 201: 30 1 2 3

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. In 1875, Popper had published an article on the work that could be done by air balloons, the first of a series of papers on aeronautics (Popper 1875; Blüh 1952, pp. 216–17). An official commemoration of Voltaire held in Paris in 1878 had been played down; the Republican government did not wish not to be seen as the successors of the upheavals of 1789, while right-wing Catholics opposed the celebration because it was directed against the monarchy and the Church (Boudrot 2014, pp. 152–7). Popper’s work Das Recht zu leben und die Pflicht zu sterben (The right to live and the

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duty to die) sketched out a utopian proposal for a rational society based on Voltaire’s views (Popper 1878). This work is not in the Darwin Libraries at CUL or Down, or the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. After Popper sent his article on the work done by air balloons (Popper 1875) to Robert Mayer, he received three letters in reply concerning Mayer’s work on the mechanical theory of heat; Popper published these letters in a Viennese daily paper in 1878 (for an account of their publication and the text of Mayer’s letters, see Blüh 1952). This work is not in the Darwin Libraries at CUL or Down, or the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. Popper’s essay on the freethinker Charles Bradlaugh had been published in the Viennese newspaper Neue Freie Presse on 5 October 1880, pp. 1–2, 7 October 1880, pp. 1–2, and 8 October 1880, pp. 1–2.

To G. J. Romanes   11 February 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Feb. 11th. 1881 My dear Romanes I must write a few lines to thank you once again and cordially for your second letter in Nature. I have been particularly pleased by all the first part: The sympathy expressed privately & publickly to me ought to make me rejoice at having been attacked so savagely by Mr Butler; but I can hardly go as far as this, for it has annoyed me a good deal, but I shall now feel no more annoyment.—1 It was very good of you to waste so much of your time in this affair.— Believe me | yours truly obliged | Ch. Darwin American Philosophical Society (Mss.B.D25.582) 1

A letter from Romanes rebuffing Samuel Butler’s response to Romanes’s critical review of Butler’s book Unconscious memory (Butler 1880) appeared in Nature, 10 February 1881, pp. 335–6. CD evidently thought that the editor’s comment that this correspondence was now closed (ibid., p. 336) would mark the end of Butler’s year-long campaign of public accusations that CD and Ernst Krause had made unacknowledged use of his work on the history of evolution as well as disparaging him in Erasmus Darwin.

To T. R. R. Stebbing   11 February 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Feb. 11th 1881 My dear Sir You must allow me to thank you cordially for your letter in Nature, which has gratified me deeply.—1 The case could not have been better put, & it is a strictly true interpretation of my conduct. I have not the least idea how I have offended Mr Butler so grievously that he is never weary of calling me a liar & scoundrel.— The omission of a statement that Dr Krause had corrected & enlarged his article before it was translated was merely accidental, & I ought to have thanked him publickly for having taken so much pains, but forgot to do so.—2 The forgetfulness was chiefly due to my being much engaged all the time in experimental work.3 If I had, (as I ought to have done) stated that the article had been revised, it could have made no difference to Mr Butler or any other human being.— I had not intended writing all this, so excuse me, & believe me | Yours truly obliged | Charles Darwin

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P.S. | The Historical sketch appeared in 1861 in the 3d Edition; there was no time to make any improvements in the 2d. Edition—4 American Philosophical Society (Mss.B.D25.583) 1

2

3 4

Stebbing had written to Nature to point out that Samuel Butler’s accusation that CD had ignored the work of earlier evolutionists in Origin had been remedied when CD added the historical sketch of the progress of evolution to later editions (Nature, 10 February 1881, p. 336). See also n. 4, below. Butler claimed that unacknowledged use had been made of his work Evolution, old and new (Butler 1879) when Ernst Krause revised his essay on Erasmus Darwin before its publication with CD’s biographical sketch of his grandfather in Erasmus Darwin (see letter to Ernst Krause, 7 February 1881). When writing Erasmus Darwin in 1879, CD had also been conducting experiments for Movement in plants (CD’s ‘Journal’, Correspondence vol. 27, Appendix II). See Origin 3d ed., pp. xiii–xix. Origin 2d ed. was published at the start of 1860, about eight weeks after the first edition had been published (Freeman 1977).

From T. L. Brunton   14 February 1881 Oasis Hotel Algiers Feby 14th. 1881 My dear Mr. Darwin On arriving here I found your kind letter awaiting me & I thank you very much for it.1 I regret that my omission to enclose the preface should have given you so much trouble & I now rectify my mistake.2 From the preface you will see what my object in writing has been. There is much truth in what you say regarding the retarding effect on the progress of knowledge of which the Bible record has been made the instrument. Yet I am not certain that it was the record itself— I am rather inclined to think it was the men who used it who were to blame. They misused the record just as they misused the doctrine of mercy and in order that Holy Church might not be guilty of blood shed they caused those who had offended to be burned alive. Yet no doubt it has delayed the acceptance of true scientific ideas amongst those who have held it in all sincerity   But here again I am not sure that this delay has been really injurious any more than the delay in walking which I have seen parents purposely & rightly produce in children. My own ideas regarding inspiration are so unsettled that some times I have felt inclined to cancel the work as giving a false impression of them yet on the whole I have allowed it to stand as it may help others who are in the same condition as myself & as it fairly represents the truth as it appears to me now.3 One of the greatest charms of your works is to me their absolute truthfulness and the example you have set in this respect I shall try to imitate. Your kind wishes were to me a perfect cordial & I hope soon to be strong enough to begin work again   I shall not stay long here but go on soon to Davos & I am already much better though not yet well.4 With kindest regards & best thanks yours very sincerely T Lauder Brunton C. Darwin Esq DAR 160: 344

February 1881 1 2

3 4

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CD’s letter to Brunton has not been found. In January, Brunton had sent proofs of a work based on lectures he had given a couple of years previously; he had specifically asked CD to comment on the preface and lecture 16 (see letter from T. L. Brunton, 10 January 1881 and n. 2). Brunton’s lectures were published under the title The Bible and science (Brunton 1881). Davos in Switzerland had become a popular destination for the sick, especially for those with lung diseases, because of its high sheltered location in an Alpine valley and the quality of its air ([Macmorland] 1878).

To Josef Popper   15 February 1881 Down. | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Feb. 15. 1881 Dear Sir I am sorry to say that it is impossible for me give you the least aid, as I have never attended to any mechanical subjects.—1 I shd. doubt whether it would be possible to train birds to fly in a certain direction in a body, though I am aware that they have been taught some tricks— Their mental powers are probably much below those of mammals.— It is said, & I suppose truly, that an Eagle will carry a lamb, this shows that a bird may have great power for a short distance.— I cannot remember your essay with sufficient distinctness to make any remarks on it.2 When a man is old & works hard, one subject drives others out of his head.— I hope to read what you say about Mr. Bradlaugh.3 I remain | Dear Sir | Yours faithfully. | Ch. Darwin. Smithsonian Libraries and Archives (Dibner Library of the History of Science and Technology MSS 405 A. Gift of the Burndy Library) 1

2 3

See the letter from Josef Popper, 11 February 1881, in which he asked CD whether it would be possible to train birds such as cranes or pelicans to fly in unison in order to develop a bird-powered flying machine. Some years previously, Popper had sent CD an essay outlining a radical social theory (see letter from Josef Popper, 11 February 1881 and n. 3). For Popper’s discussion of Charles Bradlaugh, see the letter from Josef Popper, 11 February 1881 and n. 5.

From W. E. Darwin   16 February 1881 Bank, Southampton, Feb 16th 1881 My dear Father, Our Brokers have at last bought £930 Leeds Corporation Stock costing £994.6.6 so that if you will send me a cheque for this sum in a day or two, the matter will be done, & I will send the certificate to Uncle Eras, who approves of the investment; they could not buy under 10612.1 Your affect son | W E Darwin Cornford Family Papers (DAR 275: 90)

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Initially, William had suggested that Canada Bonds be bought for Erasmus Alvey Darwin (see letter from W. E. Darwin, 4 February 1881).

To Grant Allen   17 February 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Feb. 17th 1881 My dear Sir I have this minute read the last word of “the Evolutionist at Large”; & I hope that you will not think me troublesome if I tell you how much the whole has pleased me.—1 Who can tell how many young persons your chapters may bring up to be good working Evolutionists! I quite envy you your power of writing,— your words flow so easily, clearly & pleasantly.— Some of your statements seemed to me rather too bold; but I do not know that this much signifies in a work of the kind & may perhaps be an advantage. Several of your views are quite new to me & seem extremely probable.— But I had not intended to scribble so much.— One chief object in my writing has been to ask you, busy as you are to send me whenever you can spare time a very few lines, saying how your health is; for I was grieved to hear last winter a very poor account of your health.—2 My dear Sir | yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin P.S. I have forgotten your address & have to send this to Publisher3 Cleveland Health Sciences Library (Robert M. Stecher collection) 1 2

3

Allen’s book The evolutionist at large was made up of twenty-two essays previously published in the St James’s Gazette and aimed at ‘unscientific readers’ (Allen 1881, p. vii). Allen had been so ill in 1879 that CD had contributed to a subscription to send him and his family to the French Riviera for the winter of 1879–80 (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter to G. J. Romanes, 23 July 1879 and n. 1). Allen’s publishers were Chatto & Windus, Piccadilly, London.

From W. E. Darwin   18 February 1881 Bank, Southampton, Feb 18th. 1881 My dear Father, Thank you for the cheque safely received.1 I am extremely sorry to hear that Uncle Eras. is ill. I will hold the Certificate till I hear that he pretty well again.2 You will remember when I was at Beesby in the autumn Higgins consulted me about a pair of dilapidated thatched brick & plaster cottages on your farm.3 They were in a wretched state, & Higgins said he would have them examined to see if they done up by having a new end built to them, but he soon wrote condemning them. He now writes to me the enclosed asking me about building a pair of new ones.4 If they were mine I should agree as even if the ruined end could be built, the

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other end in a year or two would be in a very bad way. It would save you trouble if he sent me the plans and estimates, and I write a letter for you to sign in case you agree withou〈t〉 hearing further from Higgins. I would let you hear about estimate before it is concluded. You will see he will like the reply quickly as Mr Young5 would like to do some of the carting as the weather is so bad. Please thank Mother & Bessy for their cheques;6 I should be very glad of a card saying how Uncle Eras is.— Your affect son | W. E Darwin Cornford Family Papers (DAR 275: 91) 1

2 3

4 5 6

See letter from W. E. Darwin, 16 February 1881. On 17 February 1881, CD recorded a payment of £994 6s. 6d. to Willam for ‘Leeds Corporation Stocks’ (CD’s Account books–banking account (Down House MS)). The cheque was to cover the purchase of stock for Erasmus Alvey Darwin (see letter from W. E. Darwin, 16 February 1881). CD’s letter has not been found. John Higgins was CD’s land agent and surveyor. CD had owned Beesby Farm in Lincolnshire since 1845 (see Correspondence vol. 3, letter from John Higgins, 15 March 1845, and letter to J. S. Henslow, 25 July 1845). The enclosed letter from Higgins has not been found. Possibly Edward Harry Young, who farmed 326 acres at Alford Road, in the parish of Beesby (Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/3260/95/18)). William was probably making investments for Emma Darwin and Elizabeth Darwin.

From Anton Dohrn   18 February 1881 Stazione Zoologica | di | Napoli 18th. February 1881. Dear Mr. Darwin! This time I am past date, and I know hardly whether you will not think me impertinent with my congratulations, your birthday being passed since some days already.1 But quite apart from the general reverence I never can nor will forget the day, when I was thoroughly down with the struggle here, out of strength and out of money, and when your generous gift and so exceedingly kind letter came to help me up again.2 It lasted some years longer to be afloat with the Zoological Station,—but it is afloat, and whilst there are again working Twenty one Naturalists at present, and others being announced, the German Government has continued the new subvention bestowed on the Station, and all the existing contracts with Governments have been prolonged so that more and more the Zoological Station with its curious international constitution becomes a matter of course.3 In fact we are so far out of trouble, that I am able to pay back in small instalments those sums which kindly and generously were lent to me, to assist me in building the Station and keeping it going till it might have gathered strength enough to live on its own account. I have now to ask you a great favour, Mr. Darwin. I saw from the list of Messrs Williams & Norgate, that you have joined the Subscription for the “Fauna & Flora

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of the Gulf of Naples.” I hope you will honour us by accepting this and our other Publications once for ever as a small token of my gratitude if not as the hommage due to you, who gave a new turn to the thought of mankind and threw open lines of research for centuries to come, wherein among all the others also the Zoolog. Station moves and finds over rich harvest.4 I hope you will approve of our last enterprize, the Zoologische Jahresbericht, for which Prof. Carus acts as Editor. It will be my endeavour to persuade your country men to an amalgamation of their Zoological Record and our Jahresbericht.5 I am quite ready to use as well the English as the French and German language for publication,—but the chief thing, I believe, ought to be, to get the book as thoroughly complete and as punctually out as possible,—which is a question of organisation and money,—and both will be easier got, if there is unity in the productive forces. I am very glad, this year have come to the Zool. Station three Englishmen; last year, there was none.6 There are negotiations pending with the States,—but I doubt, whether they will lead to a successful issue.— —7 Let me finish these lines with the sincerest wishes for your health, dear Mr. Darwin, and thank me for the privilege, in which you permit me to indulge, in sending mine and the congratulations of my fellow-workers in the Zool. Station to your birthday. With kindest regards to Mrs.  Darwin and Your Sons | believe me, dear Mr.  Darwin | Yours | respectful | Anton Dohrn DAR 162: 221 1 2

3

4

5

6

7

CD’s birthday was on 12 February. See Correspondence vol. 22, letter to Anton Dohrn, 7 March 1874, in which CD donated £100 and George Howard Darwin and Francis Darwin each gave £10 towards the completion of the building of the Naples Zoological Station. CD had also drawn up a circular to register support for the station from British naturalists and to obtain financial contributions (see Correspondence vol. 21, letter to G. H. Darwin, 15 November [1873], and letter from T. H. Huxley to Anton Dohrn, 15 November 1873). For the difficulties Dohrn faced in building the zoological station at Naples, see Heuss 1991, pp. 114–52. The station had developed a financial model based on renting work tables in the laboratory, a system that also fostered international scientific connections. It was only countries or institutions, not individuals, who could rent tables (see Heuss 1991, pp. 237–40). Williams & Norgate were London booksellers who specialised in foreign scientific literature; they distributed the monograph series Fauna und Flora des Golfes von Neapel und der angrenzenden Meeres-Abschnitte, which had begun publication in 1880. CD’s copies of the four monographs published by 1881 are in the Darwin Library–CUL; the pages are uncut. The series ultimately ran to thirty-five volumes (Stazione zoologica di Napoli 1880–1921). Subscribers received the volumes for a third of the retail price (Heuss 1991, p. 172). The Zoologischer Jahresbericht, initially edited by Julius Victor Carus, was intended to provide an annual overview of work in zoology. The Zoological Record was a British publication primarily devoted to taxonomy. Dohrn’s attempt to combine the publications was unsuccessful (Heuss 1991, pp. 170–1). In early 1881, Allen Harker from Oxford and Francis George Penrose from London both had places on the table rented by the British Association for the Advancement of Science, while William Hay Caldwell had a place on the University of Cambridge table (Records of the Stazione Zoologica Anton Dohrn, Naples). Harker and Penrose published reports about their time at the station in Report of the 51st meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science (1881): 182–3. The Americans did not rent a table until the late 1880s (Heuss 1991, p. 240).

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From Grant Allen   19 February [1881] 12 Cambridge Road. | Hastings. Feb. 19. Dear Mr. Darwin, I was greatly gratified and not a little flattered by your very kind letter, received last night, with reference to my little book, “The Evolutionist at Large.”1 It is extremely good of you to think of me, and to have taken the trouble of writing to me, in the midst of so many subjects which occupy your attention. I was quite aware that the papers were a little bold; but of course in writing for a daily paper one is obliged to adapt oneself to a very different audience from that which one addresses in a scientific book.2 However, I am amply satisfied if you can speak so well of my little volume and overlook its short-comings for the sake of the good it may contain. Thank you very much, too, for your kind enquiries about my health. I am happy to say it is so far better that we have been able to winter in England this year without bad effects; and I can write my ordinary amount of work in comfort. I think the winter in the south has set me in a 〈fair〉 way of recovery: and as I believe you are one of the kind friends whom I have to thank for the opportunity 〈of〉 〈re〉cruiting, I may add that I am now both well enough and 〈in〉 receipt of sufficient work to keep me well employed, and to enable me to go abroad if again necessary 〈on〉 my own resources.3 But I bel〈iev〉e another summer will quite restore me, and that I shall look back upon the winter I spent abroad as the turning point of a life which I shall try to make not quite useless. With renewed thanks for your very kind interest, which I appreciate at its true value, | Believe me, Yours most sincerely, | Grant Allen. DAR 159: 47 1 2 3

See the letter to Grant Allen, 17 February 1881, in which CD praised Allen 1881. The evolutionist at large comprised twenty-two essays that had originally appeared in a column in the St James’s Gazette (Allen 1881, p. vii). See letter to Grant Allen, 17 February 1881 and n. 2.

To W. E. Darwin   19 February [1881]1 My dear W. It is very good of you to take so much trouble about the Cottages.2 & shall be extremely glad to put the whole affair in your hands.— I have signed & despatched the note to Mr Higgins.—3 Uncle Ras4 had got considerably better, but still in bed & Etty5 found him quite cheerful & talkative, but since then he has had a little return of fever & cannot eat much & I do not like this.

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The Doctor maintained he was not much amiss— We go up next Thursday, so I shall then see him.—6 The Galtons & W. Marshall are coming here this evening & Margaret Shaen is here.—7 I have just worked in your Rhododendron case with good effect, & my experiments with paper triangles are progressing well. I feel almost sure that worms though blind can judge by touch accurately of the shape of a new object & drag it into their burrows in the best way & this must be intelligence & very surprising the whole case is to me.8 Your affect. Father | C. Darwin Feb 19th Down. Houghton Library, Harvard University (Autograph File, D) 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

8

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from W. E. Darwin, 18 February 1881. See letter from W. E. Darwin, 18 February 1881. The note to John Higgins has not been found. Erasmus Alvey Darwin. Henrietta Emma Litchfield. Emma Darwin and CD travelled to London on Thursday 24 February; they stayed there until 3 March (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). Margaret Shaen was at Down on 17 February (letter from Emma Darwin to H. E. Darwin, 17 February 1881 (DAR 219.9: 258)). She probably left on 22 February. Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242) records that Shaen stayed for five days, but the entries appear to be made one week out and incorrectly give the days as 10 to 15 February; Emma also incorrectly recorded that Francis Galton and William Cecil Marshall came to dinner on Saturday 12 February instead of Saturday 19 February. Both Galton and Marshall were still at Down on 20 February; Louisa Jane Galton, Galton’s wife, did not visit owing to a bilious attack (letter from Elizabeth Darwin to G. H. Darwin, 20 February [1881] (DAR 251: 1413)). See letter from W. E. Darwin, 6 February 1881 and n. 1. CD gave the conclusions he drew from these experiments in Earthworms, pp. 82–93.

To Williams & Norgate   20 February 18811 [Down.] […] In your account with books received ‘Fauna Neapol. II’ is marked ‘due’ with no price attached, & I do not in the least know what is meant.2 So what is the amount […] Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin P.S. I enclose the account. J. A. Stargardt (dealer) (catalogue 670, 7 and 8 July 1998, lot 414) 1

2

The recipient has been identified as Williams & Norgate, the booksellers who distributed the monograph series Fauna und Flora des Golfes von Neapel und der angrenzenden Meeres-Abschnitte in London (see letter from Anton Dohrn, 18 February 1881). The date is taken from the dealer’s catalogue. CD may have decided to subscribe to Fauna und Flora des Golfes von Neapel und der angrenzenden MeeresAbschnitte after seeing a notice in Nature, 3 February 1881, pp. 315–16, stating that the work did not yet have any English subscribers. He would have received Williams & Norgate’s account before the arrival of the letter from Anton Dohrn, 18 February 1881, telling him that he would receive the publication gratis.

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To Henry Edwards   21 February 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington Feb. 21, 1881 Dear Sir I have the pleasure to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of Feb. 7th in which you inform me that the Entomological Club of New York has conferred on me the honour of electing me an honorary member; & I request that you will be so good as to return to the association my sincere thanks.1 I remain Dear Sir | Your sincere & obedient servant | Charles Darwin H. Edwards Esq. | New York Ent. | 185 East 116th st. | New York | U. States. Weiss 1948, p. 123 1

The letter of 7 February from Henry Edwards, secretary of the New York Entomological Club, has not been found. The club existed between 1880 and 1882 (Weiss 1948).

To T. M. Hocken   21 February 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington S.E.R.) Dear Sir I received this morning your letter of Decr 30th & the Address, which has deeply gratified me.1 I hope that you will express to the Council of the Otago Institution my gratitude for the very great & unusual honour thus conferred on me.— This honour is peculiarly gratifying to me, as coming from New Zealand, the wonderful progress of which has interested me greatly.— I have read every one of the volumes of the New Zealand Institute from the first, as each appeared successively, & always with admiration at the success & zeal with which Science is followed in a Country, destined, as I believe, Great Britain of the Southern hemisphere.—2 I beg leave to return to you personally my sincere thanks for your very kind & courteous letter, & I remain, Dear Sir Yours faithfully & obliged | Charles Darwin To | T. M. Hocken, Esq | President of the Otago Institute Special Collections, Library, University of Otago (Hocken Collection: Flotsam & Jetsam 5: 119) 1

2

No letter from Hocken dated 30 December 1880 has been found. The address was probably the testimonial from the Council of the Otago Institute for the Arts and Sciences, dated 1 October 1880 (Correspondence vol. 28, Appendix III). This testimonial, signed by Hocken and other members of the Otago Institute, congratulating CD on the twenty-first anniversary of the publication of Origin, was published in Nature, 24 February 1881, pp. 393–4, under the title ‘Honour to Mr. Darwin’. The New Zealand Institute, established in 1867, was an umbrella organisation that brought together various scientific societies in New Zealand, including the Otago Institute from its founding in 1869. See ‘History of the Otago Institute for the Arts and Sciences’, pp. 4–5 (Royal Society Te Apārangi, https://royalsociety.org.nz/assets/documents/Otago-History-Full.pdf (accessed 20 September 2019)). The Transactions and Proceedings of the New Zealand Institute were published annually from 1869.

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To Henry Edwards    [after 21 February 1881?]1 I like ‘Papilio’ very much, and, though I am not specially an entomologist, it seems to me to be established on a wise principle of investigation, and you will probably do better work by concentrating your inquiries.2 I wish for it and your society every success. Incomplete Papilio 2 (1882): 81 1

2

The date is conjectured from the relationship between this letter and the letter to Henry Edwards, 21 February 1881. CD was probably sent copies of the journal Papilio when he was made an honorary member of the New York Entomological Club. Papilio was the journal of the New York Entomological Club; Edwards was the editor. In the first issue, the publication committee wrote that the journal would be ‘devoted solely to Lepidoptera’ (Papilio, 15 January 1881, p. 1).

To Anton Dohrn   22 February 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Feb 22d 1881 r My dear D Dohrn Your most kind letter has gratified me much; but your generous sympathy leads you to overestimate what I have been able to do for science, & what little I have done in aid of your noble Institution.1 It is almost a pity that you will not allow me to subscribe for your publications, but I gladly accept your kindness & look at it as an honour.2 All the works which I have seen from your Institution appear to me admirable. I had not heard about the Zoolog. Jahrsbericht; but am convinced that it would be an excellent plan to give all the materials from all countries in one work.— Our English Record does fully pay its expenses though aided, & for several years some members, including myself, have had to pay an extra subscription.—3 Believe me that no one can wish success in every way to you & your Institution more heartily than I do I remain, my dear Dr Dohrn | Yours very sincerely | Charles Darwin P.S | My wife desires me to send to you her kind remembrances.—4 Bayerische Staatsbibliothek München (Ana 525. Ba 706) 1 2 3 4

See letter from Anton Dohrn, 18 February 1881. Dohrn wished to send the publications of the Naples Zoological Station to CD as gifts (see letter from Anton Dohrn, 18 February 1881). Dohrn had just founded the Zoologischer Jahresbericht; the ‘English Record’ was the Zoological Record (see letter from Anton Dohrn, 18 February 1881, n. 5). Emma Darwin had met Dohrn when he visited CD at Down on 26 September 1870 (see Groeben ed. 1982, pp. 93–4).

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From J. H. Gilbert   22 February 1881 Harpenden, | St. Albans. Feby 22 1881 Dear Mr. Darwin— I am ashamed to see that your unanswered letter is dated Feby 5, and I fear that I can render you but little aid in the matter of your enquiries.1 You ask whether vegetable mould has an acid reaction, and suppose some connection between this, if it exist, and the acidity of the contents or excretions of earth-worms, which you are disposed to attribute to the humus-acids.2 It happens that we have here scarcely any experimental evidence bearing directly on either point. In this laboratory Mr. Warington has frequently concentrated the watery extract of vegetable mould, and has found the product to have an acid reaction; but having quite other objects in view the nature of the acid has not been investigated, and it may or may not belong to the humus series.3 Some investigators of soils have noted whether they have an acid reaction or not—some having & some not having this character. Detmer (Versuchs-Stationen vol XIV. 248 et seq), discusses the humus bodies of the soil; and among other points refers to the ‘sourness’ of certain soils as having been assumed to be connected with their richness in humus.4 He states, however, that this by no means depends on the richness in humus alone, but on other coincident characters; that if the soil be rich in bases it will not have the acid reaction; but that wet humus soils, or such soils deficient in bases have such reaction, especially sandy soils rich in humus. For further information on the humus-acids I may refer you to the earlier results of Mulder (The Chemistry of Animal & Vegetable Physiology—about 1845);5 to a useful discussion of the then existing knowledge on the subject of the organic matter of the soil in “How Crops Feed” by S.  W.  Johnson;(1)6 and for later information to the Vols of the “Jahresbericht der Agricultur-Chemie”;7 and to the Landwirthschaftlichen Versuchs-Stationen, especially the paper of Detmer above referred to. You will be aware that it is stated that the fine root fibrils of some plants at any rate have an acid reaction. It seems probable that this acid may in some cases be malic acid, perhaps more frequently Oxalic acid, but it may be others. I think you will find reference to this in Sachs, but I have lent my volume so cannot refer to it.8 Our own observations lead us to conclude, however, that the mycelium of the fungi of Fairy rings is rich in oxalates.9 As to the acid reaction of the contents and castings of earthworms—is it not possibly due to some acid secreted by the animal itself—uric acid for example?— perhaps Michael Foster would give an answer on this point—or Ray Lankester?10 Much regretting that I cannot render you better service, I am, My Dear Sir | Yours sincerely | J. H. Gilbert (1) Chapter II, Section 5, and Chapter V. Section 3. I can lend you “How Crops Feed”—or the Versuchs-Stationen with Detmer’s papers if you have not got them. DAR 165: 43

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CD annotation Top of letter: ‘Bread Reform & Address’11 pencil 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

8 9 10 11

See letter to J. H. Gilbert, 5 February 1881. See letter to J. H. Gilbert, 5 February 1881 and n. 1. Robert Warington was an agricultural chemist investigating soil processes at Rothamsted Experimental Station (ODNB). Wilhelm Detmer’s work on the humus bodies of soil was published in the Landwirtschaftlichen Versuchs-Stationen (Agricultural Experimental Stations; Detmer 1871). The English translation of Gerrit Jan von Mulder’s book was published in 1849 under the title The chemistry of animal & vegetable physiology (Mulder 1849). Samuel William Johnson published his work on how crops feed in 1870 (S. W. Johnson [1870]). The first six volumes of the Jahresbericht über die Fortschritte der Agrikulturchemie (Yearly Report on Advances in Agricultural Chemistry) were published between 1858 and 1864; from 1864, the title was changed to Jahresbericht über die Fortschritte auf dem Gesammtgebiete der Agrikultur-Chemie (Yearly Report on the Entire Field of Agricultural Chemistry). Julius Sachs’s Text-book of botany (Sachs 1875, p. 624). Sachs does not, however, mention what organic acids were present. For Gilbert’s work on fairy rings (fungi that grow in circles), see Correspondence vol. 23, letter from J. H. Gilbert, 31 December 1875. Edwin Ray Lankester. CD’s notes are for his reply to Gilbert of 25 February 1881.

To Nature   22 February [1881]1 Movements of Plants Fritz Müller, in a letter from St. Catharina, Brazil, dated January 9, has given me some remarkable facts about the movements of plants.2 He has observed striking instances of allied plants, which place their leaves vertically at night, by widely different movements; and this is of interest as supporting the conclusion at which my son Francis and I arrived, namely, that leaves go to sleep in order to escape the full effect of radiation.3 In the great family of the Gramineæ the species in one genus alone, namely Strephium, are known to sleep, and this they do by the leaves moving vertically upwards; but Fritz Müller finds in a species of Olyra, a genus which in Enlicher’s “Genera Plantarum” immediately precedes Strephium, that the leaves bend vertically down at night.4 Two species of Phyllanthus (Euphorbiaceæ) grow as weeds near Fritz Müller’s house; in one of them with erect branches the leaves bend so as to stand vertically up at night. In the other species with horizontal branches, the leaves move vertically down at night, rotating on their axes, in the same manner as do those of the Leguminous genus Cassia.5 Owing to this rotation, combined with the sinking movement, the upper surfaces of the opposite leaflets are brought into contact in a dependent position beneath the main petiole; and they are thus excellently protected from radiation, in the manner described by us. On the following morning the leaflets rotate in an opposite direction, whilst rising so as to resume the diurnal horizontal position with their upper surface exposed to the light. Now in some rare cases Fritz

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Müller has observed the extraordinary fact that three or four, or even almost all the leaflets on one side of a leaf of this Phyllanthus rise in the morning from their nocturnal vertically dependent position into a horizontal one, without rotating, and on the wrong side of the main petiole. These leaflets thus project horizontally with their upper surfaces directed towards the sky, but partly shaded by the leaflets proper to this side. I have never before heard of a plant appearing to make a mistake in its movements; and the mistake in this instance is a great one, for the leaflets move 90o in a direction opposite to the proper one. Fritz Müller adds that the tips of the horizontal branches of this Phyllanthus curl downwards at night, and thus the youngest leaves are still better protected from radiation. The leaves of some plants, when brightly illuminated, direct their edges towards the light; and this remarkable movement I have called paraheliotropism.6 Fritz Müller informs me that the leaflets of the Phyllanthus just referred to, as well as those of some Brazilian Cassiæ, “take an almost perfectly vertical position, when at noon, on a summer day, the sun is nearly in the zenith. To-day the leaflets, though continuing to be fully exposed to the sun, now at 3 p.m. have already returned to a nearly horizontal position.”7 F. Müller doubts whether so strongly marked a case of paraheliotropism would ever be observed under the duller skies of England; and this doubt is probably correct, for the leaflets of Cassia neglecta, on the plants raised from seed formerly sent me by him, moved in this manner, but so slightly that I thought it prudent not to give the case.8 With several species of Hedychium, a widely-different paraheliotropic movement occurs, which may be compared with that of the leaflets of Oxalis and Averrhoa; for “the lateral halves of the leaves, when exposed to bright sunshine, bend downwards, so that they meet beneath the leaf.”9 Charles Darwin Down, Beckenham, February 22 Nature, 3 March 1881, p. 409 1 2 3 4

5 6 7 8

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from Fritz Müller, 9 January 1881. See letter from Fritz Müller, 9 January 1881. See Movement in plants, p. 284. Francis Darwin had assisted CD with research on plant movement. By ‘effect of radiation’, CD meant the radiation or loss of heat from the plant surface. See letter from Fritz Müller, 9 January 1881 and n. 6. The bamboo genera Strephium (a synonym of Raddia) and Olyra were placed next to each other by Stephan Ladislaus Endlicher in Endlicher 1836–42, 1: 82–3. Gramineae (a synonym of Poaceae) is the family of grasses. See letter from Fritz Müller, 9 January 1881 and n. 7. Phyllanthus is the genus of leaf flower; Cassia is a genus of the legume family (Fabaceae). CD had coined the term ‘paraheliotropic’ to describe the movement of leaves during the day to reduce intense illumination (Movement in plants, p. 419). See letter from Fritz Müller, 9 January 1881; Müller included a diagram of the leaf movement in his letter. Müller had sent seeds of Cassia neglecta (a synonym of Senna neglecta) in 1878 (see Correspondence vol. 26, letter to Fritz Müller, 16 May 1878). CD had discussed movement of both cotyledons and leaves of this species in Movement in plants, p. 117.

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See letter from Fritz Müller, 9 January 1881 and n. 10. Hedychium is the genus of ginger lilies. CD had described movements of Averrhoa bilimbi (the bilimbi or cucumber tree) on warm sunny days in Movement in plants, pp. 330–4, and those of Oxalis ortegesii (a misspelling of O. ortgiesii, fishtail woodsorrel) and A. bilimbi in ibid., p. 447.

To Fritz Müller   23 February 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Feb. 23d 1881 My dear Sir Your letter has interested me greatly, as have so many during many past years. I thought that you wd. not object to my publishing in Nature some of the more striking facts about the movements of Plants, with a few remarks added to show the bearing of the facts. The case of the Phyllanthus which sometimes turns up its leaves on the wrong side is most extraordinary & ought to be further investigated.1 Do the leaflets sleep on the following night in the usual manner? Do the same leaflets on successive nights move in the same strange manner? I was particularly glad to hear of the strongly marked cases of paraheliotropism.—2 I shall look out with much interest for the publication about the Figs. The creatures which you sketch are marvellous & I shd not have guessed that they were Hymenoptera.3 Thirty or forty years ago I read all that I cd. find about caprification & was utterly puzzled.4 I suggested to Dr. Crüger in Trinidad to investigate the wild figs, in relation to their cross-fertilisation, & just before he died he wrote that he had arrived at some very curious results, but he never published, as I believe on the subject.—5 I am extremely glad that the inundation did not so greatly injure your scientific property; though it would have been a real pleasure to me to have been allowed to have replaced your scientific apparatus.6 I do not believe that there is anyone in the world who admires your zeal in science & wonderful powers of observation more than I do.— I venture to say this, as I feel myself a very old man, who probably will not last much longer. Believe me, my dear Sir | Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin P.S. With respect to Phyllanthus, I think that it wd. be good experiment to cut off most of the leaflets on one side of petiole, as soon as they are asleep & vertically dependent.— When the pressure is thus removed, the opposite leaflets will perhaps bend beyond their vertically dependent position; if not, the main petiole might be a little twisted so that the upper surfaces of the dependent & now unprotected leaflets shd. face obliquely the sky, when the morning comes. In this case diaheliotropism would perhaps conquer the ordinary movements of the leaves when they awake & resume their diurnal horizontal position.— As the leaflets are alternate & as the upper surface will be somewhat exposed to the dawning light it is perhaps diaheliotropism which explains your extraordinary case.7 The British Library (Loan MS 10 no 49)

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See letter from Fritz Müller, 9 January 1881 and n. 7. Phyllanthus is the genus of leaf flower. See also letter to Nature, 22 February [1881]. Besides its unusual nyctitropic (sleep) movements, Müller had observed leaf movement during the day (paraheliotropism) in Phyllanthus niruri (see letter from Fritz Müller, 9 January 1881 and n. 8). Müller had mentioned two forthcoming papers on fertilisation of figs, Solms-Laubach 1881 and Mayer 1882 (see letter from Fritz Müller, 9 January 1881 and nn. 13 and 15). Caprification is the process of hanging clusters of wild fig (caprifig) flowers in edible fig trees in order to facilitate the transfer of pollen by fig wasps. CD’s letter to Hermann Crüger of 18 March 1863 has not been found, but see Correspondence vol. 11, letter from Hermann Crüger, 23 April 1863. CD had suggested an experiment related to the fertilisation of figs. In his letter of 21 January 1864 (Correspondence vol. 12), Crüger reported that the experiment had failed. Although he had encased the fig flowers in cambric bags, insects had still managed to penetrate these. Crüger died in Trinidad on 28 February 1864; his last letter to CD was that of 21 January 1864 (see ibid., letter to J. D. Hooker, 25 April [1864] and n. 6). See letter from Fritz Müller, 9 January 1881 and n. 1. CD had defined diaheliotropism as the taking of a position more or less transverse to the light and induced by it (Movement in plants, p. 5).

From J. D. Hooker   24 February [1881]1 Kew Feby 24/80. Dear Darwin Dr Carpenter’s son, who has just returned from New Zealand, has left with me a roll of photographs, which I learn from a letter from Dr Hector, he wishes me to send to you, & I have done so by this post—2 He has sent me a duplicate set, but I see no interest in them whatever. & much ugliness! We are off for Italy with the Grays for 2 months, in a day or two, but are delayed by Gray taking the mumps!3 which delays our taking him to Torquay (to my sisters)—4 I have been frightfully busy all the winter, but very well— I shall however be most glad to get out of this incessant moil & toil. When I return I shall have to set to work upon the Geographical address for the British Association.5 I am thinking of a short exposition of some the striking facts of Geog. distrib. plants in connection with the voyages or journeys that have yielded these as their results, more or less directly. What do you think of this suggestion?— I should be so glad of your opinion & any hints— Ever affly yrs | J D Hooker DAR 104: 138–9 1 2

3 4

The year is established by the reference to Hooker’s trip to Italy; see n. 3, below. Hooker mistakenly wrote ‘80’ instead of ‘81’. William Lant Carpenter had visited New Zealand in December 1880 (Report of the 51st Meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, held at York (1881): 580). James Hector was director of the meteorological department of the New Zealand Institute, of the Colonial Museum, and of the botanical garden in Wellington, New Zealand. Hooker and his wife Hyacinth travelled in Italy with Asa and Jane Loring Gray from the beginning of March to 12 May 1881 (L. Huxley ed. 1918, 2: 251–5). Hooker’s sister Elizabeth Evans-Lombe lived in Torquay (Allan 1967, p. 224).

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The British Association for the Advancement of Science met in York in 1881; in his capacity as president of the Geographical Section of the meeting, Hooker gave an address on geographical distribution (Hooker 1881).

To J. H. Gilbert   25 February 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) [4 Bryanston Street, London.] Feb. 25th 1881 r Dear D Gilbert I am very much obliged to you for your note, which will make me much more cautious than I shd. otherwise perhaps have been.—1 I do not think that the acidity of the contents of the alimentary canal of worms can be due to uric acid, for they begin to be acid so high up, even slightly so in the gizzard, & the acidity is not due to the digestive fluid, which is of the nature of the pancreatic secretion.— It was partly out of mere natural curiosity which made me desirous to know whether common vegetable mould was acid, & whether my testing was correct.2 I shd. like to see Detmer’s paper & How Crops Grow, if you are sure you can spare them for a week or fortnight, for I read German very slowly.—3 Please address parcel to me “Orpington Stn. S.E.Ry.”.— I am writing this away from home, but shall return next Thursday.—4 Many thanks for the little article about Bread;— I suspected how the case stood. Many years ago Prof. Henslow tried labourers with white & brown bread & came to your conclusion.—5 Thanks, also, for your Address, which I read with the greatest interest as it appeared in Nature.—6 Pray believe me | Yours very faithfully | Ch. Darwin. Rothamsted Research (GIL13) 1 2 3 4 5

6

See letter from J. H. Gilbert, 22 February 1881. For CD’s method of testing the acidity of vegetable mould, see the letter to J. H. Gilbert, 5 February 1881. Detmer 1871 and S. W. Johnson [1870]. See letter from J. H. Gilbert, 22 February 1881 and nn. 4 and 6. CD stayed with his daughter Henrietta Emma Litchfield at her home in London from 24 February to 3 March 1881 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). The Reform Bread League was founded in October 1880 with the aim of encouraging the British to consume brown bread. White bread was seen as less nutritious and a principal cause of malnutrition among the working classes, for whom it was a staple. (See J. Burnett 2005.) In his letter on bread reform published in the Journal of the Society of Arts, 21 January 1881, pp. 144–5, Gilbert pointed out that this was an ‘utter fallacy’, and suggested that the working classes might prefer white bread because brown bread passed through them too quickly for their systems to extract its full nutritive value. As rector of Hitcham from 1837 to 1861, John Stevens Henslow carried out many reforms in order improve the conditions of the labouring poor in his parish (Russell-Gebbett 1977). This probably refers to Gilbert’s address to the chemical section of the meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, held at Swansea in 1880; CD’s copy of J. H. Gilbert 1880 is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. The version CD read had appeared in Nature, 16 September 1880, pp. 472–6; 23 September 1880, pp. 479–9; and 30 September 1880, pp. 523–7.

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To J. D. Hooker   26 [February 1881]1 4 Bryanston St. W2 Sat. 26th My dear Hooker It was a real pleasure to me to see your hand-writing again, for it is a long time since I have heard of you.3 What a bore about the mumps; but I am very glad that you will soon have complete rest & change, in which latter I have unbounded faith.—4 I suppose that Lady Hooker goes with you & I hope she may enjoy herself— Pray give her my kindest remembrances. I had vaguely thought whether I would pay you a call at Kew, but thought that you would probably be too busy, & it seems that you will be on the road before I could come.— I shd.  think that you might make a very interesting address on Geograph. Distrib.—5 Could you give a little history of the subject. I, for one, shd like to read such history in pelts; but I can see one very great difficulty, that you yourself ought to figure most prominently in it; & this you would not do, for you are just the man to treat yourself in a dishonourable manner!— I shd very much like to see you discuss some of Wallace’s views, especially his ignoring the all powerful effects of the Glacial period with respect to Alpine plants. I do not know what you think, but it appears to me that he exaggerates enormously the influence of debacles & slips & new surfaces of soil being exposed for the reception of wind-blown seeds.6 What kinds of seeds have the plants which are common to the distant mountain-summits in Africa? Wallace lately wrote to me about the mountain-plants of Madagascar being the same with those on mountains in Africa, & seemed to think it proved dispersal by the wind, without apparently having enquired what sort of seeds the plants bore.—7 I suppose it wd be travelling too far, (though for Geographical section the discussion ought to be far reaching) but I shd like to see the European or northern element in the C. of Good Hope Flora, discussed.— I cannot swallow Wallaces’ view that European plants travelled down the Andes, tenanted the hypothetical Antarctic continent (in which I quite believe) & thence spread to S. Australia & the Cape of G. Hope.—8 Mosely told me not long ago that he proposed to search at Kerguelen Land the coal-beds most carefully & was absolutely forbidden to do so by Sir W. Thompson, who said that he would undertake the work, & he never once visited them.9 This puts me in a passion.— I hope that you will keep to your intention & make an address on Distribution. Though I differ in much from Wallace, his Island Life seems to me a wonderful book.—10 Farewell, I do hope that you may have a most prosperous journey. Give my kindest remembrances to Asa Gray.— Ever yours affectionately | Ch. Darwin DAR 95: 509–12 1

The month and year are established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from J. D. Hooker, 24 February [1881].

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From 24 February to 3 March 1881, CD stayed at Henrietta Emma and Richard Buckley Litchfield’s house at 4 Bryanston Street, London (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). See letter from J. D. Hooker, 24 February [1881]. Hooker’s last extant letter before this is dated 4 December 1880 (Correspondence vol. 28). Hooker and his wife Hyacinth had plans to travel in Italy with Asa and Jane Loring Gray; their departure was delayed because Asa Gray contracted mumps (see letter from J. D. Hooker, 24 February [1881] and n. 3). Hooker, as president of the Geographical Section of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, planned to give an address on the topic of geographic distribution at the meeting in York later in the year (see letter from J. D. Hooker, 24 February [1881] and n. 5). See Wallace 1880a, pp. 480–4. CD explained his reservations about Alfred Russel Wallace’s view that the wind was an effective mechanism of seed dispersal between mountain tops in his letter to A. R. Wallace, 2 January 1881. See letter from A. R. Wallace, 1 January 1881. See Wallace 1880a, pp. 488–91. Henry Nottidge Moseley probably wished to examine the coal beds on Kerguelen Island to determine the distribution of plants during the Carboniferous period; between 1872 and 1876 he had circumnavigated the world as a member of the scientific team on the Challenger expedition under the direction of Charles Wyville Thomson. Wallace 1880a.

To G. H. Darwin   27–8 February [1881]1 4 Bryanston St. Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Feb. 27th | Sunday My dear old George. We came here on Thursday & have seen lots of people, but there is nothing especial to tell.2 Uncle Ras, whom I have seen twice is steadily progressing (Monday, he had a worse day yesterday) though very slowly: he now sits up in his bed-room for some hours in the afternoon & is very cheerful.3 We received your last letter last night.4 It is wonderful what a number of people you have become acquainted with. I have always heard what a bore it is that there are no nice walks. Thanks for looking out for castings.5 It is hopeless where the soil is dry.— Perhaps you may see some whenever you go into the interior. I remember that the Lyells were charmed with the inland & lofty parts of the island.6 We came up at this particular time that I might attend Burdon Sandersons Lecture at R. Inst. on the movements of plants & animals compared.7 He gave a very good lecture, but by a most ridiculous mistake his preliminary part was so long that he never got to plants—the very object of the Lecture—& had to shut up without saying a word about them. I was received with great honour & placed by De le Rue along side the chairman & was applauded on my entrance!8 One experiment was very striking—the measurement of the rate of transmission 1 th in man of the order to move a muscle, & it took about 200 of a second—the distance being a little over 1 foot. I have been trying to have an interview with D. of Argyll, who wrote 2 most civil notes to me, dated “Privy Seal Office” & saying that he wd see me “here” at 10o 30′.9 So I went to the Office, & an old clerk expressed unbounded astonishment,

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declaring why “he never comes here—he has nothing to do here”. So I must go tomorrow to Argyll House.10 He evidently takes home the Official Stationery & uses it as his own House. I enclose Reginald Darwin’s cordial & nice letter, which may be burnt.—11 You will have heard of the triumph of the Ladies at Cambridge. The majority was so enormous that many men on both sides did not think it worth voting. The minority was received with jeers.12 Horace was sent to to the Lady’s College to communicate the success & was received with enthusiasm.13 Frank & F.  Galton14 went up to vote. We had F. Galton to Down. (Mrs G. was unwell & could not come) on last Sunday.15 He was splendid fun & told us no end of odd things. He is certainly a most agreeable man, & we all liked him extremely, but he is becoming awfully deaf. Bill Marshall was there & did not seem very flourishing, poor fellow, & I fear is doing but little as an architect.16 Mamma orders me to order you to get an Alpen-stock to save you from tumbling on the slippery roads.— We have just been calling on the Huxleys. & he looks awfully haggard.17 I told him about Sanderson’s Lecture, & he remarked that was nothing unusual: Sanderson told his wife18 that a lot of men were coming to supper at 9 oclock & that she must have a good supper ready & had better not appear. So at about 9 oclock the visitors appeared & talked very pleasantly till 11  oclock, when they went away & he accompanied the last man down to the door, & in passing the Dining Room he saw the untouched supper all laid out & cried out “Good God I have forgotten the supper”.— Monday— I have just returned from a very long call on the Duke of A. He was very agreeable & we discussed many subjects, & he was not all cocky. He was awfully friendly & said he shd. come some day to Down & hoped I would come to Inverary! He said that he had heard that you had been in the ship with his son, from whom he had received a Telegram at the Cape, saying that he was much better.—19 Good Bye dear old George | Your affectionate Father | Ch. Darwin DAR 210.1: 103 1 2 3 4 5

6 7

The year is established by the references to Erasmus Alvey Darwin’s ill health and George Howard Darwin’s visit to Madeira (see n. 5, below). CD and Emma Darwin visited Henrietta Emma and Richard Buckley Litchfield in London from 24 February to 3 March 1881 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). Emma Darwin had told George that E. A. Darwin was very unwell in her letter to him of 16 February 1881 (DAR 210.3: 4). George’s letter has not been found. In her letter of 8 February 1881, Emma had reminded George to observe earthworms on Madeira, since CD was ‘puzzled how worms get to islands’ (DAR 210.3: 3). George was convalescing on Madeira (see letter to W. E. Darwin, 4 February [1881] and n. 5). Charles and Mary Elizabeth Lyell had taken a geological tour to Madeira in 1854; for CD’s response to their descriptions of the island, see Correspondence vol. 5, letter to Charles Lyell, 18 February [1854]. On 25 February 1881, John Scott Burdon Sanderson gave a lecture titled ‘Excitability in plants and animals’ at the Royal Institution of Great Britain (Proceedings of the Royal Institution of Great Britain 9 (1879–81): 519). The lecture was published in ibid. 10 (1882–4): 146–67.

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February 1881

Warren De la Rue was secretary of the Royal Institution, and Thomas Boycott, who chaired the lecture, was vice-president. George Douglas Campbell, eighth duke of Argyll, had been in correspondence with CD regarding a civil list pension for Alfred Russel Wallace (see letter to G. D. Campbell, [7 January 1881]). Campbell’s notes inviting CD to visit him in London have not been found. Argyll House is in Chelsea, London. Reginald Darwin’s letter has not been found. On 24 February 1881, there was a Senate vote at the University of Cambridge to determine whether female students should have the right to sit the final-year examinations, even though they could not be awarded degrees; there were 366 votes in favour and 32 against (McWilliams Tullberg 1998, pp. 63–5). Horace Darwin probably reported the news either to Newnham Hall or Girton College; these residences for women attending Cambridge lectures were not granted full college status in the University of Cambridge until 1948. Horace’s wife, Ida Darwin, had been instrumental in encouraging the Cambridge graduates among her male relatives to vote: ‘If the women do not get the certificate granted to them this time, their position will be worse than it has been, as they will lose the privilege of being examined by the University examiners’, she explained in a letter to her sister-in-law Henrietta Emma Litchfield on 19 February 1881 (CUL Add.9368.1: 5977). Francis Darwin and Francis Galton. Galton visited Down on 19 and 20 February 1881; Louisa Jane Galton was bilious and unable to accompany him (letter to W. E. Darwin, 19 February [1881]; letter from Elizabeth Darwin to G. H. Darwin, 20 February [1881] (DAR 251: 1413)). William Cecil Marshall had designed the extension to Down House in 1876 (see Correspondence vol. 24, letter to W. C. Marshall, 22 November [1876]). Thomas Henry Huxley had recently been appointed inspector of fisheries (see letter to T. H. Huxley, 7 January 1881). Huxley’s wife was Henrietta Anne Huxley. Ghetal Burdon Sanderson. Inveraray Castle, on the west coast of Scotland, was the ancestral home of the dukes of Argyll. Campbell’s son Colin Campbell, who suffered from ill health (possibly syphilis), departed for South Africa in late January 1881 (Jordan 2010, pp. 27 and 29).

To W. E. Darwin   [27 February 1881]1 4 Bryanston St Sunday My dear William. Eras gave me the enclosed yesterday.—2 I suppose that it is worth accepting or selling.— Please to decide which.— What will you do about the Co-Trustee signature? Eras thought that if you sent Probate to Ry Coy they would accept your signature as executor of Jos.; but you will know best. If you accept the shares, I will send as soon as you like cheque for 149.10.0.3 It will be necessary to remember about next January.— Eras is, I think, steadily, though very slowly improving & now sits up in bed-room in afternoon for some hours— —4 We have seen a multitude of people & I am soon off for the Huxleys5 Ever yours | C. Darwin DAR 210.6: 177 1

The date is established by CD’s visit to London between 24 February and 3 March 1881, and the reference to Erasmus Alvey Darwin’s ill health (see also letter to G. H. Darwin, 27–8 February [1881]). The Sunday between 24 February and 3 March was 27 February.

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The enclosure has not been found. It possibly related to Emma Darwin’s trust, of which E. A. Darwin was a trustee. The other trustee had been Emma’s recently deceased brother Josiah Wedgwood III, for whom William was executor. Probably the cost of railway shares, since CD mentions the Railway Company. Emma Darwin had first reported that E. A. Darwin was very unwell in her letter to G. H. Darwin of 16 February 1881 (DAR 210.3: 4). CD mentioned a visit to Thomas Henry Huxley and Henrietta Anne Huxley in his letter to G. H. Darwin, 27–8 February [1881].

From Fritz Müller1   28 February 1881 Blumenau, Sa. Catharina, Brazil. 28. Februar 1881. Verehrter Herr! In meinem letzten Briefe erzählte ich Ihnen, dass ich vier Blumen von Lagerstroemia in meinem Garten mit gelbem Pollen von einer anderen Varietät (oder Art) befruchtet hatte, und dass diese ungefähr eine Woche nach der Befruchtung abfielen.2 Ich habe jetzt den Versuch wiederholt, aber mit einem ganz andern Ergebniss; ich befruchtete 5  Blumen mit gelbem Pollen von eben jener anderen Varietät, und alle bringen jetzt gute Früchte hervor, ebenso gross, wie die zur selben Zeit mit grünem Pollen befruchteten. Ich weiss nicht, was in dem früheren Falle der Grund des Misserfolges gewesen sein mag …3 Möller ed. 1915–21, 2: 409 1

2 3

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. All Fritz Müller’s letters to CD were written in English (see Möller ed. 1915–21, 2: 72 n.); most of them have not been found. Many of the letters were later sent by Francis Darwin to Alfred Möller, who translated them into German for his Fritz Müller: Werke, Briefe und Leben (Möller ed. 1915–21). Möller also found final drafts of some Müller letters among the Fritz Müller papers and included these in their original English form (ibid., 2: 72 n.). Where the original English versions are missing, the published version, usually appearing in German translation, has been used. See letter from Fritz Müller, 7 February 1881 and n. 3. Lagerstroemia is the genus of crape myrtle. Some of the now missing part of this letter was probably summarised by CD in his letter to Nature, 14 April [1881].

From Anthony Rich   1 March 1881 Chappell Croft, | Heene, Worthing. March 1— 81. My dear Mr. Darwin, Many thanks for your letter though it does deprive me, in a great measure, of the hope I had entertained of meeting you in the flesh during the summer of the present year.1 But any notion that your steps could be diverted to the South coast, except in pursuance of the general summer arrangements, never crossed my mind; and I feel quite sure that the “Worms” will rather gain than loose by your enforced abstinence from work during a month or so of residence at Ulswater.2 How greatly are you to be envied who retain your mental & phyical capacities in such perfection! I read a notice of “Circumnutation” in the “Academy” some few

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weeks back—laudatory of course—and by a writer who seemed able to appreciate thoroughly its worth—and to understand them and it. He ended by saying that it was “intensely hard reading,” which I felt no call to contradict, for I had gone through it like a school-boy with a hop—skip—and a jump.3 But then it must have been still harder writing, and very exacting work, fully entitled to the reward of a sojourn at the Lakes, though “caro Moo-raye”, as Ld. Byron used to call his father, did not feel inclined to make you any recompense for it out of his own strong chest.4 How much better people are remunerated for amusing than for instructing others! I had persuaded myself that the Inspectorship of Fisheries would have entailed the necessity for an occasional visit to this neighbourhood to examine the oyster beds at the mouth of the river at Shoreham; and that the Inspector would have made my house his hotel when he came down, which would have afforded me the opportunity of a pleasant meeting with him from time to time.5 He did once pay me a flying visit, and left—not with a promise—but with an impression on my mind that he would come down again later in the year if his many engagements permitted. That piece of good luck for me has never yet fallen out, and I could not venture to importune him, which would be an act of rudeness on my part. But if you should see him again while in London, or should be writing to him after your return home, you might if you thought fit and had no objection, say that in writing to you I had expressed a wish that some whim or necessity would incline his thoughts and steps hitherward to. He could take no notice of the hint, if it did not suit him; and if it did, all he would have to do would be to send a line saying that he had a mind “To hasten to my sullen isle And gaze upon the sea—”6 When the Spring gets out and the atmosphere more genial a day or two of idleness here would not prove a real loss of time, in the end. No doubt that is seeking my own gratification from his pleasant companionship; but I should like also to say and show him many things which he might not dislike to hear and see— As you tell me that you have no doubt that this house and croft would make an acceptable country sea side retreat for Mr. Huxley to alternate with his town residence—he shall have it when I have come to my Nirvana.7 Indeed I do myself think that it might be conducive both to health and pleasure in many ways to himself and his family, if they are not wedded entirely to London life. And I may as well tell you at once that I made a codicil to my will two years ago, leaving the fee simple of this property to him; which I do not desire to be a secret. But if it should so happen that my sister became a widow during my life time, it is probable that she would not be disinclined to come and live here with me; which would of course be a great source of satisfaction to me—8 Then supposing, what is probable, that she outlived me, it is very likely that she might wish to pass the remainder of her life in this house, instead of a rented one over which she was not the mistress. In such a case I should have to alter the codicil by giving her a life interest in the first instance. Bating that Mr Huxley would have the house with all it contains inside and outside just as it now is; so that he would only have to get into the train with his portmanteau and find the

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premises all ready for his reception, as much as if he had already resided in them time out of mind. I do not remember any thing else to say at this moment; and do not wish to loose the present post in case you should have left London before this reaches you,9—So good bye in a hurry— | Dear Mr. Darwin | Very truly yours | Anthony Rich DAR 176: 146 CD annotations 4.4 not dislike … see—] del ink Top of p. 5: ‘March I 1881’10 ink 1

2

3 4

5

6 7 8

9 10

CD’s letter has not been found. In his letter of 9 February 1881, Rich had expressed the hope that CD might visit him again. The Darwins had visited Rich in Worthing in May 1879 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). CD was working on his book Earthworms (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). Ullswater is the second largest lake in the Lake District; the Darwins stayed at Patterdale, a village at the southern end of Ullswater, from 3 June to 4 July 1881 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). George Henslow had reviewed Movement in plants in the Academy, 12 February 1881 (Henslow 1881). For Rich’s reading of Movement in plants, see the letter from Anthony Rich, 9 February 1881. CD’s publisher John Murray (1808–92) was the son of George Gordon Noel Byron’s publisher, John Samuel Murray. For Byron’s reference to J. S. Murray as ‘mio caro Moray’ (my dear Murray), see T. Moore 1839, p. 495. Thomas Henry Huxley had recently become inspector of fisheries, a post he held until 1885 (ODNB). Huxley first met Rich when he was consulted about Rich’s plan to bequeath property to CD (see Correspondence vol. 26, letter from T. H. Huxley, 28 December 1878). Rich paraphrases a passage from Byron’s ‘Ode to Napoleon Buonaparte’ ([Byron] 1814, stanza 14); the original reads, ‘Then haste thee to thy sullen Isle, | And gaze upon the sea’. Rich bequeathed his house and library in Worthing to Huxley (see L. Huxley ed. 1900, 2: 286–7). Emma Burnaby’s husband, William Dyott Burnaby, died on 8 November 1882 (England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1995; Ancestry.com, accessed 31 July 2019). She appears to have continued living in London after her husband’s death (Census returns of England and Wales 1891 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG12/76/57/1)). The Darwins were in London from 24 February to 3 March 1881 (see CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). CD sent the part of the letter about the bequest to Huxley (see letter to T. H. Huxley, 5 March 1881).

From Anthony Rich   4 March 1881 Chappell Croft, | Heene, Worthing. March 4— 81. My dear Mr. Darwin I will not allow even the fraction of a post-day to pass without responding at once to your very friendly letter by saying how pleased I am to learn that Mr. Huxley would be likely to accept the reversion of this little estate with genuine satisfaction.1 It is likewise a genuine satisfaction to myself to think that after I have retired from its overlordship it will come under the ownership of such a worthy successor— one, to whom I have long felt manifold obligations for the intellectual advantages I have received at his hands, and whom I have so long honoured & esteemed for the noble and independent spirit with which he has had the courage to support his

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own convictions, popular, or unpopular, as they might be. I can remember but too well the howl that went up from pulpit and platform when the “Origin of Species” first came out, and long after that; and I do half imagine that your grand scientific work might have been damped down and stifled for a good many years if a few bold and able men had not fallen into the ranks, as supports, behind you: Amongst these I should suppose that Professor Huxley stood foremost—2 — When I wrote I fancied that you would probably see him again in London; and thought that you would communicate to him what I had written to you, as I did not wish to make any secret of it. But I now quite understand your delicacy on that point. As you feel sure that it would form an agreeable announcement to him, and not a displeasing task to yourself as an old friend of his, and I am but an indifferent artist in getting up a formal letter—if you will take that duty upon yourself it will be doing me a good turn—and a pleasant mode, I am sure, of conveying the intelligence to Mr. H—3 Then, you see, at any time when he could spare the time, he could come down to make an inspection of the premises, and have a talk with me over them, that would be pleasant & useful— Since you were here I have added a couple of rooms—good servants rooms, which enable one to have without much, scarcely any, alteration, 3 good principal bed rooms, 1. small one. 1 dressing room for the master;—kitchen, and house keeper’s room below, with 2 bed rooms for servants off the back stairs. Thus with trifling additions this might be well enough adapted for the occupation of a small family.— Just informed that the boy is waiting for letters; and that will spare you the chance of having to spell through another sheet.— Delighted to hear that there is still a chance of my seeing Mrs. Darwin & yourself this summer: My compliments to her doubly accentuated; and good regards with many thanks to yourself from | Dear Mr. Darwin | Yours very truly | Anthony Rich DAR 176: 147 1 2

3

CD’s letter has not been found, but it was in reply to the letter from Anthony Rich, 1 March 1881; Rich mentioned that he had added a codicil to his will bequeathing his house to Thomas Henry Huxley. In the controversy following the publication of Origin, Huxley had been a strong and vocal supporter of CD, notably at the Oxford meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science in 1860, where he responded to attacks by the bishop of Oxford, Samuel Wilberforce (see, for example Correspondence vol. 8, letter from J. D. Hooker, 2 July 1860 and n. 9). See letter to T. H. Huxley, 5 March 1881.

To T. H. Huxley   5 March 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) March 5 1881. My dear Huxley I hope that the news in this note will please you. It gives me extreme pleasure to be the channel of communication. But I will narrate things historically.— A few weeks before coming to London Mr Rich mentioned in a letter that he intended to bequeath, or had done so (I could not make out which) his house, with all its

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appurtenances & the adjoining field to you.—1 I could not make out whether he expected me to answer his letter, & whether he gave me the information as a secret. He said that he thought that you wd. find his house useful for your Fishery work. So I thought that I had better wait, until I had seen you.— On leaving you on Sunday I wrote him a long letter explaining your new duties & told him that though I did not doubt that 〈much〉 sea-fishery work would be (& had already been) thrown on your shoulders, I did not suppose that you wd require a sea-side house for your work. I added that you took your family most years to the sea-side, & that I felt sure that you would value highly such a bequest if he made it.2 I did not of course say so, but I fancy you could let the house well for the winter to respectable persons & if sold I shd be astounded if it did not realise at least £3000. No doubt Mr Rich likes the idea of your keeping the house at least for some time.— Well to go on with my narrative: he answered my London letter at once & said that he had already added the Codicil to his will, leaving the House & furniture & land to you, but with a certain proviso about his sister which is explained in the letter dated March I.3 The first sheet of the letter 〈h〉as not been sent as it related only to myself.— I did not feel positive whether he wished me to communicate this information to you, so without losing a post, I wrote suggesting to him that he had better enjoy the pleasure of communicating direct to you. But as you will see in enclosed letter, dated March 4th, he generously wishes me to do so.4 It is a very nice letter & every word of it true.— I hope that I have made everything clear.— More than once he has expressed to me a strong wish to see you again, but with much modesty declared that he could not endure the thought of asking you again. I told him that I well remembered your saying that you had enjoyed your visit to him & that if you could find the time wd. run down again.— I told him in my Sunday letter how hard you were worked, & that we had asked you to come here & that you could not possibly find the time.— The bequest is but a small one, but I hope that the feeling which has prompted it will please you. I do not require to be reminded by Mr. Rich how much I owe to you for your uniform friendship & kindness to me.—5 My dear Huxley | Ever yours affectionately | Charles Darwin P.S. I have registered this to prevent any chance of loss.— You no doubt will write to Mr R.— So will I just telling him that I have communicated with you.6 Imperial College of Science, Technology and Medicine Archives (Huxley 5: 359) 1 2

3 4 5 6

See letter from Anthony Rich, 9 February 1881. The Darwins were in London from 24 February to 3 March 1881 (see CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). CD’s letter to Anthony Rich, written on Sunday 27 February 1881, has not been found. Huxley had recently accepted the post of inspector of fisheries (see letter from Anthony Rich, 1 March 1881 and n. 5). See letter from Anthony Rich, 1 March 1881 and n. 7. See letter from Anthony Rich, 4 March 1881. CD’s letter to which this is a reply has not been found. See letter from Anthony Rich, 4 March 1881 and n. 2. CD’s letter has not been found, but see the letter from Anthony Rich, 8 March 1881.

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From T. H. Huxley   6 March 1881 4 Marlborough Place | NW March 6 1881 My dear Darwin If all the sea & fresh water fishes together had tumbled on to my head I could not have been more astonished than I was by your letter & its inclosures or rather by the inclosures for I am never astonished by any amount of kindness in your letters—1 Do you recollect that I jokingly told you long ago after I had been to see Rich that I had half a mind to try & cut you out?2 Upon my life I feel almost as if I had defrauded you, in spite of the innocence of my heart and if it had been decent I should like to have requested to Mr Rich that he had better let the house go along with the rest to you & yours. Don’t you covet it, like Naboth’s vineyard?—3 You will be forgetting that I am a man of peace now, & be for putting me “in the forefront of the battle”.—4 I have written to Mr. Rich and asked him to let my wife & me pay him a visit sometime this spring—5 Wife is immensely pleased—and bless her, has no doubt that Mr Rich is the one of the few men of discernment now living— It is really wonderfully kind & thoughtful of him—but he is a tough old gentleman & has a good chance of outlasting his legatee—who grieves to confess the fact that he is unmistakably growing older I sometimes think I must have a row with somebody just to see if there is any of the old stuff left! With all our loves | Ever Yours | T H Huxley Imperial College of Science, Technology and Medicine Archives (Huxley 9: 209) 1

2

3 4 5

See letter to T. H. Huxley, 5 March 1881; CD had enclosed a section of Anthony Rich’s letter of 1 March 1881 and all of Rich’s letter of 4 March 1881. Rich added a codicil to his will bequeathing his house to Huxley. In his letter to CD of 28 December 1878 (Correspondence vol. 26), Huxley had described his visit to Rich and wrote that he had ‘abstained from pointing out that there was another person to whose merits & deserts he appeared to be shamefully insensible!’ Huxley alludes to the biblical story in which Naboth refused to sell his vineyard to King Ahab (1 Kings 21). In the forefront of the battle: 2 Samuel 11:15. Huxley alludes to the story of King David’s putting Uriah in the front line so that he could marry Uriah’s wife, Bathsheba, after Uriah was killed. Huxley’s wife was Henrietta Anne Huxley. See letter from Anthony Rich, 8 March 1881.

From G. J. Romanes   [6 or 13 or 20] March 18811 18 Cornwall Terrace, Regent’s Park, N.W.: Sunday, March 1881. I have got a lot of cats waiting for me at different houses round Wimbledon Common, and some day next week shall surprise our coachman by making a round

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of calls upon the cats, drive them several miles into the country, and then let them out of their respective bags. If any return, I shall try them again in other directions before finally trying the rotation experiment.2 I am also getting the experiment on flashing light agoing. The first apparatus did not answer, so now I have invested in a large eight-day clock, the pendulum of which I intend to make do the flashing.3 E. D. Romanes 1896, p. 107 1 2

3

The range of days is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from G. J. Romanes, 24 March 1881. These were the three Sundays in March before 24 March 1881. CD had been informed by Jean-Henri Fabre that it was common practice where he lived to turn a cat round in a bag when taking it elsewhere in order to prevent it from returning home. CD may also have told Romanes about the Belgian practice of ‘cat racing’; cats were taken to distant parts of the city and the owner of the first one to find its way home won a prize (see Correspondence vol 28, letter to J.-H. Fabre, 20 February 1880 and nn. 2 and 4). Romanes had planned to investigate whether plant tissue was affected by brief flashes of light (Correspondence vol. 28, letter from G. J. Romanes, 10 December 1880). He had been granted permission to use equipment at the Royal Institution of Great Britain by the superintendent, John Tyndall (Correspondence vol. 28, letter from G. J. Romanes, 17 December 1880).

From Francis Galton   7 March 1881 42 Rutland Gate March 7/81 | Monday morng. Dear Darwin About Worms:— I have waited for an opportunity of verifying what I told you about the effect of heavy soaking rain, when it suddenly succeeds moderate weather, in driving the worms from their holes to the gravel walks, where they crawl for long distances in tortuous courses, & where they die.1 It has been very frequently observed by me in Hyde Park & this morning, I have again witnessed it in a sufficently well marked degree to be worth recording. It rained heavily on Saturday night last, after a spell of moderate weather. Unluckily I was not in the Park on Sunday till near 1h., by which hour the birds had had abundant time to pick up the worms. Still, dead worms were about & their tracks were most numerous. On Sunday (last night) it again rained heavily & I was in the Park at 10h. The tracks were not nearly so numerous as they had been on Sunday morning, but more dead worms were about. I began counting, & found they averaged 1 to every 212 paces (in length) of the walk, the walk being 4 paces a trifle more in width. Walking on, I came to a place where the grass was swamped with rain water on either side of the raised gravel path, for a distance of 16 paces. In those 16 pacelengths I counted 45 dead worms.2 On not a few previous occasions when I have been out before breakfast, I have under the conditions already mentioned seen the whole of the walks strewn with worms

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almost as thickly as were the 16 pace-lengths first described. The worms are usually very large. I rarely notice dead worms on the paths at other times Ever sincerely yrs | Francis Galton I shall be very curious to learn about the effects of the red light as against those of a strongly actinic colour3 DAR 105: A106–7 1 2 3

CD may have seen Galton while he was in London from 24 February to 3 March 1881 (see CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). CD added Galton’s information about dead worms in Earthworms, p. 14. Actinic light contains a high proportion of ultraviolet rays. CD had tested the sensitivity of worms to red and green light; his notes on the subject, dated 23 October 1880, are in DAR 64.1: 54. CD noted that worms did not appear to be sensitive to the amount of light passed through filters of dark red and blue glass, and that the colour did not seem to make any difference to their reaction.

From J. H. Gilbert   7 March 1881 Harpenden | S.t Albans March 7, 1881 Dear Mr. Darwin I send from here today to be forwarded to Orpington from London by S.E.R. “How Crops Feed” and vols xiii xiv of the “Versuchsstationen” which are quite at your service for 2 or 3 weeks.1 The parcel is addressed Down, Orpington, by S.E.R. and I hope this is right. I am, Yours sincerely | J. H. Gilbert Copy Rothamsted Research (GIL13) 1

See letter to J. H. Gilbert, 25 February 1881. Gilbert sent a copy of How crops feed (S. W. Johnson [1870]). He also sent copies of the German journal Die landwirtschaftlichen Versuchs-Stationen (Agricultural research stations). CD had wanted to read an article (Detmer 1871) in volume 14 of the journal.

To G. J. Romanes   7 March [1881]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) March 7th My dear Romanes I was quite mistaken about the Gardeners’ Chronicle; in my index there are only the few enclosed & quite insignificant references, having any relation to the minds of animals.—2 When I returned to my work, I found that I had nearly completed my statement of facts about worms plugging up their burrows with leaves &c &c.; so I waited until I had naturally to draw up a few concluding remarks. I hope that it will not bore you to read the few accompanying pages & in the middle you will find a few sentences with a sort of definition or with discussion on of intelligence.3 I am altogether

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dissatisfied with it. I tried to observe what passed in my own mind when I did the work of a worm.— If I come across a professed metaphysician, I will ask him to give me a more technical definition with a few big words, about the abstract, the concrete, the absolute & the infinite. But seriously I shd. be grateful for any suggestions; for it will hardly do to assume that every fool knows what intelligent means. You will understand that the M.S is only the first rough copy & will need much correction.— Please return it for I have no other copy, only a few memoranda. When I think how it has bothered me to know what I mean by “intelligent”, I am sorry for you in your great work on the minds of animals.—4 My dear Romanes | Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin I daresay that I shall have to alter wholly this M.S.— American Philosophical Society (Mss.B.D25.584) 1 2

3

4

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from G. J. Romanes, 7 March 1881. No letter mentioning the index to Gardeners’ Chronicle has been found, but CD may have spoken to Romanes while he was in London from 24 February to 3 March 1881 (see CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). CD evidently refers to the printed index as he is not known to have made his own. CD’s annotated bound copies of Gardeners’ Chronicle for the years 1841 to 1871 are in the Cambridge Botanic Garden Library. The enclosed references have not been found. CD enclosed manuscript pages of Earthworms, chapter 2, which contained a discussion of the meaning of intelligence. Manuscript pages for this chapter are in DAR 24.1: B67–127; they are mostly written in the hand of a copyist and may be a later version than that sent to Romanes with this letter. Romanes’s book, Animal intelligence, was published in 1882 (G. J. Romanes 1882).

From G. J. Romanes   7 March 1881 18, Cornwall Terrace, | Regents Park, N.W. March 7/81 My dear Mr. Darwin, The MS which I return with best thanks is in the highest degree interesting, & I cannot refrain from saying how glad I am that, like a worm, you have got hold of yet another so good a leaf to drag into your wonderful store.1 Concerning the question of intelligence, it seems to me that the difficulty arises from the fact of its being a thing, which like all other things, is gradually evolved. The line, therefore, between non-intelligent and intelligent adjustment is, as we should à priori expect, as difficult to draw as it is, say between an egg and a bird. This consideration, however, does not of course meet the requirement that we feel for some criterion of intelligence when sufficiently evolved to be recognized as such. What we want is a test that may be taken as a line—even though an artificial one— to divide actions which we agree to call intelligent from those which we agree to call non-intelligent. Such a test, it seems to me, can only be furnished by the question— Does the animal learn by its own individual experience? For the test must be, as you say, an objective one; we cannot get inside an animal’s mind so as to obtain direct,

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or subjective, knowledge of its operations. And, if the test is to be objective, I see no analytical filter that can strain off all the class of non-intelligent adjustments due to heredity, save the question above stated. Observe, I do not doubt that before this test is conformed to in the ascending series of psychological life, intelligence has begun to dawn & may be tolerably far advanced; so that if we could obtain any subjective test we should probably be able to draw our line of demarcation lower down in the series. But as we are shut up to an objective test, it appears to me that the best thing we can do if we aim at certain definitio〈n〉 is to make our distinction—arbitrary though it may be—at the place where we are first sure that there is a distinct thing to define. “Thems my sentiments.”2 But I know they will not do much to meet the case of earthworms; for the actions of these animals seem to stand just on the borderland. If, however, it could be shown by experiment—which I think not at all impossible—that a particular earthworm admits of being taught by experience how best to manipulate some awkward exotic leaf, so that after finding out the best way of manipulating it would afterwards always or generally choose this way— if such could be shown to be the case, there could no longer be any question as to the action being in the full sense of the word intelligent. On the other hand, if experiment failed to show this, all, I think, that could be said would be that the action, if intelligent, is not intelligent in a degree sufficiently high to admit of our certainly classifying it as such.3 Turning now to what you give in the MS as the “chief element in an act that deserves to be called intelligent”, I think it would be well to avoid hyper-criticism of the Mivart class, to guard the statement so as to make it evident that you do not mean self-consciousness.4 An animal, or a man, may certainly perform an intelligent act without at all thinking about his own thoughts or of anything that is passing in his own mind. Of course I know that you mean consciousness & not self-consciousness. But this, after all, is only re-stating the difficulty. There clearly can be no intelligence without consciousness,—just as clearly as there may be intelligence without selfconsciousness. But forasmuch as consciousness—or the power however incipient of distinguishing between pleasure & pain—must be supposed to dawn before the advent of intelligence of which it is the necessary condition, it follows that we gain no help in defining intelligence as that which presents the element of consciousness. Probably most reflex actions & non-intelligent hereditary habits have been elaborated only in virtue of a consciousness—however rudimentary—of pleasure & pain. I do not suppose that this dis-quisition will be of any use to you; but when I begin to write I am apt to run on regardless of the patience of anyone who manages to get to the end. Therefore this letter has grown much longer than I at first intended, which explains the half-sheets on which it is written. Again thanking you very much for letting me see the MS, & also for the notes of reference5 | I remain, | Very sincerely & most respectfully yours. | Geo. J. Romanes. DAR 176: 216

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CD annotations 1.1 The MS … store. 1.3] crossed blue crayon 5.4 may certainly … thoughts 5.5] triple scored red crayon 1 2 3 4

5

CD had sent a manuscript of the second chapter of Earthworms (see letter to G. J. Romanes, 7 March [1881] and n. 3). The phrase, ‘them’s my sentiments’ appeared in Washington Irving’s book, Tales of a traveller (Irving 1832, 1: 151). It later appeared in William Makepeace Thackeray’s Vanity fair (Thackeray 1848, p. 179). In Earthworms, p. 95, CD noted that according to Romanes, intelligence could only safely be inferred when an individual could be seen to profit by experience. In the published version of Earthworms, p. 97, CD wrote, ‘If worms have the power of acquiring some notion, however rude, of the shape of an object and of their burrows, as seems to be the case, they deserve to be called intelligent’. Romanes alludes to the critical stance taken by St George Jackson Mivart against CD in reviews and in his book On the genesis of species (Mivart 1871). CD had a longrunning dispute with Mivart that resulted in CD’s ending their correspondence (see Correspondence vol. 20, letter to St G. J. Mivart, 11 January [1872]). CD had sent references from Gardeners’ Chronicle relating to the minds of animals (letter to G. J. Romanes, 7 March [1881]).

To Francis Galton   8 March [1881]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) March 8th My dear Galton Very many thanks for your note. I have been observing the immersing tracks, on my walks for several months, & they occur (or can be seen) only after heavy rain. As I know that worms which are going to die (generally from the parasitic larva of a Fly) always come out of their burrows, I have looked out during these months, & have usually found in the morning only from 1 to 3 or 4 along the whole length of my walks. On the other hand I remember having on former years seen scores or hundreds of dead worms after heavy rain. I cannot possibly believe that worms are drowned in the course of even 3 or 4 days immersion; & I am inclined to conclude that the death of sickly (probably with parasites) worms is thus hastened, I will add a few words to what I have said about their tracks, after stating that I fd only a very few dead ones.2 Occasionally worms suffer from epidemics (of what nature I know not) & die by the million on the surface of the ground.— Your ruby paper answers capitally, but I suspect that it is only by dimming the light, & I know not how to illuminate worms by the same intensity of light & yet of a colour which permits the actinic rays to pass.—3 I have tried drawing triangle of damp paper through a small cylindrical hole, as you suggested, & I can discover no source of error. Nevertheless I am becoming more doubtful about the intelligence of worms.. The worse job is that they will do their work in a slovenly manner when kept in pots, & I am beyond measure perplexed to judge how far such observations are trustworthy. Ever my dear Galton | Yours most truly | Ch. Darwin UCL Library Services, Special Collections (GALTON/1/1/9/5/7/31)

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The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from Francis Galton, 7 March 1881. Galton had counted the number of dead worms he observed after a period of heavy rain (see letter from Francis Galton, 7 March 1881 and n. 2). Galton had evidently given CD paper to put in front of a light source to create a red light (see letter from Francis Galton, 7 March 1881 and n. 3).

From J. W. Jeudwine   8 March [1881–2]1 3 New Square | Lincoln’s Inn | W. C. March 8th. Dear Sir You have probably heard that Shrewsbury Schools are about to be removed to Kingsland2 I write this to you thinking that you may recollect the name of my grandfather as connected with the schools to call your attention to the following facts.3 Owing to the very limited funds the Governing Body have no money at their disposal to form a cricket ground or to attend to any of the many necessities of school games. An effort is being made among the younger old Salopians to raise a fund to provide a cricket ground, boat house, fives and racquet courts and if possible a pavilion by subscriptions but what is done must depend very materially on the amount raised and a very large sum probably several thousands will be required to complete these objects. In addition to this difficulty the Governing Body are asking for large subscriptions for a Chapel from old Salopians which of course diminishes the funds available for the games. Several old Salopians at Shrewsbury have been working most energetically for this object and the boys themselves have been levelling the cricket ground under the superintendence of skilled workmen for whose wages and for other expenses the old Salopians who are masters at the school have made themselves responsible. I have been asked to collect subscriptions in London for the above objects and the Rev. G. T. Hall4 at the schools who is acting as central Treasurer of the fund will receive subscriptions or I shall forward to him any subscriptions received by me. A circular will shortly be issued embodying what I have here stated, but I have ventured to appeal to you early in consequence of the urgency of the matter. I need hardly point out how necessary it is to provide adequately for the recreations of the schools on their removal if they are in any way to compete with other Public schools. It was originally intended to appeal for one guinea only but representations were made that such a course would be injurious, and such limit has accordingly except as to the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge been withdrawn. May I venture to ask you for 〈    〉 subscription? I shall be v〈ery〉 glad to give you any further information in my power, and will take the liberty of forwarding to you the circular which I have mentioned, when it is issued, which I expect will be in a few days. We shall be very glad of subscriptions of any amount whether large or small but of course we wish to 〈    〉 as large a sum as 〈pos〉sible.5

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Pray excuse my troubling you with this letter and believe me to be Dear Sir Yours sincerely | J. W. Jeudwine 3 New Square | Lincoln’s Inn | London. W. C. I may point out to you that what is now to be done must have been done whether the Schools had been removed or not. | J.W.J. DAR 168: 63 1 2

3 4 5

The year range is established by the opening date of the new school (see n. 2, below). CD was a former pupil of Shrewsbury School. The new school buildings at Kingsland, overlooking the river Severn, were opened on 28 July 1882; the twenty-seven-acre site had been purchased in 1875 (Fisher 1899, p. 374). John Jeudwine was second master at Shrewsbury School from 1798 until his death in 1835. George Thomas Hall was an assistant master at the school (Alum. Cantab.) No record has been found of a contribution by CD.

From Frank Norgate   [8 March 1881]1 I have also found spotless white eggs in 2 different years in the same tree in which the Cream coloured Rook was first observed & probably hatched.2 You may be glad to hear that in this county we have a local race of Yellowish white Moles (I received 12  from one parish) they vary much in size of bones & number of ribs &.c. We also have in another part of the county a local race of black moles with large yellow spots (generally only one spot on each specimen), & occasional varieties of rusty grey & brown moles.3 With regard to migration of species I have observed that the larger Waterbeetles & Newts in my aquarium frequently have one foot caught by a small freshwater bivalve (cyclas cornea?) which they swim about with in a very restless state day & night for several days until the foot or toe is completely severed. Waterbeetles migrate through the air (& frequently fall on our glazed Cucumber-frame, probably mistaking it for water). Newts migrate by land at night crossing considerable obstacles, climbing trees, bushes, heather &.c.4 The bivalve might migrate with them. I have read several records of several species of Birds shot or caught with cockles & other bivalves similarly attached to their toes & bills; so cockles & other bivalves might migrate with them. The beautiful red & green parasitic crabs which I have found in living cockles might perhaps migrate thus with the cockles & the birds.5 Now, as to mimicry— until last summer my own experience & that of my moth collecting friends led me to consider the ♀ Euthemonia Russula about 100  times rarer (or more difficult to find) than the ♂. One day last summer I caught 6 ♀s on the wing in an hour or 2 & I believe I saw several other ♀s that day but did not recognize them. My chief difficulty in catching them was that I could seldom distinguish them

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(on the wing) from Argynnis selene which was then flying in abundance & even when I did distinguish a ♀ Russula, it was very difficult to run it down or to mark it down through such a maze of Selene, Sylvanus, Linea, Pamphilus & other bright chestnut coloured butterflies.6 The ♀ Russula flies low & rapidly   The ♂ Russula flies slowly & irregularly generally rising to a good height & then down to pitch among the heather. Thus the ♂ is from its peculiar flight & pale buff colour very conspicuous. Larvæ of Notodonta Ziczac feed in Foxley Wood on Aspen & on the Broad leaved Sallow, but these larvæ on Aspen are of a brownish black (like indiarubber) & the Aspen leaf when dead or injured turns the same colour, whilst those larvæ which feed on the Broad leaved Sallow are of an orange colour & resemble the recurved under surface of those leaves which (in the broad leaved Sallow) are so frequently turned orange on the under surface by a fungus (Sphæria?)7 The imago of Notodonta Camelina8 is of a dull dark brown when the larva has fed on oak, but when the larva of Camelina has fed on Broad leaved Sallow the imago is of an orange brown colour. I do not know if these varieties are constant. You are probably aware that the Redbacked Shrike impales large numbers of Humble bees alive on thorns near its nest.9 All these humble bees that I have observed so impaled were females, & I have examined a good many. Several species of Bombus were represented. Your experiments with regard to fertilization of Red Clover by Humble bees is very interesting indeed. I have often wondered if your trial was exhaustive i.e.  whether you proved that neither Colias Edusa, Cynthia Cardui, Plusia gamma, nor any one of the myriads of other insects which swarm in Clover fields by day & by night are able to fertilize Red Clover.10 In your “Fertilization of Orchids” p. 198 you say “English sphinxes have probosces as long as their bodies”.11 As you may be glad to know that some moths have probosces longer than their bodies, I have just measured the bodies & probosces of some dried specimens in my cabinet— (British) Sphinx Convolvuli length of body 2 inches, proboscis 312 inches (Virginian) Sphinx (Carolina?) length of body 2 inches, proboscis over 3 inches12 These specimens have been thoroughly baked in a hot oven & I have no doubt that when living these moths could extend their probosces to the length of 4 inches or more. Yours truly | Frank Norgate Incomplete DAR 205.3 (Letters): 284 CD annotations 3.1 With … with them. 3.7] scored red crayon Left margin of first page: ‘Means of Distribution’ blue crayon End of letter: ‘Sparham, Reepham, Norwich | March 8. 1881.—’ blue ink

March 1881 1 2 3

4

5 6

7

8 9 10

11 12

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The date is established by CD’s annotation. The eggs of the rook (Corvus frugilegus) are typically green-blue with brown or black markings. Leucistic rooks are typically brown, creamy, or yellowish rather than pure white. European moles (Talpa europaea) commonly have black or dark gray fur, but cream, golden, apricot, rust, cinnamon, piebald (irregular buff or white blotches), and whitish coat colours have been reported (Nowak 1999). Some water beetles (e.g. Dytiscidae) have fringed hind legs for swimming. The smooth newt (Lissotriton vulgaris) and the crested newt (Triturus cristatus) are found in the area where Norgate lived. Cyclas cornea is a synonym of Sphaerium corneum (European fingernail clam). The common cockle is Cerastoderma edule; pea crabs (Pinnotheres pisum) are a common parasite on cockles. Euthemonia russula is a synonym of Diacrisia sannio (clouded buff butterfly); Argynnis selene is a synonym of Boloria selene (small pearl-bordered fritillary). Norgate also refers to Ochlodes sylvanus (large skipper), Papilio linea (a synonym of Thymelicus lineola (Essex skipper)), and Coenonympha pamphilus (small heath butterfly). Notodonta ziczac is the pebble prominent (moth). ‘Broad leaved sallow’ may refer to either Salix caprea (great sallow or goat willow) or S. cinerea (common sallow or grey willow); both are commonly known as pussy willow. Their leaves are susceptible to several species of rust fungi (Melampsora spp.), which cause dusty orange or brown spots. Sphaeria is a synonym of Hypoxylon, a genus of ascomycetes (sac fungi) found on dead wood. Foxley Wood is an ancient woodland and coppice near Sparham, Norfolk. Notodonta camelina is a synonym of Ptilodon capucina (coxcomb prominent). The red-backed shrike or butcher bird is Lanius collurio; when food supplies are abundant, it spears large insects on the thorns of bushes to lay up reserves. CD had maintained that only humble bees (Bombus spp.) visited red clover (Trifolium pratense), since other bees could not reach the nectar (Origin, p. 73). Colias edusa is a synonym of C. croceus (clouded yellow butterfly); Cynthia cardui is a synonym of Vanessa cardui (painted lady); Plusia gamma is a synonym of Autographa gamma (silver-Y moth). All these lepidopteran species are known to visit red clover. CD had added that some Madagascan moths must have probosces capable of extension to eleven inches (see Orchids, p. 198; for more on the discovery of the predicted moth, see Kritsky 1991). Sphinx convolvuli is a synonym of Agrius convolvuli (convolvulus hawk-moth). Norgate probably refers to the Carolina sphinx (Manduca sexta), which has a four-inch proboscis when fully extended.

From Anthony Rich   8 March 1881 Chappell Croft, | Heene, Worthing. March 8.—81. My dear Mr. Darwin I write a line to you just to say that I received yesterday a letter from Mr. Huxley, announcing his willingness to become the lord of this property, after its present owner has ceased to encumber the earth; and promising to pay me a visit sometime during the Spring or Summer accompanied by Mrs. Huxley.1 That will be extremely agreeable to me, and will afford an opportunity for making them both acquainted with the bearings of the house and premises. At the same time I may take the opportunity to tender you my thanks for the trouble you have taken on my behalf.— Oh! You asked me a question some time ago, which I have always forgotten to answer—“whether I ever read Ld. Derby’s speeches”.— Yes always—and I have constantly thought that his seat, both when in the Commons, and in the Lords, ought to have been on the opposite of the house to that on which he sat. You see he has come over to that opinion himself—or nearly so.— I used to think that there was some weakness; or want of decision about his conduct when he was Ld. Beaconsfield’s

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foreign Secretary. But I have since had very serious reasons for believing that one if not two of his colleagues were thwarting him behind his back at the Porte in a manner that left him quite bewildered.2 How late and wayward the Spring is in coming!— Very sincerely yours | Anthony Rich DAR 176: 148 1

2

See letter from T. H. Huxley, 6 March 1881. Rich had added a codicil to his will bequeathing his house to Thomas Henry Huxley. Huxley and his wife, Henrietta Anne Huxley, were planning to visit Rich in the spring. Edward Henry Stanley, fifteenth earl of Derby, although a Conservative for the first part of his political career, was known to be sympathetic to the Liberals. He was foreign secretary from 1874 to 1878 in the government of Benjamin Disraeli, who became earl of Beaconsfield in 1876 (ODNB). He eventually changed allegiance in March 1880 and became colonial secretary in the Liberal government in December 1882. In January 1878, at the end of the Russo-Turkish war, Derby resigned as foreign secretary in protest at the decision to send British warships into the Sea of Marmora, but withdrew his resignation when the order was countermanded; he resigned again in March 1878, when Britain gained Cyprus from the Ottoman Empire and seemed to be moving towards war with Russia (ODNB). For the politics of the war and the debates within government, see G. Hicks et al. eds. 2012. The Porte: a reference to the government of the Ottoman Empire, also known as the Sublime Porte.

To G. J. Romanes   9 March [1881]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. March 9th My dear Romanes One line to thank you for your letter, which I shd. have been very sorry if it had been shortened by a single line.—2 Your remarks on consciousness & self-consciousness seem to me very good.—3 I do not at all know what I shall make of the subject, & shd.  not be in the least surprised if I come to the conclusion that I have worked for several weeks quite uselessly.— Some months ago I tried to make out about experience, & the result indicated that worms do learn, but from causes too long here to explain I dare not trust my observations.— I intend to have another attempt to eliminate the source of doubt, but Heaven only knows whether I shall succeed.— It was very good of you to write so fully & so clearly.— Ever yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin American Philosophical Society (Mss.B.D25.585) 1 2 3

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from G. J. Romanes, 7 March 1881. See letter from G. J. Romanes, 7 March 1881. Romanes had advised CD to distinguish carefully between conscious and self-conscious behaviour when defining intelligence, in order to pre-empt criticism (see letter from G. J. Romanes, 7 March 1881 and n. 3).

March 1881

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From James Torbitt   10 March 1881 J. Torbitt, | Wine Merchant. | 58, North Street, | Belfast. 10th Mar 1881. Charles Darwin Esqr | Down. My dear Sir I duly received your valued letter of 5th. Jany. last— when the money is wanted I shall write to you, and I am now going on with the thrice crossed seeds which seem larger than any I have had previously, and I have pushed the principle of selection among them much further than ever before, and I propose to do the same with the seedling plants, they are now germinating healthily.1 As I have said, I will do my best with the experiments, if only because you are so deeply interested, but I am myself pretty well disgusted by the apathy and stupidity of those most interested.2 On yesterday and day before I sent to your address carriage paid one box and one basket specimens, the box contains a flat oval 1877, of which there are some hundred or two which are likely to be lost. It was stored on a loft, is now growing, and what you do not want of it, can be thrown away. The basket contains a small bag of 1877s and 1878s each tuber a different variety once crossed, a small bag of 1879s each tuber a different variety twice crossed, and 6 varieties (whole of each) of 1880 twice crossed. The small tubers of these were sent to show the whole produce of the seed, and should not be planted. There is also I think a small bag of tubers of a variety of 1877, something like the Scotch Champion.3 Should you have room for more of the 1880s I should like to send them as they seem to be an improvement on the others. The single tubers of different varieties will give no trouble to the gardener, as, if any of them turn out good, he has only to keep the produce of each good plant by itself. I have sent 21  varieties of 1880  to Mr Caird today together with some single tubers of the other varieties, and will send to Mr Farrer some samples for table use when I get them in from the country, also some for seed.4 I am my dear Sir | most respectfully yours | James Torbitt [Enclosure] The following is from S. M. Alexander, Esq., J.P., D.L., Co. Derry:—5 Roe Park, | Limavady, 10th March, 1881. J. Torbitt, Esq., | Belfast. Dear Sir, In reply to yours of 6th ult., permit me to say, that having long noticed the gradual decay, and, in many instances, complete disappearance of many varieties of the Potato, at one time looked upon as very valuable, I felt some alarm for the ultimate safety of so immensely important an item in the food supply of the people of this country, but was on the other hand greatly pleased to read in the

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recently issued Report of the late Parliamentary Committee their recommendation as to the means of renovating the Potato, which strikingly coincided with my own experience of a good many years— specially as to the great advantage resulting from the production of new varieties of great stamina, immense productiveness, and fine flavor, from seed balls after careful crossing, and which your own great efforts in the same direction for years past have done much to corroborate.6 I have now in my possession about thirty varieties grown from seed raised by you, which, after three years cultivation, enable me to bear decided testimony to their vigorous constitution, great productiveness, fine flavor, and in many almost complete immunity from disease. I think your system of distributing varieties raised by yourself lays the public under a deep debt of gratitude to you, and has afforded them a very economical means of obtaining many valuable specimens of the plant. A large proportion of those I had from you last year being all but disease-proof, and of prime quality, I do certainly think that, in view of the advantages already obtained, and others evidently obtainable, it is the bounden duty of the Government to adopt some means for the production of new varieties by the plan indicated, which experience has now proved to be so capable of advancing the National interests; and failing this, that the landed proprietary of the country should organize a syndicate to undertake or superintend the work by private enterprize, to which substantial encouragement should be given. I am, dear Sir, | Yours faithfully, | S. M. ALEXANDER. DAR 178: 173, DAR 52: E6 1 2 3

4 5 6

See letter to James Torbitt, [5] January 1881. See letter from James Torbitt, 8 January 1881. Torbitt had given an account of the year’s crossing experiments; he was trying to breed a blight-resistant potato variety. The Champion potato was bred in 1863 by John Nicoll in Forfar, Scotland; in 1879, it was the only variety to yield a substantial harvest in Ireland during a widespread outbreak of blight (Salaman 1985, p. 168). James Caird and Thomas Henry Farrer were helping to fund Torbitt’s experiments (see letter to James Torbitt, [5] January 1881). Samuel Maxwell Alexander. The Report from the Select Committee on Potato Crop was ordered to be printed on 9 July 1880. Torbitt had not been asked to give evidence. The committee concluded that new varieties needed to be grown from seed periodically, since the ability to withstand blight decreased on average within about twenty years (ibid., p. v).

To Raphael Meldola   12 March 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) March 12th 1881. r Dear M. Meldola It is very kind of you to offer to send me the book, but I feel sure that it could not have belonged to my grandfather.—1 My eldest brothers name is Erasmus & he attended to chemistry when young, & I suppose that the “Annals of Philosophy” was left at my Father’s house & sold with the Library which belonged to my sisters.—2 I will look to the few words of Preface to Weismann, whenever I receive a proof.—3 with many thanks— | Yours very faithfully | Ch. Darwin

March 1881

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Oxford University Museum of Natural History (Hope Entomological Collections 1350: Hope/Westwood Archive, Darwin folder) 1 2

3

No letter from Meldola offering to send a book has been found. CD’s grandfather was Erasmus Darwin (1731–1802). Erasmus Alvey Darwin had attended chemistry lectures while a student at Cambridge; he built a small laboratory in the tool house in the garden of the family home at Shrewsbury, and he and CD performed experiments there (see Correspondence vol. 1, letter from E. A. Darwin, 14 November 1822 and n. 1). CD’s father, Robert Waring Darwin, had built his house, The Mount, Shrewsbury, around 1800 (Browne 1995, pp. 9–10). His unmarried daughters at the time of his death were Susan Elizabeth Darwin and Catherine Darwin. After Susan died in 1866, the house and contents were sold (see Correspondence vol. 15, letter from Salt & Sons, 17 July 1867). The journal Annals of Philosophy was published from 1813 until 1827, when it merged with the Philosophical Magazine; the name changed to the Philosophical Magazine: or Annals of Chemistry, Mathematics, Astronomy, Natural History, and General Science. CD wrote a short ‘Prefatory notice’ to Studies in the theory of descent (Weismann 1880–2, pp. v–vi), Meldola’s translation of August Weismann’s Studien zur Descendenz-Theorie (Weismann 1875–6).

From W. E. Darwin   [13 March 1881]1 Ridgemount, | Basset, | Southampton. Sunday My dear Father I am obeying orders about not writing so that Lily is acting as secretary.2 The papers have just come from the Geological Society, and I feel proud of becoming a member.3 Thank you for all the trouble you have taken. I have only been able to examine 29 more rhododendron leaves, as it hurts my head stooping; of these 18 were drawn in stalk downwards and 11 point downwards.4 I have always forgotten to say that I could not find the old piece of ploughed land on the common which you wanted me to look at. I have proved Uncle Jos’s death in the North Eastern Railway Company, if you will send me a cheque for £149.10 before April the 1st. I will pay it.5 Please thank Mother for her kind letter; Sara is writing to her this evening.6 Our plans are a little vague as it depends on how my old head feels after a few days more light work. Your affect son | W. E. Darwin LS Cornford Family Papers (DAR 275: 101) 1

2 3 4

The date is established by a note in CD’s hand that reads, ‘William in letter dated March 13 1881 says he has looked at 29 more Rhododendron leaves & 18 were drawn in by base & 11 by top or apex.—’ (DAR 65: 44). Elizabeth Gaskell Norton was known as Lily; she was Sara Darwin’s niece. CD had organised the signing of the certificate for William’s membership of the Geological Society of London (see letter to W. E. Darwin, 25 January 1881). For more on CD’s interest in rhododendron leaves, see the letter from W. E. Darwin, 3 February [1881] and nn. 3 and 4. Emma Darwin, in a letter to George Howard Darwin, 7 March 1881 (DAR 251: 1002)

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mentioned that William had been kicked off his horse, hitting his head, but that he was ‘not the least stunned’. In a letter of 16 March 1881 (DAR 210.3: 5), Emma mentioned that William was ‘a good deal troubled by the return of his old head symptoms which did not appear till 4 days after the fall from his horse’. William had earlier suffered a concussion following a riding accident in May 1876 (see Correspondence vol. 24, letter from James Paget, 30 May 1876). See letter to W. E. Darwin, [27 February 1881]. William was probably authorising the purchase of shares for Emma Darwin’s trust; her trustees were Erasmus Alvey Darwin and Josiah Wedgwood III, who had died on 11 March 1880 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). William was Josiah’s executor. On 15 March 1881, CD recorded a payment under the heading ‘W. E. Darwin for alloted shares Trust N. E. Rd (Invested)’ in his Account books–banking account (Down House MS)). The transaction is also listed in CD’s Investment book (Down House MS), p. 152. The letters from Emma Darwin and from Sara Darwin have not been found.

From Henri de Saussure   14 March 1881 Genèva 14 Mars 81. Dear Sir I can at last send you the pebles which you asked me for last automn.1 The first box contains pebles of the strata in which I find roled romen briks, about 112 metre higher then the leval of the lake of Geneva, which prooves that the level has gone down about 2 metres. I have mixed bricks, alpin pebles and sand because you told me you wanted to see the sort of form which the pebles take.2 In the second box you will find only sand and pebles, but of the opposite side of the lake where I have found the same briks than on the N. E. side. I preserve a very agreable remembrance of my visit to your house, and I only regret that it was so short.3 If ever you think at me in a favorable moment, will you please do me the particular favour to send me your photograph with signature. I should be much indebted for it. Please remember me to your kind family and believe me yours most faithfully | Dr. H:’ de Saussure I have forwared to you last month my little book La question du Lac; at the chapter érosions, you will find the bricks mentioned.4 DAR 177: 41 CD note: I speak advisedly after comparing the particles of brick sent by M Saussure | a few Geneva ones more perfectly pebble-like. 1 2

No written request from CD has been identified; however, the request may have been made in person (see n. 3, below). In Earthworms, p. 254, CD mentioned that Saussure had sent him ‘small water-worn pebbles, formed from Roman bricks’.

March 1881 3 4

135

No record of this visit has been found, but it may have taken place in the autumn of 1880 (see n. 1, above). Saussure 1880; CD’s copy is in the library of the Linnean Society of London (Classmark: 551.48(494) SAS).

From H. M. Wallis   14 March 1881 Holmesdale | Reading Mar. 14. 1881 Sir— I venture to submit to your notice the following since I do not remember meeting with it in your Descent of Man, although I cannot help thinkg it more than probable that you are familiar with it already.1

a.

Soon after my little boy2 was born I noticed that the little hairs upon his ears grew with a different ‘grain’ on different parts: to explain what I mean I subjoin a sketch of the ear—a normal ear quite—with the inverted tip rather strongly developed— The hair on the upper part of the ear grew towards a certain point & that on the lower part of the lobe grew upwards towards the same point which was bare of hairs & was just over the introverted tip. The hairs did not grow on the edge of the ear but rather on the side next the head & curved gently over the edge as shewn in the sketch a. pointing in fact pretty nearly for the tip. Although my little boy is not two years old these hairs have disappeared—but I have seen a similar growth upon the ear of a young man but most ears are quite bare. I must take this opportunity of acknowledging the debt I, in common with the rest of thinking people, owe to you Sir for having opened my eyes & given me a key-plan to the jungle of phenomena around us. I remain Sir | Your obedient Servant | H. M. Wallis. Dr. Darwin— As you are doubtless overdone with letters I beg that you will not think it necessary to acknowledge this unless it should prove of sufficient interest to need confirmation or explanation. DAR 210.9: 15

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March 1881

In Descent 1: 21–3, CD had discussed the shape of human ears in relation to those of monkeys and apes; in ibid., pp. 192–3, he discussed the direction of hair growth on the arms of humans and apes. Anthony Wallis.

To J. H. Gilbert   15 March 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Mar 15 1881 Dear Dr Gilbert, I have sent off the two books which you were so kind as to lend me by rail this afternoon, and I hope they will arrive safely. I can plainly see that I had better say nothing about the acidity of common mould. I have read the greater part of How Crops Feed with the greatest interest.1 Again thanking you, I remain | Yours very faithfully | Charles Darwin P.S. | I have not been able to pay the carriage of the parcel excepting to London as our line cannot do so.2 LS Rothamsted Research (GIL13) 1

2

See letter from J. H. Gilbert, 7 March 1881 and n. 1. How crops feed (S. W. Johnson [1870]) was a study of the chemical and physical properties of the atmosphere and soil in relation to plant nutrition. The second book was vols. 13 and 14 of the German journal Die landwirtschaftlichen Versuchs-Stationen (Agricultural research stations). The South Eastern Railway line operated the service from Orpington (the nearest railway station to Down) to London. Since Gilbert lived in St Albans, the package sent by CD would have been transferred to the Midland Railway in London, and carriage calculated on delivery.

To James Torbitt   15 March 1881 Down, March 15, 1881 My dear Sir I received two or three days ago the potatoes, and am much obliged for them.1 I have given instructions for their being planted and labelled. I am glad to see the letter from Mr. Alexander, and will send copies to Mr. Caird and Mr. Farrer.2 I hope that you will keep up your courage, and continue your valuable labours, although I am not at all surprised at your feeling disappointment at the apathy of the public. My dear Sir | Yours sincerely | Charles Darwin. Copy DAR 148: 128 1 2

See letter from James Torbitt, 10 March 1881 and n. 2. Torbitt had enclosed a copy of a letter from Samuel Maxwell Alexander (see letter from James Torbitt, 10 March 1881). He also mentioned sending potatoes to James Caird and Thomas Henry Farrer.

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From Charles Layton   17 March 1881 16 Little Britain London March 17/81 Dear Sir I enclose cheque on Union Bank for £27.3.8 in payment of above a/c from New York, for which a receipt will oblige—1 Yours Respectfully | for D. Appleton & Co | Charles Layton, Agent Charles Darwin Esq [Enclosure] Statement of Sales of Origin of Species to Feby 1st, 1881 by D. Appleton & Co. or account of Chas Darwin On hand last account, Printed since

290 500

On hand this day, Given away

532

Sold to date, Delivered,

258

790 Sold 258

790

Copies, $ 2

Expression of Emotions Aug 1/80 On hand Feby 1/81 " sold Descent of Man Aug 1/80 On hand Printed Feby 1/81. On hand Ed short Sold Insectivorous Plants Aug 1/79. Feby 1/81

On hand " Sold

Rate, 5%

$ 25.80

897 862 35

10% of $350

12 25

75 500 362 1 212

10% of $3.

63.60

10% of $2

6.20

310 279 31 Forw

d

$107.85

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March 1881

Different Forms of Flowers Aug 1/80 On hand Feby 1/81 " sold Cross Fertilization Aug 1/80 On hand Feby 1/81 " sold Climbing Plants Aug 1/80 On hand Feby 1/81 " " sold 2 Orchids Aug 1/80 On hand Feby 1/81 " Sold

482 460 22

10% of $150

3.30

217 176 41

10% of $2

8.20

323 281 42

10% of $125

5.25

10% of $175

6.47 $131.07

456 419 37

Stg value Exch 48222 £27.3.8 DAR 159: 109 1 2

On 18 March 1881, CD recorded a payment of £27 3s. 8d. under the heading ‘Mrs Appleton Profit on Books’ in his Account books–banking account (Down House MS). The publications mentioned are Origin 3d US ed., Expression US ed., Descent 2d US ed., Insectivorous plants US ed., Forms of flowers US ed., Cross and self fertilisation US ed., Climbing plants US ed., and Orchids 2d US ed.

To Henri de Saussure   17 March 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) March 17 1881 My dear Sir It has been very kind of you to send me the pebbles of Roman bricks; & when I go over my M.S. again, I shall be particularly glad to compare the smaller ones, with those which appear to have undergone attrition in the gizzard of worms.—1 I received the book, which you kindly sent me, & I am ashamed at not having written to thank you, but I sometimes receive so many letters & books that I have hardly time to acknowledge their receipt.—2 I have much pleasure in sending you the best photograph which was made of me, by my son, Leonard, an Enginner Officer.—3

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If you would honour me by sending your photograph I should much like to add it to my collection.— Pray believe me | my dear Sir | Yours very faithfully | Charles Darwin Bibliothèque de Genève (Arch. de Saussure 227 f. 111) 1 2 3

See letter from Henri de Saussure, 14 March 1881. In Earthworms, p. 254, CD referred to the pebbles sent by Saussure and compared their appearance to those extracted from the gizzards of worms. Saussure had sent a copy of La Question du lac (Saussure 1880; see letter from Henri de Saussure, 14 March 1881 and n. 4). Leonard Darwin was an officer in the Royal Engineers; he had been appointed instructor in chemistry and photography at the School of Military Engineering, Chatham, in 1877 (ODNB).

From B. J. Sulivan   18 March 1881 Bournemouth March 18/81 My dear Darwin Mr. Bridges the clergyman from the mission station has been here to attend a Drawing Room meeting for the Society, and he told us much—that I was wishing you could hear—about the natives as I know how it would interest you.1 One statement was very surprising. You recollect what thieves they were. For several years the three missionaries have had Fowl houses—and plenty of eggs. The fowls run about the place. The doors of the Fowl houses have never been locked, and yet they have never known a fowl or egg to be stolen. They keep their fresh meat in a shed outside, and have never lost any; yet only a portion of the people profess to be christians, and many not residents come and go. What interested some most, such as Bishop Ryan2 & some clergy, was the account of the language. Mr. B gave us amusing accounts of the difficulty at first in getting correct words for English words. For instance Mr. Despard thought they knew enough to translate the Doxology;3 but he could not get a word for “praise”   he explained to one of the most intelligent men that he had been doing very well and he wanted to “praise” him for it. he thought he had made the native understand, and asked him what word they used for it— he gave him a word—but Despard while speaking to him had patted him on the shoulder—the whole verse was supposed to be translated, and the natives sang it for two or three years: as they have no idea of any God—the name “God” was retained   When Bridges understood the language more, and began to work at a Dictionary, he found the native had given the word for “Slap” not “praise” mistaking the pats on the shoulder: and they had being singing “Slap God”. Then nearly all the words were more or less wrong, and no line had the real meaning.4 He began with a 1st dictionary of 500 words. After more than a year he could add 300, but found many of the first in error, & had to correct them; and so he went on with new editions correcting & adding to each till he got several thousand words in

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his 20th. Dictionary which he thinks nearly perfect, as the later ones had few words to correct. Bishop Ryan & several clergyman were quite astonished at the perfect character of the language,—and its comprehensiveness. Bridges said it had more inflections than even Greek has, and more words than English. It has one more distinct sound than English—and he has required two or three more characters in the alphabet. It is written on the Phonetic plan, and every letter & sylable is sounded as written: what the learned linguists thought most surprising is, the way a single short word means what we require a short sentence for: and then one letter added means an additional sentence. & this is the rule throughout. a single letter, or two letters, prefixed to a word gives the different tenses to Verbs— He gave us several examples, but I think one will explain my meaning to you. Ta. Tia. Hatia. (Future) Hatior. (Past), Hatida.

To fix bird spear on shaft. To use any thing for fixing it: such as a bit of line. I use a bit of line (or other thing) to fix bird spear on shaft I shall use &c &c.. I used, or did use, it to fix bird spear on shaft. ——— For fixing different kinds of spear, another word is used in a similar way thus— Abmootoo— To fix whale spear on shaft. Tabmootoo. to use any thing to fix it and so on merely altering or adding a letter or two. ——— The same applies to every verb. a single letter or two making the different tenses, and the Verbs generally have more inflections than Greek. while our whole sentence is sometimes expressed by one word. He has been much surprised to find that the “Ona” tribe that is Northward to Sts. of M. that we saw a few of at Good Success Bay, have a distinct language from the Tagan: or Jemmy Button’s tribe, & the Alacoolefs or Fuegia’s tribe quite distinct from both; but the Ona’s & Patagonian’s languages have some resemblance; & he thinks the Western Fugians (Fuegia Baskets Tribe) are connected somewhat by Language with the Western tribes north of Sts. of Magellan through those Islands to Tres Montes. If so perhaps the Chonos Indians would be connected with them also.5 But then there is the extraordinary fact that while one language may have spread down the East side of Andes to the Ona Fuegians—& another language west of Andes to Western Fuegia the Southern tribe should have distinct language from those NE and NW of them. so there no words are similar and each of the other two Fuegian languages will have to be learnt as completely as the first one was. But Bridges says he hopes to acquire them in a very short time compared to the first as on the borders of the tribes he can find natives who know something of their neighbour’s language and so will be able to communicate his wishes & questions.

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Bridges embarks from Liverpool on his return with his family in a few days.6 Round the Mission station there are now about 18  native cottages of three rooms each with cultivated ground round them. Their cattle feed as one herd on the common land. They build the houses with small logs split down the middle & then set in a trench in the ground edge to edge the round sides out: the roof is made the same way the smooth split sides inside as a lining; then they build a turf wall outside the upright wooden walls & cover the roof with thin turfs put on over each other like slates, which is commonly done in Scotland. They have a wide fire place and chimney in each cottage but only made in the same way with upright split logs—they have a small window in each room but only with a wooden door to it left open by day. At the East Entrance of Beagle channel on the large island on the north shore other Fuegians live and keep cattle—it is a better place, with more sun than at Ooshoowia but our mission natives having all come at first from Jemmy’s neighbourhood they did not like going far from it: and those more Eastward though the same tribe would not have liked their coming to their part of the coast. They all seem to be agreed that who ever incloses land to cultivate it, it becomes his private property. I asked Bridges what the constant cry to us and all vessels. “Tam a schona” meant as we thought it meant “give me”. He says they had been so ill-treated sometimes by strangers that they were in fear when near them; & that the word means “be kind to me” or “be kind to us”. He says that our boy is the most intelligent of the whole and getting on very well.7 I hope you have all got pretty well through this severe winter. We are pretty well but my daughter still lame and hardly any better.8 With our kind regards— | Believe me my dear Darwin | Yours very sincerely | B. J. Sulivan DAR 177: 314 1

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The Bournemouth Association ‘Drawing-room Meeting’ was mentioned in the South American Missionary Magazine, 1 April 1881, p. 100, and declared ‘a complete success’. No details of Thomas Bridges’s speech were given. Bridges ran the mission at Ushuaia. Vincent William Ryan had been bishop of Mauritius from 1855 to 1867; he was vicar of St Peter’s, Bournemouth, at this time. George Packenham Despard had been a missionary in Tierra del Fuego from 1856 to 1861. A doxology is a short formula of praise to God (OED). Bridges began his dictionary in January 1865 with the Yahgan–English section; the English–Yahgan section was started later that year (the manuscript of this version is available at the Patagonia Bookshelf, www.patlibros.org). Bridges continued to refine and add to the dictionary, which, by the time of his death in 1898, had over thirty thousand words (ODNB). In addition to the dictionary, Bridges also wrote a grammar of the language. Ona language was spoken by the Selk’nam people from north-eastern Tierra del Fuego (C. Moseley ed. 2010, p. 92). ‘Sts of M.’: Straits of Magellan. Jemmy Button was the name given to Orundellico by the British; he belonged to the Yahgan tribe. Fuegia Basket was the name given to Yokcushlu, a member of the Alakaluf tribe, whose language was Kawesqar (ibid., p. 93). They were culturally similar to the Chono people, whose linguistic affiliation is unknown (EB 15th ed.)

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Bridges’s wife was Mary Ann Bridges; his children were Mary Ann Varder Bridges, Thomas Despard Bridges, Stephen Lucas Bridges, William Samuel Bridges, and Bertha Milman Bridges. ‘Our boy’ was Cooshaipunjiz (James FitzRoy Button), the orphaned grandson of Orundellico (Jemmy Button), who had been on the Beagle with CD and Sulivan. CD was part of a scheme by Sulivan to adopt the boy (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter from B. J. Sulivan, 13 October 1879). Sulivan may refer to either Sophia Henrietta Sulivan or Frances Emma Georgina Sulivan. Both had suffered leg injuries in 1879 (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter from B. J. Sulivan, 9 June 1879).

From E. J. Loomis   [19 March 1881]1 I have made an interesting, and, so far as I know, a new observation on the spontaneous movements of a fern, the Asplenium Trichomanes.2 Last October I took up several roots of this fern, together with some other plants, for the purpose of making a little window garden. I set out the plants in a large glass dish having a cover. After the plants were rooted, and the ferns had begun to push up and unroll new fronds, I noticed that when I set the dish in the sunshine and removed the cover, as I did every morning, one of the old, or original fronds began to move up and down with exactly the motion of a bending and straightening finger. The frond is about two and a quarter inches long and the movement, until quite recently, extended over a space of three fourths of an inch, or through an arc of about twenty five degrees. The time of passing from one limit of motion to the other was a little less than three seconds. I at first thought that the motion was in a straight line; that the downward path was in the same line as the upward; but more exact observation has convinced me that the end of the frond moves, with the sun, in a long, very narrow ellipse. This frond was fully developed when I took it up late in October last (1879) and at that time was certainly a month old; so that at this time      it is      months3 old and yet retains sufficient sensitiveness or irritability to move promptly, up and down, under the stimulus of light, though it does not move through as large an arc as it did at first. A curious effect of artificial light on it may be worth noting. Placing the dish, with the cover removed, under strong gas light, the fern began to move as promptly as if in sunshine; but after six or eight minutes the motion ceased and was not resumed. Other fronds of the same species of fern have motions of the same character but much slighter, and an additional fact which had entirely escaped me was noticed at once by the trained eye of Dr. Asa Gray who happened to be in Washington and was sufficiently interested in my fern to visit it, that it is the fertile or spore-bearing fronds only which exhibit motion.4 E. J. Loomis | Nautical Almanac Office Washington D.C. A Contemporary Copy S Yale University Library: Manuscripts and Archives (Loomis-Wilder Family Papers (MS 496A) Series 2, Box 6, folder 19)

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The date of this letter is given in the letter to E. J. Loomis, 4 April 1881. Asplenium trichomanes is maidenhair spleenwort. There are blank spaces in the copy as indicated. Asa Gray wrote a short notice on Loomis’s observations in the Botanical Gazette, March 1880, p. 27, in which he observed that none of the sterile fronds moved.

To Fritz Müller   20 March 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) March 20th 1881 My dear Sir I have received the seeds & your most interesting letter of Feb.  7th.1 The seeds shall be sown, & I shall like to see the plants sleeping; but I doubt whether I shall make any more detailed observations on this subject, as now that I feel very old, I require the stimulus of some novelty to make me work. This stimulus you have amply given me in your remarkable view of the meaning of the 2-coloured stamens in many flowers.— I was so much struck with this fact with Lythrum, that I began experimenting on some Melastomaceæ, which have two sets of extremely differently coloured anthers. After reading your letter I turned to my notes, (made 20  years ago!) to see whether they wd. support or contradict your suggestion.2 I cannot tell yet, but I have come across one very remarkable result that seedlings from the crimson anthers were not 201 th of the size of seedlings from the yellow anthers of the same flowers.—3 Fewer good seeds were produced by the crimson pollen   I concluded that the shorter stamens were aborting & that the pollen was not good.— The mature pollen is incoherent & must be flirted against the visiting insect’s body; I remembered this & I found it said in my early notes, that bees wd never visit the flowers for pollen. This made me afterwards write to the late Dr Cruger in the W. Indies, & he observed for me the flowers, & saw Bees pressing the anthers with their mandibles from the base upwards, & this forced a worm-like thread of pollen from the terminal pore, & this pollen the bees collected with their hind legs.4 So that the Melastomas are not opposed to your views.— I am now working on the habits of worms, & it tires me much to change my subject; so I will lay on one side your letter & my notes, until I have a week’s leisure, & will then see whether my facts bear on your view.5 I will then send a letter to Nature or to Linn. Socy., with the extract from your letter (& this ought to appear in any case) with my own observations, if they appear worth publishing.6 The subject had gone out of my mind, but I now remember thinking that the imperfect action of the crimson stamens might throw light on hybridism. If this pollen is developed according to your view for the sake of attracting insects, it might act imperfectly, as well as if the stamens were becoming rudimentary. I do not know whether I have made myself intelligible. With ever renewed admiration of your powers of observation & reasoning, I remain | Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin The British Library (Loan MS 10 no 50)

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See letter from Fritz Müller, 7 February 1881; the letter is incomplete and in the extant part no reference is made to the seeds that were enclosed. With his letter of 9 January 1881, Müller had enclosed seeds of an unnamed species of Phyllanthus (the genus of leaf flower) and promised to send some of another unnamed species of that genus when they ripened. See letter from Fritz Müller, 7 February 1881. CD had begun crossing experiments on the Melastomaceae (a synonym of Melastomataceae) in October 1861, believing that plants of this family might exhibit a novel form of dimorphism. Although he continued to work on the family throughout 1862 and 1863 (his notes are in DAR 205.8), he reached no definite conclusion and did not publish on the subject (see Cross and self fertilisation, p. 298 n.). CD carried out experiments on Heterocentron roseum (a synonym of H. subtriplinervium, pearlflower) between October 1861 and January 1862. He did similar experiments on Monochaetum ensiferum (a synonym of M. calcaratum), Centradenia floribunda, and also on Clarkia elegans (a synonym of C. unguiculata, elegant clarkia), a member of the Onagraceae family. The results of these, showing that flowers fertilised with pollen from the yellow anthers produced twice as much seed as those fertilised with pollen from the crimson anthers, are recorded in a note dated 3 February 1862 (DAR 205.8: 46). See Correspondence vol. 11, letter to Hermann Crüger, 25 January [1863], and letter from Hermann Crüger, 23 April 1863. Crüger noted that in all cases he observed the bee came only for pollen. CD began writing Earthworms in the autumn of 1880 (see Correspondence vol. 28 (Appendix II)). CD made new observations on Monochaetum ensiferum and Centradenia floribunda in April 1881 (DAR 205.8: 21, 43) and on Clarkia elegans between July 1881 and March 1882 (DAR 67: 82–3, 112–13). He did not write to Nature or the Linnean Society on the subject, but Müller’s brother, Hermann Müller, sent a letter that appeared in Nature, 4 August 1881, pp. 307–8, with information from Fritz Müller about the two different types of stamens in another genus of Melastomaceae, Heeria. CD’s annotated copy of the printed letter is in DAR 205.8: 64.

To B. J. Sulivan   20 March 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) March 20th 1881 My dear Sulivan It was very kind in you to answer & interest not only me but all my family by your very curious account of the Fuegians.—1 It is truly wonderful what you say about their honesty & their language.—2 I certainly shd.  have predicted that not all the Missionaries in the world could have done what has been done.— You say nothing about your own health, which I hope may be fair. I am very sorry to hear about your daughter.3 I have no news about myself: my life is like clock-work working away at what little I can do more in Science.— We are growing very old men—or at least I feel so.— Believe me, my dear Sulivan | Yours ever very sincerely | Charles Darwin Sulivan family (private collection) 1 2

3

See letter from B. J. Sulivan, 18 March 1881. Thomas Bridges, a missionary, had reported that there was no theft of eggs or meat by Fuegians although these were kept in unlocked buildings. He discussed the Yahgan language, which he noted was more inflected than classical Greek (see letter from B. J. Sulivan, 18 March 1881). Sulivan reported that his daughter was still lame (see letter from B. J. Sulivan, 18 March 1881 and n. 8).

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To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   21 March [1881]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. March 21 My dear Dyer I have had a letter from Fritz Müller suggesting a novel & very curious explanation of certain plants producing 2 sets of anthers of different colour.2 This has set me on fire to renew the laborious experiments which I made on this subject, now 20 years ago.—3 Now will you be so kind as to turn in your much worked & much holding head, whether you can think of any plants, especially annuals producing 2 such sets of anthers. I believe that this is the case with Clarkia elegans & I have just written to Thompson for seeds—4 The Lythraceæ must be excluded, as these are heterostyled.— I have got seeds from Dr King of some Melastomaceæ & will write to Veitch to see if I can get the Melastomaceous genera Monochætum (= Arthrostemma) & Heterocentrum or some such name, on which I before experimented5 Now if you can aid me, I know that you will; but if you cannot, do not write & trouble yourself— Yours ever very sincerely | Ch. Darwin Wd Mr Bentham6 be likely to remember plants thus characterised Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Darwin: Letters to Thiselton-Dyer, 1873–81: ff. 212–13) 1 2

3 4

5

6

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from Fritz Müller, 7 February 1881. See letter from Fritz Müller, 7 February 1881; Müller noted that pollen-eating insects were attracted to the brighter coloured pollen on short stamens, but that pollen from longer stamens was more likely to be transferred to the insect’s body and then to the stigma of other flowers. He hypothesised that one type of anthers attracted insects while the other type ensured cross-fertilisation. See letter to Fritz Müller, 20 March 1881 and nn. 2 and 3. Clarkia elegans (a synonym of C. unguiculata, elegant clarkia) was the subject of some of CD’s early research on the differential fertility of flowers fertilised with pollen from the yellow anthers or the crimson anthers (see letter to Fritz Müller, 20 March 1881 and n. 3). No letter has been found requesting these seeds from William Thompson’s nursery at Ipswich. George King was superintendent of the Royal Botanic Garden, Calcutta (Kolkata). The Melastomaceae (a synonym of Melastomataceae) is a family of flowering plants found mostly in the tropics; Monochaetum and Heterocentron are genera within this family. Monochaetum was considered by early botanists to be a section of Arthrostemma but was elevated to generic rank in 1845 by Charles Victor Naudin (Naudin 1844–5, p. 48). The nursery firm Veitch & Sons was noted for its stock of exotic plants and had often supplied CD (see, for example, Correspondence vol. 12, letter to J. D. Hooker, 26[–7] March [1864] and n. 6). George Bentham.

To H. M. Wallis   22 March 1881 Down | Beckenham, Kent | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. March 22d—1881 Dear Sir I am very much obliged for your courteous and kind note.1 The fact which you communicate is quite new to me, and as I was laughed at about the tips to human

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ears, I shd.  like to publish in Nature sometime your fact.2 But I must first consult Eschricht & see whether he notices this fact in his curious paper on the Lanugo on human Embryos;3 and secondly I ought to look to monkeys & other animals which have tufted ears and observe how the hair grows— This I shall not be able to do for some months, as I shall not be in London until the autumn so as to go to the Zoolog. Gardens.4 But in order that I may not hereafter throw away time will you be so kind as to inform me whether I may publish your observation if on further search it seems desirable— If you give your permission, may I say that “Mr. Wallis on carefully examining the ears of an infant, observed that the hairs were directed &c & &c”. Or would you prefer my say that “a gentleman on carefully examining &c. &”. Will you be so good as to send me a line in answer, and I remain | Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Charles Darwin. Copy DAR 148: 279 1 2 3

4

See letter from H. M. Wallis, 14 March 1881. CD had discussed what he termed the ‘Woolnerian tip’ in Descent 1: 22–3, and in greater detail in Descent 2d ed., pp. 15–17. CD did not communicate Wallis’s observation to Nature. Daniel Frederik Eschricht, in a paper on the direction of hair growth on the human body, had discussed the direction of growth of the lanugo, the wool-like hair covering the human foetus at about six months (Eschricht 1837, pp. 40, 46–7). CD had referred to Eschricht’s observations on lanugo in Descent 1: 25. In the event, CD was next in London from 3 to 5 August 1881 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)).

To J. V. Carus   23 March 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) March 23d. 1881. My dear Sir The serious error at p. 503, I feel nearly sure from memory consists in my having written “quicker” for “slower”.1 My mass of notes is so gigantic that it would take me days to find the original observations. With respect to the apparent error on p. 111. I remember thinking that I might puzzle some one by it, but stupidly did not explain the apparent contradiction; I trusted to the words “some of the species”,, but I ought to have added some such sentence—as “this makes 27 genera, but in Oxalis the cotyledons of some species rise & those of others fall at night, so that this genus is here counted twice”.2 Many thanks for the other errata.— I am greatly pleased that you approve of our book, as I suppose that it will be the last of any size which I shall publish. I shall, however, send in 3  or 4  weeks the M.S.  of a quite small book of little moment to the Printers.3 The title will be,

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“The Formation of Vegetable Mould Through the action of Worms with observations on their habits. by C. Darwin” You have been a very wicked man not to tell me how your health is.—4 My health is certainly better than it was, but I have little strength & feel very old.— Believe me, my dear Sir | Yours sincerely | Charles Darwin Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin – Preußischer Kulturbesitz (Slg. Darmstaedter Lc 1859: Darwin, Charles, Bl. 185–186) 1

2

3 4

Carus was translating Movement in plants into German. No letter from Carus with a list of errata has been found. The error CD mentions (ibid., p. 503) was corrected in the German edition (Carus trans. 1881, p. 431). CD refers to the text, ‘Of such genera there were 26; and in 21 of them the cotyledons of some of the species rose, and in only 6 sank at night’ (Movement in plants, p. 111). There is no change in the German translation (Carus trans. 1881, p. 93). Earthworms went to press on 1 May 1881 and was published on 10 October 1881 (Freeman 1977). Carus frequently suffered from bronchial problems, particularly during the winter (see, for example, Correspondence vol. 25, letter from J. V. Carus, 20 January 1877 and n. 11).

From G. J. Romanes   24 March 1881 18 Cornwall Terrace, Regent’s Park, N.W.: March 24, 1881. I write to ask you what you think of the following idea as to a possible method of attacking Pangenesis. Why not, I mean, inarch, at an early period of their growth, the seed-vessels or ovaries of plants belonging to different varieties? If adhesion takes place, the ovary might then be severed from its parent plant, and left to develop upon the foreign one.1 If you think this a possible experiment, now would be the time of year to try it. Therefore I write to ask whether you do think it possible, and if so, what plants you may think it would be best to try it with. All the cats I have hitherto let out of their respective bags have shown themselves exceedingly stupid, not one having found her way back.2 Very sincerely and most respectfully yours, | Geo. J. Romanes. E. D. Romanes 1896, pp. 107–8 1 2

Inarch: graft. Romanes began experiments to test CD’s hypothesis of pangenesis using graft hybrids in 1875 (see, for example, Correspondence vol. 23, letter from G. J. Romanes, 14 July 1875). See letter from G. J. Romanes, [6 or 13 or 20] March 1881. Romanes was testing the homing ability of domestic cats.

G. J. Romanes. E. D. Romanes 1896, frontispiece. By permission of the Syndics of Cambridge University Library.

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To G. J. Romanes   26 March 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. Mar 26. 1881 My dear Romanes, You are very plucky about Pangenesis, and I much wish that you could have any success. I do not understand your scheme.1 Do you intend to operate on an ovarium with a single ovule, and to bisect it after being fertilised? I should fear that this was quite hopeless. If you intend to operate on ovaria with many seeds, whether before or after fertiln. I do not see how you could possibly distinguish any effect from the union of the two ovaria. Any operation before fertilisation would I presume quite prevent the act; for very few flowers can be fertilised if the stem is cut & placed in water. Gärtner however says that some Liliaceæ can be ferted. under these circumstances.2 If Hooker is correct, he found that cutting off or making a hole into the summit of the ovarium and then inserting pollen caused the fertilisn of the ovules. This has always stretched my belief to the cracking point. I think he has published a notice on this experiment but forget where; and I think it was on Papaver. Dyer could probably tell you about it.3 Perhaps yr plan is to remove 12 of the ovarium of a oneseeded plant and join it on to the ovary of another of a distinct var with its ovule removed; but this would be a frightfully difficult operation I am very sorry to hear about your ill success with cats, & I wish you could get some detailed account of the Belgian trials4 Yours very sincerely | Charles Darwin LS American Philosophical Society (Mss.B.D25.586) 1

2 3

4

See letter from G. J. Romanes, 24 March 1881. Romanes suggested inarching the ovaries of plants belonging to different varieties. Inarching usually refers to grafting a growing branch without separating it from its parent stock (OED). Karl Friedrich von Gärtner had discussed viability of female organs in Gärtner 1844, pp. 252, 333. His reference to the family Liliaceae (lily) in this context has not been identified. The notice of the experiment by Joseph Dalton Hooker has not been identified. William Turner Thiselton-Dyer was the assistant director at the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, where Hooker was director. Papaver is a genus of poppies. See letter from G. J. Romanes, 24 March 1881; see also letter from G. J. Romanes, [6 or 13 or 20] March 1881 and n. 2.

From H. M. Wallis   27 March 1881 Holmesdale | Reading 27.3.1881 Dear Sir: Your letter saying that the hairs on the human ears are new to you gives me great pleasure, & if you think fit to publish any notice of it I hope you will do so & either mention or withhold my name as you prefer: Only I want to make quite sure of the facts so as not to bring ridicule on the cause of Evolution.1

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The growth is not universal on infants—my sister’s son when born shewed nothing remarkable, but the nephew of a naturalist to whom I spoke of my idea, has, he assures me hairs directed in the way I noticed on my own little son. I missed a good chance in not attending a Baby show held here last month, but must examine all the infants I can catch.2 I find the growth not uncommon on adult men of hairy habit but usually better shewn on the top of the ear—perhaps because there protected by the hair— on the lower half it is usually weak & broken & sometimes absent altogether—yet two of my friends shew it well. It’s an awkward subject to work up as people object to have their ears examined I find; I don’t know if the following little facts are new to you, but venture to send them since Professor Newton who is re-editing Yarrell’s Birds thought them interesting: the young Night Jar when in the down, runs well & has a knack when surprised of darting off perhaps twenty yards—not fluttering—running.3 Yet the adult bird is as bad and slow a walker as almost any— I’ve seen one shuffle very slowly along the top of a wall— This seems to me a somewhat pregnant fact & has the same drift as the following which any one knows who keeps Dorking or Hambro’ fowls, i.e. that the chickens in the second moult are better flyers than the old fowls:—one of my friends has seen a brood fly up & perch in the top of a tree & I’ve seen young Spangled Hambro’s rise all together almost like pigeons—this was when about the size of partridges. I’m told, but don’t vouch for it, that young Landrails fly better (perhaps only more readily) than old birds.4 If I am able to get any considerable number of observations as to ears I may be allowed, I hope, to send them to you later in the year & as I hope to get to the Zoological Gardens soon I will look at the monkeys.5 I remain Dear Sir | Your obedient servant | H M. Wallis Dr. Darwin. | Beckenham My friend Hawkins has I think sent you a note about mice in their relation to cats & hawks. I daresay he is right in the main, but cats will kill & play with the red field mouse tho’ I think they won’t eat it.6 DAR 210.9: 16 CD annotations 4.1 I don’t know … old birds 5.2] crossed pencil 9.1 My friend … eat it. 9.2] crossed pencil 1 2

3

See letter to H. M. Wallis, 22 March 1881. Wallis’s son was Anthony Wallis. The sister and son referred to have not been identified. The first major baby show in Britain was held in Woolwich in 1869, following successful shows in America organised by Phineas Taylor Barnum. For more on the baby-show phenomenon, see Shuttleworth 2010, pp. 233–8. Alfred Newton was revising William Yarrell’s History of British birds (Yarrell 1843–56). The new (fourth) edition was completed in 1885 (Yarrell 1871–85). The nightjar (Caprimulgus europaeus) is described in ibid., 2: 377–86; Newton cited Wallis for the information about young birds running like chickens in ibid., p. 384 n.

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The landrail or corncrake (Crex pratensis, a synonym of C. crex) is described in Yarrell 1871–85, 3: 137–42; the bird is described as a slow flyer that does not readily take wing (ibid., p. 141). CD had mentioned wanting to observe the direction of hair growth in monkeys, but added that he could not visit the Zoological Gardens, London, until the autumn (see letter to H. M. Wallis, 22 March 1881). The letter from John Luther Hawkins has not been found, but see Correspondence vol. 28, letter to J. L. Hawkins, 23 December 1880. Red field mouse: probably the wood mouse (Apodemus sylvaticus).

To W. B. Tegetmeier   29 March 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) March 29th 1881 My dear Sir I have received your fine work with its interesting illustrations, which I shall be glad to read.— I enclose a cheque.–1 I truly hope that your health keeps fairly good & that you are prosperous in all ways.— My dear Sir | Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin Archives of the New York Botanical Garden (Charles Finney Cox Collection) 1

CD’s copy of The natural history of the cranes (Blyth 1881) is in the Darwin Library–CUL; Tegetmeier had enlarged Edward Blyth’s original work, which had appeared in the Field in 1873 ([Blyth] 1873). CD had agreed to subscribe to the work in 1879 (Correspondence vol. 27, letter from W. B. Tegetmeier, 17 March 1879, and letter to W. B. Tegetmeier, 20 March 1879). On 29 March 1881, CD recorded a payment of £1 1s. under the heading ‘Tegetmeier’ in his Account books–banking account (Down House MS)).

To E. B. Tylor   29 March 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) March 29th 1881 My dear Sir I am very much obliged for ‘Anthropology’,—a gift which I have no doubt that I owe to your kindness.— I feel sure that it will interest me greatly, as have all your other works.—1 My dear Sir | Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin The British Library (Add MS 50254 f. 104) 1

CD’s copy of Tylor’s Anthropology (Tylor 1881) is in the Darwin Library–Down.

To H. M. Wallis   31 March 1881 Down | Beckenham, Kent | Railway Station | Orpington, S.E.R. March 31. 1881 Dear Sir, I am much obliged for your interesting letter—1 I am glad to hear that you are looking to other ears, & will visit the Zool.g. Gardens— Under these circumstances

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it would be incomparably better (as more authentic) if you would publish a notice of your observations in Nature or some scientific journal.2 Would it not be well to confine your attention to infants, as more likely to retain any primordial character, and offering less difficulty in observing. I think though it wd.  be worth while to observe whether there is any relation (though probably none) between much hairiness on the ears of an infant and the presence of the “tip” on the folded margin.3 Could you not get an accurate sketch of the direction of the hair of the tip of an ear? The fact which you communicate about the Goat. Sucker is very curious.4 About the difference in the power of flight in Dorkings &c may it not be due merely to greater weight of body in the adults?5 I am so old that I am not likely ever again to write on general & difficult points in the theory of Evolution. I shall use what little strength is left me for more confined & easy subjects. Pray believe me with all good wishes, Dear Sir | Yours very faithfully | Charles Darwin Copy DAR 148: 280 1 2 3 4 5

See letter from H. M. Wallis, 27 March 1881. In an earlier letter, CD asked whether he might communicate Wallis’s observation on ears to a journal like Nature (letter to H. M. Wallis, 22 March 1881). See letter to H. M. Wallis, 22 March 1881 and n. 2. See letter from H. M. Wallis, 27 March 1881 and n. 3; Wallis referred to the goatsucker by its other common name, the nightjar. Wallis had compared the flying ability of young and mature fowls of various breeds, such as Dorking and Hambro (or Hamburg); see letter from H. M. Wallis, 27 March 1881).

From Marie McElroy   1 April 1881 Clydehaugh House, | Glasgow. 1st. April, 1881. Sir, From my limited observations of animals I concluded that, the lower animals have no blue eyes. Since then, in reading your able work.—The Origin of Species.—I noticed that in speaking of cats, you said, that, “white cats with blue eyes are always deaf ”.1 Is it an anomaly in nature to find blue eyes in cats? Are blue eyes peculiar to the human species?2 Sir, I have the honour to be, | Respectfully yours, | Marie Mc.Elroy. DAR 201: 23 1

2

CD stated in the early editions of Origin that cats with blue eyes were invariably deaf (Origin, p. 12); but in Origin 4th ed., p. 12, and later editions, he changed the text to: ‘cats which are entirely white and have blue eyes are generally deaf.’ In Variation 1: 27, CD had mentioned a description of Cuban feral dogs with light-blue eyes.

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To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   1 April 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) April 1. 81 My dear Dyer What a good-natured man you are to write & tell me about so many curious things— I will try & get the Pinguicula.1 But I write now to ask you to send me, if you will be so kind, one or two flowers in a tin-box by Post of the Monochætum, for I cannot understand my own notes, as I did not describe the flower & thought that I shd. never forget its structure.2 I shall, however, not dare to publish my results without repeating my experiments in fertilising the flowers in this genus; & raising seedlings; & the plants which Veitch has sent me (& he has sent his oldest plants) will not flower I shd.  think for 2  or 3 years!—3 If by any chance any other Melastomaceous species is in flower please send me a flower.— Ever yours gratefully | Ch. Darwin Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Darwin: Letters to Thiselton-Dyer, 1873–81: ff. 214–15) 1 2

3

The letter from Thiselton-Dyer has not been found but see the letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 21 March [1881]. Pinguicula is the genus of butterworts. In 1862, CD began to study the differential fertility of two types of stamens in flowers of several plants in the family Melastomaceae (a synonym of Melastomataceae), including the genus Monochaetum. Flowers of many species in this family have two sets of stamens that differ both structurally and in colour. In notes dated 12 February 1862, CD had included detailed drawings of the flower structure of Monochaetum ensiferum (a synonym of M. calcaratum; drawings in DAR 205.8: 23). Another depiction of the flower structure of this species, dated 3 March [1862], is in DAR 208: 32. Further notes, dated between 15 January 1862 and 28 May 1863, are in DAR 205.8: 22–41; see also Correspondence vols. 10 and 11. No record of the plants sent by the nursery Veitch & Sons has been found.

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   3 April [1881]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Ap. 3d. My dear Dyer One line to thank you for the flowers received this morning. George has made a drawing of Monochætum & I have dissected all the flowers, & my notes have become intelligible to me.—2 So many thanks Ever yours | Charles Darwin P.S. | On receiving Oliver’s memorandum I write at once to Thompson for seeds of Celsia Cretica & he has none!3 could you send me any seed of any rather largeflowered sp. of Celsia for fertilising.4 Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Darwin: Letters to Thiselton-Dyer, 1873–81: f. 216)

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The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 1 April 1881. See letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 1 April 1881 and n. 2. George Howard Darwin’s drawing of the sexual parts of Monochaetum ensiferum (a synonym of M. calcaratum), dated 2 April 1881, and CD’s own diagram and notes on their structure, dated 3 April 1881, are in DAR 205.8: 42–3. No such memorandum from Daniel Oliver has been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL. CD’s letter to William Thompson requesting seeds of Celsia cretica (a synonym of Verbascum creticum, Cretan mullein), and Thompson’s reply have not been found. In 1862, CD had investigated two species of mullein, Verbascum thapsus (great mullein) and V. lychnitis (white mullein); his notes, dated between 28 June and 16 October 1862, are in DAR 108: 2–4. In a memorandum attached to this letter in the archive of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, ThiseltonDyer wrote to John Smith, requesting that he send CD flowers of all the Melastomaceae in bloom at Kew, especially Monochaetum. A notation by Smith records that the flowers were sent on 2 April 1881. In a second notation, dated 6 April 1881, Smith recorded the dispatch of seeds of Celsia cretica and Celsia arcturus (a synonym of Verbascum arcturus, a species also known as Cretan mullein, endemic to western Crete).

To E. J. Loomis   4 April 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) April 4th 1881 Dear Sir I am very much obliged for your kind letter of March 19th— But your information is not new to me, as I read with great interest your first & second published notice on the case.1 It seems to me a very strange one, & different from any other known to me.— I remain Dear Sir | with much respect. | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin Yale University Library: Manuscripts and Archives (Loomis-Wilder Family Papers (MS 496A) Series 2, Box 6, folder 19) 1

Loomis had sent observations on the spontaneous movements of the fern Asplenium trichomanes (maidenhair spleenwort); see letter from E. J. Loomis, [19 March 1881]. Short pieces by Loomis on these movements were communicated by Asa Gray to the Botanical Gazette 5 (1880): 27 and 43. CD had cited the case in Movement in plants, pp. 257–8 n.

From Frithiof Holmgren   7 April 1881

Upsala 7 April 1881

Dear Sir! In our country has begun a strong agitation against vivisection for scientific purposes.1 The agitators shun hardly any means, but being totally in want of all knowledge about the value—almost the necessity of vivisection for the science, the also want the power of reasoning in favor of their theories. The have taken to imposing upon the masses by citing the names of scientific gentlemen, who should be against the vivisection. Among those I have seen your—in our country so highly esteemed—name. You are quoted as one of the most decided antagonists against all vivisection. By looking at the places from which the take their opinion they would seem—as could have

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been expected—to say quite the opposite. It seems to me, to judge from your whole scientific bearing, as if you were a most decided defender of vivisection for the sake of science.2 Our right of using animals follows as a consequence from your theories about the development of the world, and the vivisection is simply a necessity for the advance of science. In any case it would an advantage to know the truth, and you would do a great favor against your own opinion by letting me know your point of wiew towards the vivisection, and towards laws, forbidding or restraining its use. I would therefore ask you kindly to send me a few words about the matter. Should you regard me personally too insignificant, please tell me so, and I will arrange about the same question being sent from the Faculty of Medicine, or from the Royal Society of Sciences in Upsala, of which you are a member, or from any other corporation—only you allow your answer to be published.3 I beg you to excuse my freedom, which is explained by the importance of the question Yours most obedient servant | Frithiof Holmgren | Professor of Physiology etc. | in | Upsala Sweden To Mr. Charles Darwin F.R.S. | London. DAR 166: 256 1 2

3

For more on the anti-vivisection debate in the Swedish Riksdag (parliament) and Holmgren’s role in it, see Bromander 1987. CD, who was in favour of animal experimentation providing pain was minimised, had been involved in drafting a bill regulating vivisection in 1875; the bill failed, but in response, a Royal Commission was constituted on 28 June 1875 to investigate the issue and CD gave testimony on 3 November 1875 (see Correspondence vol. 23, Appendix VI). The resulting legislation was enacted on 15 August 1876 (An Act to amend the Law relating to Cruelty to Animals (39 & 40 Vict. c. 77)). CD had been a fellow of the Regia Scientiarum Societas Upsaliensis (Royal Society of Sciences of Upsala) since 1860 (LL 3: 376; DAR 229: 2).

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   9 April 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Saturday evening | Ap. 9th 1881 My dear Dyer It has been extraordinarily kind of you, overworked as you are, to write about Frank.—1 I assure you that neither he nor I ever expected that he wd. be elected on the first occasion, & after reading over the long list I saw at once that it was wholly out of the question.2 There is another name on the list with incomparably higher claims than those of Frank, namely Bates, & I earnestly hope that he has been elected.—3 Believe me my dear Dyer | Yours truly & gratefully | Charles Darwin Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Darwin: Letters to Thiselton-Dyer, 1873–81: ff. 218–19) 1

The letter from Thiselton-Dyer concerning Francis Darwin’s candidacy for fellowship of the Royal Society of London has not been found.

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Francis Darwin had been proposed as a fellow of the Royal Society by Michael Foster in January 1881, but he was not elected until June 1882 (Royal Society archives, GB 117 EC/1882/09). Joseph Dalton Hooker and Thiselton-Dyer had signed the certificate of nomination. Henry Walter Bates was elected a fellow of the Royal Society in June 1881 (Royal Society archives, GB 117 EC/1881/09). He had first been nominated by CD in 1879 (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter to H. W. Bates, 12 February 1879).

To R. F. Cooke   10 April 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Ap 10. 1881 To R. Cooke Esq My dear Sir, Please to read the accompanying note to Messrs Clowes1   The book will consist of 7  chapters, and will extend, as I have roughly computed to between 260  and 280 pp2    I do not care whether it is published by you on commission or on our former terms of 23 profits   I cannot even conjecture whether 200 or 2000 copies will be sold. Therefore Mr Murray must form his own judgment; and I think that he or your reader can judge to a certain extent by reading the short introduction and the table of contents to each chapter.3 But unless Mr Murray can make up his mind in a day, I wish to publish on commission, so that no time may be lost before the M.S. is in Messrs Clowes’ hands. You will see in my note to them why I am in such a hurry. Please to let me hear what you decide, and believe me | my dear Sir, | Yours sincerely | Charles Darwin LS National Library of Scotland (John Murray Archive) (Ms. 42152 ff. 383–4) 1 2 3

The note to CD’s printer, William Clowes & Sons, has not been found. The seven chapters, the introduction, and the index of Earthworms came to a total of 326 pages. John Murray (1808–92) was CD’s publisher.

From Gaston de Saporta1   10 April 1881 Aix (B. du Rh.) le 10 Avril 81 Monsieur et très honoré Confrère, Nous avons eu soin, M. le professeur Marion et moi, de vous faire adresser par l’éditeur Germer–Baillière à Paris, un exemplaire de l’ouvrage que nous venons de publier sous le nom de l’Evolution du règne végétal Les Cryptogames.2 C’est la première fois que l’on essaye en France et aussi ailleurs d’appliquer d’une manière rationnelle les principes que vous avez fondés à l’étude de la marche évolutive des végétaux—nous ne cherchons pas dans notre livre à prouver l’évolution du règne végétal, mais plutôt à exposer, le principe de l’évolution une fois admis, au moyen de quels procédés et par quelle filière d’organes le monde des plantes a marché du simple au composé,

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comment il a passé de la structure unicellulaire qu’il présentait à l’origine aux types les plus élevés et les plus complexes. Nous avons voulu avant tout ne pas nous écarter des idées fondamentales posées par vous et qui ont été bien souvent méconnues ou appliquées à tort par les partisans aussi bien que par les adversaires de la doctrine transformiste.3 C’est à vous, très cher maître, dont nous nous proclamons les disciples, dans notre préface, à juger si nous avons compris et développé votre manière de voir, en interprétant avec justesse le sens des phénomènes de transformation organique dans les végétaux vivants ou fossiles nous ont gardé les vestiges.— Votre approbation aurait pour nous un prix d’autant plus grand que nous avons divisé notre oeuvre en deux parties, la deuxième aura pour objet les Phanérogames et nous travaillons en ce moment même à la mener à bonne fin.4 J’espère donc que vous avez notre volume entre les mains et que vous l’avez reçu exactement. S’il en était autrement veuillez me le faire savoir et je m’empresserai de réparer l’erreur en vous faisant parvenir cet ouvrage qui n’est pas bien long mais qui renferme un tableau abrégé des différents stades auxquels sont successivement arrivés les Cryptogames, à partir des inférieurs et des aquatiques, que nous nommons protophytes, parceque nous pensons que les végétaux ne sont devenues terrestre que par adaptation et que les plantes primitives ont du toutes être des Algues ou du moins être assimilables aux algues.5 Je suis heureux, Monsieur et honoré confrère, de cette occasion de rendre témoinage de la fécondité de la doctrine fondée par vous et en vous présentant mes meilleurs souhaits et ceux de mon collaborateur le professeur Marion. je vous renouvelle l’expression de mon respectueux et sincère dévouement | Mis de Saporta DAR 177: 38 1 2 3 4 5

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. Saporta and Antoine Fortuné Marion sent a copy of their work on cryptogams (non-flowering plants); CD’s copy of Saporta and Marion 1881 is in the Darwin Library–CUL. In the preface to their work, Saporta and Marion affirmed their belief in Darwinian evolution by natural selection (Saporta and Marion 1881, pp. vii–xii). The companion work, L’évolution du règne végétal. Les phanérogames (Evolution of the plant kingdom. Phanerogams; Saporta and Marion 1885) was published in 1885. For the table, see Saporta and Marion 1885, p. 56. Included within the category of protophytes were lichens and fungi, as well as algae, but all the higher forms of cryptogams were shown as having been derived from algae. The table also indicated that, with the appearance of gymnosperms, there was a corresponding decline in cryptogams.

From R. F. Cooke   11 April 1881 50, Albemarle Street, | W. April 11. 1881 My dear Sir We have safely received the M.S. of your New Work & it has been forwarded to Messrs. Clowes with instructions to put it in hand forthwith1

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Mr Murray will be very happy to publish it, on the usual terms of 23 profits to the Author, if that be agreable to you.2 Yours faithfully | Rob.t Cooke Cha.s Darwin Esq DAR 171: 574 1 2

See letter to R. F. Cooke, 10 April 1881. CD had sent Cooke the manuscript of Earthworms, requesting that it be sent as soon as possible to the printers William Clowes & Sons. In his letter of 10 April 1881, CD had asked his publisher, John Murray, to decide within a day whether he wished the book to be published on commission or on the usual terms.

To R. F. Cooke   12 April 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Ap. 12th 1881 My dear Sir So let it be, as Mr Murray proposes on our old terms, & as I prefer.—1 I hope that the book may not prove a failure, but the conclusion at which I have arrived is that the sale of a book is a game of chance.— The letter from India which you sent me by my servant was from a Hindu on Evolution, & he says that he has forwarded to me a number of a Journal with his essay & I suppose that it will be directed to you. Will you add to your many kindnesses to me, by forwarding it to me shd. it arrive, as I am rather curious to read what a Hindu has to say on the subject—2 My dear Sir | Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin National Library of Scotland (John Murray Archive) (Ms. 42152 ff. 385–6) 1 2

See letter from R. F. Cooke, 11  April  1881. John Murray, CD’s publisher, had agreed to publish Earthworms on his usual terms of two-thirds profits to the author. Presumably CD’s servant who carried the letter back to Down had delivered the manuscript of Earthworms to Cooke (see letter to R. F. Cooke, 10 April 1881). The letter has not been found, but the essay was probably ‘Political liberty and the best means for its attainment by the natives of India’ (‘Hindu youth’ 1878). CD’s copy, with an inscription from the ‘young Hindu’ dated 4 June 1879, is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL, with an annotation by CD that reads, ‘A Hindoo who fancies that Natural Selection will apply to nations!’

To Fritz Müller   12 April 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) April 12th. 1881 My dear Sir I have delayed answering your last letter of Feb. 25th, as I was just sending to the printers the M.S. of a very little book on the habits of earth-worms, of which I will of course send you a copy when published.—1 I have been very much interested by

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your new facts on paraheliotropism, as I think that they justify my giving a name to this kind of movement, about which I long doubted. I have this morning drawn up an account of your observations, which I will send in a few days to ‘Nature’.2 I have thought that you would not object to my giving precedence to paraheliotropism, which has been so little noticed.— I will send you a copy of ‘Nature’ when published.—3 I am glad that I was not in too great a hurry in publishing about Lagestrœmia   I have procured some plants of Melastomaceæ, but I fear that they will not flower for two years & I may be in my grave before I can repeat my trials. As far as I can imperfectly judge from my observations, the difference in colour of the anthers in this family depends on one set of anthers being partially aborted. I wrote to Kew to get plants with differently coloured anthers, but I learnt very little as describers of dried plants do not attend to such points. I have, however, sowed seeds of 2 kinds, suggested to me as probable.—4 I have, therefore, been extremely glad to receive the seeds of Heteranthera reniformis. As far as I can make out it is an aquatic plant; & whether I shall succeed in getting it to flower is doubtful.5 Will you be so kind as to send me a postcard, telling me in what kind of station it grows.— In the course of next autumn or winter, I think that I shall put together my notes (if they seem worth publishing) on the use or meaning of “bloom”, or the waxy secretion which makes some leaves glaucous.—6 I think that I told you that my experiments had led me to suspect that the movement of the leaves of Mimosa, Desmodium & Cassia, when shaken & syringed, was to shoot off the drops of water.7 If you are caught in heavy rain, I shd. be very much obliged, if you would keep this notion in your mind, & look to the position of such leaves.— You have such wonderful powers of observation that your opinion wd. be more valued by me than that of any other man.— I have among my notes one letter from you on the subject, but I forget its purport. I hope, also, that you may be led to follow up your very ingenious & novel view on the two-coloured anthers or pollen, & observe which kind is most gathered by bees.8 Believe me | Yours ever sincerely | Charles Darwin The British Library (Loan MS 10 no 51) 1

2

3 4

CD probably refers to the letter from Fritz Müller, 28 February 1881; the letter is known only from a printed source (Möller ed. 1915–21, 2: 409), and most of the text is missing. Either CD or Alfred Möller may have made an error about the date. CD hoped that Earthworms would soon be in print (see letter to R. F. Cooke, 10 April 1881). It was published on 10 October 1881 (Freeman 1977). See letter to Nature, 14 April [1881]; CD included information from Müller that was probably in the now missing part of the letter from Fritz Müller, 28 February 1881. For Müller’s earlier observations on paraheliotropism (a term coined by CD to describe the movement of leaves during the day to reduce intense illumination), see the letter from Fritz Müller, 9 January 1881 and n. 8. CD’s letter was published in Nature, 28 April 1881, pp. 603–4. CD had studied plants of Lagerstroemia indica (crape myrtle, a member of the family Lythraceae) in 1863, when he was working on dimorphism and trimorphism; he noted the two different kinds of anthers and pollen and speculated about differences in stylar length (notes in DAR 109: B116–17 and DAR 27.2: A17), but concluded that the evidence for heterostyly in the species was ‘curiously conflicting’ (Forms of flowers, p. 168). In his letter of 7 February 1881, Müller had suggested that one type of anther served to attract insects, while the other type ensured cross-fertilisation. In reply, CD had mentioned his

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earlier experiments on plants in the family Melastomaceae (a synonym of Melastomataceae), noted for possessing different types of pollen and anthers (see letter to Fritz Müller, 20 March 1881 and nn. 2, 3, and 6). CD received dried plants of Monochaetum ensiferum (a synonym of M. calcaratum) and Centradenia floribunda from Kew and made observations on them on 3 April 1881 (notes in DAR 205.8: 21, 43). See letter from Fritz Müller, 7 February 1881 and n. 5. No record has been found of Müller having sent seeds of Heteranthera reniformis (kidneyleaf mudplantain). CD had begun studying bloom (the epicuticular coating on the leaves and fruit of many plants) in August 1873 (see Correspondence vol. 21, letter to J. D. Hooker, 13 August 1873 and n. 2). He carried out experiments to compare the effects of water on berries and leaves with the bloom left on and on those that had the bloom removed (notes in DAR 66: 8, 24). He suspended his work on the subject in 1874 in order to concentrate on finishing Insectivorous plants (see Correspondence vol. 22, letter to W. T. ThiseltonDyer, 28 [June 1874] and n. 7). CD never published on bloom, but Francis Darwin published some of the results of their experiments, made in 1878, in his paper ‘On the relation between the “bloom” on leaves and the distribution of the stomata’ (F. Darwin 1886). CD had mentioned his observations on the behaviour of leaves of Desmodium and Cassia throwing off water in a letter to Müller of 14 May 1877 (Correspondence vol. 25). He had asked Müller to make similar observations on any sensitive species of Mimosa. In Movement in plants, p. 128, CD had noted that leaves of Cassia, though not sensitive to touch, partially assumed their nocturnal position if shaken or syringed with water. He also noted movement in terminal but not lateral leaflets of Desmodium gyrans (a synonym of Codariocalyx motorius, telegraph or semaphore plant) when syringed (ibid., p. 363). Müller had mentioned that bees of the genera Trigona and Melipona were attracted by the bright yellow pollen of flowers of Lagerstroemia, while ignoring the less noticeable green pollen (letter from Fritz Müller, 7 February 1881).

To Frithiof Holmgren   [14] April 18811 Down, Beckenham April 1881 Dear Sir, In answer to your courteous letter of April  7th, I have no objection to express my opinion with respect to the right of experimenting on living animals.2 I use this latter expression as more correct and comprehensive than that of vivisection.3 You are at liberty to make any use of this letter which you may think fit; but if published, I should wish the whole to appear. I have all my life been a strong advocate for humanity to animals, and have done what I could in my works to enforce this duty. Several years ago when the agitation against physiologists commenced in England, it was asserted that inhumanity was here practiced, and useless suffering caused to animals; and I was led to think that it might be adviseable to have an Act of Parliament on the subject. I then took an active share in trying to get a bill passed, such as would have removed all just causes of complaint, and at the same time have left physiologists free to pursue their researches—a bill very different to the Act which has since been passed.4 It is right to add that the investigation of the matter by a Royal Commission proved that the accusations made against our English physiologists were false. From all that I have heard, however, I fear that in some parts of Europe little regard is paid to the sufferings of animals; and if this be the case, I should be glad to hear of legislation against inhumanity in any such country. On the other hand, I know that physiology cannot possibly progress, except by means

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of experiments on living animals; and I feel the deepest conviction that he who retards the progress of Physiology commits a crime against mankind. Any one who remembers, as I can, the state of this Science half a century ago, must admit that it has made immense progress; and it is now progressing at an ever increasing rate  What improvements in medical practice may be directly attributed to physiological research, is a question which can be properly discussed only by those physiologists and medical practicioners who have studied the history of their subjects; but as far as I can learn, the benefits are already great. However this may be, no one, unless he is grossly ignorant of what science has done for mankind, can entertain any doubt of the incalculable benefits which will hereafter be derived from physiology, not only by man but by the lower animals. Look for instance at Pasteur’s results in modifying the germs of the most malignant diseases, from which, as it so happens, animals will in the first place receive more relief than man.5 Let it be remembered how many lives and what a fearful amount of suffering have been saved by the knowledge gained of parasitic worms through the experiments of Virchow and others on living animals.6 The future generation will be astonished at the ingratitude shown, at least in England, towards these benefactors of Mankind. As for myself, permit me to assure you that I honour & shall always honour every one who advances the noble science of Physiology. I beg leave to remain | Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Charles Darwin To | Professor Frithiof Holmgren | Upsala P.S. Private.— I have written letters of the same tenour as the enclosed to several of the opponents of experiments on living animals, but they have all been suppressed. It now occurs to me that the publication in England of my answer to you might possibly influence some persons who are not bigoted.— I hope & suppose that you will not object to my doing so, that is if after further reflexion I determine to make the trial; but it is doubtful whether any leading newspaper would publish my letter which would be unpopular.7 C. D.— LS(A) Uppsala University Library (Frithiof Holmgren Collection) 1 2 3

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The day is established by the date given in the published version of this letter (see n. 7, below). In his letter of 7 April 1881, Holmgren had asked CD for his views on vivisection and laws forbidding or restraining its use. Vivisection was often used to refer both to the opening and the dissecting of live animals; experimenting did not necessarily involve dissection. The committee that was set up to investigate in 1875 was formally called the Royal Commission on the practice of subjecting live animals to experiments for scientific purposes, but is often referred to as the Royal Commission on vivisection. For CD’s earlier involvement in the drafting of a bill for the regulation of vivisection, see Correspondence vol 23, letter to J. S. Burdon Sanderson, [11 April 1875]. Louis Pasteur had discovered a vaccine for chicken cholera after experimentally infecting chickens with the disease; he published his results in December 1880 (Pasteur 1880).

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In 1859, Rudolf Virchow had discovered the adult form of the nematode worm Trichina spiralis (a synonym of Trichinella spiralis) in experiments with dogs (Virchow 1859). The worm is responsible for the disease trichinosis in humans. In the event, CD's letter, excluding the section marked ‘Private’, and dated 14 April 1881, was published in The Times, 18 April 1881, p. 10. The letter was also published in the Manchester Guardian, 19 April 1881, p. 7.

To Nature   14 April [1881]1 The Movements of Leaves Fritz Mueller has sent me some additional observations on the movements of leaves, when exposed to a bright light.2 Such movements seem to be as well developed and as diversified under the bright sun of Brazil, as are the well-known sleep or nyctitropic movements of plants in all parts of the world. This result has interested me much, as I long doubted whether paraheliotropic movements were common enough to deserve to be separately designated. It is a remarkable fact that in certain species these movements closely resemble the sleep movements of allied forms. Thus the leaflets of one of the Brazilian Cassiæ assume when exposed to sunshine nearly the same position as those of the not distantly allied Hæmatoxylon when asleep, as shown in Fig.  153  of “The Movements of Plants.”3 Whereas the leaflets of this Cassia sleep by moving down and rotating on their axes, in the same peculiar manner as in so many other species of the genus. Again, with an unnamed species of Phyllanthus, the leaves move forwards at night, so that their midribs then stand nearly parallel to the horizontal branches from which they spring; but when they are exposed to bright sunshine they rise up vertically, and their upper surfaces come into contact, as they are opposite. Now this is the position which the leaves of another species, namely Phyllanthus compressus, assume when they go to sleep at night.4 Fritz Müller states that the paraheliotropic movements of the leaves of a Mucuna,5 a large twining Papilionaceous plant, are strange and inexplicable; the leaflets sleep by hanging vertically down, but under bright sunshine the petiole rises vertically up, and the terminal leaflet rotates by means of its pulvinus through an angle of 180o, and thus its upper surface stands on the same side with the lower surfaces of the lateral leaflets. Fritz Müller adds, “I do not understand the meaning of this rotation of the terminal leaflet, as even without such a movement it would be apparently equally well protected against the rays of the sun. The leaflets, also, on many of the leaves on the same plant assume various other strange positions.” With one species of Desmodium, presently to be mentioned as sleeping in a remarkable manner, the leaflets rise up vertically when exposed to bright sunshine, and the upper surfaces of the lateral leaflets are thus brought into contact. The leaves of Bauhinia grandiflora go to sleep at an unusually early hour in the evening, and in the manner described at p.  373  of “The Movements of Plants,” namely, by the two halves of the same leaf rising up and coming into close contact: now the leaves of Bauhinia Brasiliensis do not sleep, as far as Fritz Müller has seen, but they are very

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sensitive to a bright light, and when thus exposed the two halves rise up and stand at 45o or upwards above the horizon.6 Fritz Müller has sent me some cases, in addition to those given in my former letter of March 3, of the leaves of closely-allied plants which assume a vertical position at night by widely different movements; and these cases are of interest as indicating that sleep-movements have been acquired for a special purpose. We have just seen that of two species of Bauhinia the leaves of one sleep conspicuously, while those of a second species apparently do not sleep at all. The leaves of Euphorbia jacquiniæflora depend vertically at night, whereas those of a dwarfish Brazilian species rise vertically up at night.7 The leaves of this Euphorbia stand opposite one another—a position which is rather rare in the genus; and the rising movement may be of service to the plant, as the upper surfaces of the opposite leaves mutually protect one another by coming into contact. In the genus Sida the leaves of two species rise, while those of a third Brazilian species sink vertically down at night.8 Two species of Desmodium are common plants near Fritz Müller’s house: in one the leaflets move simply downwards at night; but in the other not only do the three leaflets move vertically down, while the main petiole rises vertically up, as is likewise the case with D. gyrans, but in addition the lateral leaflets rotate so as to stand parallel with the terminal leaflet, behind which they are more or less completely hidden.9 This, as far as I have seen, is a new kind of nyctitropic movement; but it leads to a result common to several species, namely, that of packing the three leaflets closely together and placing them in a vertical position. Charles Darwin Down, Beckenham, Kent, April 14 Nature, 28 April 1881, pp. 603–4 1 2

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The year is established by the date of publication of this letter in Nature. For Müller’s earlier observations, see the letter to Nature, 22 February [1881]. In that letter, published in Nature, 3 March 1881, CD had summarised information on leaf movement contained in the letter from Fritz Müller, 9 January 1881. The information in this letter was probably from the now missing part of the letter from Fritz Müller, 28 February 1881. CD had coined the term ‘paraheliotropic’ to describe the movement of leaves during the day to reduce intense illumination (Movement in plants, p. 419). Cassia is a genus of the legume family (Fabaceae). Haematoxylon (a synonym of Haematoxylum, the genus of logwood) is in the same family. For the image of Haematoxylon campechianum (bloodwood tree), see ibid., p. 369. In a short article in Kosmos, ‘Verirrte Blätter’ (Stray leaves; F. Müller 1881b), Müller described and figured the movement of leaves of a plant of an unnamed species of Phyllanthus (the genus of leaf flower) growing in his garden. Mucuna is a tropical genus of mostly lianas of the legume family (Fabaceae). Bauhinia grandiflora and B. brasiliensis have bi-lobed leaves that fold along the midrib. Müller described and figured the folding of the leaves in the latter species in ‘Eine Beobachtung an Bauhinia brasiliensis’ (An observation on Bauhinia brasiliensis; F. Müller 1882). In Movement in plants, p. 388, CD had noted that young leaves of Euphorbia jacquiniaeflora (a synonym of Euphorbia fulgens, scarlet plume) slept by hanging vertically downwards. Sida is the genus of fanpetals (family Malvaceae). In Movement in plants, p. 322, CD noted that leaves of S. rhombifolia (arrowleaf sida) and S. retusa (a synonym of S. alnifolia) rose up vertically at night, while those of S. napaea fell.

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Desmodium is the genus of tick trefoil (family Fabaceae). CD discussed the movements of Desmodium gyrans (a synonym of Codariocalyx motorius, the telegraph or semaphore plant) in Movement in plants, pp. 357–65.

From A. S. Wilson   14 April 1881 North Kinmundy, | Summerhill, | by Aberdeen. 14 April 1881. Dr. Charles Darwin. | Down | Beckenham | Kent. My Dear Sir, I now take the liberty of sending you a cutting from the Gardeners’ Chronicle, being what I dare say will be my last report regarding Kubanka and Saxonka wheat.1 You may see that I have not found any alterations taking place, except such as came about from greater or less supply of food; although at the same time I confess it is not so very easy to determine what is an alteration. Last year, for example, I had stools of barley carrying up to 130 ears from one seed; and if such a plant is compared with another stool carrying only 1 stunted ear, has anything supervened in the way of specific change?2 I suspect that we must look rather to the insidious accumulations of long cosmical periods than to mere cultivation, for alteration of forms— There is an undecided point incidentally referred to in your last Book to which I have recently been giving some attention, viz.  what is the cotyledon of a grass embryo? I have come to the conclusion that the scutellum and not the sheath of the plumule 〈i〉s the cotyledon.3 Richard and others say that the scutellum does not grow in germination: I have many mounted specimens showing that the scutellum of the Oat grows in germination to three times the length ungerminated,—that it has a vascular midrib, and frequently acquires a greenish tint.4 The secondary buds which succeed the plumule have also sheaths, very nearly the same as the sheath of the plumule or first bud. I notice that Mr. Henslow gave you an abstract of views held on this subject (The Movement of Plants p. 62) I might perhaps venture to ask him for a copy of it.5 With my very warmest thanks for your kindness in sending me the Russian wheats, | I am | yours very sincerely | A Stephen Wilson. DAR 181: 117 1

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Wilson’s report appeared in Gardeners’ Chronicle, 2 April 1881 (A. S. Wilson 1881). In 1878, CD had asked Wilson to test the claim that Kubanka (a prized variety of Russian wheat) degenerated into another variety, Saxonka, when planted in poorer soil (see Correspondence vol. 26, letter to A. S. Wilson, 24 April 1878). Wilson had published two earlier articles based on his continuing investigation (A. S. Wilson 1879; A. S. Wilson 1880), in which he found that the apparent transformation was merely an artefact of the different productivity of the two varieties. In the context of agriculture, a stool is the complement of stalks produced by one seed of a grain such as wheat, barley, or oats. The number of heads per stool as well as their quality are determined by factors such as depth and distance of planting. By ‘specific change’, Wilson refers to a change in species. CD had discussed the role of the direct action of external conditions in developing new species in Variation 2: 271–92.

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See Movement in plants, p. 5, for CD’s discussion of terminology; he referred to cotyledons as ‘the organs which represent the first leaves’ (see also n. 5, below). The scutellum is a tissue within the embryo that absorbs the stored food from the endosperm; it was generally regarded as the cotyledon of grasses by the earliest writers on the subject. By this time, however, many botanists thought that the sheath (pileole or coleoptile) of the plumule, or first shoot, was the cotyledon. Louis Claude Richard had expressed this view in Richard 1811, p. 455. The vascular midrib is the central vein of the leaf, characterised by vascular bundles consisting of xylem and phloem. Oat is Avena sativa. CD referred to George Henslow’s abstract of the views of botanists on the nature of cotyledons of grasses in his discussion of circumnutation of the cotyledon of Phalaris canariensis (canary grass; see Movement in plants, p. 62; see also Correspondence vol. 26, letter from George Henslow, [c. 20 February 1878]).

From Alphons Engelhardt1    15 April [1881?]2 Alphonsus Engelhardt Carolo Darvin s.p.d. Mirabere haud dubie, quod ab homine plane tibi incognito, obscuro quodam studioso physicorum, litteras acceperis, et eas scriptas ea lingua, quae jam pridem refertur “mortuarum” in numero. Permittas ut hanc exponam tibi rem novam atque insolitam: ut supra jam dixi, studiosus sum, et quidem doctrinae de rerum natura studiosus; quam ob rem et scripta tua tractavi, et cum studio ardenti ea tractavi ac retractavi! Quae cum ita sint, penitus perspicis pleneque cognoscis—praesertim, cum, ratio tua, quam vera sit, quam idoneis confirmata argumentis, satis intelligam—me non posse abstinere, quin nonnullos petam versiculos, scriptos manu ejus in natura rerum indaganda tam sagacis viri, cujus ingenio, cum ad suspicandum conjectandumque sollertissimo, tum ad observandum scrutandumque acerrimo, eximie contigit, ut ipsas rerum origines pervestigaret atque exquireret. Cum autem—quamvis diu multumque operam dedissem, ut nonnullos adipiscerer versus tua manu conscriptos, quorum summo desiderio flagro—id, quod optaveram, non adsecutus essem, nihil mihi relinquebatur aliud, nisi, ut te ipsum rogarem. Lingua Anglica, quoniam mihi incognita est, lingua scripsi Latina, sperans te fortasse benigno has supplices litteras haud indignas habiturum esse responso. Decuit me a te petere, vel potius te obsecrare, ut immodestis his precibus— venerationis studiique causa, quibus te prosequor—veniam dares et me tractares cum indulgentia. Sis indulgens, vir excelse, reddasque me beatum honorando me benigno responso tua ipsius manu scripto. Vale! In Russia. Dorpati Livonorum.3 Altstrasse, No. 5. | a.d. XVII. Cal. Maji m. DAR 202: 100 1 2

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. The year is conjectured from Engelhardt’s assertion that he was a student of natural science; he studied political economy at the University of Dorpat from 1882 to 1886.

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At this time, Dorpat, a city in the governorate (province) of Livonia (now Tartu, Estonia), was part of the Russian Empire. Livonia was an area that included the southern part of present-day Estonia and the northern part of Latvia.

To Alphons Engelhardt   [after 15 April 1881?]1 Dear Sir I have the pleasure to comply with your wish to have a few lines from me.— I wish you all possible success in your scientific studies & that you may live long to pursue them. Dear Sir | Yours — | — —2 ADraft DAR 202: 100v 1 2

The date is conjectured by the relationship between this letter and the letter from Alphons Engelhardt, 15 April [1881?]. In his letter of 15 April [1881?], Engelhardt had asked CD for a reply written in his hand.

From Alexander Agassiz   16 April 1881 Tortugas April 16, 1881. It is very natural you should be in my mind, as I am in the midst of corals. I came down here about six weeks ago to study the surface fauna of the Gulf Stream. The Coast Survey placed a small launch at my disposal to go out and scour the surface when the weather is favorable. Unfortunately thus far I have had little chance to accomplish what I started to do, as I find is nearly always the case on the seashore— you never can do what you wish, but have to be satisfied with what turns up. Thus far I have only found the more common things with which I was familiar from my former Blake experience and from meeting them late in the fall at Newport.1 I took advantage of bad weather to finish up a lot of drawings and notes on Velella and Porpita, and have some interesting things about the post-embryonic stages of both, which I hope to publish next summer if I get time to finish the drawings.2 The greater part of my time I spend in running round inside the reef in the launch and getting at the distribution of the different genera of corals. The number of species here is not great, so it makes their mapping out a simple matter. The Tortugas being the very last of the Florida reefs I find much that has not been noticed before and helps to explain, somewhat differently from what was done by Father, the formation of the reefs.3 On my way here I went across the northern base of the Peninsula of Florida—from Jacksonville to Cedar Keys, and found halfway across a series of hammocks and old coral reefs, such as are found in the Everglades at the southern extremity. In tracing the growth of the reefs and the formation of

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the Peninsula, I have come across no signs of any elevation. Everything, on the contrary, tends to show that the immense plateau which forms the base upon which the Peninsula of Florida is formed, was built up by the débris of animal remains,— Mollusks, Corals, Echinoderms, etc. (after it had originally reached a certain depth in the ocean), until it reached the proper height for corals to flourish. This here is not much deeper than seven to eight fathoms; generally six fathoms marks the limit. To the westward of this group of reefs is a coral reef starting on a bank at a depth of seven fathoms. I expect to publish a small map of the distribution of the corals of the Tortugas as soon as I return home, in my report of work (not done) to the Superintendent of the Coast Survey. I shall, however, have first to finish reading the proofs of the Challenger Echini, the last pages of which I expect to find awaiting my return home, and I trust you will see that Memoir out during the summer.4 G. R. Agassiz ed. 1913, pp. 281–2 1

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For Agassiz’s dredging missions aboard the US coast survey steamer Blake, see A. Agassiz 1888. During his 1881 visit to the Tortugas, Agassiz also further developed his theory of coral reef formation; in opposition to CD’s deductive subsidence theory, he argued from empirical evidence that coral reefs began to grow on banks that were rising not because of elevation but through the accumulation of animal remains (mainly plankton) on mudbanks (Dobbs 2005). Agassiz had established a laboratory at Newport, Rhode Island, in 1877 (G. R. Agassiz ed. 1913, pp. 153–4). Velella and Porpita are genera in the hydrozoan family Porpitidae. Agassiz published a study of the species found in the region in A. Agassiz 1883; he included twelve plates, figuring the morphology and anatomy of specimens at various stages of development. Alexander Agassiz argued that the accumulation (through the action of waves and winds) of the remains of pelagic creatures on parts of the seabed provided areas at the right depths for corals to grow and reefs to develop. In contrast, his father, Louis Agassiz, had believed that reefs must have been formed by shifts in the relative levels of land and sea; on this view, no new reefs were likely to form in the deep water off the coast of Florida because these relative levels were no longer changing. Extracts from Louis Agassiz’s report on the topography of Florida, including coral reefs, were published in 1851, but did not appear in full until Alexander published them in 1880 (L. Agassiz 1851; L. Agassiz 1880). Alexander Agassiz’s own results were published in A. Agassiz 1882. No map appeared with Agassiz’s report to the superintendent (A. Agassiz 1881a) but several were included in his article on the Tortugas and Florida reefs (A. Agassiz 1882). Agassiz’s report on the Echinoidea (the class of heart urchins, sand dollars, and sea urchins) collected during the Challenger expedition was published in 1881 (A. Agassiz 1881b). There is a copy of this report in the Darwin Library–Down.

To John Lubbock   16 April [1881?]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Ap. 16th My dear Lubbock Will you be so kind as to send & lend me the Desmodium gyrans by the Bearer who brings this note.—2 Shortly after you left I found my notice of the seeds in the Gardeners Chronicle, which please return hereafter, as I have no other copy.—3 I do not think that I made

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enough about the great power of absorption of water by the corolla-like calyx or pappus.—4 It seems to me not unlikely that the pappus of the Compositæ may be serviceable to the seeds, whilst lying on the ground, by absorbing the dew which would be especially apt to condense on the fine points & filaments of the pappus.— Anyhow this is a point which might be easily investigated. Seeds of Tussilago or groundsel emit worm-like masses of mucus, & it would be curious to ascertain whether wetting the pappus alone wd suffice to cause such secretion—5 Ever yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin The British Library (Add MS 49645: 97-8) 1 2

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The year is conjectured from an archivist’s note and from CD’s interest in Desmodium gyrans in April 1881; see n. 2, below. CD communicated Fritz Müller’s observations on the movements of Desmodium gyrans (a synonym of Codariocalyx motorius, the telegraph or semaphore plant) to Nature in April 1881; see letter to Nature, 14 April [1881]. CD’s ‘Note on the achenia of Pumilio Argyrolepis’ was published in Gardeners’ Chronicle, 5 January 1861, pp. 4–5; see Correspondence vol. 9, letter to Gardeners’ Chronicle, [before 5 January 1861]. Pumilo argyrolepis is a synonym of Siloxerus multiflorus (small wrinklewort). The pappus, a modified calyx, is a ring of fine hairs attached to achenes or fruits of members of the Compositae (a synonym of Asteraceae); these aid in dissemination by wind. Tussilago is the monospecific genus of coltsfoot (T. farfara); common groundsel is Senecio vulgaris. Both species are in the family Asteraceae.

To G. J. Romanes   16 April 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Ap. 16 1881 My dear Romanes. My M.S. on worms has been sent to Printers, so I am going to amuse myself by scribbling to you on a few points; but you must not waste your time in answering at any length this scribble.—1 Firstly,—your letter on intelligence was very useful to me, & I tore up & rewrote what I sent you. I have not attempted to define intelligence, but have quoted your remarks on experience, & have shown how far they apply to worms.— It seems to me that they must be said to work with some intelligence, anyhow they are not guided by a blind instinct.2 Secondly, I was greatly interested by the abstract in Nature of your work on Echinoderms: the complexity, with simplicity & with such curious coordination of the nervous system is marvellous; & you showed me before what splendid gymnastic feats they can perform.—3 Thirdly, Dr Roux has sent me a book just published by him “Der Kampf der Theile &c” 1881.—(240 pages in length)4 He is manifestly a well read physiologist & pathologist & from his position a good anatomist. It is full of reasoning & this in German is very difficult to me, so that I have only skimmed through each page,— here & there reading with a little more care. As far as I can imperfectly judge it is the most important book on Evolution, which has appeared for some time. I believe

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that G. H. Lewis hinted at the same fundamental idea, viz that there is a struggle going on within every organism between the organic molecules, the cells & the organs.5 I think that his basis is that every cell which best performs its function is as consequence at the same time best nourished & best propagates its kind. The book does not touch on mental phenomena, but there is much discussion on rudimentary or atrophied parts, to which subject you formerly attended.— Now if you would like to read this book, I would send it, after Frank has glanced at it, for I do not think he will have time to read it with care.— If you read it & are struck with it (but I may be wholly mistaken about its value), you would do a public service by analysing and criticising it in Nature.6 Dr. Roux makes, I think, a gigantic oversight in never considering plants: these would simplify the problem for him.— Fourthly, I do not know whether you will discuss in your book on the Mind of Animals, any of the more complex & wonderful instincts. It is unsatisfactory work, as there can be no fossilised instincts, & the sole guide is their state in other members of the same order & mere probability But if you do discuss any (& it will perhaps be expected of you) I shd. think that you could not select a better case than that of the sand-wasps which paralyse their prey, as formerly described by Fabre in his wonderful paper in annl des Sc., & since amplified in his admirable ‘Souvenirs’.7 Whilst reading this latter book, I speculated a little on the subject. Astonishing nonsense is often spoken of the sand-wasp’s knowledge of anatomy. Now will anyone say that a Gauchos on the plains of La Plata have such knowledge, yet I have often seen them pith a struggling & lassoed cow on the ground with unerring skill, which no mere anatomist could imitate. The pointed knife was infallibly driven in between the vertebræ by a single slight thrust. I presume that the art was first discovered by chance, & that each young Gaucho sees exactly how the others do it & then with a very little practice learns the art.—8 Now I suppose that the sand-wasps originally merely killed their prey by stinging them in many places (see p. 129 of Fabre Souvenir & p. 241) on the lower & softer side of the body, & that to sting a certain segment was found by far the most successful method & was inherited, like the tendency of a bull-dog to pin the nose of a bull or of a ferret to bite the Cerebellum. It would not be a very great step in advance to prick the ganglion of its prey only slightly, & thus to give its larvæ fresh meat instead of old dried meat. Though Fabre insists so strongly on the unvarying character of instinct, yet it is shown that there is some variability, as at p. 176, 177.9 I fear that I shall have utterly wearied you with my scribbling & bad hand-writing— My dear Romanes | Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin American Philosophical Society (Mss.B.D25.587) 1 2

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Earthworms was printed by William Clowes & Sons for CD’s publisher, John Murray. Romanes had sent CD comments on the nature of intelligence after reading an early version of part of Earthworms (see letter to G. J. Romanes, 7 March [1881] and n. 3, and letter from G. J. Romanes, 7 March 1881). In Earthworms, p. 95, CD cited Romanes on the nature of intelligence in animals. An abstract of ‘Observations on the locomotor system of Echinodermata’ by Romanes and James

James Cossar Ewart. Etching by W. Hole, 1884. Wellcome Collection.

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Cossar Ewart (G. J. Romanes and Ewart 1881) was published in Nature, 7 April 1881, pp. 545–7. Romanes probably told CD about the echinoderm research during a visit to Down from 15 to 17 January 1881 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242); see also Correspondence vol. 28, letter from G. J. Romanes, 5 November 1880). CD’s annotated copy of Wilhelm Roux’s Der Kampf der Theile im Organismus (The struggle of the parts in the organism; Roux 1881) is in the Darwin Library–CUL. George Henry Lewes had discussed the ‘mutual limitations’ of tissues and organs, which resulted in a balance being reached within the organism, in Lewes 1877, pp. 104–7. Francis Darwin was CD’s secretary. Romanes reviewed Roux 1881 in Nature, 29 September 1881, pp. 505–6. Romanes was working on two books, Animal intelligence (G. J. Romanes 1882) and Mental evolution in animals (G. J. Romanes 1883a). Jean-Henri Fabre had published ‘Étude sur l’instincte et la métamorphose des sphégiens’ (Study on instinct and metamorphosis in the sphecids; Fabre 1856) in Annales des sciences naturelles, zoologie. Sphecidae is the family of digger wasps, sand wasps, and mud daubers. Fabre had described instinctive behaviour in wasps of the genus Sphex; he noted that the wasps always made two precise stings, the first under the neck and the second behind the prothorax of the Orthopteran (grasshopper) prey, and that the stings paralysed, but did not kill (ibid., p. 156). In Souvenirs entomologiques: études sur l’instinct et les mœurs des insectes (Entomological recollections: studies on the instinct and habits of insects; Fabre 1879), Fabre devoted two chapters to the behaviour of the yellow-winged sphex (Sphex flavipennis), and another to that of Sphex languedocien (a synonym of Palmodes occitanicus). In Narrative 3: 247, CD described how a gaucho delivered a fatal stab into the head of the spinal marrow of a wild cow that was struggling fiercely. In Fabre 1879, p. 129, Fabre described how the common wasp (Vespa vulgaris) stung its prey indiscriminately many times; in ibid., p. 241, he described similar behaviour in an unnamed species of Bembex (a synonym of Bembix, a genus of sand wasps) attacking a horsefly. Fabre had admitted that the yellow-winged sphex was not always fooled into rechecking her nest every time he removed an item of prey from the nest entrance, but referred to these ‘revolutionaries’ as being a tiny minority (ibid., pp. 176–7).

To A. S. Wilson   16 April 1881 Down April 16. 1881 My dear Sir I am much obliged for the extract from the Gardeners Chronicle. I think that you have done good service in explaining the Russian case, though no doubt it is hydra-headed and will again some day re-appear. It is a capital instance of one var. gradually beating out another.1 With respect to the so-called cotyledons of the Gramineæ, I did not know enough to form any independent judgment, so thought that I had better simply follow Sachs, though I did so with some misgiving.—2 I am sorry that I do not remember where I put Mr. Henslow’s note: I did not throw it away, but have no clue where to look for it.—3 I believe that Mr. Henslow is a very obliging man and would, I dare say, give you the desired information. Pray believe me, my dear Sir | Yours very faithfully | Charles Darwin Copy DAR 148: 372 1

2

See letter from A.  S.  Wilson, 14  April  1881 and n. 1. In A. S. Wilson 1881, Wilson had confirmed earlier results indicating that the two varieties of Russian wheat he had planted had different levels of productivity, leading to the more productive variety gradually replacing the less productive one. See letter from A. S. Wilson, 14 April 1881 and n. 3. Wilson had disagreed with the then popular view

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that the sheath of the plumule was the cotyledon in grasses. This view had been expressed by Julius Sachs in Sachs 1875, pp. 541–3 (see Movement in plants, p. 63). George Henslow had sent CD an abstract of the views of botanists on the nature of cotyledons in grasses (see Correspondence vol. 26, letter from George Henslow, [c. 20 February 1878]).

From E. L. Zeuschner   16 April 1881 Cincinnati, Ohio. April 16th 1881. Mr. Chas. Darwin. Honored Sir In communicating to you a discovery made by the undersigned, I not only fulfill a duty, but hope to enjoy that humble satisfaction which the awakening interest on your part in one of the most far reaching discoveries of the day, must give to a patient student of Science. The problem of elementary or original matter from which all substances or materials derive their origin, the force which till the present day has been called Soul, or Spirit, the problem is solved. I will give my reasons for claiming to have discovered this original or fundamental element. It is generally known under the name Magnetism. This latter element consist of two parts (+ & -) which are inseparable, but which can be concentrated or diffused infinitely, as that no object however small is independent of it. It is this element which through its power of attraction and repulsion, has not only created all suspended bodies (concentrated) but also moves them, and through its influence so controlls all these bodies that they preserve a perfect equilibrium with one another. Magnetism is every where.1 It is a unity in the Universe, and although its divisibility into molecoles is infinite, there is no object however small which is not subject to a constant polarization, and therefore motion. I have refrained from naming this magnetic force God, althought it is the Creator, Changer, Resolver of all objects, causes life and perception and eventually destroys all in accordance with simple, natural laws. I leave it to speculative theology to use the element to strengthen, if possible, its faith, and convert to a servant of the Lord, for every master has his servant, why not God? I would not have ventured to approach you with this communication, if I had not the experience, that Science with but few exceptions, in conjunction with the Press, attempt to smother this discovery by maintaining Silence. For this reason you will excuse me, If I communicate my discovery to you in this shape but which must offer a strong foundation to your own doctrine. I send you a few copies of a pamphlet containing in a condensed form my reasons for what I claim, and should you, after its perusal desire to enter more closely into results of my study of magnetism, it would give me great pleasure to communicate them to you.2 For the immediate present, I must await the results which will grow

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out of this discovery, so that it may not be said as it is so often done, “this we know long ago”. Very Respectfully Your | Ernst L. Zeuschner. No. 189 Vine Street, Cincinnati, Ohio. DAR 184: 8 CD annotation Top of letter: ‘A wonderful fool’3 blue crayon 1

2 3

In 1845, Michael Faraday had discovered a new but weak magnetic property of all matter, later termed diamagnetism, which existed only in the presence of an applied field, and which he believed filled all space; subsequently, researchers such as Julius Plücker and John Tyndall carried out experiments to ascertain the nature of diamagnetism (see Jackson 2015). In 1880, Zeuschner had published a twenty-page pamphlet titled The elementary matter, ‘magnetic force’: or, the basis of all substances and matters (Zeuschner 1880). In contrast, in an advertisement in Williams’ Cincinnati directory (Cincinnati: Williams & Co., 1881), pp. 1376, Zeuschner described himself as an ‘experienced scientist’, who had discovered that magnetism was the ‘sole ruler and alterer of all matters’.

From G. J. Romanes   17 April 1881 18 Cornwall Terrace, Regent’s Park, N.W.: April 17, 1881. Your long letter has been most refreshing to me in every way.1 I am looking foward with keen interest to the appearance of your book on Worms, and am unexpectedly glad to hear that my letter was of any use.2 I should very much like to see the book you mention, and from what you say about sending it I shall not order it. But there is no need to send it soon, as I have already an accumulation of books to review for ‘Nature.’3 I am very glad that you think well of the Echinoderm work. Several other experiments have occurred to me to try, and I hope to be able to do so next autumn, as also the interesting experiment suggested by Frank of rotating by clockwork (as you did the plants) an Echinus inverted upon its aboral pole, to see whether it would right itself when the influence of gravity is removed.4 No doubt I must in my second book deal with instincts of all kinds, complex or otherwise.5 Your ‘speculations’ on the sand-wasp seem to me very pithy— excuse the pun suggested by the analogy of the cattle— and I think there can be little doubt that such is the direction in which the explanation is to be sought. I also think that the difficulty is mitigated by the consideration that both the ganglion of the spider and the sting of the wasp are organs situated on the median line of their respective possessors, and therefore that the origin of the instinct may have been determined or assisted by the mere anatomical form of the animals—the wasp not stinging till securely mounted on the spider’s back, and when so mounted the sting might naturally strike the ganglion. But I have not yet read Fabre’s own account, so this

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view may not hold. Anyhow, and whatever determining conditions as to origin may have been, it seems to me there can be little doubt that natural selection would have developed it in the way you suggest.6 I have now grown a number of seeds exposed to the flashing light, but am not yet quite sure as to the result. About one seedling out of ten bends towards the flashing source very decidedly, while all the rest, although exposed to just the same conditions, grow perfectly straight. But I shall, no doubt, find out the reason of this by further trials. It is strange that the same thing happens when I expose other seedlings to constant light of exceedingly dim intensity. It looks as if some individuals were more sensitive to light than others. I do not know whether you found any evidence of this.7 I have just found that this year again I have been too late in asking them to send me cuttings of the vine for grafting. I did not know that the sap in vines began to run so early.8 I remain ever yours, very sincerely and most respectfully, | Geo. J. Romanes. E. D. Romanes 1896, p. 112 1 2 3 4

5 6 7

8

See letter to G. J. Romanes, 16 April 1881. See Earthworms, p. 95, and letter to G. J. Romanes, 16 April 1881 and n. 2. See letter to G. J. Romanes, 16 April 1881 and n. 4. The book was Der Kampf der Theile im Organismus (The struggle between the parts of the organism; Roux 1881). See letter to G.  J.  Romanes, 16  April  1881 and n. 3. CD had read an abstract of ‘Observations on the locomotor system of Echinodermata’ (G. J. Romanes and Ewart 1881). CD and his son Francis Darwin had used a klinostat to rotate plants in pots, in order to negate the influence of gravity on plant movement (see, for example, Movement in plants, p. 93). Francis suggested that Romanes could use a similar approach with Echinus (a genus of sea urchins; see G. J. Romanes 1883b, pp. 134–5). ‘Aboral’ is a term used to describe the side of a sea urchin opposite its mouth; sea urchins have an oral/aboral axis rather than a dorsal/ventral one. See letter to G.  J.  Romanes, 16  April  1881 and n. 7. Romanes refers to Mental evolution in animals (G. J. Romanes 1883a); he discussed the instincts of Sphex, a genus of digger wasps, on pp. 299–303. See letter to G. J. Romanes, 16 April 1881 and nn. 7 and 8. For Jean-Henri Fabre’s account of the method used by the wasp to paralyse its prey, see Fabre 1879, pp. 94–100. See letter from G. J. Romanes, [6 or 13 or 20] March 1881 and n. 3. CD had suggested the use of canary grass (Phalaris canariensis) or cabbage (Brassica oleracea) seedlings; see Correspondence vol. 28, letter to G. J. Romanes, 13 December 1880. Since 1875, Romanes had been carrying out experiments on graft hybrids to test CD’s hypothesis of pangenesis; see Correspondence vol. 23, letter to G. J. Romanes, 12 July 1875 and n. 8, and Correspondence vol. 25, letter from G. J. Romanes, [after 8 January 1877] and n. 5.

From Kate Barnes   18 April 1881 Mrs. S. M. Rust, Pres’t. Mrs. A. D. Fairbanks, Treas. Mrs Still, Vice-Pres’t. " " Kate Barnes, Sec’y. The Syracuse Botanical Club, | Syracuse, N. Y. April 18th. 1881 Mr Darwin |Dear Sir I am desired by the Syracuse Botanical Club to announce to you. that you have been unanimously elected by said Club, an Honorary and Corresponding member.1

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I fear that one having such an immense correspondence, and such great demands upon your valuable time, will not have much time to bestow upon so small a Club. Still anything you may care to communicate to us. will be esteemed as a great favour. Asking leniency for taking up your valuable time I am yours sincerely | Kate S. Barnes |—Secy DAR 160: 43 1

CD had first heard about this women’s club in the letter from F. J. Myers, 20 January 1881. Barnes had been elected corresponding secretary of the club in place of Myers on 23 March 1881 (Bulletin of the Torrey Botanical Club 8 (1881): 60).

To G. J. Romanes   18 April 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Apr 18th 1881. My dear Romanes I am extremely glad of your success with the flashing light. If plants are acted on by light like some of the lower animals, there is an additional point of interest, as it seems to me, in your results.1 Most botanists believe that light causes a plant to bend to it in as direct a manner as light affects nitrate of silver. I believe that it merely tells the plant to which side to bend; & I see indications of this belief prevailing even with Sachs.2 Now it might be expected that light wd act on a plant in something the same manner as on the lower animals.— As you are at work on this subject, I will call your attention to another point. Wiesner of Vienna (who has lately published a great book on Heliotropism) finds that an intermittent light during 20 m. produces same effect as a continuous light of same brilliancy during 60 m. So that van Tiegham in the first Part of his book which has just appeared, remarks, the light during 40 m. out of the 60 m. produced no effect.— I observed an analogous case described in my book.3 Wiesner & Tiegham seem to think that this is explained by calling the whole process “induction”, borrowing a term used by some Physico-chemists (of whom I believe Roscoe is one) & implying an agency which does not produce any effect for some time & continues its effect for some time after the cause has ceased.—4 I believe (?) that photographic paper is an instance. I must ask Leonard, whether an interrupted light acts on it in the same manner as on a plant.5 At present I must still believe in my explanation that it is the contrast between light & darkness which excites a plant.— I have forgotten my main object in writing, viz to say that I believe (& have so stated) that seedlings vary much in their sensitiveness to light; but I did not prove this, for there are many difficulties,—Whether time of incipient curvature or amount of curvature is taken as the criterion.— Moreover they vary according to age & perhaps from vigour of growth; & there seems inherent variability as Strasburger (whom I quote) found with spores.—6 If the curious anomaly observed by you is due to varying sensitiveness, ought not all the seedlings to bend if the flashes were

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at longer intervals of time? According to my notion of contrast between light & darkness being the stimulus, I shd expect that if flashes were made sufficiently slow it would be a powerful stimulus, & that you would suddenly arrive at a period when the result would suddenly become great.— On the other hand, as far as my experience, goes, what one expects rarely happens.— I heartily wish you success & remain | yours ever very sincerely | Ch. Darwin I am extremely glad that you seem to have silenced Butler & his reviewers. But Mr Butler will turn up again, if I know the man.7 Do you read the Times? As I had a fair opportunity I sent a letter to Times on Vivisection, which is printed today.— I thought it fair to bear my share of the abuse poured in so atrocious a manner on all physiologists.—8 American Philosophical Society (Mss.B.D25.588) 1 2

3

4 5 6 7

8

See letter from G. J. Romanes, 17 April 1881 and n. 7. Nitrate of silver (now more commonly referred to as silver nitrate (AgNO3)) turns black when exposed to light through a process of photoreduction, forming silver oxide and nitric acid. CD may have formed his opinion of Julius Sachs’s view about the effect of light on plant organs from information from his son Francis Darwin. While Francis was working in Sachs’s laboratory, he had told CD that Sachs considered Julius Wiesner’s view of heliotropism ‘old-fashioned’ (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter from Francis Darwin, 29 May 1879). In Movement in plants, p. 457, CD referred to his experimental results with Phalaris canariensis after cotyledons were briefly exposed to light several times; he cited Julius Wiesner’s observations on plants exposed to intermittent light in Wiesner 1878–80, p. 12. Philippe van Tieghem’s Traité de botanique (Tieghem 1884) was published in parts between 1881 and 1884; the first four parts are in the Darwin Library–CUL. CD refers to Tieghem 1884, p. 128. Tieghem had referred to the concept of photochemical induction, elucidated by Robert Bunsen and Henry Enfield Roscoe (Bunsen and Roscoe 1855–9), in Tieghem 1884, p. 128 n. 1. CD’s son Leonard Darwin was an instructor in chemistry and photography at the School of Military Engineering, Chatham. In Movement in plants, p. 488, CD had referred to Eduard Strasburger’s paper on the movement of spores towards lateral light (Strasburger 1878a). Romanes had written a highly critical review of Samuel Butler’s Unconscious memory (Butler 1880) in Nature, 27 January 1881, pp. 285–7, followed by a letter dismissing Butler’s response to the review (Nature, 10 February 1881, pp. 335–6). Butler had made accusations against CD and Ernst Krause (see letter to G. J. Romanes, 11 February 1881 and n. 1). CD’s letter to Frithiof Holmgren, [14] April 1881, was published in The Times, 18 April 1881, p. 10.

From H. B. Taylor   18 April 1881 1. Hyde Park Gardens. W. April 18—81 My dear Sir, My daughter is very much obliged to you for replying so soon to my letter about her “ginger-beer plant” and has given me the accompanying seed of it to send to you.1 She will be very glad if it should prove to be anything new to you, though this she thinks impossible! and in any case we shall all be glad to know what it is. The water, ginger & sugar will not in twenty-four hours ferment in the same temperature that they will if the plant or seed is added, but this you will probably

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try for yourself. I enclose the directions—as my daughter dictates—for “feeding” the plant. & remain, | yours faithfully | Helen B. Taylor C. Darwin Esq. F.R.S. I enclose our Country address as we are leaving London tomorrow for the Season.2 H.B.T.— [Enclosure] “Ginger Beer Plant” Put the Seed in a wide mouthed glass bottle—a pint bottle will do at first—and pour over it, half a pint of filtered spring water. Add to it, two, three or four pieces of unbleached bruised Ginger & two or three lumps of sugar. Put a piece of muslin over the top of the bottle & place it where the temperature is about 60 deg. In 24 hours pour off the liquor & add fresh water. Every alternate day a lump or two of sugar should be added but the Ginger need not be renewed more than once a week when the old Ginger should be taken out & the seed be carefully washed and strained back into the bottle. As the seed increases in bulk, more water, ginger & sugar will be required. The beverage, which is very wholesome should be put daily into a corked bottle & be drunk within a few hours of its being taken from the plant. Oct 18—81.3 DAR 178: 54 1

2

3

Taylor’s earlier letter and CD’s reply have not been found. Taylor’s daughters were Mabel Mary and Beatrice Katherine Taylor. The ginger beer plant, a recent development, was a culture of yeasts and bacteria (OED). It consists of small clumps or grains, which, when added to ginger root (Zingiber officinale), sugar, and water, initiates fermentation in the production of ginger beer. For a scientific study of its constituents, see Ward 1892. In the process, the ginger beer plant grows. It can be divided and reused indefinitely if regularly fed with sugar and ginger. The ‘seed’ sent to CD was probably part of the plant belonging to Helen Taylor’s daughter. The Taylors lived at Hyde Park Gate, London, and Aston Rowant, Oxfordshire. The height of the London social season was April to July; although from the 1880s the season had began to lose some of its exclusivity, it was primarily for the aristocracy and landed gentry (Ellenberger 1990). The Taylors’ background was mercantile. Taylor probably wrote 18 October instead of 18 April in error.

From Werner von Voigts-Rhetz1   [after 18 April 1881]2 Oberkirch (Grand Duché de Baden) Très honoré Monsieur En lisant la lettre que vous avez adressée à Mr. le professeur Halmgren pour lui faire connaître vos opinions sur la vivisection, j’ai pensé involontairement au dicton

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français: “Noblesse oblige”, mot qui s’applique avec autant de raison à l’aristocratie de la pensée qu’à celle de la naissance.3 Une grande responsabilité pèse en effet sur un nom, devenu célébre comme le vôtre par de profondes recherches scientifiques, dans ce sens que les idées qu’il couvre de son autorité ont infiniment plus d’importance que celles qui proviennent de quelque source obscure. Or si je vous demande la permission, Monsieur, de vous présenter quelques observations que m’inspire votre lettre au professeur Halmgren, je vous prie de ne voir dans cette démarche qu’un hommage rendu à votre grand mérite et à l’influence qu’il est appelé à éxercer dans toutes les questions scientifiques. Vous convenez dans votre lettre, Monsieur, d’avoir pris une part active aux efforts faits il y a quelques années en Angleterre afin de faire passer un bill contre les abus résultant des expériences sur les animaux vivants et lequel cependant aurait laissé aux physiologistes la liberté de poursuivre leurs recherches scientifiques, mais, ajoutez vous, “l’enquête ouverte par la commission Royale sur les plaintes, portées contre les physiologistes Anglais, prouvait que celles-ci n’étaient pas fondées”.4 Cette première assertion nous place devant une énigme que nous nous sentons incapables de résondre.— Ayant en de tout temps une très haute idée de lésprit pratique et consciencieux des Anglais en général, nous nous demandons comment une commission, composée de sommités scientifiques de l’Angleterre aurait pu proposer et comment le Parlement Anglais aurait pu sanctionner un bill contre des abus qui n’avaient jamais éxisté. Nous trouvons l’explication encore plus difficile en nous rappelant d’avoir lu la description d’une scène de laboratoire physiologique Anglais publiée par Mr.  le Dr. Hoggan et qui révèle des faits d’une cruauté révoltante—5 Nous gardons également le souvenir des expériences très variées d’asphyxie faites sur 76  chiens et n’aboutissant selon l’aveu des expérimentateurs eux-mêmes à aucun résultat pratique.6 Nous vous demandons aussi pourquoi Sir Will. Thompson, un des plus grands savants des temps modernes, aurait pu dire sans motif à Glasgow (British Medical Journal No. 744 p.p. 454–455) qu’il éxistait une tendance vers l’extension inutile de la vivisection et qu’il était convaincu que la répétition d’expériences cruelles sur les animaux, seulement pour démontrer aux étudiants ce qui avait été fait jusqu’à présent, était absolument inutile (altogether unnecessary)7 Enfin en ouvrant le rapport de la Commission Royale, nous y lisons des déclarations comme celles-ci: “It is manifest that vivisection is from its very nature liable to great abuse and it is not to be doubted that inhumanity may be found in persons of very high position as physiologists”—it cannot be doubted that very severe experiments are constantly performed” “besides the cases in which inhumanity exists, there are others in which carelessness and indifference prevail to an extent sufficient to form a ground for legislative interference” etc et ce rapport est approuvé par la signature du président de la commission Mr. Huxley—8 Les notes ci dessus ne nous paraissent pas prouver que la commission et d’autres juges en dehors d’elle aient trouvé les accusations formulées contre les physiologistes Anglais aussi peu fondées qu’elles vous ont paru. Mais quand même vous auriez payé dans ce cas, Monsieur, votre tribut à l’imperfection humaine, à laquelle même

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les esprits les plus éminents n’échappent pas toujours, c’est-à dire si vous vous étiez trompé dans l’interprétation des sentiments et des opinions de la commission Royale, le mal ne serait pas grand. Les Anglais ne sont pas gens à se payer d’autorités, même les plus illustres, ils aiment à aller au fond des choses, ils ont du reste dans le rapport de la commission le moyen en main de corriger une erreur, si erreur il y a. Ainsi passons à la suite de votre lettre—Vous dites, très honoré Monsieur, que vous craignez cependant, d’après tout ce que vous avez entendu dire, qu’on ne fasse peu de cas dans quelques autres parties de l’Europe des souffrances des animaux et vous ajoutez que s’il en était ainsi vous seriez bien aise de voir intercèder dans ces pays la législation contre l’inhumanité. Ces sentiments vous honorent sans doute et nous luttons de ce côté de la Manche pour les faire triompher. Mais ce qui m’étonne ce sont vos incertitudes, votre connaissance si vague des faits qui ont donné lieu à notre lutte. N’auriez vous pas entendu ou lu les déclarations faites devant la commission Royale par le Dr. Allemand Klein qui n’hésitait pas à dire publiquement que les souffrances des animaux pendant les expériences lui étaient parfaitement indifférentes et qu’il en était de même sur tout le continent?9 N’auriez vous pas vu le livre du docteur Cyon: “Methode pour servir de guide aux vivisecteurs et à ceux qui veulent le devenir” et qui chante entre autres les jouissances du vrai vivisecteur?10 N’éxiste-t-il pas déja toute une littérature, due à la plume de savants et de médecins très distingués, et qui met hors de doute les cruautés révoltantes et pour la plupart stériles, commises jour par jour dans les laboratoires physiologiques de la France, de l’Allemagne et surtout de l’Italie? Et n’est-il pas à craindre, Monsieur, que votre déclaration, basée sur le simple oui dire et par conséquence peu affirmative sur des abus éxistant dans quelques pays de l’Europe ne fasse croire aux personnes insuffisamment informées du véritable état des choses, que le mal ne fut pourtant pas aussi grand qu’on le dit et qu’elles puissent persévérer dans leur indifférence. Vous dites que la physiologie ne peut faire aucun progrès sans avoir recours aux vivisections— Cuvier, le grand naturaliste français, ne partageait pas cette opinion, il dit dans une lettre adressée au Dr. Carpenter: “La nature a fourni les moyens d’apprendre ce que les expériences sur les animaux vivants n’apprendront jamais”.11 Plus loin vous parlez des immenses progrès que la physiologie aurait fait depuis ces derniers 50 ans. Dans une lettre que le savant professeur Haeckel addresse à son collègue, le professeur Fr. Zöllner, célébre auteur du “livre des comêtes” nous lisons entre autres: “Helmholtz est sans doute un de nos plus grands naturalistes—voilà pourquoi il n’a plus pu tenir dans cette espèce de camera obscura à laquelle on donne aujourd’hui le nom de physiologie et qu’il a fait choix de la physique.12 Parmi nos physiologistes du jour, dont la présomption est aussi grande que l’horizon restreint, Helmholtz a été toujours un phénomène. Les résultats fournis par nos vastes et splendides laboratoires physiologiques sont malheureusement toujours en sens inverse des grands frais qu’ils ont occasionnés— Ceux qui viennent d’être établis à Leipzig ne manqueront pas non plus de briller par la sterilité des travaux de leurs directeurs”.13 Vous dites, Monsieur que vous attendez d’immenses bienfaits pour l’humanité de l’application de la physiologie au traitement des maladies (bien entendu de cette physiologie dont les progrès ne sont pas possibles selon vous sans la vivisection),

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même des vivisecteurs très passionés comme Flourens sont toujours avec vous dans cette attente. Ce grand mâitre de la vivisection dit à cet égard: “Nos mains sont aujourd’hui encore vides, mais notre bouche est pleine de promesses pour l’avenir—”14 Il est vrai que cet avenir se laisse un peu attendre car on pratique les vivisections depuis 2000  ans. La récolte applicable à la médecine est néanmoins jusqu’à présent assez maigre au dire de beaucoup de savants et de médecins quand on passe les résultats tant vantés par le crible d’une critique scientifique. J’ai suivi rigoureusement l’ordre des idées exposées dans votre lettre—je n’ai donc pas dit un mot de la question morale, qui devrait primer toute autre considération, même celle de l’utilité—ou adopterions nous, quand cela nous parait commode, la maxime qu’on a de tout temps reprochée à tort ou à raison aux Jésuites que le but justifie les moyens?—15 Je laisse décider à la conscience de chacun s’il peut être permis de sacrifier de la manière la plus cruelle et souvent la plus frivole des myriades d’êtres sensibles et de haute organisation, qui s’élèvent par les facultés de l’âme si près de nous, qu’on les a nommés avec raison “nos frères inférieures”—? Il y a un temps où les savants cherchaient la pierre phylosophale et le secret de faire de l’or— Nous sourions aujourd’hui en jetant un regard retrospectif sur ces recherches là. Je suppose qu’il viendra un temps, pourvu que la civilisation ne s’arrête pas dans sa marche, où les générations futures au lieu de sourire et de s’accuser d’ingratitude envers nos vivisecteurs de profession, se détourneront avec douleur de leur oeuvre sanglante et infructueuse. En vous priant, Monsieur, de ne pas m’en vouloir, d’avoir exprimé avec la plus entière franchise dans cette lettre mes convictions peut-être erronies, mais bien sincères, je saisis cette occasion pour vous assurer des sentiments de la plus haute considération avec lesquels j’ai l’honneur d’être | votre | très obéissant serviteur | W. de Voigts-Rhetz DAR 180: 14 1 2 3

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For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the printed version of CD’s letter to Frithiof Holmgren, [14] April 1881, which appeared in The Times, 18 April 1881, p. 10. See letter to Frithiof Holmgren, [14] April 1881; the letter appeared in The Times, 18 April 1881, p. 10. Noblesse oblige: nobility obligates (French); the phrase is taken to mean that someone with power and influence should use it to act honourably to others and fulfill social responsibilities. See letter to Frithiof Holmgren, [14] April 1881. CD wrote that the accusations were ‘false’. George Hoggan had testified before the Royal Commission on the Practice of Subjecting Live Animals to Experiments for Scientific Purposes in 1875, giving descriptions of experiments; one of his main points of discussion was whether substances used to immobilise animals also acted to eliminate pain (see Report of the Royal Commission on vivisection, pp. 178–82, 200–11; for more on Hoggan’s concerns about vivisection, see Holmes and Friese 2020, pp. 14–17). See Report of the Royal Commission on vivisection, p. 119. William Thomson had made the statement at a meeting of the Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals in Glasgow. It was reported in the British Medical Journal, 3 April 1875, pp. 454–5. See Report of the Royal Commission on vivisection, p. xvii. Thomas Henry Huxley was one of the commissioners (ibid., pp. v–vi). Edward Emanuel Klein was a researcher at the Brown Animal Sanatory Institution. He had testified that he used anaesthetics only for the sake of convenience (Report of the Royal Commission on vivisection, p. 184).

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Elie de Cyon wrote in the first chapter of his book Methodik der physiologischen Experimente und Vivisectionen (Methodology of physiological experiments and vivisections; Cyon 1876, pp. 14–15): ‘Der echte Vivisector muss an eine schwierige Vivisection mit derselben freudigen Aufregung, mit demselben Genusse treten, wie der Chirug an eine schwierige Operation, von der er ausserordentlichen Erfolg erwartet.’ (The true vivisector must approach a difficult vivisection with the same joyful excitement and the same delight as the surgeon does a difficult operation from which he expects extraordinary success.) Cyon was briefly mentioned in the Report of the Royal Commission on vivisection, p. 355. Georges Cuvier was known for his work in comparative anatomy, while William Benjamin Carpenter had worked on comparative physiology and relied on animal experiments in his studies (see, for example, Carpenter 1854, p. 687). Ernst Haeckel alluded to Hermann von Helmholtz’s move from physiology to physics in 1871, when he became professor of physics at Berlin (for more on the relationship between physiology and physics in Helmholtz’s work, see Bevilacqua 1993). Johann Karl Friedrich Zöllner was an astrophysicist; he wrote more than one book on comets, but Voigts-Rhetz probably refers to Über die Natur der Cometen: Beiträge zur Geschichte und Theorie der Erkenntnis (On the nature of comets: contributions to the history and theory of knowledge; Zöllner 1872). For more on the controversy that arose regarding Zöllner after the publication of the book, see Kragh 2012, pp. 399–400. Voigts-Rhetz probably refers to the laboratory established in 1879 by Wilhelm Wundt; it became known as the Institute for Experimental Psychology (DSB). The quotation from Pierre Flourens has not been identified. Flourens had studied the localisation of brain function in experiments on pigeons (see Flourens 1824). The Jesuit religious order (Society of Jesus) was frequently associated with the idea that the ends justified the means (see, for example, EB 9th ed. 13: 651).

From G. R. Jesse   19 April 1881 Henbury, Macclesfield, Cheshire. 19 April 1881. My dear Sir, Since I had the pleasure of corresponding with you relative to some statements in your Work on the “Variation of Animals and Plants under Domestication” I have given much of my time to the questions of the Moral Right and True Philosophy of subjecting live Animals to painful Experiments for Scientific Purposes,—and I was sorry to find we were at variance in our Evidence before the Royal Commission as to our views upon a subject of such importance.1 I see by “The Times” of yesterday that you assert “the accusations (of inhumanity) made against our English Physiologists were false”.2 Surely you must have made that statement without having perused the admissions made by Physiologists themselves before the Royal Commission in 1875. Pray permit me to refer you to some of those admissions and which are enclosed in this letter. And, kindly allow me to enquire of you,—why, if “the accusations of inhumanity were false”,—Her Majesty appointed a Royal Commission to enquire into the Practices of Physiologists?— Why an Act of Parliament was passed, (39 & 40 Vict. Chap. 77.) “to amend the Law relating to Cruelty to Animals”?— and why Inspectors were appointed to watch the conduct of Licensed Physiologists and Report thereon?3 Relative to your statement as to “improvements in Medical Practice which may be directly attributed to Physiological Research”, and “the benefits already great” derived therefrom, I shall be happy to discuss with you the discoveries credited to

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Vivisection before the Royal Commissioners, before whom, as you may perhaps be aware, I gave Evidence on several days.4 As to Monsieur Pasteur,—surely we have plenty of Experimenters on Animals at home without crossing the Channel to seek for them and their discoveries.5 Even as to Pasteur,—he has been loudly lauded lately as the discoverer,—not of a New Remedy,—but, of “A New Disease”! At the Académie de Médicine however during a Meeting in Paris in Octr. 1880, one of the Members, Monsieur Bouillaud, said to Pasteur,—“You can see many interesting things through your Microscope, but that is no earthly use to us”.6 If you would like to peruse the Correspondence on this question I have had with Professor Owen, Mr. T.  Spencer Wells, Dr. T.  Lauder Brunton, Professor Ferrier, Dr. Grimshaw, Dr. Mc. Donnell, and other men of eminence, I shall be happy to forward the Letters to you.7 Believe me | yours very sincerely. | George R. Jesse. Charles Darwin, Esqe. | &c. &c. &c. [Enclosure] To the People of Great Britain and Ireland. Society for the Total Abolition and Utter Suppression of Vivisection. from “The Echo,” Wednesday, October 8, 1879. “The Morning Post,” Thursday, October 9, 1879. “The Globe,” Thursday, October 9, 1879. “Publicity is the Soul of Justice.”—Bentham.8 “CANON DUCKWORTH on the MEDICAL PROFESSION” & THE ABOLISHERS OF VIVISECTION. “—After Dr. Dupre’s address at Westminster Hospital, the prizes were distributed to the successful candidates by Canon Duckworth,9 who said— “… And here, gentlemen, may I make bold to say a word in defence of the humanity of the whole Profession, in answer to those unjust aspersions which have lately been cast upon it? To read some of the fanatical vapourings of people who are agitating for the total abolition of Vivisection, one might imagine that the sole object of most youths who embrace your profession is to find indulgence for the most inhuman passions that can degrade our nature. I resent such an imputation on your behalf as a shameful libel; and I have never failed, when opportunity has been given to me, to state my firm belief that no stricter regulations than those which exist are needed to protect the lower animals from wanton cruelty at your hands.

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It is to me inconceivable that, from among a public which is daily enjoying the benefit of your gentleness and sympathy, daily taking advantage of your ill-remunerated and self-denying labours, that there should be formed a party so unjust to you, so ignorant of your proverbial character, and so blind to facts of every day experience.”* *Extracted from THE TIMES Newspaper of Saturday, the 4th October, 1879.10 It is lamentable to see a Minister of Religion,—especially one holding so honourable a position as Canon Duckworth,—who, we understand, is a Fellow of Trinity College, Oxford;11 Chaplain to Her Majesty the Queen; and to H.R.H. the Prince of Wales,—using harsh and injurious language; exposing his own want of knowledge on a subject he expresses himself confidently and dictatorially upon; and casting unqualified censure on persons opposed to him in opinion who strive to abolish what they consider the unnecessary and unphilosophical practice of inflicting agony, disease, misery, and death, on reasoning and affectionate creatures, in the fallacious hope of greatly increasing knowledge, and preventing maladies which are Nature’s inevitable punishment for violation of her beneficent Laws. Canon Duckworth cannot have perused the Evidence given by Physiologists before the Royal Commission, and the admissions they made in regard to themselves and in regard to others. At least, that is the most lenient and charitable view which can be taken of his conduct. He speaks of “unjust aspersions” cast upon the whole Medical Profession—of “fanatical vapourings of people who are agitating for the Total Abolition of Vivisection.” He uses the words “shameful libel”—“unjust”—“ignorant”—“blind to facts.” In answer to this attack made by the Rev. Canon Duckworth, we beg leave to refer him, and the reflective Public, to the “Report of the Royal Commission on the Practice of subjecting Live Animals to Experiments for Scientific Purposes, &c. Presented to both Houses of Parliament by command of Her Majesty.” London: Eyre & Spottiswoode. 1876. Price 4/4.12 We cite him before the Tribunal of Conscience. We challenge the Rev. Canon to make his words good in the face of the following extracts from the above Book; for example:— evidence Sir William Fergusson, Bart., F.R.S., Sergeant-Surgeon to H.M. the Queen13 “Answer. The impression produced on my mind is that these experiments are done very frequently in a most reckless manner. Question. In a manner that, if it were known to the public at large, would call for interference on their part? Answer. Yes; and would bring the reputation of certain scientific men far below what it should be.”14 Dr. Emmanuel Klein, M.D., Assistant Professor of the Laboratory of the Brown Institution, &c., London. “Question. Then for your own purpose you disregard entirely the question of the suffering of the animal in performing a painful experiment? Answer. I do.”15 The Rev. Samuel Haughton, M.D., F.R.S., Medical Registrar of the School of Physic of Trinity College, Dublin.

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Answer .... I would shrink with horror from accustoming large classes of young men to the sight of Animals under Vivisection. I believe that many of them would become cruel and hardened, and would go away and repeat these experiments recklessly, without foresight or forethought; science would gain nothing, and the world would have let loose upon it a set of young devils.”16 Dr. Henry Wentworth Acland, M.D., F.R.S., Regius Professor of Medicine in the University of Oxford, &c. “Answer.... : There has come to be a pursuit of knowledge in this direction, just as you pursue knowledge of metals with the ordinary apparatus of a chemical laboratory. So many persons have got to deal with these wonderful and beautiful organisms just as they deal with physical bodies that have no feeling and no consciousness.”17 Dr. John Sinclair, M.D., said he had— “Performed Vivisection with and without anæsthetics; but more frequently with anæsthetics, as finding it more convenient.”18 Dr. John Anthony, M.D., asserted that Physiologists— “Get the same sort of feeling as the woman is said to have who skins eels”—and that in a very short time their sense of humanity becomes blinded.19 Dr.  William Rutherford, M.D., Professor of Physiology, &c., in Edinburgh University, proclaimed— “It is wonderful! what one may do to a sheep dog without the animal making any commotion.”20 Sir George Burrows, Bart., M.D., President of the Royal College of Physicians, stated— “He thought there had been great abuses in the performance of operations and experiments on living Animals.”21 Perhaps the prejudice of the Rev. Canon Duckworth may estimate this undeniable testimony as to what he stigmatises as “unjust aspersions,” “fanatical vapourings,” and “shameful libels.” It is, however, but the beginning of a tale—the unfolding of the first roll—the turning of the foremost page upon this sad subject. More, much more, might be quoted to the like effect. Enough, however, has been brought forward to justify us and refute our censurer. We will conclude with words which we published in 1874  or 1875  on this question—“Let, therefore, the humane members of a most noble Profession, whose object is the alleviation of suffering, openly discountenance such acts,—acts which tend to the dishonour of their order; to create distrust of themselves in the public mind;—as, in the language of Samuel Johnson, ‘they extinguish those sensations which give man confidence in man, and make the Physician more dreaded than disease itself.’ ”22 SOCIETY FOR THE TOTAL ABOLITION AND UTTER SUPPRESSION OF VIVISECTION. Honorary Secretary and Treasurer, GEORGE R. JESSE, Henbury, near Macclesfield, Cheshire.

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from THE ECHO, Wednesday, October 8, 1879. It would be well in future if Canon Duckworth would discourse on matters that he best understands. At all events, let him stick to divinity, and leave medical and scientific men to take care of themselves. If, however, he will go beyond his depth, and talk on matters with which he is insufficiently acquainted, he may expect such scathing rebukes as that administered to him by the Society for the Suppression of Vivisection, which will be found in our advertisement columns to-day. from THE ECHO, Thursday, October 16, 1879. CANON DUCKWORTH AND VIVISECTION. to the editor of the echo. Sir,—I have the pleasure to enclose a letter from Dr.  McCormick, R.N., the companion of Parry and Ross in their Arctic and Antarctic voyages.23 His views, as a surgeon and naturalist, on the question of vivisecting animals, will be read with interest by many persons. I am, Sir, your obedient Servant, | George R. Jesse, | Hony. Secy., &c., Society Total Abolition of Vivisection. Henbury, Macclesfield, Cheshire, Oct. 15. “Ridgway Place, Wimbledon, October 12, 1879. “My Dear Jesse,—The newspaper you kindly forwarded to me yesterday, therein directing my attention to the much to be regretted and lamentable use a clergyman like Canon Duckworth should have made of the high position he holds in our Established Church to attempt to bring the opponents of the cruel and useless, therefore wanton, system of Vivisection into unmerited obloquy when delivering the prizes at the Westminster Hospital, calls for some remarks. “Before Canon Duckworth ventured to make use of the very strong language with which he assailed the members of an honourable and humane society, (who have most disinterestedly stood forth as the champions and defenders of the helpless and suffering portion of the animal creation against their persecutors and the unjustifiable exercise of man’s power over them for a purpose as inhuman as it is alien alike to the laws of their Great Creator and to those of man himself), he should have given us some proof of his own competency to deal with a subject so involved in difficulties as it is even to the experienced professional man; to whose province it properly belongs, rather than to the Theologian’s. DAR 168: 60; DAR 168: 62/1 and 62/2 1

Although only one letter between CD and Jesse prior to 1881 has been found, in his book Variation, CD mentioned receiving information from Jesse on a number of topics (Correspondence vol. 19, letter to

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G. R. Jesse, 4 May [1871]; Variation 1: 30, 44, 45). For Jesse’s and CD’s testimony before the 1875 Royal Commission on the Practice of Subjecting Live Animals to Experiments for Scientific Purposes, see Report of the Royal Commission on vivisection, pp. 219–24, 233–4. The printed version of CD’s letter to Frithiof Holmgren, [14] April 1881, was published in The Times, 18 April 1881, p. 10. The Cruelty to Animals Act (An Act to amend the Law relating to Cruelty to Animals (39 & 40 Vict. c. 77)) was enacted on 15 August 1876. The Act was somewhat vague on the appointment of inspectors, stating, ‘The Secretary of State shall cause all registered places to be from time to time visited by inspectors for the purpose of securing a compliance with the provisions of this Act’. It also allowed for ‘special inspectors’ to be appointed when deemed appropriate by the secretary of state. For Jesse’s evidence, see n. 1, above. CD had pointed out that Louis Pasteur’s recent discoveries would, in the first instance, aid animals (letter to Frithiof Holmgren, [14] April 1881). Pasteur had discovered a vaccine for chicken cholera after experimentally infecting chickens with the disease; he published his results in December 1880 (Pasteur 1880). Although Pasteur’s work on the pathogen responsible for chicken cholera was reported on and discussed in two meetings in October 1880, no comment by Jean-Baptiste Bouillaud was mentioned in the reports of either of these meetings (Bulletin de l’Académie nationale de médecine, 5 October 1880, pp. 1008–17; 26 October 1880, pp. 1119–27). Richard Owen, Thomas Spencer Wells, Thomas Lauder Brunton, David Ferrier, Thomas Wrigley Grimshaw, and Robert McDonnell. Jesse had inserted the text below (up to his signature as secretary of the organisation) as an advertisement in the newspapers mentioned and wrote brief letters to the editors of these papers, directing readers to read the advertisements (see, for example, the Morning Post, 9 October 1879, pp. 1, 7). A pamphlet printed for the organisation in 1881, Correspondence with Charles Darwin on experimenting upon living animals, reproduced some of the letters that appeared in newspapers and journals. Jeremy Bentham had written, ‘Publicity is the most effectual safeguard of testimony, and of the decisions depending on it; it is the soul of justice’ (see Dumont ed. 1825, p. 67). August Dupré was lecturer in toxicology at Westminster Hospital medical school. Robinson Duckworth was canon of Westminster; the graduation ceremony took place on 1 October 1879. Duckworth replied to Jesse in a letter to Jesse of 13 October 1879, which was printed in the British Medical Journal, 18 October 1879, p. 632. For a fuller extract from Duckworth’s address, see The Times, 4 October 1879, p. 10. Duckworth had been a fellow of Trinity College, Oxford, from 1860 to 1876 (Alum. Oxon). Report of the Royal Commission on vivisection. Queen Victoria. See Report of the Royal Commission on vivisection, pp. 48–55; the section quoted is on p. 49. Edward Emanuel Klein’s testimony had disgusted CD (see Correspondence vol. 23, letter to T. H. Huxley, 1 November [1875]). See Report of the Royal Commission on vivisection, pp. 182–9; the section quoted is on p. 183. For Haughton’s testimony, see Report of the Royal Commission on vivisection, pp. 98–106; the section quoted is on p. 102. See Report of the Royal Commission on vivisection, pp. 41–8; the section quoted is on p. 43. Jesse misidentified the witness; he was, in fact, Alexander James Sinclair. See Report of the Royal Commission on vivisection, pp. 289–91; the section quoted is on p. 290. For Anthony’s evidence, see Report of the Royal Commission on vivisection, pp. 129–38; the section quoted is on p. 137. For Rutherford’s evidence, see Report of the Royal Commission on vivisection, pp. 148–57; the section quoted is on p. 150. For Burrows’s evidence, see Report of the Royal Commission on vivisection, pp. 5–12; the section quoted is on p. 7. For the quotation from Johnson, see S. Johnson 1825, 4: 200. Jesse had quoted the same lines in his testimony to the Commission on vivisection (Report of the Royal Commission on vivisection, p. 319). Robert McCormick had been a surgeon with William Edward Parry’s voyage to the north of Spitsbergen in the summer of 1827, and was surgeon and naturalist on James Clark Ross’s Antarctic expedition, 1839–43 (ODNB).

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From T. D. Spain   19 April 1881 Leomansley | Lichfield Ap. 19th. 81. Private My dear Sir I am requested by a few of my dearest friends, who hold a high position hereabout, to ask you if you can and will, amongst your numerous engagements, come down here to give a Lecture upon “Evolution”.1 They are most anxious as so much that is weak and illogical is being talked about & refuted. Kindly reply by two lines and I will write again. Obediently. yrs | T. Dixon Spain To | Professor Darwin. DAR 201: 37 1

Spain was secretary to the Lichfield Church of England temperance society.

To G. R. Jesse   21 April 1881 April. 21st. 1881. to — Jesse — Confidential My dear Sir—. In answer to your courteous note of the 19th I beg leave to say though I have resolved not to enter into any controversy on the subject, that I think that I could answer at least to my own satisfaction most of the remarks in your letter.1 I have, however, so far departed from my determination that I have sent a second short letter to the Times, which I hope that the Editor will print; but I shall not depart a second time.2 Feeling the strongest conviction of the enormous injury to mankind which would result if a the study of physiology was stopped I think myself bound to answer the Swedish Professor & to publish my letter in England; though I did so unwillingly, as I expected to be answered & possibly to be abused.3 Pray do not think that I am indifferent to the sufferings of animals. Owing to rumour which I heard (but which was not confirmed on making further enquiries) I had a bill drawn up (, with the advice of a few friends); but this bill differed from that which was subsequently laid before Parliament by Dr Lyon Playfair.4 We must each of us follow the course which seems to us right. I shd. feel more sympathy with your side, were it not for the flagrant injustice of execrating only—physiologists many of whom have never operated on an animal except under anaesthetic whilst not one word is said against the infinitely greater annually suffering caused for mere sport by the trapping of vermin & the wounding of game every year, which in my youth I witnessed.5 My dear Sir | Your faithfully | C. D. ADraftS DAR 185: 33

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See letter from G. R. Jesse, 19 April 1881, written in response to CD’s views on vivisection as presented in his letter to Frithiof Holmgren, [14] April 1881, which had been published in The Times, 18 April 1881, p. 10. See letter to The Times, 21 April 1881. After sending his letter to Frithiof Holmgren to The Times (see n. 1, above), CD stated that this had provided him with an opportunity to bear his share of the abuse poured on physiologists by antivivisectionists (see letter to G. J. Romanes, 18 April 1881). See Correspondence vol. 23, letters to J. S. Burdon Sanderson, 15 and 19 April [1875] and 24 [April 1875]; letter to Lyon Playfair, 15 May [1875]; and letter from T. H. Huxley, 19 May 1875. For CD’s advocacy of the humane treatment of animals, see Atkins 1974, pp. 78–84. See also Correspondence vol. 11, Appendix IX, for the the Darwins’ involvement with the Royal Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals and the campaign for humane vermin traps.

To The Times   21 April [1881]1 [Down.] to the editor of the times. Sir,— I do not wish to discuss the views expressed by Miss Cobbe in the letter which appeared in The Times of the 19th inst.; but as she asserts that I have “misinformed” my correspondent in Sweden in saying that “the investigation of the matter by a Royal Commission proved that the accusations made against our English physiologists were false,” I will merely ask leave to refer to some other sentences from the report of the Commission.2 (1) The sentence— “It is not to be doubted that inhumanity may be found in persons of very high position as physiologists,” which Miss Cobbe quotes from page 17 of the report, and which, in her opinion, “can necessarily concern English physiologists alone and not foreigners,” is immediately followed by the words “We have seen that it was so in Majendie.” Majendie was a French physiologist who became notorious some half-century ago for his cruel experiments on living animals.3 (2) The Commissioners, after speaking of the “general sentiment of humanity” prevailing in this country, say (p.104): “This principle is accepted generally by the very highly educated men whose lives are devoted either to scientific investigation and education or to the mitigation or the removal of the sufferings of their fellow-creatures; though differences of degree in regard to its practical application will be easily discernible by those who study the evidence as it has been laid before us.” Again, according to the Commissioners (p.10): “The secretary of the Royal Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals, when asked whether the general tendency of the scientific world in this country is at variance with humanity, says he believes it to be very different, indeed, from that of foreign physiologists; and while giving it as the opinion of the society that experiments are performed which are in their nature beyond any legitimate province of science, and that the pain which they inflict is pain which it is not justifiable to inflict even for the scientific object in view, he readily acknowledges that he does not know a

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single case of wanton cruelty, and that in general the English physiologists have used anæsthetics where they think they can do so with safety to the experiment.” I am, Sir, your obedient servant, | charles darwin April 21. The Times, 22 April 1881, p. 11 1 2

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The year is established by the date of publication of this letter in The Times. Frances Power Cobbe’s letter was published in The Times, 19 April 1881, p. 8; it was a response to CD’s views on vivisection expressed in his letter to Frithiof Holmgren, [14] April 1881, which had been published in The Times, 18 April 1881, p. 10. In 1875, a Royal Commission had been set up to examine the regulation of vivisection; the findings were published in the Report of the Royal Commission on vivisection in 1876. Report of the Royal Commission on vivisection, p. xvii. François Magendie rejected theory in favour of the experimental method in physiology, and laid much emphasis on the practice of vivisection; his public demonstration in London of the effects of cutting the cranial nerves in living dogs in 1824 had provoked an antivivisection campaign (DSB). Report of the Royal Commission on vivisection, p. x.

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   21 April [1881]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Ap. 21. My dear Dyer Could you send me a little seed of Trifolium resupinatum. It is most provoking that I remember saving some, which I have placed in some place so safe that I cannot after endless hunting find it.—2 I enclose envelope addressed, & if I do not receive the seed, shall understand that you have not any, so do not trouble yourself by writing. Ever yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin P.S. Do not think that I do not value your letters, by my saying “do not write”. On the contrary I have been just rereading several with valuable information & suggestions in relation to the bloom on leaves, as I have been looking over my notes on this subject during the last few days.—3 Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Darwin: Letters to Thiselton-Dyer, 1873–81: ff. 220–1) 1 2

3

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 10 May [1881]. Thiselton-Dyer had sent seeds of Trifolium resupinatum (Persian clover) in 1877 and 1878 (see Correspondence vol. 25, letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, [20–4 August 1877], and Correspondence vol. 26, letters to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 16 February [1878] and 24 August [1878]. CD made further experiments on this species and the protective function of bloom, the epicuticular coating on the surface of the leaves; his notes, dated between 6 July 1881 and 12 April 1882, are in DAR 209.12: 180–2. For Thiselton-Dyer’s letters on bloom, see, for example, Correspondence vol. 25, letters from W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, [June 1877 or later] and 25 August 1877, and Correspondence vol. 26, letter from W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 29 January 1878. CD’s notes on the application of water to leaves of Trifolium resupinatum, made between 17 August and 10 October 1877, are in DAR 209.12: 176–8.

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From G. R. Jesse   22 April 1881 Henbury, Macclesfield, Cheshire. Society for the Abolition of Vivisection. 22 April 1881. My dear Sir, For your prompt and friendly reply received this morning pray accept my best acknowledgments.1 As the question at issue is a Public one,—pregnant with important consequence to the human and other races, I hope you will allow me to publish it. The appearance in “the Times” of your Letter to Professor Holmgren, necessitated an answer from us.2 We could not, with honour, do otherwise than promptly seize the glove which so renowned and so formidable an adversary cast into the Lists of Controversy. I consequently wrote immediately to the Editor,—but my answer, was, as usual, “burked” by that Newspaper. Consistent in its policy towards us it has never yet permitted a Letter in reply from the Original Society for the Abolition of Vivisection to meet the Public eye in its columns.3 “The Times”, on this question, prefers to publish abroad the Logic of the Ladies, and is too astute not to know full well how deeply a weak defence injures a cause.4 Relative to what you say in your kind Letter to me as to my side “execrating Physiologists” I have the pleasure to enclose “The Lancet” of the 26th. ult: At page 525 is a Letter from our Society which will demonstrate to you that we are not the people you allude to.5 In regard to the trapping of—Animals—wild, or domestic, and wounding them in what is termed “Sport”,—that is, inflicting pain and death for mere amusement, I thoroughly agree with your observations and those of several of our greatest writers. Believe me, yours very sincerely, | George R. Jesse. | Hony. Secty. Charles Darwin, Esqe. | &c. &c. &c. DAR 168: 61 1 2 3

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See letter to G. R. Jesse, 21 April 1881. CD’s letter to Frithiof Holmgren, [14] April 1881, published in The Times, 18 April 1881, p. 10, defended vivisection provided that it was practised in as humane a way as possible. Jesse had founded the Society for the Abolition of Vivisection in 1875. Under the heading of ‘Society for the Total Abolition and Utter Suppression of Vivisection’, his letter to the editor of The Times (substantially the same in content as the letter from G. R. Jesse, 19 April 1881) was published not in that paper but in the Standard, 26 April 1881, p. 4. At the end of the letter, Jesse added the note: ‘The above reply to Mr. Charles Darwin was twice refused insertion by “The Times.” On the second occasion it was refused even as a paid-for advertisement.’ There is a cutting of this letter in the Darwin Archive (DAR 168: 62/3). A letter from the antivivisectionist Frances Power Cobbe was published in The Times, 19 April 1881, p. 8, in response to CD’s letter. In 1875, Cobbe had established the Society for Protection of Animals Liable to Vivisection, familiarly known as the Victoria Street Society (see Mitchell 2004, p. 240). In his letter to the Lancet, 26 March 1881, p. 525, Jesse distanced the Society for the Abolition of Vivisection from the more extreme campaigns against physiologists.

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From G. J. Romanes   22 April [1881]1 18 Cornwall Terrace: April 22.

I have left your last letter so long unanswered in order that I might be able to let you know the result of the next experiment I was trying on the seeds with flashing light.2 I think in the end the conclusion will be that short flashes, such as I am now using, influence the seedlings, but only to a comparatively small degree, so that it is only the more sensitive seedlings that perceive them. Your letter in the ‘Times’ was in every way admirable, and coming from you will produce more effect than it could from anybody else. The answer to-day to —— is also first-rate—just enough without being too much. It would have been a great mistake to have descended into a controversy. I thought —— had more wit than to adopt such a tack and tone, and am sure that all physiologists will be for ever grateful to you for such a trenchant expression of opinion.3 I have a little piece of gossip to tell. Yesterday the Council of the Linnean nominated me Zoological Secretary, and some of the members having pressed me to accept, I have accepted. I also hear that your son is to be on the same Council, and that Sir John Lubbock is to be the new President.4 I have at length decided on the arrangement of my material for the books on Animal Intelligence and Mental Evolution. I shall reserve all the heavier parts of theoretical discussion for the second book—making the first the chief repository of facts, with only a slender network of theory to bind them into mutual relation, and save the book as much as possible from the danger that you suggested of being too much matter-of-fact.5 It will be an advantage to have the facts in a form to admit of brief reference when discussing the heavier philosophy in the second book, which will be the more important, though the less popular, of the two. E. D. Romanes 1896, p. 116 1 2 3

4

5

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to G.  J.  Romanes, 18 April 1881. See letter to G. J. Romanes, 18 April 1881 and nn. 3 and 4. See letter to G. J. Romanes, 18 April 1881 and n. 8. CD’s second letter on the question of vivisection (letter to The Times, 21 April 1881) was a response to comments in a letter from Frances Power Cobbe, which had been introduced in a letter to The Times by Anthony Ashley-Cooper, seventh earl of Shaftesbury (both letters in The Times, 19 April 1881, p. 8). At the meeting of the Linnean Society on 24 May 1881, Romanes was duly elected zoological secretary, Francis Darwin was elected to the council, and John Lubbock became president (Proceedings of the Linnean Society of London (1880–1): 16). Romanes’s two books about the minds of animals were Animal intelligence (G. J. Romanes 1882) and Mental evolution in animals (G. J. Romanes 1883a). No letter containing CD’s advice about the first book has been found.

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To G. R. Jesse   23 April 1881 [Down.] Ap. 23d. 1881 Private G. Jesse My Dear Sir I regret that I cannot comply with your request to permit the publication of my letter.1 Nor can I see that it wd do any good to either of our opposed sides.— I published the letter to Prof. Holmgren, as I thought it rightly or wrongly my duty; but I cannot stand, now that I am old the wear & tear of controversy—2 I have been glad to read the letter in the Lancet, which is creditable to all concerned in it.3 I assure you that the letters sent privately to several physiologists have been more atrocious publications, than I should think any human being was capable of writing; some being written by ladies.— As I said before we must each go on our own course, & hope & believe that the right will in the long run prevail— I remain | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin ADraftS DAR 185: 34 1 2 3

CD had explained his views on vivisection in his letter to G. R. Jesse, 21 April 1881; Jesse had wanted to publish this letter (see letter from G. R. Jesse, 22 April 1881). CD’s letter to Frithiof Holmgren, [14] April 1881, had been published in The Times, 18 April 1881, p. 10. See letter from G. R. Jesse, 22 April 1881 and n. 5.

To T. D. Spain   23 April 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) April 23d 1881 Dear Sir I am obliged for your wish to hear me lecture; but I never gave a lecture in my life & I am too old to begin: nor indeed would the state of my health permit me.—1 Dear Sir | yours faithfully | Charles Darwin Uppsala University Library: Manuscripts and Music (Waller Ms gb-00524) 1

See letter from T. D. Spain, 19 April 1881.

From I. P. Bishop   24 April 1881 Perry, Wyoming Co. N.Y. U.S.A. April 24 1881. Mr. C. L. Darwin, Dear Sir: Your very kind letter of Feb.  16  was duly received, and I at once set about procuring information concerning the Case of wh. I wrote you.1 One of my

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assistants was intimate with the family, and I asked her to find out for me all she could regarding their singular peculiarity.2 Like all matters that are entrusted to other people to transact, the report was not so full nor so accurate as I could wish, yet the main facts are sufficiently complete, I think, to be worth recording. The gentleman’s name is E.B. Jones of Auburn N.Y. of American birth, and now about 75 yrs. old His hair began to turn gray at 20 and in the course of four or five years became perfectly white. The hair seemed otherwise healthy, and is now quite heavy. His wife’s hair was dark, and now at the age of 70 is but slightly sprinkled with gray. They have four children, who are now grown to womanhood.3 The eldest began to turn gray at about 20, and at 30, her hair was perfectly white   One of the younger sisters,—I did not learn which,—began to be gray at the same age as her sister, and her hair is now almost white; only a few dark hairs remaining. The remaining two children do not seem to have inherited the peculiarity at all. Another remarkable feature, which I have learned in regard to this case, is that two Aunts of Mr Jones, on his Mother’s side began to turn gray at an early age, so that at middle life their hair was white also. I regret that the information was not more definite on this point; for I can see that much of the value of the case would depend on the age at which the change happened. Mr. J. described the turning of his hair at that age as a “family peculiarity” and I inferred that his Aunt’s hair turned at very nearly the age that his own did. His eldest grand-daughter, the daughter of the eldest daughter referred to above,4 is now about 14 or 15 yrs old, and of course, too young to exhibit the peculiarity if she has inherited it. Since writing you before, it has occurred to me that there is a little peculiarity in my own family that may interest you. My Grandfather on my Mother’s side Mr. A. Marcy, of Burlington, Otsego Co. N.Y.5 had very peculiar thumbs, which had very narrow nails, and were short and thick something like the following rough Nail sketch:

He had four children, the first three being girls and the

fourth a boy, all of whom grew to maturity.6 The eldest girl Sarah had both thumbs like her father, the second child was normal, the third Esther had one deformed thumb, and the boy Newton was normal   Sarah had four Children: a girl, a boy, then two girls   The first and second girls had deformed thumbs on both hands,—the other children were normal. The eldest girl, my cousin, was married at eighteen, and now has one boy, both of whose thumbs are normal. Of the rest of my grandfather’s family, Esther (my Mother) had four children all of whom were normal, and Newton five all of whom were also normal. The other Aunt had no children. I have taken considerable pains find out whether the deformity originated with my grandfather, All his children testify that he often said the deformity began when he was a lad, and was caused by the cracking of the skin from exposure to cold

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aided by some skin disease. The thumbs swelled badly and remained in that condition for a long time, and when they healed at last they were misshapen and had always remained so. Be this as it may, there is no evidence that the deformity was inherited. Six of his brother’s & sisters lived to have families,—one had twelve, one thirteen, one five, one four, and two of them, two apiece but neither the brothers and sisters, or their children exhibited the peculiarity in any case. This particular instance, then, seemed to me interesting as showing that an accidental physical injury might be transmitted for at least two generations. It will not be necessary for me to say that my knowledge of the subject of heredity is very limited, and therefore, if my speculations betray ignorance of what is well known by scientists, you will excuse it. But regarding insanity as a purely physical manifestation,—as the result of some brain lesion,—or change of structure in the brain, it would be interesting to trace to the effect of a blow on the head, for instance, some possible case of hereditary insanity. Of course, I do not know that any such thing ever has occurred, but I should think the records of Lunatic Asylums might throw valuable light upon the transmission of accidental injuries or malformations, and thus indirectly illustrate heredity as an important element of Evolution. I did not know of any way to get these facts permanently recorded in this country, and so I have given you names in full, that you might be able to verify statements if necessary. If you should think best to use these facts in any way, I would prefer that the names (i.e the family names) should not be given to the public. Not being used to recording matters of this nature, it may be that essential particulars have been omitted. If so I shall be glad to give any information in my power at any time. Very respectfully yours. | I. P. Bishop DAR 160: 188 CD annotation 4.2 two Aunts] double underl pencil CD note:7

6 Brothers & sisters had families, very large Grandfather. with deformed nail 4 children Sarah 2d normal.— Esther one thumb defd. Boy U. 4 children 1 girl. Boy [above del ‘2 girl’ [‘2’ over ‘1’]]— 3 girl— 4 girl deformed Gt. grandchildren all normal

deformed

April 1881 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

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Bishop’s earlier letter and CD’s reply have not been found. Bishop was the principal of a high school; the assistant who gathered the information about the case has not been identified. The gentleman was Ebenezer Backus Jones; his wife was Lucy Ann Jones and their four daughters were Julia Backus Beach, Isabella Beman, Helen Louise Knickerbacker, and Katharine Judd Platt. Nellie Knickerbacker Beach. Abraham Marcy. Sarah Anne Thomas, Maria M. Johnson, Esther Mary Bishop, and Newton A. Marcy. CD probably made this note when preparing his letter to Nature, 13 July [1881].

From W. E. Darwin   [24 April 1881]1 Abinger Hall, | Dorking. | (Gomshall S.E.R. | Station & telegraph.) Sunday My dear Father, On the open expanses of the Malvern hills there was not a trace of the parallel paths.2 At one or two spots where donkey paths had been cut in the side of the hills on the steep part just above the path where the earth would tend to crumble down there were one or two ragged step like ridges, but they do not deserve the name of paths, & would often be caused by walking; of course it had been extremely dry for several weeks before we went to Malvern, & was dry almost the whole visit, so that castings would have not been washed away, so that I can safely say there is an almost entire absence or very great rarity of castings on the sides of the hills; there were some few on lower edges of the donkey paths where earth had accumulated, and below the paths where the grass was greener, also here & there on fairly level spots not high up. On the West as soon as you get off the syenite onto the Ludlow formation I found enormous quantities of castings evidently the collection of many weeks.3 On the Malvern hills the sheep seem to feed just as often, and perhaps rather oftener, ascending the hills than going across the slopes. So much for worms, and I doubt if it is worth boring you with it. I am much better, and we are both enjoying our visit.4 Effie is most pleasant in every way, and the Palgraves, and Hawkshaws I am glad to meet, also to have had a sight of Horace & Ida; I believe things went quite smoothly.5 I go to Southton tomorrow.6 I am so glad you did nothing but crush that lying venemous toad with the blue book.7 Goodbye dear Father | your affect. WED Sara is well and enjoying this lovely place & we have fine weather. We were much overcome at the honour of being asked. Cornford Family Papers (DAR 275: 102) 1

2

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to The Times, 21 April [1881] (see n. 7, below), and the fact that 24 April was the Sunday after Horace and Ida Darwin left Down on 19 April 1881 (see n. 5, below). There are several parallel paths in the Malvern Hills, and tiers of parallel terraces around the site of the Iron Age fort, British Camp, on the top of the Herefordshire Beacon. William had gone to Malvern, possibly to the hydropathic establishment there, to recuperate from a head injury after falling

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4 5

6 7

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off his horse (see letter from W. E. Darwin, [13 March 1881] and n. 4; letter from Emma Darwin to G. H. Darwin, 16 March 1881 (DAR 210.3: 5)). William was assisting CD with his observations for Earthworms; see letter to W. E. Darwin, 19 February [1881]. Syenite, an intrusive igneous rock, is the ‘crystalline nucleus’ of the Malvern Hills; the Ludlow formation consists of shale, and steeply abuts the west side of the hills (Murchison 1867, pp. 92–8). William and Sara Darwin were staying at Abinger Hall, the home of Thomas Henry Farrer. Katherine Euphemia (Effie) Farrer, Farrer’s second wife, was William’s cousin. The other guests at Abinger were Francis Turner Palgrave and his wife Cecil Grenville Milnes Palgrave, and Clarke Hawkshaw and his wife Cicely Mary Hawkshaw, Effie and William’s cousin. Ida and Horace Darwin left Down on 19 April for a visit to Abinger (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242); letter from Emma Darwin to G. H. Darwin, [16 April 1881] (DAR 210.3: 8)). Ida was Thomas Henry Farrer’s daughter and Effie’s step-daughter; after a ‘painful & dismal’ stay with them in January, she and Horace had intended not to visit again (see letter from Emma Darwin to G. H. Darwin, 31 January 1881 (DAR 210.3: 2)). William lived in Bassett, near Southampton. The antivivisectionist Frances Power Cobbe had published a letter in The Times, 19 April 1881, p. 8, to contradict CD’s claim in his letter to The Times, 18 April 1881, that a Royal Commission on vivisection in 1875 had proved that accusations of inhumanity levelled against English physiologists were false. CD had written a second letter to The Times, 21 April [1881], in response to Cobbe’s letter, ignoring her accusations and simply quoting evidence in support of his claim from the Report of the Royal Commission on vivisection. The reports of parliamentary committees and royal commissions such as this were known as blue books because they had blue paper covers (Frankel 2004).

From G. R. Jesse   25 April 1881 Henbury, Macclesfield, Cheshire. Society for the Abolition of Vivisection. 25 April 1881. My dear Sir, I am much obliged by your kind reply of the 23rd. inst. received to day.1 I can but express regret that you will not permit publication,—for, your Letter in “The Times” must, of course, seriously wound the Cause for which I and others have made no trifling sacrifices. The injury done to our Cause by that Letter is the greater as the person who has attempted to answer you in “The Times” was mentally unfit to argue the question.2 “The Times”,—a partisan in this controversy,—is, cunningly, ready to give notoriety to a Woman as the professed exponent of the Anti-Vivisectionists on a great Ethical and Scientific Question;—and doubtless anticipated the crushing retort you gave and which her statement laid her so palpably open to.3 I can well believe what you tell me as to the Letters sent,—by what the Bishop of Peterborough denominated his “hysterical correspondents”.4 Their private “controversial amenities” however, do not damage the Physiologists,—but public exhibitions in the Press certainly help those Gentlemen and injure the Cause of Animals. Believe me | yours very sincerely | George R. Jesse. | Hony. Secty. &c. Charles Darwin, Esqe. | &c., &c., &c. DAR 168: 62 1

See letter to G. R. Jesse, 23 April 1881.

April 1881 2

3

4

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CD’s letter to Frithiof Holmgren, [14] April 1881, published in The Times, 18 April 1881, p. 10, defended vivisection provided that it was practised in as humane a way as possible. A reply from Frances Power Cobbe arguing against vivisection had been published in The Times, 19 April 1881, p. 8. For CD’s response to Cobbe, see the letter to The Times, 21 April 1881. Jesse had been unsuccessful in getting The Times to publish his reply to CD (see letter from G. R. Jesse, 22 April 1881 and n. 3). Cobbe’s letter had been sent with a covering letter from Anthony Ashley-Cooper, earl of Shaftesbury, who was president of the Society for the Protection of Animals Liable to Vivisection (see The Times, 19 April 1881, p. 8). See letter to G. R. Jesse, 23 April 1881. The bishop of Peterborough was William Connor Magee, who, drawing on his early medical training, had opposed appeals in 1876 for episcopal support in the House of Lords for legislation to prohibit the practice of vivisection (ODNB).

To J. C. Lyell   25 April 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) April 25th 1881 Private Dear Sir I am obliged for the kind gift of your Pigeon book.1 I am so much engaged at present that I cannot find time to read it, & the subject has to a large extent passed out of my mind.2 As no man ought to express an opinion on a book without carefully studying it, I must decline to permit my name to be used in any3 〈about 12 a page〉 fair one of 〈12line〉 characters of the breeds; & I have been struck with the fulness & accuracy of the literary record.—4 I hope at some future time to be able to read your book with some care.— I remain | Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin Private collection 1 2

3 4

Lyell had sent his manual on the varieties, breeding, and management of fancy pigeons (J. C. Lyell 1881). Lyell’s book is in the Darwin Library–Down. In 1855 and 1856, CD had bred fancy pigeons and attended pigeon fanciers’ clubs (J. A. Secord 1981; Correspondence vols. 5 and 6). He discussed domestic pigeons in the first chapter of Origin, and also used observations on fancy pigeons to illustrate points about natural selection, variation, and embryology. CD included two chapters on the development of fancy pigeons in Variation 1: 131–224. The letter from Lyell asking whether he could use CD’s name has not been found. Lyell devoted a chapter to ‘the literature of fancy pigeons’ (J. C. Lyell 1881, pp. 8–22).

To G. J. Romanes   25 April 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) April 25. 1881 My dear Romanes I was very glad to read your last note with much news interesting to me.1 But I write now to say how I, & indeed all of us in this house, have admired your letter in the Times. It was so simple & direct.— I was particularly glad about Burdon Sanderson, of whom I have been for several years a great admirer.—2 I was, also, especially glad to read the last sentences.3 I have been bothered with several letters,

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but none abusive.— Under a selfish point of view I am very glad of the publication of your letter, as I was at first inclined to think that I had done mischief by stirring up the mud. Now I feel sure that I have done good.4 Mr Jesse has written to me very politely: he says his Soc. has had nothing to do with the placards & diagrams against physiology & I suppose, therefore, that these all originate with the sweet Miss Cobbe.— Good Heavens what a liar she is: did you notice how in her second letter she altered what she quoted from her first letter, trusting to no one comparing the two?—5 Mr Jesse complains bitterly that the Times will “burk” all his letters to this newspaper; nor am I surprised judging from the laughable tirades advertised in Nature.—6 Ever yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin American Philosophical Society (Mss.B.D25.589) 1 2

3

4 5

6

See letter from G. J. Romanes, 22 April [1881]. Romanes’s letter on vivisection was published in The Times, 25 April 1881, p. 10. In it, he defended John Scott Burdon Sanderson against the accusation made by Frances Power Cobbe that the experiments in his laboratory at University College, London, were inhumane (The Times, 23 April 1881, p. 8). Romanes stated that having worked in Burdon Sanderson’s laboratory for a long time, he could testify that Burdon Sanderson’s methods were ‘uniformly guided by the principles of the purest humanity’. At the end of his letter to The Times, Romanes had highlighted the animal suffering caused by traps and the need for legislation to enforce the use of humane traps. CD and Emma Darwin had been involved in a campaign for humane vermin traps in 1863 (see Correspondence vol. 11, Appendix IX). For CD’s letters on vivisection to The Times, see the letter to Frithiof Holmgren, [14] April 1881, and the letter to The Times, 21 April [1881]. See letter from G. R. Jesse, 22 April 1881 and n. 5; George Richard Jesse was founder of the Society for the Abolition of Vivisection. In his letter to the Lancet, 26 March 1881, p. 525, Jesse wrote that the society he represented disavowed the ‘sensational and revolting illustrated placards’ that had been posted in public places and inserted in a penny newspaper. In her letter in The Times, 19 April 1881, p. 8, Cobbe had quoted passages from the Report of the Royal Commission on vivisection, p. 17, referring to cruel experiments, but omitted the section that referred to François Magendie as an example of such a practitioner. In her subsequent letter, Cobbe argued that, logically, the commissioners must have intended to include English physiologists in the passages she had cited (The Times, 23 April 1881, p. 8). Anti-vivisectionists, when barred from contributing in the usual way, often inserted letters as advertisements in periodicals. Jesse had sent one of these, made two years earlier, to CD with his letter of 19 April 1881. More recent anti-vivisection letters in the advertisement section of Nature include Thomas P. Kirkman, ‘The Endowment of Research’, Nature, 7 April 1881, p. clxxxii, 14 April 1882, p. cxci, and 21 April 1881, p. cxcix. A paid advertisement by Jesse appeared in Nature, 28 April 1881, p. ccvii.

From W. E. Gladstone   30 April 1881 30 April 1881 I take the liberty of informing you that there is a vacancy created in the Trust of the British Museum by the death of Lord Beaconsfield: and to say that I shall be very happy, if it be agreeable to your views, to suggest your name for the purpose of filling that vacancy.1 The electing Trustees will meet next week: and if you permit me to place your name before them I do not doubt that they will consider it an an advantageous opportunity for doing honour not more to you than to the Museum.

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Copy The British Library (Add MS 44544: 165) 1

Benjamin Disraeli, earl of Beaconsfield, had died on 19 April 1881. At this time, the museum had fifty trustees; the three principal trustees were the archbishop of Canterbury, the lord chancellor, and the speaker of the House of Commons (Thornbury and Walford [1878], 4: 495).

To Eduard Koch   30 April 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) April 30th. 1881 Dear Sir I am obliged for the copy of my Movements of Plants, which is much better got up than the English edition.— I am very sorry to hear about Prof. Carus’ health.—1 I have long thought Kosmos an admirable Journal & I rejoice that it is to be continued, with, as I hope, increased success.—2 I thank you for sending it to me & remain, Dear Sir | yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin Württembergische Landesbibliothek, Stuttgart (Cod. hist. 4o 333a. No 77, 5) 1

2

No letter from Koch on this subject has been found. Julius Victor Carus had translated Movement in plants for the German edition (Carus trans. 1881), published by E. Schweizerbart’sche Verlagsbuchhandlung, of which Koch was the head. For more on Carus’s health, see the letter to J. V. Carus, 23 March 1881 and n. 4. The future of the German journal Kosmos had been thrown in doubt when the publisher, Karl Alberts, decided to sell it. E. Schweizerbart’sche Verlagsbuchhandlung took it over in 1881; see Correspondence vol. 28, letter from Ernst Krause, 26 November 1880 and n. 4.

To C. E. Norton   30 April 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) April 30th 1881. r My dear M. Norton I have thought that you might possibly like to hear the following details about Franklin, whom all Americans justly reference.—1 My father while very young studied medicine in Paris, & he often saw Franklin who was very kind to him, either on account of his father (Zoonomia Darwin) or on his own account.2 My father always spoke of Franklin with the greatest reverence & even affection. In looking over some few memoranda, in my father’s hand-writing I found one, of which I enclose a copy. It is, however, of more interest with respect to Louis XVI than to Franklin himself.—3 I remember my father saying, that one or two young men, nephews I think, were with Franklin at this time, & they were what would now be called rather flashy young men & they seemed to be ashamed of Franklin for the simplicity of his appearances & manners.4 They often treated him with gross disrespect, which never seemed to ruffle Franklin in the least. On one occasions my father was quite shocked at their

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behaviour; but when they left the room, Franklin said to my father with a smile “poor young men they do not know what they are saying or how they are acting”.— or words to this effect— Pray forgive me if you do not care at all for these trifling anecdotes.— Sara was here lately & was as delightful as usual. Nursing a husband tenderly seems good for her health, for she looked somewhat better & stronger. If my unfortunate son were to have a third concussion on the brain, I think that he would cure his wife.—5 Believe me my dear Mr. Norton, Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin Poor old Carlyles Remembrances has caused more talk here than any book which has been published for many years—6 [Enclosure] Dr Franklin (written by Dr. R. W. Darwin | Nov. 1. 1803). In the spring and summer of the year 1785  I used to dine occasionally at the house of that great man at Passy near Paris.— On one of those days it was remarked that an edict the King had published in the morning respecting some regulation of Provisions showed much humanity in his disposition, a gentleman present said that probably the King had neither heard of the scarcity nor of the edict. Dr F “It is I fear too common in all absolute governments that the monarch is the last person who hears either of the oppressions or benefits dispensed in their names. That however is not the case in the present instance, for to my own personal knowledge the humane regulation in question proceeded from the King himself ”— After a pause he added “Perhaps no sovereign born to reign, ever felt so much for other men or had more of the milk of human nature than Louis XVI” Houghton Library, Harvard University (Charles Eliot Norton Papers, MS Am 1088.14: 1598) 1

2

3 4

5

6

Benjamin Franklin, natural philosopher, writer, and stateman, was held up as an exemplary American for his autodidactism, work ethic, and constant quest to improve himself in ways designed to counteract his failings; he was also instrumental in drafting the United States Declaration of Independence (ANB). Franklin was the United States minister plenipotentiary in France from 1776 to July 1785. CD’s father was Robert Waring Darwin, and his grandfather was Erasmus Darwin, whom Franklin had last visited in Lichfield in 1772 (Uglow 2002, p. 238). Zoonomia; or, the laws of organic life was published after Franklin’s death (E. Darwin 1794–6). Louis XVI was king of France from 1774 to 1793, when he was executed by guillotine during the French Revolution. Franklin was accompanied to France by his grandsons William Temple Franklin and Benjamin Franklin Bache. At a time when powdered wigs were de rigeur in French society, Franklin, who had a scalp irritation, rarely wore a wig and dressed plainly. (ANB.) Sara Darwin, who was Norton’s sister-in-law, was nursing William Erasmus Darwin, whose fall from a horse had brought on a recurrence of the concussion symptoms he had suffered following another riding accident in 1876 (see letter from W. E. Darwin, [13 March 1881] and n. 4). Norton had been a close friend and admirer of Thomas Carlyle, who died in February 1881. The publication of Carlyle’s Reminiscences (Carlyle 1881) just a few weeks after his death by his literary

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executor and biographer James Anthony Froude resulted in a bitter disagreement between Froude and Mary Carlyle Carlyle, Carlyle’s niece and heir, concerning the ethics of publishing material that revealed Carlyle’s failings, especially his treatment of his wife (ODNB s.v. Carlyle, Thomas (1795–1881)). In a letter to George Howard Darwin on 23 March 1881, Emma Darwin wrote: ‘We are reading Carlyle’s Remeniscenses—which lower my opinion of him very much. He shews such low & disagreeable & cynical feelings at every turn’ (DAR 210.3: 6). In 1887, Norton, who, with the help of M. C. Carlyle, wished to restore Carlyle’s reputation by supplanting Froude’s poorly edited version of Reminiscences, published an edition that was more faithful to Carlyle’s manuscript and also omitted ‘some trifling passages referring to private persons, calculated to give pain’ (Carlyle 1887, 1: vi–vii; see also I. Campbell 2006).

To Julius Lippert   [May 1881 or later]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Dear Sir, Pray allow me to thank you sincerely for your kindness in having sent me your work “Die Religionen &c”.2 Your subject is a most interesting one, and as far as I can judge from the Table of Contents it has been fully treated by you Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Charles Darwin LS Wellcome Collection ((MS.7781/1–32 item 23) 1 2

The date is established by the reference to Lippert 1881, the foreword of which is dated April 1881. CD’s copy of Die Religionen der Europäischen Culturvölker (The religions of the civilised peoples of Europe; Lippert 1881) is in the Darwin Library–Down.

To W. E. Gladstone   2 May 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) May 2d. 1881.— My dear Sir I am much obliged for the honour which you have proposed to me, & this I should have gladly accepted, had my strength been sufficient for anything like regular attendance at the meetings of the Trustees.1 But as this is not the case, I think that it is right on my part to decline the honour.— I beg leave to remain with the greatest respect, | My dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Charles Darwin To the | Rt. Hon. W. E. Gladstone M.P.— The British Library (Add MS 44469: 218) 1

See letter from W. E. Gladstone, 30 April 1881. Gladstone had invited CD to become a trustee of the British Museum.

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From Louis Piré1   2 May 1881 Jardin Botanique | de l’État. | Conseil de Surveillance. | No. | Bruxelles, le 2 Mai 1881. Cher et illustre Maître Dans sa séance du premier Mai la Société royale de Botanique de Belgique, qui a son siége à Bruxelles, vous a nommé par acclamation Membre associé. Vos humbles disciples et vos amis de Belgique considèrent à juste titre comme un grand honneur pour eux, la nomination d’un savant dont la puissante impulsion et les immenses travaux ont fait entrer l’étude des Sciences naturelles dans une voie nouvelle et l’ont affranchie pour toujours des entraves et des préjugés du passé. Vous recevrez sous peu par l’entremise de notre Secretaire, la lettre officielle et le diplôme qui vous confère le titre de Membre associé de notre Société2 et je vous prie en attendant de recevoir, Cher et illustre collègue, l’expression de mes sentiments les plus distingués. | Louis Piré | président de la Société royale de | Botanique de Belgique | Adresse: Rue Keyenveld No 111 à | Ixelles—Bruxelles (Belgique) à Monsieur | Ch. Darwin DAR 230: 83 1 2

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. The secretary of the society was François Crépin. For the diploma, see Appendix III.

From S. F. Baird   3 May 1881 May 3, 81. Dear Sir. I take the liberty of introducing herewith in the Bearer, Capt. Wheeler of the United States Engineers, an officer of the American Army, who has had charge, for many years of one of the most important of expeditions of this Government, namely, that west of the one hundredth meridian.1 His many magnificent volumes, covering all manner of science, geographical geological, zoological & botanical have made him known in Scientific circles everywhere. Commending him to your kind consideration, I remain, | Very respectfully | Your obedient servant | Spencer F Baird | Secretary Sm. Inst2 Charles Darwin Esq. A Contemporary Copy S Smithsonian Libraries and Archives (Smithsonian Archives: Record Unit 33, Volume 111) 1

2

George Montague Wheeler was the director of the survey of the United States west of the 100th meridian, popularly known as the Wheeler Survey, the results of which were published between 1875 and 1889 (Wheeler et al. 1875–89). Sm. Inst.: Smithsonian Institution.

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To W. E. Darwin   4 May [1881] Down May 4th— My dear William.— Whenever your head feels comfortable will you read the enclosed documents 1, 2 & 3; but there is no hurry—1 It is a horrid bore that the U. States Funded Loan, (which I took at your suggestion) are likely to be redeemed.— You will see that I have been compelled to sell 1000$. I told the manager of the U. Bank, I wd consider what to do with the remainder of 14,000$. Can you advise me? Investments seem all so bad that I am inclined to think that I had better leave the 14,000$ invested in the U. States Government bonds & take whatever interest it may offer.—2 What do you think? I hope that you & Sara3 are fairly well.— Your affect Father | C. Darwin P.S I was glad to get your Malvern letter about worms—4 I suspect that worms cannot live where roots come near to surface, as they cannot burrow deep enough, when the weather is very dry or very cold.— Postmark: MY 4 81 DAR 210.6: 179 1 2

3 4

The enclosures have not been found. William had recently had a recurrence of symptoms related to a fall from his horse (see letter to W. E. Darwin, [13 March 1881] and n. 4). CD bought $15,000 worth of shares in the United States Funded Loan in 1876; he recorded the sale of $1000 in shares and the receipt of £204 10s. on 23 April 1881 in his Investment book (Down House MS), p. 158. CD’s bank was the Union Bank of London, Charing Cross branch; the manager was Thomas Druitt. Sara Darwin was William’s wife. See letter from W. E. Darwin, [24 April 1881].

To Alexander Agassiz   5 May 1881 Down. | Beckenham. Kent. May 5th. 1881. My dear Mr Agassiz. It was very good of you to write to me from Tortugas, as I always feel much interested in hearing what you are about, and in reading your many discoveries— It is a surprising fact that the peninsula of Florida should have remained at the same level for the immense period requisite for the accumulation of so vast a pile of debris—1 You will have seen Mr Murrays news on the formation of Atolls & barrier reefs—2 Before publishing my book, I thought long, over the same view, but only as far as ordinary marine organisms are concerned for at that time little was known of the multitude of minute oceanic organisms. I rejected this view as from the few dredgings made in the Beagle in the S. Temperate regions, I concluded that shells, the smaller

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corals &c &c  decayed & were dissolved, when not protected by the deposition of sediment; & sediment could not accumulate in the open ocean. Certainly shells &c  were in several cases completely rotten and crumbled into mud between my fingers; but you will know well whether this is in any degree common.— I have expressly said that a Bank at the proper depth would give rise to an atoll, which could not be distinguished from one formed during subsidence; I can however hardly believe, in the former presence of as many banks (there having been no subsidence) as there are atolls in the great oceans, within a reasonable depth on which minute oceanic organisms could have accumulated to the thickness of many hundred feet.3 I think that it has been shown that the oscillations from great waves extend down to a considerable depth, and if so the oscillating water would tend to lift up. (according to an old doctrine propounded by Playfair) minute particles lying at the bottom, and allow them to be slowly drifted away from the submarine bank by the slightest current.4 Lastly I cannot understand Mr. Murray, who admits that small calcareous organisms are dissolved by the Carbonic acid in the water at great depths, & that coral reefs. &c &c are likewise dissolved near the surface but that this does not occur at intermediate depths, where he believes that the minute oceanic calcareous organisms accumulate until the bank reaches within the reef-building depth—5 But I suppose that I must have misunderstood him.— Pray—forgive me troubling you at such length, but it has occurred (to me?) that you might be disposed to give after your wide experience, your judgment. If I am wrong, the sooner I am knocked on the head and annihilated so much the better. It still seems to me a marvellous thing that there should not have been much & long continued subsidence in the beds of the great oceans.— I wish that some doubly rich millionaire would take it into his head to have borings made in some of the Pacific and Indian Atolls; and bring home cores for slicing from a depth of 500 or 600 feet.6 Believe me my dear Mr. Agassiz. | Yours very sincerely— | Charles Darwin. P.S. I read with much interest your address before Am: Soc: Adv: of Sc:  However true your remarks on the genealogies of the several groups may be, I hope & believe that you have overestimated the difficulties to be encountered in the future.—7 A few days after reading your address, I interpreted to myself your remarks on one point (I hope in some degree correctly) in the following fashion. “Any character of an ancient generalised or intermediate form may & often does reappear in its descendants after countless generations & this explains, the extraordinarily complicated affinities of existing groups.” This idea seems to me to throw a flood of light on the lines, sometimes used to represent affinities, which radiate in all directions, often to very distant sub-groups.— A difficulty which has haunted me for half a century— A strong case could be made out in favour of believing in such reversion or atroversion8 after immense intervals of time— I wish the idea had been put into my head in old days. for I shall never again write on difficult subjects as I have seen too many cases of old men becoming feeble

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in their minds, without being in the least conscious of it— If I have interpreted your ideas at all correctly I hope that you will reurge on any fitting occasion your view— I have mentioned it to a few persons, capable of judging and it seemed quite new to them.— I beg you to forgive the proverbial garrulity of old age. C.D. Copy DAR 143: 11 1 2

3

4 5 6

7

8

See letter from Alexander Agassiz, 16 April 1881. John Murray (1841–1914) had published ‘On the structure and origin of coral reefs and islands’ in Proceedings of the Royal Society of Edinburgh (Murray 1880); it was reprinted in Nature, 12 August 1880, pp. 351–5. Murray had argued that the deposition of the remains of non-coral shells would form a base on which corals would subsequently build. CD thought Murray’s view, that reef formation could be explained without subsidence or elevation, was far fetched (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter to T. M. Reade, 22 September 1880). In Coral reefs, p. 198, CD had noted that he ‘should undoubtedly have classed some of these fringed banks as imperfect atolls, or barrier-reefs, if the sedimentary nature of their foundations had not been evident from the presence of other neighbouring banks’. John Playfair made the argument about the movement of particles in Illustrations of the Huttonian theory of the earth (Playfair 1802, pp. 414–15, 432–3). See Murray 1880, p. 510. The first successful boring into a coral island to a depth of over 600 feet was made by a team led by Edgeworth David on Funafuti atoll in 1897 and 1898; the depth reached was 340 metres (about 1,115 feet) (Aust. dict. biog. s.v. David, Edgeworth). Agassiz’s address, ‘Paleontological and embryological development’ (A. Agassiz 1880), was delivered to the natural history section of the American Association for the Advancement of Science at its meeting in Boston in August 1880. Agassiz concluded that, since the actual number of species in any group was far less than the potential number, trying to solve the genealogy of species was a ‘hopeless task’ (ibid., p. 414). Antroversion: a variant of ‘anteversion’, the condition of being displaced forwards (OED). CD had discussed reversion at length in Variation 2: 28–61, 372–402.

To R. G. Whiteman   5 May 1881 Down. | Beckenham, Kent. May 5th. 1881. Dear Sir. In the 1st. Edition of the Origin, after the sentence, ending with the words “… insects in the water”, I added the following sentence. “Even in so extreme a case as this, if the supply of insects were constant, & if better adapted competitors did not already exist in the country, I can see no difficulty in a race of bears being rendered by Natural Selection more & more aquatic in their structures & habits, with larger & larger mouths, till a creature was produced as monstrous as a whale.”—1 This sentence was omitted in the subsequent editions, owing to the advice of Prof Owen, as it was liable to be misinterpreted;—but I have always regretted that I followed this advice, for I still think the view quite reasonable.2

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The remarks of such a man as Mr Cooper are utterly unimportant, but I thank you for your interest in the case.—3 Dear Sir. | Yours faithfully. | Ch. Darwin. Copy DAR 148: 354 1

2

3

Whiteman’s letter to CD has not been found, but in a letter to Francis Darwin, 2 June 1881 (DAR 198: 217), he said that he had written to CD that ‘a contemptible quack Lecturer Thos Cooper a converted infidel had been lecturing here and all over the kingdom and making game of the reference to the Bear in the first edition & the omission in subsequent editions’. In the first edition of Origin, p. 184, CD had written, ‘In North America the black bear was seen by Hearne swimming for hours with widely open mouth, thus catching, like a whale, insects in the water.’ In subsequent editions, he changed ‘like a whale’ to ‘almost like a whale’, and omitted the sentence that he quotes in this letter. Richard Owen had asked CD for the source of Samuel Hearne’s report (see Correspondence vol. 7, letter to Richard Owen, 10 December [1859] and n. 2). No letter from Owen suggesting the change has been found. Thomas Cooper had been a Chartist, but renounced free thought around 1856 and travelled throughout Britain as a religious lecturer (ODNB). In the published version of his lecture, ‘Mr. Darwin’s fine fancies’, he suggested that CD had intimated that a whale might be formed from a polar bear by swimming with its mouth open; Cooper concluded, ‘Our sage philosopher—“the greatest since Aristotle”—left all that out in his second edition, and it has never appeared since!’ (see T. Cooper 1880, p. 32).

From F. A. Tscherning   6 May 1881 Vienna May 6. 1881 Highly honoured Sir! The interest which your late masterly work on the Power of Movement in Plants shows that you take in the germination (Keimungsgeschichte) of the Cucurbitaceae induces me to take the liberty of sending you my dissertation in which I have touched upon that subject.1 I may add that I experimented on, and observed, germination in sawdust of the fir tree tribe (Nadelholtz) as early as the spring of 1871, and that since then I have found the germination of many of the different Cucurbitaceae to be on the whole identical.2 I hope to return (to this subject) with additional observations in a treatise to be published later, and to complete my first fruit work at present of a fugitive, and far from lucid character.3 Dr. F. A. Tscherning | a pupil of the late Hugo Von Mohl. | At present at Vienna V. Ziegelofen Gasse I. Contemporary translation DAR 178: 195 1

The original German text of this letter has not been found; this translation was made when Francis Darwin was preparing his collection of CD’s letters (LL). Tscherning’s dissertation was Untersuchungen über die Entwicklung einiger Embryonen bei der Keimung (Investigations on the development of certain embryos during germination; Tscherning 1872); CD’s copy has not been found. Keimungsgeschichte: germination history (German). Cucurbitaceae are the family of gourds and squashes.

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A note by the translator on the back of the letter reads: ‘By “the germination of the fir tree tribe” (Coniferæ?) I suppose he means germination of Cucurbitaceæ in saw dust from fir timber—but the words are vague in the German’. Nadelholtz: coniferous wood (German). Tscherning published a short letter in Botanische Zeitung, 24 June 1881, claiming priority for the observation of a particular feature in the germination of seeds in plants of the Cucurbitaceae. CD had discussed the feature, the development of a peg or heel that held down the lower half of the seed-coat, but had been unaware of Tscherning’s work (see Movement in plants, pp. 102–4). No further publication by Tscherning on the subject has been identified.

From W. E. Darwin   7 May 1881 Bank, Southampton, May 7th 1881 My dear Father, Things are very high for buyers now.1 I should think the following were quite safe Dutch Government 4 per cents they pay at present price about 334 per cent, or Dutch Indian Ry Obligations (ie Railways in Java) guaranteed by Dutch government 412 till 1907 these pay about 414 per cent at present price; also I could name 2 or 3 first Mortgage Bonds in American Rys which will pay about 412 to 434 per cent. If you do not care for any of these, perhaps it would be best to leave the American Bds. till they are paid off when things may be cheaper.2 Sara is very brisk, & I am going on well.3 | Your affect son | W. E Darwin P.S. Also Danish Governt Bonds pay about 414 per cent Cornford Family Papers (DAR 275: 92) 1 2 3

See letter to W. E. Darwin, 4 May [1881]. In the event, CD left $14,000 (about £3000) invested in United States Funded Loan shares (CD’s Investment book (Down House MS)). Sara Darwin was William’s wife. On William’s health, see the letter to W. E. Darwin, 4 May [1881] and n. 1.

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   7 May [1881]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) May 7th My dear Dyer I have made observations how worms drag the petioles of a Clematis, which grows over my verandah (& is now in flower under its protection) & it seems so stupid that I cannot give the name of this Clematis. I shd. therefore be very much obliged if you or anyone at Kew can name it. According to my memory it is C. Montana, but I dare not trust my memory.— I enclose addressed P. O. Card & all that is wanted is name on back.—2 Yours ever sincerely | Ch. Darwin Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Darwin: Letters to Thiselton-Dyer, 1873–81: f. 224)

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The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 10 May [1881]. In Earthworms, pp. 76–9, CD discussed his observations on petioles of Clematis montana being drawn into the ground.

To Francis Galton   8 May [1881]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) May 8th My dear Galton Did I not give you a letter from a Mr Bishop, in the U. States, about hair turning grey for 3 generations at the same early age?—2 If I did, & you could find it (which perhaps you cannot) will you send it to me: I have received another letter from him, & if I can recover the first one will draw up when I have leisure a note for Nature, with this & another case of inherited mutilation.—3 Ever yours | Ch Darwin UCL Library Services, Special Collections (GALTON/1/1/9/5/7/32) 1 2 3

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from I. P. Bishop, 24 April 1881. The letter from Irving Prescott Bishop about hair turning grey has not been found. The most recent letter CD had received from Bishop was that of 24 April 1881. CD discussed both cases of inheritance in his letter to Nature, 13 July [1881].

From Frithiof Holmgren   8 May 1881 Upsala 8 Mai 1881 Dear Sir It is my duty, as well as a great pleasure to thank you most heartily for the valuable letter about the vivisection, you kindly sent me. By publishing it in the Times, you did me and our science a still greater service, as it got a much wider publication, than I could have given it in a small brochure.1 I am sorry you have by this step been exposed to unpleasantness from the antivivisectionists. But for such everybody must be prepared, who coolly and calmly takes part for the science against their irritated minds. You may console yourself with the certainty that the case, for which Lord Shaftesbury and Miss Cobb stand up, not will gain anything in our country by the tone that those people have seem fit to employ against you.2 Your name is held in too great regard among us for that. Your letter has been of the greatest use for our defense of the vivisection, not only directly, but indirectly through the support it has given me personally, which has been of great service, when the agitators try by all means to lessen our authority to propagate their own aims—3 Therefore I must thank you also for the honour you have done me.

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I beg you to receive my respectful and most heartfelt thanks, and permit me to send you my photography (from 1870).4 I am, Sir, | your most obedient servant | Frithiof Holmgren | Prof of Physiology | University Upsala, Sweden To Mr. Charles Darwin F.R.S. | London. DAR 166: 258 1 2

3 4

See letter to Frithiof Holmgren, [14] April 1881. The letter was published in The Times, 18 April 1881, p. 10; it was also published in the Manchester Guardian, 19 April 1881, p. 7. Following publication of the letter to Frithiof Holmgren, [14] April 1881, in The Times, letters opposing CD’s position were sent to the paper by Anthony Ashley-Cooper, seventh earl of Shaftesbury, and Frances Power Cobbe (The Times, 19 April 1881, p. 8). For more on the antivivisection debate in the Swedish Riksdag (parliament) and Holmgren’s role in it, see Bromander 1987. The photograph has not been found.

To Alpheus Hyatt   8 May 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) May 8th 1881 My dear Sir I am much obliged for your kind gift of “The Genesis &c &c”, which I shall be glad to read, as the case has always seemed to me a very curious one.—1 It is all the kinder in you to send me this book, as I am aware that you think that I have done nothing to advance the good cause of the Descent-theory.—2 Wishing you success in all your future scientific researches, I remain My dear Sir, Yours very faithfully | Charles Darwin Maryland Historical Society (Alpheus Hyatt Papers MS 1007) 1 2

CD’s copy of Hyatt’s The genesis of the Tertiary species of Planorbis at Steinheim (Hyatt 1880) is in the Darwin Library–Down. Hyatt and Edward Drinker Cope promoted a theory of evolution based on acceleration and retardation of development. CD mentioned this theory in Origin 6th ed., p. 149. For CD’s views and uncertainty on the topic, see Correspondence vol. 20, letter to Alpheus Hyatt, 10 October [1872]. For more on the background and development of Hyatt’s and Cope’s ideas, see Gould 1977, pp. 85–96 and Bowler 1983, pp. 118–33.

To E. W. Bok   10 May 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) May 10th 1881 Dear Sir I hear that you wish to have a few lines in my hand-writing.1 When I was a young boy I collected all sorts of things, & I well remember how much pleasure each new

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thing gave me, so that I am glad to add to your collection, though my hand-writing is far from ornamental. My collections led me to turn to Science, & I hope that it may have the same effect on you, for there is no greater satisfaction as I know by experience than to add, however little, to the general stock of knowledge.— Your well-wisher | Charles Darwin To | Mr Edward W. Bok Sotheby’s, New York (dealers) (17 June 2011) 1

No letter from Bok requesting CD’s autograph has been found.

To Daniel McAlpine   10 May 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) May 10th 1881 Dear Sir I am much obliged for the kind gift of your Zoolog. atlas. I have not knowledge enough to make any criticisms, but I shd. think that the work would be most useful to students. I see only one cause of fear that the clearness of the illustrations, might make some idle students neglect practical anatomy.—1 Would it not be well to urge this caution on their attention?— I remain, Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin State Library Victoria, Melbourne (MS 6273 Box 289(c) 5) 1

CD’s copy of McAlpine’s Zoological atlas (McAlpine 1881) is in the Darwin Library–Down. In an unsigned review in Nature, 26 May 1881, p. 77, the reviewer noted that the various systems were ‘well represented’.

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   10 May [1881]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) May 10th My dear Dyer You are much too good & take much too great trouble for me. I am really ashamed when I see how many notes you must have written about the seeds of Trifolium resupinatum.—2 My work is not worth the loss of so much of your time, but I am grateful to you, for I shd. have been very sorry to have missed having plants this summer. Ever yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin Thanks about the Clematis.—3 Frank started 14 of hour ago for Strasburg.—4 Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Darwin: Letters to Thiselton-Dyer, 1873–81: f. 226) 1

The year is established by the reference to Francis Darwin’s departure for Straßburg (see n. 4, below).

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CD had requested seeds of Trifolium resupinatum (Persian clover) in the letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 21 April 1881. CD and his son Francis Darwin were investigating the function of bloom (a waxy or pruinose coating) on leaves. Francis was focusing on the relation between bloom and the location of stomata, or breathing pores, of leaves; although he later recorded observations on several species of Trifolium, he did not mention T. resupinatum (see F. Darwin 1886, pp. 114–16). See letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 7 May [1881]; Thiselton-Dyer had identified a species of Clematis for CD (C. montana). Francis Darwin travelled to Straßburg (Strasbourg) to work in the laboratory of Anton de Bary; he returned on 1 August 1881 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)).

To Francis Darwin   12 May [1881] 30 copies of your Paper “Theory of Growth” have just arrived by Rail.— Shall I send them to you, or if you will send list we will despatch as many as you like.1 C. Darwin Down May 12th ApcS Postmark: MY 12 81 DAR 211: 72 1

Francis was working in the laboratory of Anton de Bary at the Botanical Institute, Straßburg (Strasbourg). His paper, ‘The theory of the growth of cuttings’ (F. Darwin 1880b), was published on 29 April 1881 in the Journal of the Linnean Society (Botany).

To Gaston de Saporta   13 [May] 18811 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. Feb 13. 1881 Dear Sir, I received a week of two ago the work which you & Prof Marion have been so kind as to send me.2 When it arrived I was much engaged, and this must be my excuse for not having sooner thanked you for it, and it will likewise account for my having as yet read only the preface. But I now look forward with great pleasure to reading the whole immediately. If I then have any remarks worth sending, which is not very probable, I will write again. I am greatly pleased to see how boldly you express your belief in evolution, in the preface.3 I have sometimes thought that some of your countrymen have been a little timid in publishing their belief on this head, and have thus failed in aiding a good cause. With much respect, and my best thanks— | I remain, dear Sir, | Yours faithfully | Charles Darwin LS Archives Gaston de Saporta (private collection)

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Although the amanuensis recorded the month as February, this letter appears to be a reply to the letter from Gaston de Saporta, 10 April 1881. See the letter from Gaston de Saporta, 10 April 1881, in which Saporta stated that he and Antoine Fortuné Marion were sending CD L’évolution du règne végétal. Les cryptogames (Saporta and Marion 1881). This copy is in the Darwin Library–CUL. Saporta and Marion declared themselves to be disciples of CD in the preface (Saporta and Marion 1881, pp. vii–xii).

From Francis Darwin   14 May 1881 May 14./81 My dear Father, I got your proofs and sent off a post-card to say so. I will have a good go at them tomorrow, & I have done some this morning—1 I like de Bary very much & I can see that he hasn’t any of the touchiness of Sachs—2 I have got a very nice lodging at a bootmakers looking N over a little square called the Stephan-Platz; it is close to the river and only about 4 minutes from the laboratory The laboratory seems to consist of a very long room with a row of tables where people are microscoping all day; then de Bary’s room which is not large & with a small table with a Hartnack3 on it & an awful mess of glasses watch glasses &c on it. Then comes my room and I have a separate door & key of my own. De Bary suggested the anatomy of roots as having some connection with the root work in the Movements of P. which he called “sehr interessant”.4 So I have begun with Equisetum roots; and he snipped a lot of little roots from a great plant in the laboratory which he knocked out of its pot for the purpose— I cut longitudinal sections and saw the things in Sachs like this;5

he said some of my prepns were “ganz gut so gar”, but the shine was taken off by his saying afterwards that it was “furchtbar leicht”.6 Today I have been cutting transverse sections of the same roots which is much more difficult; I havn’t shown him any of the good ones yet I am partly disgusted to find that de Bary’s assistant Wortmann (whom I knew at Würzburg) has found circumnutation in the mycelium of some fungus which grows an awful pace, he will show it me, & then I can tell you more about it—7 I will send you a few addresses, & if you will send the Bramble papers off I shall be

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much obliged.8 I forget whether I told you that Stahl is now professor at Jena, this is a horrid bore for me, as he would have been society for me;9 being in a room by myself is rather bad for getting to know the people but I dare say I shall. I think I should like Dandy, he might be turned out almost at once, and if I found I didn’t ride enough to make it worth while I suppose the Leith Hill vet would find a home for him—I will write to Aunt Caroline at once.10 Please thank Bessy & Mother for letters11 I am very glad poor Dubs12 cheered up so soon Your affec | F. D. I have met Oscar Schmidt & given him herzlichen Gruss from you—13 I will tell you about him DAR 274.1: 70 1 2

3 4

5

6 7

8 9

10 11 12 13

Francis was correcting proof-sheets of Earthworms, which was published on 10 October 1881 (Freeman 1977). The postcard has not been found. Francis was working in the laboratory of Anton de Bary in Straßburg (Strasbourg). In the summers of 1878 and 1879, Francis had worked in the laboratory of Julius Sachs at the Botanical Institute in Würzburg (see Correspondence vols. 26 and 27). Edmund Hartnack was a German microscope maker. Francis had assisted CD in the research for Movement in plants. One of their principal areas of research had been the study of movements in the radicle, or embryonic root. The work that De Bary found ‘sehr interessant’ (very interesting) was their study of sensitivity in the apex of the root (see Movement in plants, pp. 129–200). Equisetum is the genus of horsetails. In Sachs’s Text-book of botany (Sachs 1875, p. 122, fig. 101) sections of the stems of two species of Equisetum were illustrated. In ibid., p. 123, fig. 102B, a longitudinal section of a fern root was figured; Sachs noted it was representative of most cryptogams (plants that reproduce by spores). Ganz gut so gar: really quite good; furchtbar leicht: frightfully easy (German). Julius Wortmann had completed his doctorate under Sachs in Würzburg in 1879 and was De Bary’s assistant from October 1880 to the summer of 1883 (Muth 1926). Mycelium is the vegetative part of a fungus, characterised by fine branching threads or hyphae. Francis had also been working on circumnutation in a fungus, and published his results in Botanische Zeitung (F. Darwin 1881b). See postcard to Francis Darwin, 12 May [1881] and n. 1; the paper was F. Darwin 1880b. Ernst Stahl had been Sachs’s assistant when Francis was in Würzburg in 1879; he became professor extraordinarius of botany at Straßburg (Strasbourg) in 1880. He moved to Jena as full professor of botany in 1881. (NDB.) A horse named Dandy is mentioned in a letter from Emma Darwin to H. E. Darwin, [13 April 1868] (DAR 219.9: 51). Caroline Wedgwood was CD’s sister. The veterinary surgeon has not been identified. The letters to Francis from Elizabeth Darwin and Emma Darwin have not been found. Dubs: Bernard Darwin, Francis’s son, who had stayed behind with Emma and CD at Down House. Oskar Schmidt was professor of zoology at Straßburg (Strasbourg); he had been an early supporter of Darwinism (ADB). Herzlichen Gruss: hearty greetings.

To Werner von Voigts-Rhetz   14 May 1881 Private Dear Sir,— Although I am resolved not to enter into any controversy on vivisection, yet the great courtesy of your letter compels me to answer it.1 I published my letter to

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Prof. Holmgren, solely as I thought it my duty to do so, having long deliberated on the subject.—2 In a short 2d letter published in the Times (April 22d) I have given though too briefly, my reasons for believing that English Physiologists do not deserve the accusations heaped on them.3 The R. Commission was granted not on account of any sufficient evidence of cruelty, but from vague & as I believe unfounded rumours— You quote Dr Hoggan & his published letters wd have led anyone to suppose that he referred to English Laboratories, but when examined he was forced to confess that he had not seen any experiments performed in England.—4 Dr Kleins conduct has always been [illeg] to me, & I suspect that he spoke out of bravado with the intention of studying Englishness5 The sole point which I regret in my first letter to the Times is that I did not express more plainly my belief that useless suffering has been & probably is still caused in foreign laboratories; but I positively know so many atrociously false accusations have been published in this country against physiologists, that I felt somewhat sceptical with respect foreign lands.— You quote Zollner as authority but I am surprised that anyone shd. trust in his judgment.6 Cuvier never attended to Physiology.7 With respect to Sir W. Thompson though the greatest of physicists he knows nothing about physiology or biology; & he informed my son, that a lady, who is vehement anti vivisectionist, to whom he had written on the subject had interpolated sentences in his answer & had then published them as coming from him.8 Finally I cannot modify my deliberate conviction, that he who arrests the progress of physiology, commits a crime against mankind.— With my renewed thanks for the courtesy of your letter, I remain Dear Sir | respectfully To à | M. W. de Voigts-Rhetz | Oberkirch | G. Duché de Baden | Germany May 14th 1881 ADraft DAR 185: 50 1 2 3

4

5

6

See letter from Werner von Voigts-Rhetz, [after 18 April 1881]. See letter to Frithiof Holmgren, [14] April 1881; the letter was printed in The Times, 18 April 1881, p. 10. In his letter to the editor of The Times, 21 April [1881], CD highlighted conclusions in the Report of the Royal Commission on vivisection that differentiated the practices of English physiologists regarding the treatment of animals from those of foreigners. Voigts-Rhetz had referred to claims made by George Hoggan about animal experimentation; Hoggan had admitted that he had never personally seen experiments without anaesthetics performed before students in his testimony to the Royal Commission (Report of the Royal Commission on vivisection, p. 180). Edward Emanuel Klein had admitted that he used anaesthetics only for the sake of convenience (Report of the Royal Commission on vivisection, p. 184). For more on the impact of his testimony, see French 1975, pp. 103–6. For CD’s reaction at the time, see Correspondence vol. 23, letter to T. H. Huxley, 1 November [1875]. See letter from Werner von Voigts-Rhetz, [after 18 April 1881] and n. 12. Voigts-Rhetz had quoted from a letter from Ernst Haeckel to Johann Karl Friedrich Zöllner. CD alludes to Zöllner’s ideas on spiritualism and the existence of a fourth spatial dimension (see Stromberg 1989 for more on Zöllner’s views on spiritualism).

Werner von Voigts-Rhetz, Oberkirch 1881. By kind permission of Stadtarchiv / Heimat- und Grimmelshausenmuseum, Stadt Oberkirch.

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Georges Cuvier was best known as a systematist and comparative anatomist. Voigts-Rhetz had quoted Cuvier as having claimed that nature supplied the means of learning what experiments on animals would never teach (letter from Werner von Voigts-Rhetz, [after 18 April 1881] and n. 11). For William Thomson’s statement at a meeting of the Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals held in Glasgow, see the letter from Werner von Voigts-Rhetz, [after 18 April 1881] and n. 7. For more on Thomson’s position on vivisection, see Thompson 1910, 2: 1105–6.

From Ernst Krause1   15 May 1881 Berlin N. O. Friedenstrasse 11. den 15 Mai 81. Hochverehrter Herr! Heut früh liess ich unter Kreuzband einige Nummern der deutschen Wochenschrift “Gartenlaube” an Sie abgehen, in denen ich über die überaus wichtigen Ergebnisse Ihrer Beobachtungen über das Bewegungsvermögen der Pflanzen einen kurzen Bericht gegeben habe.2 Ihr deutscher Herr Verleger war so freundlich mir zu Illustrirung einige Cliché’s zu leihen.3 Wenn Sie einen Blick hinein werden sollten, so bitte ich Sie, das kurze Hinweggehen über die Methode und manche Hauptpunkte damit entschuldigen zu wollen, dass der Bericht für vollständige Laien geschrieben ist, und demgemäss so leichtfasslich und wenig eingehend wie möglich sein musste. Die Gartenlaube ist unsre gelesenste Wochenschrift und in mehr als 300,000  Exemplaren über die ganze Welt, so weit Deutsche wohnen, verbreitet.4 Da der Gegenstand mich ausserordentlich anzieht, so beabsichtige ich noch eine eingehendere Darstellung in einer unserer Monatschriften zu geben. Der “Kosmos” wird, wie sich annehmen lässt, in den Händen des Herrn Koch, der einen bedeutenden naturwissenschaftlichen Verlag hat, vermuthlich besser prosperiren, als in dem früheren, wo er neben allerlei medicinischen und pharmazeutischen Werken eine ungünstige Stelle einnahm. Das Maiheft desselben, welches Sie inzwischen vermuthlich erhalten haben werden, habe ich mit dem mir gütigst für diesen Zweck überlassenen Vortrage Ihres Herrn Sohnes Francis über “Kletterpflanzen” bereichert, und danke demselben herzlichst für seine freundliche Erlaubniss und Unterstützung bei der Correctur.5 Mit grosser Befriedigung habe ich gelesen, dass Herr Professor Romanes noch einmal in der “Nature” Gelegenheit genommen hat, Herrn Butler das Verächtliche seines Benehmens gegen Sie zu Gemüthe zu führen.6 Hoffentlich werden demselben die anständigen Journale in Zukunft ihre Spalten, falls er die Absicht haben sollte, sie nochmals für so erbärmliche Zwecke zu missbrauchen, verschliessen. In Deutschland hat Niemand von der Sache weiter die geringste Notiz genommen, selbst ultramontane Blätter, die sonst dergleichen Gelegenheiten wahrzunehmen wissen, haben so viel Selbstachtung besessen diese kläglichen Angriffe zu ignoriren.7 Zum Schlusse noch eine grosse Bitte! Sollte in Ihrem neuen Werke über die Regenwürmer, von welchem die Journale berichten, ein Kapital enthalten sein, welches sich (etwa gleichzeitig oder bald nach dem Erscheinen in Buchform) zur

May 1881

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besondern Mittheilung im “Kosmos” eignen würde, so möchte ich Sie herzlichst bitten, mir einen Abdruck des betreffenden Bogens zu senden.8 Natürlich würde die Uebersetzung mit dem Vermerk, dass es sich um eine Probe aus Ihrem neuen Werke handle zu versehen sein. Natürlich darf Ihnen die Idee einer solchen Publikation nicht irgendwie unbequem sein, denn sonst würde ich selbstverständlich darauf verzichten. Mit dem Wunsche dass diese Zeilen Sie in erwünschten Wohlsein antreffen mögen, zeichne ich hochverehrter Herr | Ihr | treulich ergebner | Ernst Krause DAR 169: 113 1 2

3

4 5

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7 8

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. Krause’s summary of Movement in plants, written under his pseudonym, Carus Sterne, appeared in two instalments of Die Gartenlaube in April 1881 (Sterne 1881a). At the top of CD’s copy in DAR 226.1: 229–32, CD wrote in pencil, ‘Ernst Krause good abstract of Movt of Plants’. The plates from Movement in plants that Krause used in Sterne 1881a were the following: fig. 66, p. 159, Pisum sativum (Sterne 1881a, p. 230); fig. 57, p. 78, Cyclamen persicum (Sterne 1881a, p. 285); fig. 62, p. 102, Cucurbita ovifera (Sterne 1881a, p. 286); fig. 145, p. 354, Lotus creticus (Sterne 1881a, p. 286); part of fig. 154, p. 370, Cassia carymbosa (Sterne 1881a, p. 287); fig. 160, p. 382, Acacia farnesina (Sterne 1881a, p. 287). For more on the popularity of Die Gartenlaube and its dissemination in German immigrant communities, see Belgum 1998. Eduard Koch was the head of E. Schweizerbart’sche Verlagsbuchhandlung; the firm took over publication of Kosmos from Karl Alberts (Ernst Gunther’s Verlag) with the ninth volume (April– September 1881). Francis Darwin’s lecture on climbing plants had appeared in Popular Science Review in 1880 (F. Darwin 1880c); the German translation was published in the May 1881 issue of Kosmos (F. Darwin 1881a). CD had sent Krause a copy of Nature, 27 January 1881 (see letter to Ernst Krause, 29 January 1881). It contained George John Romanes’s review of Samuel Butler’s Unconscious memory (Butler 1880); Krause had approved of the tone of the review (see letter from Ernst Krause, 10 February 1881). Butler replied to Romanes’s review in a letter published in Nature, 3 February 1881, pp. 312–13, causing Romanes to write a letter defending his review (see Nature, 10 February 1881, pp. 335–6). The ultramontanists were Catholics who wanted to integrate church and state, with ultimate authority resting with the church. Earthworms had gone to press on 1 May 1881 (Freeman 1977); CD and Francis had started correcting proof-sheets (see letter from Francis Darwin, 14 May 1881).

To Francis Darwin   16 and 17 May 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) May 16th Evening 1881. My dear Frank. Thanks for card about M.S.  I am sorry that you shd.  be bothered with such work at Strasburg. The confounded printers have sent me no more slips & I am despondently idle.1 Having nothing better to do I have been writing out all that I can remember about all the eminent men whom I have ever seen.—2 I suppose that your mother told you that your copies of your paper have come. No; I believe that I sent a P. card to this effect.—3 A copy of Kosmos has come for you with your paper on Climbing Plants, which looks very nicely got up.4

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Also the younger De Candolle has sent you a long memoir,, chiefly mathematical, on Phyllotaxy: I suspect from few closing sentences that he has thrown light on this everlasting question.—5 I was at first rather dismayed in the 2d Part of Tieghem to find how well known it is that all substances in solution in a plant come out of it by exosmose, when they are immersed in water; but he says nothing about potash & is strong that substances in combination within a plant do not come out by exosmose; so that your observations remain as curious as ever, in as much as no one, I suppose, would ever have expected that much of so precious a substance as potash was in a free & useless state in many plants.—6 Tieghem is very contemptuous about nectar & is evidently guided by Bonnier.7 He hints, also, that there is nothing remarkable about carnivorous plants— he quotes your observations about feeding Drosera, but does not consider them conclusive & does not even allude to the well-adapted movements of Drosera for capturing insects. He speaks of leaves of Dionæa as secreting before they are stimulated by animal matter! so he evidently knows nothing of whole subject.—8 I have had a curious little essay from a Yankee dentist, in which I am inclined to believe, viz that excessively rapid breathing (viz. about 90 inspirations in a minute) for a minute deadens the sense of pain, but not of touch, so that he has drawn ever so many teeth without causing patient the least pain!9 The visit of Leslie Stephen went off well & Miss Lock is a nice girl. L.S. was very pleasant while in company with several persons, but both George & Leonard found him difficult as a solo. I thought him very agreeable. I have asked him to bring his “Sunday Tramp. Soc.” here on some Sunday.10 Bernard is very jolly & his little face beamed with happiness when he told me that Nanna was coming to tea & to put him to bed tomorrow.— I am sure that he thought your letter about the soldiers one of the most agreeable ever written. How curious it was about the sinking of the ship occuring to his dear little affectionate soul.—11 Poor Mrs Dixon keeps very ill. We have not heard of the death of Mc.Lennan12 Good Bye my dear old fellow, | Your affectte. Father, | C. Darwin If you can naturally do so, give my best respects to De Bary. May 17th P.S. Do you know where my horn semicircle for measuring angles is: I cannot find it anywhere in my study?— It is a very bad job for you Stahl being absent. Has he got Strasbürger’s place; if so is not this grand promotion for him? I wish that you could have seen Strasburger.—13 I have had a remarkably nice & grateful letter from Holmgren, who thinks that my letter will do good in Sweden. A bothering, but very civil antiviv: has written me an awfully long letter from Baden.— I suppose that you do not want. Bot. Zeitung sent you.—14 Your letter just arrived, which I have been glad to get. Confound the man with the circumnutating mould—15 You must somehow make Caroline clearly understand that we must have the power of shooting Dandy, if you find that you do not care about having him; for we have one old Horse on our hands already   horses do cost money & labour.16

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Abba-dubba is very flourishing he says he has no particular message for you but sends his love.— Mother is starting for a day in London to see Ellen Tollet.17 Farewell. | C. D. DAR 211: 73 1

2 3 4

5 6

7

8 9

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13 14 15

The postcard has not been found, but see the letter from Francis Darwin, 14 May 1881 and n. 1. CD was waiting for more proof-sheets of Earthworms from the printers, William Clowes & Sons. Francis was working in the laboratory of Anton de Bary in Straßburg (Strasbourg). CD added material on eminent scientific men to his ‘Recollections’ (see J. A. Secord ed. 2008, pp. 399–407). See postcard to Francis Darwin, 12 May [1881] and n. 1. The paper was ‘The theory of the growth of cuttings’ (F. Darwin 1880b). The paper, ‘Kletterpflanzen. Eine populäre Vorlesung’ (Climbing plants. A popular lecture; F. Darwin 1881a), was a German translation of a lecture Francis gave in 1880 (see letter from Ernst Krause, 15 May 1881 and n. 5). A copy of Casimir de Candolle’s memoir ‘Considérations sur l’étude de la phyllotaxie’ (Considerations on the study of phyllotaxy; C. de Candolle 1881) is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. CD had evidently just received the second fascicule of Philippe van Tieghem’s Traité de botanique (Treatise on botany; Tieghem 1884); only the first four (of eight) parts, all undated, are in the Darwin Library–CUL. For Tieghem’s remarks on exosmosis, see ibid., pp. 208–9. Francis had investigated the exudation of potash (potassium permanganate, KMnO4) from leaves when he was working at the laboratory of Julius Sachs in Würzburg (see, for example, Correspondence vol 26, letter from Francis Darwin, [4–7 August 1878]). Gaston Bonnier had tried to show that nectar was of no direct advantage to plants in Les nectaires: étude critique, anatomique et physiologique (Nectaries: a critical anatomical and physiological study; Bonnier 1879). Tieghem had cited Bonnier in support of his statement that the formation of nectar was only a special case of a more general phenomenon, the emission of liquid in transpiration (see Tieghem 1884, p. 204 and n. 1). See Tieghem 1884, p. 207 and n. 3. Drosera is the genus of sundews; Dionaea muscipula is the Venus fly trap. No essay on rapid breathing for pain relief has been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL; however, an article written by an American dentist, William Gibson Arlington Bonwill, ‘Rapid breathing as a pain obtunder in minor surgery, obstetrics, the general practice of medicine and of dentistry’ (Bonwill 1880) appeared in Scientific American Supplement, 9 April 1881. Obtund: blunt, deaden (OED). Leslie Stephen visited Down from 14 to 17 May 1881; Emily Elizabeth Loch visited from 14 to 18 May 1881; no visit by George Howard Darwin and Leonard Darwin is recorded (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). Stephen was a founder member of the Sunday Tramps, a society for vigorous rural walking within convenient railway distance from London (ODNB s.v. Sunday Tramps). They visited Down on 8 January 1882 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). Bernard Darwin was Francis’s son; Francis’s letter to him has not been found. Mary Ann Westwood had been Bernard’s nurse until her marriage in April 1881 to Arthur Parslow. The incident regarding a ship sinking has not been identified. Augusta Dickson, Emma Darwin's maid, had been taken ill at the beginning of May (letter from Emma Darwin to H. E. Litchfield, [3 May 1881]; DAR 219.9: 263). John Ferguson McLennan died at Hayes Common, Kent, on 16 June 1881 (ODNB); George had visited him in Davos, Switzerland, in 1880 (letter from Elizabeth Darwin to G. H. Darwin, 3 February 1880; DAR 251: 1412). See letter from Francis Darwin, 14 May 1881 and n. 9. Ernst Stahl had replaced Eduard Strasburger as professor of botany at Jena. See letter from Frithiof Holmgren, 8 May 1881, and letter from W. von Voigts-Rhetz, [after 18 April 1881]. CD subscribed to Botanische Zeitung, a bi-weekly German botanical journal. See letter from Francis Darwin, 14 May 1881 and n. 7; Francis had mentioned that Julius Wortmann had found circumnutation in the mycelium (vegetative part) of a fungus.

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See letter from Francis Darwin, 14 May 1881 and n. 10. Caroline Wedgwood was CD’s sister. Abba-dubba was a pet name for Francis’s son Bernard Darwin. Emma Darwin visited Ellen Harriet Tollet on 17 May 1881 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)).

From C. E. Norton   17 May 1881 Cambridge, Massachusetts. May 17, 1881. My dear Mr. Darwin It was very kind of you to send me the interesting extract from your Father’s memoranda respecting Franklin, and I thank you heartily for it and for your note.1 That Franklin had a good opinion of Louis XVI. was well known. He speaks of him in one of his published letters as “that young and virtuous prince”, but I do not think there is anywhere in his published correspondence so full and direct an expression of the regard in which he held the king as that preserved by your Father.2 Your recollections of your Father’s report of the manners of Franklin’s grandsons to their grandfather, and of his bearing toward them, are also very interesting as illustrative of his character.3 These grandsons were mere boys at the time that Franklin took them with him to France. The elder of them was William Temple Franklin, who was 17  or 18 years old at this time; the younger was Benjamin Franklin Bache, a child of seven. In 1784 William Temple Franklin was his grandfather’s secretary, and Franklin in one of his letters of that year speaks highly of him. It is by no means unlikely, however, that the young man, who became very much of a Frenchman and lived and died in France, was tried by the old man’s simplicity and indifference to the exigencies of fashion. I find in Sparks’s edition of the Works of Franklin, a note from your grandfather to him, which, as you may not have a copy of it, and as it is an indication of their very friendly relations, I transcribe for you.4 In a footnote appended to it Mr. Sparks says: “An acquaintance of long standing, and a correspondence on philosophical subjects, seem to have subsisted between Dr. Franklin and Dr. Darwin, but none of Franklin’s letters to Darwin have come within my researches. The only record of their intercourse contained in Miss Seward’s ‘Memoirs of Dr.  Darwin’ is the following anecdote.” He then cites the story of Dr. Darwin’s directing a letter to Dr. Franklin, America, and his saying that “he felt inclined to make a still more flattering superscription; Dr Franklin, the World.’” Seward’s Memoirs of Dr. Darwin, p.1525 If among Dr. Darwin’s papers you have found any of Dr. Franklin’s letters of which you would be willing to let me have a copy, I should be greatly obliged to you for them; or it would be still better if you would publish them. Everything relating to Franklin is of interest. His reputation does not diminish. Indeed he becomes more and more conspicuous as the most vigorous original thinker that America has yet produced. We have all been very glad to hear of your son William’s improvement. I trust that he will soon feel no remaining ill-effects from his fall.6

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Your note gives me real pleasure as an indication, which I hope is to be trusted, of your being in good condition. I beg you to offer my best respects and kindest regards (and in this message my sister7 desires to join with me) to Mrs. Darwin,—and to believe me, with the highest respect | Most sincerely Yours | C. E. Norton. I wish you would kindly give my best remembrances to Mrs.  Lichfield, Miss Darwin, & your sons.8 [Enclosure] Lichfield, 24 January, 1774. Dear Sir, I have enclosed a medico-philosophical paper, which I should take it as a favor if you will communicate to the Royal Society, if you think it worthy a place in their volume; otherwise, I must desire you to return it to the writer.9 I have another very curious paper containing experiments on the colors seen in the closed eye, after having gazed some time on luminous objects, which is not quite transcribed, but which I will also send to you, if you think it is likely to be acceptable to the Society at this time, but will otherwise let it lie by me another year.10 I hope you continue to enjoy your health, and that I shall some time again have the pleasure of seeing you at Staffordshire.11 I am, dear Sir, | Your affectionate friend, | Erasmus Darwin. DAR 172: 77; Sparks ed. 1836–40, 6: 410–11 1 2 3 4

5 6 7 8 9

10

See letter to C. E. Norton, 30 April 1881; CD had sent a copy of a note written by his father, RobertWaring Darwin, in which R. W. Darwin recorded comments by Benjamin Franklin regarding Louis XVI. The letter by Franklin was published in Sparks ed. 1836–40, 8: 484–91. It was dated 9 August 1780 and was addressed to the president of Congress, Samuel Huntington. See letter to C. E. Norton, 30 April 1881. Norton’s transcription of the letter from Erasmus Darwin to Franklin, published in Jared Sparks’s Works of Benjamin Franklin (Sparks ed. 1836–40, 6: 410–11), has not been found. The text has been added from the printed source, in which the spelling was somewhat altered from the original and a postscript left out. The postscript reads, ‘NB. If Dr. Franklin is not in England, I hope the Person intrusted to read his Letters will return the inclosed Papers to Dr. Darwin at Lichfield Staffordshire, which will be gratefully acknowledged.’ For the text of the letter in its unaltered form, see Willcox ed. 1978, pp. 24–5. The anecdote was related by Anna Seward in A. Seward 1804, pp. 152–3. William Erasmus Darwin was recuperating from a head injury (see letter to C. E. Norton, 30 April 1881 and n. 5). Jane Norton. The Nortons had visited Down in 1869 (see Correspondence vol. 17, letter to Asa Gray, 1 June [1869], n. 12). Henrietta Emma Litchfield, Elizabeth Darwin, William Erasmus Darwin, George Howard Darwin, Francis Darwin, Leonard Darwin, and Horace Darwin. Franklin had been a member of the Royal Society of London since 1756. He communicated Erasmus Darwin’s paper ‘Experiments on animal fluids in the exhausted receiver’, which was read in March 1774 and published in the Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London (E. Darwin 1774). Erasmus Darwin did not publish his paper but evidently assisted his son Robert Waring Darwin on his paper ‘New experiments on the ocular spectra of light and colours’ (R. W. Darwin 1786; see Erasmus Darwin, p. 84, for CD’s assessment of Erasmus’s contribution).

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Franklin had last visited Erasmus Darwin in 1772 (see Uglow 2002, p. 238). He had been in England since October 1764, and returned to America in March 1774 (ANB).

To Ernst Krause   18 May 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) May 18th 1881 My dear Sir I am much obliged for your article, but I will not delay answering your letter until I have read it, as reading German is slow work for me.—1 Herr Koch ought to be grateful to you for advertising the book in a Journal with such an extraordinary sale, & I on my part am obliged to you—2 What a wide interest you have in Science! When I sent you a copy, I never dreamed that you wd. care about it, & sent the copy merely to show my regard.— It wd. be a real pleasure to me to do anything which you wish, for I shall never forget your kindness from the very beginning to the end of the Erasmus Darwin affair.3 I fear that my little book on ‘Vegetable mould’ will hardly answer for your purpose.— The subject is of no importance, but what we English call a hobby-horse of mine, & therefore I have written it. The best plan will be to send you clean sheets, as soon as any are printed, & then you can judge for yourself.—4 Ch. II wd. perhaps be the best on the senses & minds of worms, but then I have given my facts in such detail that I think that anything but a resumé of them wd. be tiresome.— There are 6 chapters, & the 2 last are geological; ie the bearing of the work of worms on the Denudation of the Land. All the chapters hang together so much & are so lengthy, that I do not believe that any or parts of any wd. serve to be printed separately— I think, however, I ought to get Victor Carus’ consent & I will write to him to night or tomorrow; & if you do not hear, you will understand that he does not object.—5 Herr Koch, I suppose, wd. approve of the plan: I will tell V. Carus that it is only a thought of yours, & that I wish to do whatever you may decide.— I am extremely glad to hear about Kosmos. I have as yet read only the capital article by F Müller on the Crab.—6 What an observer he is! My son’s (Frank) article looks very nicely got up. He has gone to Strasburg to work for 2  months under De Bary; I have told him of the copy sent him.7 My dear Sir, Yours very sincerely | Charles Darwin P.S.— I have heard nothing about Mr. Butler, except that he more furious than ever against me. Some English Journals which had intended to review his book, have passed it over in complete silence. It is very handsome of the German orthodox Journal to behave in this manner.8 The Huntington Library (HM 36215) 1 2

3

Krause had sent CD copies of his summary of Movement in plants, published in Die Gartenlaube (see letter from Ernst Krause, 15 May 1881 and n. 2). Eduard Koch was the head of E. Schweizerbart’sche Verlagsbuchhandlung, CD’s German publisher. Die Gartenlaube was a popular weekly with extremely wide circulation (for more on its wide dissemination, see Belgum 1998). Following the publication of Erasmus Darwin, Samuel Butler had written a letter to the Athenæum, claiming that CD and Krause had used without acknowledgment and made critical reference to his Evolution old

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and new (Butler 1879; see Correspondence vol. 28, letter to H. E. Litchfield, 1 February [1880], enclosure 1). Following further allegations in Unconscious memory (Butler 1880), Krause had defended CD and himself in a letter in Nature, 27 January 1881, p. 288. Butler’s latest attack had been made in Nature, 5 February 1881, pp. 312–13; CD asked Krause not to respond (letter to Ernst Krause, 7 February 1881). CD and Francis Darwin had recently begun correcting proof-sheets of Earthworms (see letter from Francis Darwin, 14 May 1881). Krause wanted to publish a translation of a chapter in the journal Kosmos (see letter from Ernst Krause, 15 May 1881). See letter to J. V. Carus, 18 May 1881; Julius Victor Carus was CD’s German translator. The journal Kosmos, which was edited by Krause, had recently been purchased by Koch. Fritz Müller’s article, ‘Atyoida Potimirim, eine schlammfressende Süsswassergarneele’ (Atyoida Potimirim, a mud-eating freshwater shrimp; F. Müller 1881a), was published in Kosmos, May 1881. Atyoida potimirim is a synonym of Potimirim potimirim, the tiny or neon shrimp. See letter to Francis Darwin, 16 and 17  May  1881. The paper, ‘Kletterpflanzen. Eine populäre Vorlesung’ (Climbing plants. A popular lecture; F. Darwin 1881a), was a German translation of a lecture Francis gave in 1880 (see letter from Ernst Krause, 15 May 1881 and n. 5). Francis was working in the laboratory of Anton de Bary in Straßburg (Strasbourg). Krause informed CD that even ultramontane papers in Germany had not reviewed Butler 1880 (see letter from Ernst Krause, 15 May 1881 and n. 7).

To J. V. Carus   18 May 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) May 18th 1881. My dear Sir Dr. Ernst Krause wishes to translate & publish a chapter or part of a chapter of my little book on Veg. mould & worms in Kosmos. I wish particularly to do anything which he desires, so that I have consented, if you do not object.—1 I shd. think that Herr Koch wd. consider it a good advertisement.— I have told Krause, that in my opinion the chapters are all too much connected together for his purpose; but that I wd. send him clean sheets, as soon as they are printed, & then he could judge for himself.—2 I do not think that the book is important or interesting enough for long extracts in a popular Journal.— I hope that you will not object, for I feel under much obligation to Krause. Kindly send me one line in answer.— I heard sometime ago a not good account of your health, & I beg you to tell me how you are.—3 I have received first proofs of nearly 1 4 2 my little book, which I guess will be about 300 pages of rather large type.— My dear Sir | Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin – Preußischer Kulturbesitz (Slg. Darmstaedter Lc 1859: Darwin, Charles, Bl. 187–188) 1 2

3

4

See letter from Ernst Krause, 15 May 1881. Earthworms was published in October 1881 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). See letter to Ernst Krause, 18 May 1881. The journal Kosmos, which was edited by Krause, had recently been purchased by Eduard Koch, the head of E. Schweizerbart’sche Verlagsbuchhandlung, CD’s German publisher (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter from Ernst Krause, 4 December 1880). Carus suffered from chronic bronchial problems; CD had asked about his health in his letter of 23 March 1881, but the latest report Carus had sent was in November 1880, when he mentioned suffering from severe rheumatism in his right shoulder (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter from J. V. Carus, 20 November 1880). CD and Francis Darwin had recently begun correcting proof-sheets of Earthworms (see letter from Francis Darwin, 14 May 1881).

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To James Torbitt   18 May 1881 Down, May 18, 1881 My dear Sir I have the pleasure to enclose a cheque for £90 and will you be so kind as to return me the enclosed receipted, that I may hereafter show it to the subscribers.1 I am extremely sorry that you cannot get your varieties sufficiently well known to ensure a large sale.2 It is very hard on you, but I cannot doubt that they will be ultimately known and spread. You will at least have the inward satisfaction of having benefited your country. I have an extra number of letters to answer, so pray excuse brevity. My dear Sir | Yours very faithfully | Ch. Darwin. Copy DAR 148: 129 1

2

See letter from James Torbitt, 10 March 1881; Torbitt had promised to write when he needed money, but no later letter requesting funds has been found. The sum mentioned had been kept in reserve by CD following advice from Thomas Henry Farrer and James Caird (see letter to James Torbitt, [5] January 1881). The enclosure was a receipt; see letter from James Torbitt, 20 May 1881. Torbitt had been experimenting to produce blight-resistant varieties of potatoes for several years but no commercially available variety had been developed by him (for his approach to the problem, see Torbitt 1876).

From Alexander Agassiz   19 May 1881 Cambridge, May 19, 1881. I find on my return from the Tortugas your most welcome letter of May 5.1 I am now at work on the Report of the Coral Reefs of the Tortugas, and hope during the course of the summer to be able to send it to you.2 As you well say, the fact that the Peninsula of Florida should have remained at the same level for so long a time is most surprising. This I consider to be in part due to the original orographic conditions of the Gulf of Mexico, as we have not only the Florida Peninsula but other equally important banks: Yucatan, Bahamas, and San Pedro Banks, all of which are characterized by a general dead level which they have evidently kept for an immense period of time. Yet on the other side of the Straits of Florida and all along the line of the larger Antilles, as far as Barbados, and along the northern of the Windward Islands, we have the most distinct proof of elevation.… I should feel at present inclined to assign to the action of large marine animals (such as Gorgoniæ, Starfishes, Mollusks, Echinoderms, Deep-sea Corals, Crustacea, etc.)3 a more important part in building up a plateau, up to the height at which corals can thrive, than to the pelagic fauna which I would look upon more as the cementing medium, but which, however, in some localities, such as are in the track of great oceanic currents, as the San Pedro, Yucatan and Florida and Bahama

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Banks, do yet form an important bulk in the mass of the débris added to the original bank, the level of which was due to the folding of the crust in much earlier periods, at a time when the principal orographic features were laid down. My experience has been that shells, etc., in these plateaus which are in the track of currents, are fairly well preserved after death, although covered with mud (made up mainly of the coral ooze and of Globigerina ooze)4 which cemented them to the older layer of dead shells, etc., below, and formed the base upon which the present living forms were thriving. Your objection that there is not great probability of finding in the Pacific as many banks as there are atolls is certainly a very strong one and one which seems to me can only be met by showing in subsequent surveys that these atolls are themselves only slightly raised patches upon large banks, the orography of which we do not as yet know.5 This is a problem in hydrography of the Pacific which I have had in view for a long time and hope to solve one of these days. With reference to the chemistry of the reefs and the action of all this large amount of carbonate of lime held in suspense in the water, I must acknowledge I know nothing, and I do not see the why of the action of carbonic acid as a solvent at one depth and not at another—if not in exact proportions to the pressure. This part of Murray’s argument seems to me untenable, if I understand him correctly, and we seem to have viewed his explanation alike.6 There is constant talk of making borings at St. Augustine for sinking artesian wells, and whenever they start I shall be sure to keep close watch of their proceedings, which ought to settle a good many doubtful points as to the structure of the Florida Peninsula.7 I am much pleased at what you say of my address; the part you refer to is just the one which seemed to me to throw some light on the infinite lines of affinities, which close study reveals, among otherwise distinctly related groups, and it was the very difficulty of expressing this affinity by any of our present methods of notation which made me almost despair of doing more than to follow a single character in its endless modifications in time and space.8 G. R. Agassiz ed. 1913, pp. 284–6 1 2 3

4 5 6 7

8

See letter to Alexander Agassiz, 5 May 1881. In the event, Agassiz’s report was not completed until November 1882 (see A. Agassiz 1882). Gorgonia is a genus of soft corals (order Alcyonacea) sometimes referred to as sea fans. Starfishes (sea stars) are a class (Asteroidea) in the phylum Echinodermata; echinoderms (class Echinoidea) are in the same phylum. Mollusca is the phylum of molluscs. Most deep-sea or cold-water corals are stony corals (order Scleractinia) but there are also sea fans and black corals (order Antipatharia). Marine foraminifera of the genus Globigerina have calcareous tests or shells; the term ‘Globigerina ooze’ was used to characterise sediment containing shells of this and related genera. See letter to Alexander Agassiz, 5 May 1881 and nn. 3 and 4. See letter to Alexander Agassiz, 5 May 1881 and n. 5. John Murray (1841–1914) had been the naturalist to the Challenger expedition (ODNB). A brief report on the boring for an artesian well at St Augustine, Florida, appeared in the American Journal of Science, July 1887, p. 70; it revealed fossiliferous limestone with coral and shells at depths from about 90 to 770 feet. Agassiz’s address was ‘Paleontological and embryological development’ (A. Agassiz 1880). See letter to Alexander Agassiz, 5 May 1881 and n. 7.

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May 1881

From Francis Darwin   19 [May 1881]1 Strassburg (Elsass) 19th. My dear Father Many thanks for your long letter; will you please thank Bessy for her nice letters and say I will really write a decent letter next but now I want to get some axles off—2 I was talking with Wortmann (the d—d circumnutator) last night about several physiolog things, and I said I had heard from Elfving that Phycomyces bends away from a damp surface   He said that he had made it out too in the winter and had his M.S ready; he hadn’t intended to publish it till the winter, but now he should do so at once so as to be before Elfving.3 It is very unpleasant for me, and I have written to Elfving telling him and saying how sorry I am: I think Wortmann ought most certainly to arrange with Elfving and publish at the same time, for if it hadnt been for me Elfving would have been first   Elfving hasn’t this frightful priority mania, but everyone must like to be the first— Wortmann isn’t a bad sort fellow at all, but evidently thinks entirely of himself & priority. I hope this wont prevent Elfving writing to me in the future about his work— I expect Wortmann will publish his circumnution now too; so I think I will, or at any rate a pretty full preliminary notice; for this I should want my notes, I wonder if you could find them—do not trouble if you do not see them at once— They are all together in the cupboard on the right side of the fire; about the 3rd shelf from the bottom & close to rt side; you will recognise them by the diagrams. There are 2 or 3 very big diagrams which need not be sent; and (if they are all together) only the diagrams marked fig 1 fig 2 &c need be sent; fig 3 or 4 is marked very faintly on the rt side with blue pencil— Please do not agonise about it, as it does not matter very much   I am quite willing to let Wortmann come first but I should like to come out abt the same time4 About your protractor, I was very sorry to find that it was packed up with my things by mistake, I will send it between 2 bits of card board, & Jackson will fasten on a string & lead blob.5 Wortmann tried whether Phyco was sensitive to a touch & says it is not; but he has found some unicellular thing which is so, which is interesting.6 He says he has talked to Sachs about the Power of Movement & he approves of the circumnutn theory but doubts about the roots, let him doubt & be d—d. Wortmann highly approves of the terms apheliotropic &c & things they will be generally adopted.7 De Bary took me to a meeting of the Naturforschende Gesellschaft, where Götte made a good address about sexual selection; he speaks a queer N german dialect which makes it hard to understand.8 He talked as if no one believed in sexual selection! I was introduced to Goltz who is a jolly fat old boy like a fattened & elderly Moseley; he is coming to the Internat Med Congress in London in August.9 I was also introduced to Oscar Schmidt who is rather common looking man, he seemed a vulgar sort of man but was very civil & kindly.10

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The way these people work is wonderful   Wortmann begins at 5 am & goes strt on with only breaks for meals till 7; De Bary is here from am 9 to 7 pm, & then works at home till 12; every evening from 7 to 8 he goes to “kneipe”11 i e drink beer with 2 or 3 other professors at a certain table in a certain café— It was very touching about poor Dubs & the ship—12 Please tell him the next soldiers shall have no writing on their backs then he can cut them out13 | Yrs affec | FD DAR 274.1: 72 1 2

3

4

5 6 7

8

9

10 11 12 13

The month and year are established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to Francis Darwin, 16 and 17 May 1881. See letter to Francis Darwin, 16 and 17 May 1881. No correspondence between Francis and Elizabeth Darwin has been found. ‘Axles’: a family word for unresolved work-related issues (see, for example, Correspondence vol. 27, letter from Francis Darwin to Emma Darwin, 30 June 1879). Julius Wortmann had observed circumnutation in the mycelium of a fungus (see letter from Francis Darwin, 14 May 1881 and n. 7). Francis had met Fredrik Elfving in Würzburg in 1879 (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter from Francis Darwin, 29 May 1879). Elfving was the first researcher to describe an autochemotropic (avoidance) response in the sporophore of the fungus Phycomyces nitens. His paper ‘En obeaktad känslighet hos Phycomyces’ (An unobserved sensitivity in Phycomyces; Elfving 1881) appeared in September 1881. Wortmann’s paper, ‘Ein Beitrag zur Biologie der Mucorineen’ (A contribution on the biology of Mucorales; Wortmann 1881) appeared in parts in Botanische Zeitung, 10 and 17 June 1881. In the first section, he described experiments with Phycomyces nitens that demonstrated the movement of sporophores away from moisture; in the second part, he described the irregular nutation of the stolon of Mucor stolonifer (a synonym of Rhizopus stolonifer, black bread mould). Francis’s paper, ‘Ueber Circumnutation bei einem einzelligen Organe’ (On circumnutation in a single-cell organ; F. Darwin 1881b), appeared in Botanische Zeitung, 29 July 1881; it included three diagrams tracing the movement of a sporophore of P. nitens. Francis described the special rotation apparatus designed by Horace Darwin that allowed him to observe clearly the circumnutation of the sporangium. In his letter of 16 and 17 May 1881, CD had mentioned being unable to find his ‘horn semicircle for measuring angles’ (i.e. protractor). William Jackson was CD’s butler. Wortmann described the tip of the stolon of Mucor stolonifer as sensitive to touch (Wortmann 1881, pp. 385–6). Julius Sachs had supervised Wortmann’s doctoral studies at Würzburg. Sachs was sceptical about CD’s conclusion in Movement in plants, p. 573, that the tip of the root was the sensitive part and directed movement in the adjoining parts. Sachs had also investigated influences on root movement (Sachs 1872 and 1873–4). No record of the meeting of the Naturalists’ Society that Francis attended with Anton de Bary has been found. Alexander Goette was a professor extraordinarius of zoology at Straßburg (Strasbourg). He was born in St Petersburg, Russia, to a Baltic German family (NDB). Friedrich Leopold Goltz, a professor of physiology at Straßburg, attended the seventh International Medical Congress, held in London from 2 to 9 August 1881. Goltz’s paper ‘Discussion on the localisation of function in the cortex cerebri’ (Goltz 1881) was published in the transactions of the congress. Henry Nottidge Moseley was a professor of anatomy at Oxford (ODNB). Francis had mentioned meeting Oskar Schmidt in his letter of 14 May 1881. Kneipe: pub, bar (German). Bernard Darwin had been upset by a report of the sinking of a ship (see letter to Francis Darwin, 16 and 17 May 1881 and n. 11). Francis was sending paper soldiers to Bernard. Some companies produced paper soldiers with advertisements on the reverse, as a free gift with purchases (see Toiati 2019 for more on the production of paper soldiers).

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May 1881

To Francis Darwin   20 May 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) May 20 1881 My dear F. Bernard is quite jolly: as Bessy is away & mother has been headachy & is in bed to day, the house is very dull for him, but I never in all my life saw so contented a little man, for he seems quite happy.— One great amusement is scheming about an army with elephants, camels, cannons—Bombs & God knows what, to besiege Strasburg, until at last Dr. De Bary is compelled to say “Mr. Dada you must go home at once”.—1 I have been working the whole of this morning at your corrections of Ch., II. They are all excellent, & all but one accepted.—2 You make everything as clear as daylight, but it distresses me that you shd. have such labour.— I think that I could find the pencil crosses; but you certainly save me all trouble.— I hope Ch. III. despatched yesterday will not be so troublesome; anyhow it is shorter.— There is a roll of old & very dirty M.S. from the Linnean Socy. come addressed to you, all about the machine—clinostat—with the old drawings—3 I suppose that you do not want it, but it shall be preserved.— I am very tired—so good Bye. | C. Darwin DAR 211: 74 1 2 3

Bernard Darwin was Francis’s son; Elizabeth Darwin was Francis’s sister, and lived at Down House. Francis was working in the laboratory of Anton de Bary in Straßburg (Strasbourg). CD and Francis had recently begun correcting proof-sheets for Earthworms (see letter from Francis Darwin, 14 May 1881). The manuscript about the clinostat (klinostat; a rotating plant-holder used to test the influence of gravity) has not been identified. Horace Darwin had built a version of the apparatus that Francis used in his experimental work; it is described in detail and with several diagrams in F. Darwin 1880a, pp. 449–55. See also A. Secord 2019, pp. 103–4.

To W. E. Darwin   20 May [1881]1 Down. May 20th My dear W. I am much disturbed in my mind what best to do with the £3000, the value of my U. States Funded Loan.— I have so much in Railways that these, I think, had better be avoided.—2 I see in newspaper that a million $ Bonds have been offered to the States to be renewed at the 312 per cent. interest; & does this not show that in the States this is thought a fair offer for a good security?3 Please settle for me, if I retain the Bonds at this interest, I believe that notice shd. be given (I suppose through the U. Bank)4 immediately.— If I allow the Bonds to be paid off, then you will have to advise me hereafter about some accrued investment—in August, I think.—

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Pray settle what I had better do. & let me hear. | your affect Father | C. Darwin Idleness tempts me to accept the 312. Bonds. American Philosophical Society (Mss.B.D25.590) 1 2

3 4

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from W. E. Darwin, 7 May 1881. William had suggested a number of possible investments in his letter of 7 May 1881. CD had been forced to sell some of his investment in United States Funded Loan shares (see letter to W. E. Darwin, 4 May [1881]). See letter from W. E. Darwin, 7 May 1881 and n. 2. The newspaper announcement has not been identified. CD’s bank was the Union Bank, Charing Cross Branch, London (see Correspondence vol. 5, letter to John Higgins, 11 April [1853]).

From James Torbitt   20 May 1881 Received from Charles Darwin the following subscriptions. £ Mr Farrer  25 Mr Ch. Morrison 25 r M A. Morrison  25 Mr. Caird 10 Mr. H Wedgwood1  5 £90 Signed | James Torbitt 20th. May 1881 DAR 52: E17 1

See letter to James Torbitt, 18 May 1881. The text from ‘Received’ to ‘£90’ is in CD’s hand. The subscribers were Thomas Henry Farrer, Charles Morrison, Alfred Morrison, James Caird, and Hensleigh Wedgwood.

From J. V. Carus    21 May 1881 Prof. J. Victor Carus. | Leipzig, | 30 Querstrasse. May, 21st 1881 My dear Sir, You are so very kind, that I scarcely know how to thank you. Your whole letter testifies to such a sympathizing regardfulness, that I feel I have not deserved it1 With regard to your new book, how could I have the very slightest objection against Dr Krause’s or any one else’s publishing part of it or the whole    I had not yet

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asked you, if I might translate it like the others.2 Only I had some idea that it would be very nice for me to translate it, as I have translated your first paper on veg. mould (Trans Geol Soc.  2. Ser. Vol.  5. 1837), which, together with the Geology of the Falkland Islands on the connection of certain volcanic phenomena in S. America, on the distribution of erratic boulders, on the old glaciers of Caernarvonshire and on atmospheric dust, forms the 2. part of the 12. Volume of our Edition of your collected works under the title “Smaller Geological Papers.”3 But it is so perfectly self evident that you may dispose of the book, that I almost regret having told you of my idea to translate it. My health is, I am sorry to say, just now rather bad. After I had overcome a very hard cold in October and November I worked too hard (Annual Record for the Zool. Station at Naples and the exceedingly troublesome and sometimes highly diplomatic correspondence with the Reporters and with Dohrn himself, who is one of the finest and heartiest fellows I ever knew and a friend of some twenty years standing, but who deals with all the details from a bird’s eye stand point and not from the only rational one, the practical, who always goes ahead with new plans and by this overthrows the old ones.)4 Now I am again short of nervous force, and the worst of it, I got in this so called spring a bronchitis and tracheitis, that I shall be obliged to put off work and to change the air for 10 or 12 days, just to keep the engine going till the long vacations.5 Of course I am somewhat depressed, but I trust I shall overcome it. Again and again my heartfelt thanks. Believe me | Yours ever sincerely | J. Victor Carus DAR 198: 34 1 2

3 4

5

See letter to J. V. Carus, 18 May 1881. Carus had been CD’s German translator since 1866 (Correspondence vol. 14, letter from E. Schweizerbart’sche Verlagsbuchhandlung, 10 May 1866). Ernst Krause wanted to publish an excerpt from Earthworms in Kosmos (see letter from Ernst Krause, 15 May 1881). CD had not wanted to proceed without Carus’s approval (letter to J. V. Carus, 18 May 1881). See Carus trans. 1878. Carus was the editor of the Zoologische Jahresbericht of the Naples Zoological Station from 1879 to 1881; the reports were summaries of activities written by specialists in the various areas of research. Anton Dohrn was the founder and director of the station. Carus was professor extraordinarius of comparative anatomy at Leipzig.

To Francis Darwin   22–3 May 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Sunday 22d. May— 1881 My dear Frank A parcel of M.S & proofs with enclosed note has come from Murie, which together with M.S. alluded to yesterday, shall be sent registered tomorrow, together with my Chapter IV. This Ch. will not, I hope, cause very much trouble— I enclose Nature— —1

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Your papers were despatched on Saturday as by enclosed list.— Four still remain: would it not be well to send one to E. Krause, who has just published in a German Hort. Periodical, with an enormous sale, a really admirable resume of the “Power of Movements”.2 He has picked out all the leading conclusions & facts.— I have been excessively interested by your letter: it is very disagreeable about Elfing, but you could not have anticipated such a result.3 It will be funny three independent papers coming out about the movements of mould.4 It will have the great advantage of convincing everyone on the points in which you agree,— I am particularly glad to hear about Sachs & the circumnutation theory.— I wonder whether he doubts about the tips being sensitive to contact. He wd be more justified about geotropism.5 What a lot of swells in Science you have seen. As for sexual selection I look at Fritz Müller as a host in himself.—6 What a wonderful account you give of the work of your German: it is a marvel how we English can do anything7 It is very curious to see how Dubba clings to Lenny who is here.8 He almost cried when he had to leave him. He evidently carries on his feelings towards you to him, as the human being most like you.— It is awful to think how near the Lake-Journey is.9 I shall get by the time all first proofs done. The 2 last chapters are quasi-geological.—10 Farewell | Your Father | C. Darwin Monday— 12o oclock Bernard quite jolly— was grieved at Leonard going, but did not cry.— DAR 211: 75 1

2

3

4 5

6

James Murie was the librarian of the Linnean Society. The manuscript and proof-sheets were for Francis’s article, ‘On the power possessed by leaves of placing themselves at right angles to the direction of incident light’ (F. Darwin 1880a), which was published in the Journal of the Linnean Society (Botany), June 1881. CD also sent proof-sheets of Earthworms and the journal Nature. No letter from CD to Francis dated 21 May 1881 has been found, but CD had mentioned a manuscript about a klinostat in his letter to Francis of 20 May 1881. The list has not been found; CD had evidently sent offprints of another article by Francis, ‘The theory of the growth of cuttings’ (F. Darwin 1880b), published in the Journal of the Linnean Society (Botany), April 1881. Ernst Krause’s summary of Movement in plants, written under his pseudonym, Carus Sterne, appeared in Die Gartenlaube in April 1881 (Sterne 1881a; see letter from Ernst Krause, 15 May 1881 and n. 4). The paper was a popular German illustrated weekly, not a horticultural journal. (‘Gartenlaube’: bower or gazebo; the title page showed a family group reading at a table under a bower.) See letter from Francis Darwin, 19 [May 1881] and nn. 3 and 4. Francis had mentioned Fredrik Elfving’s research on the movement of the mould Phycomyces nitens to Julius Wortmann, prompting Wortmann to decide to publish his own research on the topic as soon as possible. Wortmann 1881 was published in Botanische Zeitung, 10 June and 17 June 1881; F. Darwin 1881b appeared in Botanische Zeitung, 29 July 1881. Elfving 1881 was published in Botaniska Notiser, September 1881. See letter from Francis Darwin, 19 [May 1881] and n. 7. Wortmann reported that Julius Sachs accepted circumnutation theory with the exception of roots. For CD’s discussion of circumnutation in radicles (embryonic roots), see Movement in plants, pp. 69–71. Anton de Bary had taken Francis to a meeting of naturalists at which Alexander Goette gave an address on sexual selection. Francis mentioned that Goette spoke as though no one believed in sexual selection, but CD evidently felt that having the support of Fritz Müller counted for more than a multitude of detractors. Francis also met Friedrich Leopold Goltz and Oskar Schmidt at the meeting. See letter from Francis Darwin, 19 [May 1881].

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See letter from Francis Darwin, 19 [May 1881]; Francis had described the long hours kept by Wortmann and De Bary. Dubba was Bernard Darwin, Francis’s son; Leonard Darwin was Francis’s brother. The Darwins went on holiday to Patterdale in the Lake District from 2 June to 5 July 1881 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). See Earthworms, pp. 230–304; these chapters were on the action of worms in the denudation of the land.

From Francis Darwin   23 [May 1881]1 Monday | (23?) My dear Father I am very glad that the corrections were good—it really isnt much work and it is a change from microscoping all day—2 Also many thanks for your letter   I am v glad poor little Ubbadub is jolly.3 I think I should like some of my notes, as I shall want to refer I think undoubtedly—4 My notes were all classified and pinched in bundles but I am afraid I took the pinchers off— The only ones I should want are marked with a big big D in red or blue pencil, (which means I have made a diagram) & I think these are all together & if so I should like to have them, they wouldn’t be a very big bundle— But dont worry about them I have been going on at roots Linum, Cucurbita, & Larch & Orchid; Maize I only had a long look at in a prepn of De Bary’s— I never thoroughly understood a root before chiefly because in our English Sachs he didn’t know about the different types and thought that a maize & a sunflower were the same type.5 There is a beautiful drawing of a maize root which is really perfectly right but which Sachs thought was wrong after he had published it because it wouldn’t go with the sunflower type which owing to Reinke was believed to be the universal type.6 This story is rather muddled however. I didn’t telegraph about the notes because I couldn’t explain in a telegraph— I went a long expedition in the Schwarzwald yesterday with Wortmann, & two other “praktikanten” Fisch and Bisgen.7 Bisgen has got Drosera to germinate and is going to feed & starve plants from their youth up—8 They only germinate almost in a a peat only on the sides of the lump of peat near the water water—a a Yours affec | F. D. Please tell mother I am quite content that she should teach Ubbadub what religion she likes9 The man who wrote a dissertn about the Cucurbita peg is going to claim priorität in the Bot Zeitung. De Bary is much amused at him & says he has discovered that he made a discovery10

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I suppose certainly no printed proof came from the Linnean   I expect about 2 pages more11 DAR 274.1: 66 1 2 3 4 5

6

7 8

9 10

11

The month and year are established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to Francis Darwin, 20 May 1881. The Monday following 20 May 1881 was 23 May. See letter to Francis Darwin, 20  May  1881; CD and Francis had begun correcting proof-sheets for Earthworms. Francis was working in the laboratory of Anton de Bary in Straßburg (Strasbourg). Ubbadub was a nickname for Bernard Darwin, Francis’s son. The notes have not been identified. Linum is the genus of flax; Cucurbita is the genus of gourds. The genus of larch is Larix; the family of orchids is Orchidaceae. Maize is Zea mays; the common sunflower is Helianthus annuus. ‘English Sachs’ is a reference to the English translation of Julius Sachs’s textbook of botany (Sachs 1875); in it (ibid., p. 140), Sachs had cited Johannes Reinke’s work ‘Untersuchungen über Wachsthumsgeschichte und Morphologie der Phanerogamen-Wurzel’ (Investigations on the development and morphology of the phanerogam root; Reinke 1871). Sachs’s illustration of a root of maize at early stages of development is in Sachs 1875, p. 143, fig. 113; in it, the development of the first secondary (adventitious) root is shown in fig. 113, III. In Reinke 1871, p. 43, Reinke stated that root development was essentially the same in both monocotyledons (maize) and dicotyledons (sunflower). Schwarzwald: the Black Forest; Praktikant: apprentice (German). Julius Wortmann was De Bary’s assistant. Moritz Büsgen was a doctoral student of De Bary’s. Fisch may have been Carl Fisch. Francis had published results of his experiments on feeding Drosera rotundifolia (common or roundleaved sundew) in F. Darwin 1878. The plants used by Francis were already mature at the start of his experiments (ibid., p. 21). The Darwin and Wedgwood families were Unitarians; for Emma Darwin’s views on religion, see Keynes 2001, pp. 49–54. CD discussed the peg or heel that develops from a germinating seed in plants of the Cucurbitaceae (gourd) family in Movement in plants, pp. 102–4. He had recently received a copy of Friedrich August Tscherning’s dissertation on germination in the Cucurbitaceae; Tscherning wrote to Botanische Zeitung to claim priority for his observation of the peg in his dissertation (Tscherning 1872; see letter from F. A. Tscherning, 6 May 1881 and nn. 1 and 3). The proof-sheets were for Francis’s article ‘On the power possessed by leaves of placing themselves at right angles to the direction of incident light’ (F. Darwin 1880a), which was published in the Journal of the Linnean Society (Botany), June 1881. The sheets had arrived at Down on 22 May 1881 (see letter to Francis Darwin, 22–3 May 1881).

From W. E. Darwin   23 May 1881 Bank, Southampton, May 23 1881 My dear Father, I dare say you do not care for the Dutch Government Bond paying 334 or the Dutch guaranteed Railway Bond paying about 414 which I mentioned a week or so ago, so that I think you had better continue the United States Bond at 312 per cent as they are perfectly safe. The Union Bank will manage the renewal for you if it can be done; but I am not sure that the U/S. government will renew all.1 I suppose you would not stand the following investment to the extent say of £1000; I am convinced in a few years it will be paying 7 to 8 per cent. Antwerp Water

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Works Company limited    Horace’s friend Easton is the engineer and I know has a very large number of shares, a friend of mine is Managing Director and lives at Antwerp.2 The Company has to supply the whole town of Antwerp which is growing immensely Herbert Norman3 is a director and has a very high opinion; the shares can now be bought a little over par. I do not expect you to go in for it, but could not resist mentioning it. If the United States will not renew all your Bonds, Manchester Corporation stock will pay you 312 per cent. I am going on pretty well, but not entirely right yet— Sara is marvellously well.4 I am so sorry Horace & Ida cannot go with you5 Your affect son | W. E. Darwin Cornford Family Papers (DAR 275: 93) CD annotation 4.1 Manchester … cent. 4.2] double scored red crayon 1

2

3 4 5

CD had been forced to sell some of his investment in United States Funded Loan shares (see letter to W. E. Darwin, 4 May [1881]). William had been suggesting alternative investments but CD remained undecided (see letter to W. E. Darwin, 20 May [1881] and n. 2). CD’s bank was the Union Bank, Charing Cross Branch, London. Horace Darwin’s friend was James Easton. Charles Crew was the managing director at the Antwerp Waterworks Company plant near Walem, Belgium (for more on the company and the technical innovations of the plant, see Craenenbroeck 1998). Herbert George Henry Norman. William had suffered a concussion following a riding accident in March (see letter from W. E. Darwin, [13 March 1881] and n. 4). Sara Darwin was William’s wife. Horace Darwin and his wife Ida lived in Cambridge. Horace did, in fact, join the Darwins on holiday on 2 June, meeting them at Willesden Junction in North London, from where they travelled together to Patterdale in the Lake District (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)).

From Alpheus Hyatt   23 May 1881 Annisquam, Mass. May 23rd 1881 Honored Sir I do not think my little essay needed an acknowledgement from you of so serious a tone as that which I have just received.1 I feel honored by your intention to read my brochure on Steinheim Shells, and hope, that notwithstanding it’s imperfections, it may not entirely disappoint you.2 It would have been made much more perfect, if I had had the opportunity for revising all my conclusions by a third visit to Steinheim. I should then have done greater justice to Hilgendorf for whom I have such a high respect.3 I cannot now take any other view than, that, he and those who support him have not had the opportunity of making themselves acquainted with the geological side of the question. Certainly, if the conditions of the deposition of sediment are the same in European as in American lakes, I did reach as old a stratum as ever Hilgendorf did.

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His claim, in that case, that I only reached a comparatively much younger stratum than he did falls to the ground. His claim is, that he sunk holes farther out from the old shore line and therefore pierced down to older strata where Pl. levis = Pl. Steinheim, var aequiumbilicatus existed alone without intermixture of other forms.4 You would think I was insincere, if I wrote you what I really felt with regard to what you have done for the theory of Descent. Perhaps this essay will lead you to a more correct view, than you now have of my estimate, if I can be said to have any claim to make an estimate of your work in this direction. You will not take offence however, if I tell you that your strongest supporters can hardly give you greater esteem, and honor. I have striven to get a just idea of your theory, but no doubt have failed to convey this in my publications as it ought to be done.5 You certainly have explained to my mind the way in which differences arise, as I have tried to show in the essay you have; so far I have progressed, perhaps after one word awhile I may get better informed and see other applications. Do not think, I beg, that I consider I am able to fathom your books or your insight which I hold to be far beyond my plumb line. Very respectfully | Alpheus Hyatt. DAR 166: 360 1 2

3

4

5

See letter to Alpheus Hyatt, 8 May 1881 and n. 2. See letter to Alpheus Hyatt, 8 May 1881 and n. 1. The brochure was Hyatt 1880. Regarding the phylogeny of fossil snails found in the Steinheim crater in Heidenheim, Germany, Hyatt claimed that the whole series arose within a relatively short time in parallel lineages (ibid., pp. 106–11). Hyatt had given CD a long statement of his findings in a letter of January 1877 (Correspondence vol. 25). In contrast to Hyatt, Franz Hilgendorf had published a phylogeny of the Steinheim fossil shells in which different forms were associated with ten different strata and all forms ultimately traced back to one foundation species (Hilgendorf 1866; see Rasser 2013, pp. 10–12, for more on Hilgendorf ’s conclusions on the phylogeny of the Steinheim shells). For the varieties of Planorbis levis, see Hyatt 1880, pp. 8–9 (‘levis’ was Hyatt’s misspelling of ‘laevis’; see also Correspondence vol. 25, letter from Alphaeus Hyatt, January 1877 and n. 11). Hilgendorf ’s foundation species name was Planorbis multiformis aequiumbilicatus (both Hyatt’s and Hilgendorf ’s names are synonyms of Gyraulus kleini). In a letter published in the Zeitschrift der Deutschen Geologischen Gesellschaft 27 (1875): 224–7, Hilgendorf had suggested that the reason both Hyatt and Fridolin Sandberger, who had also written on the shells, found a mixture of forms in the same strata was that they had not sampled from the lowest undisturbed levels. Following the appearance of Hyatt 1880, Hilgendorf wrote a review in which he extended his critique of Hyatt’s investigation, while noting some similarities in their classification systems (Hilgendorf 1881). For more on Hyatt’s evolutionary theory as applied to his work on the Steinheim shells, see Gould 2002, pp. 370–83.

To Francis Darwin   25 May [1881]

Down. May 25th

The Page marked D had got separate from all the others, so I have sent whole lot, each bundle separate from others.— I send also Proofs of my Ch. V. (no more

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sheets from Linn. Soc.)1 I have now got Ch VI (& Ch VII very short) & all shall be sent in 2 or 3. days— Your corrected copy has arrived, but I have not looked at it.2 C. D. B. all right— just started on Daisy w. Pauline carrying a regt of paper soldiers loose in her hand. It wd not be marching if they were put in her pocket3 ApcS Postmark: MY 25 81 DAR 211: 76 1 2

3

Francis was missing a couple of proof-sheets from the Linnean Society; see letter from Francis Darwin, 23 [May 1881] and n. 11. This sentence was written between the lines by Emma Darwin. See letter from Francis Darwin, 23 [May 1881]. Francis had asked for some of his research notes to be sent; ‘D’ indicated that the page contained a diagram. Francis had sent corrections to proof-sheets of Earthworms. Bernard Darwin had gone for a ride on the family’s donkey, Daisy, with his nurse, Pauline Badel (letter from Emma Darwin to H. E. Litchfield, [12 September 1879], DAR 219.9: 203). Francis regularly sent paper soldiers to Bernard. The postscript was written by Emma Darwin.

From Victor Hensen1   25 May 1881 Kiel d. 25ten Mai 1881. Sehr verehrter Herr! So eben erhalte ich Ihr sehr freundliches Schreiben. Ich würde es nicht genug bedauern konnen, wenn Ihr werthvolles Werk über Kreuz und Selbst-Befruchtung der Pflanzen mir entgangen wäre, zum Glück war dasselbe in meinem Besitz und Sie werden vielleicht mit der Zeit selbst Ihre Pflanze “Heros” gehörigen Ortes berücksichtigt finden.2 Ueberhaupt sind Ihre Werke für mich eine Fundgrube gewesen, wie ich glaube, sind die Fälle selten, in welchen ich eine erheblich andere Meinung vertrete, wie die von Ihnen ausgesprochene. Ihrem Werk über den Regenwurm sehe ich mit grosser Spannung entgegen, dies ist es auch, was mich zu der unmittelbaren Beantwortung Ihres freundlichen Briefes veranlasst.3 Der dänische Zoologe P. E. Müller hat in Tidsskrift for Skovbrug Bd III I u II Hft. Kjobenhavn  1878  in den “Studier over Skovjord” (Walderde) die Thätigkeit des Regenwurms weiter untersucht; ich selbst habe mir diese Arbeit noch nicht verschaffen können, da Sie aber grade über den Gegenstand schreiben und gewohnt sind in ausgedehntem Maasse die Literatur zu benutzen und zu geben, wollte ich Sie für den Fall, dass Sie die Arbeit noch nicht kennen sollten, auf ihr Vorhandensein aufmerksam machen.4 Mit dem Ausdruck ausgezeichnetster | Hochachtung | Ihr ganz ergebener | V. Hensen. DAR 166: 145

May 1881 1 2

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237

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. CD’s letter to Hensen has not been found, but it was probably written to thank Hensen for sending his book, Physiologie der Zeugung (Physiology of reproduction, Hensen 1881; see letter to Francis Darwin, 27 May 1881 and n. 5). Hensen had cited several of CD’s works, including Cross and self fertilisation (Hensen 1881, p. 179). CD had studied the offspring of a particular self-fertilised plant of Ipomoea purpurea (common morning-glory) that he had dubbed ‘Hero’ owing to its prodigious growth (see Cross and self fertilisation, pp. 37, 47–51, and passim). CD and his son Francis Darwin were already correcting proof-sheets of Earthworms, which had gone to press on 1 May 1881; it was published on 10 October 1881 (Freeman 1977). Peter Erasmus Müller’s article ‘Studier over Skovjord’ (Studies on forest soil; P. E. Müller 1878) appeared in Tidsskrift for Skovbrug (Journal of Forestry). In Earthworms (1882), p. 8, Francis Darwin added a note mentioning that Hensen had told CD about P. E. Müller 1878, but that CD had no opportunity to consult the work.

From G. J. Romanes   25 May [1881]1 18 Cornwall Terrace, Regent’s Park, N.W.: May 25. My dear Mr. Darwin,— When at the Linnean this afternoon, I was told by Dr. M— that he had obtained your consent to sit for a portrait for the Society.2 Now, as it appears to me a great favour to ask of you to sit for yet another portrait, the least we can do, if you consent, is to employ a thoroughly good man to paint it. Therefore, if you have not already entered into any definite agreement, I write to suggest a little delay (say of a month), when, as Secretary, I might ascertain the amount of the subscription on which we might rely, and arrange matters accordingly. John Collier (Huxley’s son-in-law) told me some time ago that he would dearly like to have you to paint, and I doubt not that he would do it at less than his ordinary charges if necessary. He would be sure to do the work well, and so I write to ascertain whether you would not prefer him, or some other artist of known ability, to do the work, if I were to undertake to provide the needful.3 Please give to Mrs. Darwin, and take to yourself, our best thanks for your kind congratulations on the opportune arrival of another baby—just in time to be worked into the book on Mental Evolution.4 Everything is going well. Very sincerely and most respectfully yours, | Geo. J. Romanes. E. D. Romanes 1896, p. 118 1 2 3

4

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to G.  J.  Romanes, 27 May 1881. James Murie was the librarian of the Linnean Society. Romanes had recently become zoological secretary of the Linnean Society (see letter from G.  J.  Romanes, 22 April [1881] and n. 4). John Collier was married to Thomas Henry Huxley’s daughter Marian. Emma Darwin had written to congratulate Romanes and his wife Ethel on the birth of their son, George Ernest Romanes. Romanes refers only to his first child, Ethel Georgina, in Mental evolution (see G. J. Romanes 1883a, p. 121).

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From Frithiof Holmgren   26 May 1881 Upsala 26 Mai 1881 Dear Sir Your last kind letter with the photograf made me a very happy surprise.1 I thank you most heartily for them both. The will be kept as dear memory of a man, who did not feel too grand on his own point of scientific eminence to strech his hand to a more humble workman in the same service.2 Your distinguished kindness will also serve to give greater force to my small power in our great battle for the True and the Just in this world. I beg you to be assured of my heartfelt gratitude and affection | yours | Frithiof Holmgren Mr. Charles Darwin Esq. | F.R.S. London DAR 166: 259 1 2

CD’s letter to Holmgren with a photograph has not been found. CD had published his earlier letter to Holmgren of [14] April 1881, giving his opinion of vivisection, in The Times, 18 April 1881, p. 10; it was also published in the Manchester Guardian, 19 April 1881, p. 7 (see letter from Frithiof Holmgren, 8 May 1881).

To H. M. Westropp   26 May 1881 Down | Beckenham May 26. 1881 Dear Sir. My time is so fully occupied that I cannot spare the time to discuss your essay.1 The comparison of the stages of the life of an individual animal with those of a species or whole nation seems to me far fetched. I do not believe that there has been progress in the case of all organisms; on the contrary much degradation during many generations, as with parasitic crustaceans and probably with parasitic worms.2 The belief in much degradation is spreading amongst many naturalists, as may be seen in Ray Lankesters recent (little?) book.3 On the other hand, I know of no evidence opposed to the belief in continuous progress in many lines of descent. I am sorry that my note must be so short, and remain | yours faithfully | Ch Darwin Copy DAR 148: 351 1 2

Westropp had recently published his work, The cycle of development (Westropp 1881); no copy has been found in the Darwin Library–CUL. CD had noted the abortion of several organs in parasitic barnacles and complemental males of some barnacle species (Living Cirripedia (1854), pp. 26–30).

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CD’s annotated copy of Edwin Ray Lankester’s Degeneration. A chapter in Darwinism (Lankester 1880) is in the Darwin Library–CUL.

To Francis Darwin   27 May 1881 Down | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) May 27th 1881 My dear F. I despatch today Ch VI & VII, so thank Heaven I have completed first time over. The end of Ch. VI is awfully dull, but is I think worth giving. I shall now begin on your corrections on Ch. III.— Attend to my query about last sentence of book; as Ruskin said the beginning & the end of every book is humbug.—1 Remember we start early on Thursday June 2d, & address so that no proofs may come here.2 Our address is Glenrhydding House Patterdale Penrith. Bernard is quite jolly. He asks every post whether any letter from you & I think he expects more soldiers, but with his delicate little soul, he said that he shd. not ask you to send any more.—3 I have received a Sweadish book “Växtformationerna” by R. Hult.— I cannot read a word, but suspect it all about bloom.!4 Also a big book from Hensen of Kiel, “Physiologie der Zeugung”.—5 This seems interesting, though chiefly on animals, but all sorts of queer points appear to be discussed.— If you hear anything about these 2 books I shd like to hear it; & how far Hensen is esteemed as a physiologist. He quotes me a good deal, but I do not know whether favourably.—6 Rose, Henrietta, Franke & Richter come to luncheon today & I shall like to hear the latter play.—7 Leonard was much afraid he cd not have come with us, but he travels & stays with us, which is a very good job.—8 Horace writes in great hopefulness about the Pendulum & about the shop.—9 My dear F | your affectionate Father | C. Darwin DAR 211: 77 1

2 3 4

CD and Francis were correcting proof-sheets of Earthworms. The query mentioned has not been identified, but CD may have written it on one of the proof-sheets; these are no longer extant. CD had met John Ruskin in 1879 when the Darwins visited Coniston in the Lake District (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter to G. J. Romanes, 14 September [1879] and n. 5). For more on the Darwins’ visit with Ruskin, see Healey 2001, pp. 301–6. The Darwins went on holiday to Patterdale in the Lake District from 2 June to 5 July 1881 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). Francis often sent his son Bernard Darwin paper soldiers (see letter from Francis Darwin, 19 [May 1881] and n. 13). Ragnar Hult’s doctoral dissertation, ‘Försök bis analytisk behandling af växtformationerna’ (Attempt at an analytical approach to plant formations; Hult 1881), was, in fact, about the structure of plant communities; CD’s copy has not been found.

240 5 6

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May 1881

Victor Hensen’s work, Physiologie der Zeugung (Physiology of reproduction; Hensen 1881) has not been found in the Darwin Library–CUL. Hensen cited several of CD’s works, for example Variation, Orchids, Cross and self fertilisation, Descent, and ‘Dimorphic condition in Primula’ (see Hensen 1881, pp. 150, 169–70, 175–6, and passim). He discussed CD’s provisional hypothesis of pangenesis, noting that CD had understood what a theory of heredity needed to account for, so the hypothesis was a good starting point for further development (ibid., pp. 216–22). Constance Rose and Johannes Hermann Franke, Hans Richter, and Henrietta Emma Litchfield. Richter, a noted conductor, was in London for the Richter Concerts, a series started by Franke (Musical World 58 (1880): 279). Richter could play on every musical instrument except the harp, as well as sing (Grove 2002). Leonard Darwin was accompanying the Darwins on their holiday to the Lake District (see n. 2, above). Horace Darwin was constructing a pendulum for a committee of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, set up to measure the lunar disturbance of gravity (for a description of the development of the pendulum, see Nature, 3 November 1881, p. 20). The ‘shop’ was the recently founded Cambridge Scientific Instruments Company, a partnership between Horace and Albert George Dew-Smith (see Cattermole and Wolfe 1987, pp. 12–22).

From W. H. Goodwin   27 May 1881 Bank Buildings | Hastings 27 May ’81 Dear Sir I was born within 200 yards of “The Mount” where I have always assumed you also were born1 In the days of my early youth your Father or sisters were almost daily seen by me in the Streets of Shrewsbury. You had of course left Salop as your “Beagle” Journal shews. In 1845 I can remember that I used to see the Beagle narrative but had not the sense to read it and I may not have known that it was by a Salopian2 Since 1859 or soon afterwards I have in common with all enquiring people felt an interest in your name and works and without wishing to be obtrusive I have often wished to ask for your Autograph I need not weary you by referring to the natural wish for a slight memorial of a distinguished Shrewsbury man and I trust you will grant my request. I was brought up in the office of Mr. Scarth3 Solicitor and used to think that I knew every man woman and child in Shrewsbury. Apologizing for the intrusion which I trust will be pardoned. | I am Dear Sir | Your obedt Servant | W H Goodwin Chas Darwin Esq | FRS DAR 99: 200 1 2 3

The Mount, Shrewsbury, was built around 1800 by Robert Waring Darwin, CD’s father; it was where CD was born. CD’s sisters were Marianne Parker, Caroline Wedgwood, Susan Elizabeth Darwin, and Catherine Langton. Journal of researches 2d ed. was published in 1845. Jonathan Scarth.

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241

To G. J. Romanes   27 May 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) May 27th 1881 My dear Romanes I thank you for your kind & very considerate letter.1 I have not the least idea, who is the artist of whom Mr. Murie has thought.2 It tires me a good deal to sit to anyone, but I shd. be the most ungrateful & ungracious dog not to agree. Cordially, supposing that enough is subscribed, about which I have always felt very doubtful. If I am to sit, it would be a pity not to sit to a good artist, & from all that I have heard I believe Mr Collier is a very good one. I have seen a photograph of his picture of Hooker & it seemed very good. I should most particularly desire to sit to Huxley’s son-in-law, if, as you say he would like to paint me.3 Let me earnestly say one thing of you, viz that you will not permit any touting for subscriptions: I always understood that my agreement to sit was contingent on the subscriptions sufficing.— I am heartily glad that Mrs Romanes & the son & heir are flourishing.—4 We start on June 2d for Glenrhydding House Patterdale Penrith, where we shall stay 4 or 5 weeks & I already wish that we were home again.5 My dear Romanes | Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin Linnean Society of London (LL/4) 1 2 3

4 5

See letter from G. J. Romanes, 25 May [1881]. James Murie, the librarian of the Linnean Society, had received CD’s consent for a new portrait to be made of him (see letter from G. J. Romanes, 25 May [1881]). John Collier was married to Thomas Henry Huxley’s daughter Marian. His portrait of Joseph Dalton Hooker was made in 1880 for the Royal Society of London (letter from Francis Galton to the President of the Royal Society, 1 February 1881; Royal Society Miscellaneous Correspondence MC/12/146). Ethel Romanes had recently had her second child and first son, George Ernest Romanes. The Darwins stayed at Patterdale, a village in the Lake District, from 3 June to 4 July 1881 (Emma Darwin's diary (DAR 242)).

To Francis Darwin   [after 27 May 1881]1 [Down.] My dear F. All your corrections in Ch. III. very good & almost all accepted. Thank Heavens that is done.— I send Nature.—2 Caution the man who is going to try Drosera about giving very little animal matter; remind him that naturally the plant gets only what it can get by osmosis through the chitinous skin of insects.—3 I believe hard white of egg is very innocent food. Especially tell him that Van Tieghem objects to your experiments, because you ought to have another set of plants with same sized bits of meat strewed on the

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ground.4 This seems to me hair-splitting. Van T. seems to hate the whole subject of insectivorous plants.— I enjoyed surprisingly Richters music— it was wonderful & I wish that you had been here.5 There is something very pleasing in him.— Yours affect | C. Darwin Dubba came & listened, sitting on Ettys lap & gaped tremendously.6 (Ch. IV. just arrived.)7 DAR 211: 78 1 2 3

4 5

6 7

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to Francis Darwin, 27 May 1881. CD and Francis were correcting proof-sheets of Earthworms. Francis was working in the laboratory of Anton de Bary in Straßburg (Strasbourg). CD sent a recent issue of Nature. Francis mentioned that one of the apprentices in the laboratory had been able to germinate plants of Drosera (sundew) and was planning to experiment on the effects of feeding or starving plants (see letter from Francis Darwin, 23 [May 1881] and nn. 7 and 8). Philippe van Tieghem had made the criticism in his Traité de botanique (Treatise on botany; Tieghem 1884, p. 208). CD had mentioned that the musician Hans Richter was paying a visit to Down in his letter to Francis of 27 May 1881. In a description of the visit, Richter noted that CD had told him that Francis played the bassoon (Richter 1882, p. 498). Bernard Darwin and Henrietta Emma Litchfield. CD had sent Francis the proof-sheets of the fourth chapter of Earthworms on 23 May 1881 (letter to Francis Darwin, 22–3 May 1881).

From J. B. Hannay   28 May 1881 Private Laboratory, | Sword Street, | Glasgow. 28th May 1881 Dear Sir I am afraid I made a mis-statement in my letter yesterday1 I should have said that the greater the number of atoms going to form a molecule the greater the contraction on combination so that the density of a gas formed of complex molecules would approach that of its liquid and were the complexity infinite the liquid and gaseous states would be merged into one.2 In protein matter we have almost these conditions. I do not remember how I put it in my letter yesterday but I became convinced when on board the steamer on my way home that I had reversed what I wanted to say.3 I am very sorry to give you the trouble of reading this correction as I know you must have plenty of letters to trouble you I am very Faithfully Yours | J B Hannay DAR 166: 98 CD annotation Foot of letter: ‘J. B. Hannay’ pencil 1 2

The letter has not been found. Hannay was working to give an accurate definition of liquid and gaseous states of matter. His most recent paper on the topic, ‘On the limit of the liquid state’ (Hannay 1881), was read at the Royal Society of London on 10 March 1881.

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Hannay lived in Helensburgh on the Firth of Clyde about thirty miles north-east of Glasgow (Census returns of Scotland 1881 (The National Archives of Scotland: Row 8/5)) and was evidently commuting by steamer. For more information on steamers and the development of trade, travel, and tourism in Helensburgh, see Ashworth 2001, pp. 104–5 and Durie 2012, pp. 7–8.

To Yves Delage   29 May 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) May 29th 1881 Dear Sir I am much indebted to you for your great kindness in having sent me your work, with its magnificent illustrations, on the Circulatory apparatus of the sessile-eyed Crustaceans.—1 With much respect, I remain Dear Sir | Yours faithfully & obliged | Charles Darwin Photograph Wellcome Collection (MS.7781/1–32 item 33) 1

CD’s copy of Delage’s doctoral thesis, Contribution à l’étude de l’appareil circulatoire des crustacés édriophthalmes marins (Contribution to the study of the circulatory system of marine edriophthalmic crustaceans; Delage 1881) is in the Darwin Library–CUL. Edriophthalma are a former taxonomic group, roughly equivalent to the orders Isopoda and Amphipoda, whose members possess sessile compound eyes.

From Charles Mostyn Owen   29 May 1881 Woodhouse, Iffley, Oxford 29 May 1881. My dear Darwin As it is now more than 40 years ago since we last met, you may have forgotten me, but I should very much like to see you again before leaving this world, & it is too late.1 Now I shall be in Town most of next week, & Wednesday being the Derby day,2 (which I shall not attend), I should like to pay you a visit of an hour or so, if you shall be at home on that day & like to see me? My address in Town is the Hanover Square Club of which I am a member3—& if you write let me know what is your nearest Station for although my sister Sarah gave me your address, she did not say how far your residence was from a Station or name the Station.4 Should I come I should like to come early as I have to dine in Town on that evening. Believe me | Yours Truly | C. Mostyn Owen DAR 99: 202–3 1 2

The Darwin and Mostyn Owen families were close friends when CD was a young man (see Correspondence vol. 1). Charles Mostyn Owen was nine years younger than CD. Derby day: a reference to the Epsom Derby, a horse race; in 1881, the race was held on Wednesday 1 June.

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The Hanover Square Club on the east side of Hanover Square, London, had been known as the Queen’s Concert Rooms or Hanover Square Rooms. The club, founded in 1875, bought the premises in that year (Hibbert et al. eds. 2010, p. 382). Sarah Harriet Haliburton had visited CD and Emma Darwin at the home of Erasmus Alvey Darwin some time during their stay in London from 7 to 11 December 1880 (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter to Sarah Haliburton, 13 December 1880). The nearest railway station to Down was Orpington.

From Charles Mostyn Owen   [after 29 May 1881]1 Woodhouse Iffley Oxford—. My dear Darwin I was very sorry to hear that you were unwell   I hope you will derive much benefit from your outing & when you return quite recovered I will try to come & shake hands with again, after more than 40 years2 Yours Truly | C. Mostyn Owen DAR 99: 204 1 2

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from Charles Mostyn Owen, 29 May 1881. Mostyn Owen had hoped to visit CD on 1 June 1881 (see letter from Charles Mostyn Owen, 29 May 1881); a note in Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242) for 30 May 1881 indicated that CD was very unwell and feverish. No reply to that letter has been found. The Darwins visited Patterdale in the Lake District from 2 June to 5 July 1881 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)).

To Francis Darwin   30 May [1881]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) May 30th My dear Backy I have nothing in the world to do, so I write to you.— I have done a good deal of packing up already, but no degree of ingenuity can thus occupy 3 whole days.2 The horrid pain of idleness makes me look forward with dread to the future & God knows what I shall do, for I have hardly strength to begin any new subject requiring much work.—3 I have been thinking that I wd. have another look at absorption by roots & roothairs, when I come home.— I saw the other day somewhere an account (& like an ass did not mark passage) of colouring matter which from being crystalline, wd. pass through living membrane, & colour the protoplasm. Fuchsin was one & some name like Eosin was a second & what third was I do not know.— Will you try & find out what colouring substances there are which will by endosmos pass through living membrane & is not poisonous. (If you can, get some) I shd like thus to try Drosera after feeding it, & roots.4 Bernard is all right: he is going to tea this evening to the Tomkins, which he pronounces to be “a hideous bother.”.5 He has picked up somehow another expression, which he utters in a satirical voice. “Where shall we go now, if you please?”

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The poor dear little man is growing very sensitive, for having found out that there are griefs in this poor world: at luncheon yesterday Bessy said that she could not keep him with her after luncheon, meaning not for a long time, as she was going out.— He looked at her for a long time with extreme gravity & then burst out into the most piteous wailing.— He cut out your Uhlan going to Church & carried it about with him the whole life-long day.6 Bessy is starting for London & Woodhouse, but coming back tomorrow evening—& on Thursday morning, the Lord have mercy on us, we all start.7 N.B. If I had shown Wortmann the clinostats I shd. have said that I could not possibly have allowed him to have the device but that he must order one from Cambridge!8 Your affectionate Father | C. Darwin DAR 211: 79 1 2 3 4

5 6

7 8

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to Francis Darwin, 20 May 1881. The Darwins began their journey to the Lake District on 2 June 1881; they stayed at Patterdale until 4 July (see ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). CD had almost finished correcting proof-sheets of Earthworms. CD evidently had read ‘Recherches sur l’absorption des matières colorantes par les racines’ (Research on the absorption of colourants by roots; Cornu and Mer 1878). The authors, Maxime Cornu and Émile Mer, experimented with various colouring agents and found they could be categorised into two groups; the first accumulated in the thick cell walls, the second in the thin layer of protoplasm (cell membrane). However, these were toxic even in small concentrations. Fuchsine, eosine, violet quinoline, and brown aniline belonged to the first group. The advantage of using colouring agents that as solids formed crystals was that this enabled researchers to measure with great precision the exact concentration of the solutions that were tried (see ibid., p. 67 n. 3). The Tomkins family lived at Petleys, a house in Down village, formerly the home of Sarah Wedgwood, CD’s aunt. George Gordon Tomkins was about the same age as Bernard Darwin, Francis’s son. Elizabeth Darwin. Francis regularly sent paper soldiers to Bernard; Uhlans were light cavalry soldiers (lancers) and the different regiments often had elaborate uniforms (see letter from Francis Darwin, 19 [May 1881] and n. 13). Elizabeth Darwin went to London to see the Darwin family dentist, Alfred James Woodhouse. Julius Wortmann was Anton de Bary’s assistant in the laboratory where Francis was working. CD had mentioned receiving a manuscript about a clinostat (klinostat; a rotating plant-holder used to test the influence of gravity), probably a version of the instrument built by Horace Darwin (see letter to Francis Darwin, 20 May 1881 and n. 3). Francis may have given Wortmann such an instrument, but since Horace had recently set up the Cambridge Scientific Instrument Company, CD probably wanted Wortmann to buy one from there.

From Fritz Müller1   31 May 1881 Blumenau, Sa. Catharina, Brazil, 31. Mai 1881. Verehrter Herr! Ihr freundlicher Brief vom 12. April ist grade angekommen, und ich will sofort Ihre Frage über Heteranthera reniformis beantworten.2 Es ist eine amphibische Pflanze, welche in stehendem Wasser von Sümpfen und Gräben ebenso gut wächst wie ausserhalb des Wassers an feuchten Stellen. …

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Während ich bei einer Pflanze von Phyllanthus viele Wochen lang täglich beobachtete, dass an einem oder mehreren Zweigen ihre Blätter bei der Rückkehr aus der Nachtstellung den falschen Weg eingeschlagen hatten, so war es mir nicht möglich, ein zweites Beispiel dieser Unregelmässigkeit bei Hunderten von Pflanzen derselben Art aufzufinden, die ich seitdem darauf untersucht habe. Nur einmal vor ein paar Tagen an einem kalten Morgen sah ich 3 Blätter, welche auf der richtigen Seite zurückgekommen waren, aber ohne sich zu drehen, so dass ihre Unterseiten nach oben gekehrt waren. An den folgenden Tagen zeigten sie die normale Stellung. Von der Pflanze mit den abnorm sich bewegenden Blättern habe ich einige Samen gesammelt; vielleicht werden einige ihrer Nachkommen jene Unregelmässigkeit ererben.3 Was die Bewegung der Blätter bei Cassia, Desmodium und einigen anderen Pflanzen angeht, die sie ausführen, wenn man sie schüttelt oder anschlägt, so glaube ich, dass Sie mit der Vermuthung recht haben, es geschehe, um die Regentropfen wegzuschnellen.4 Heute regnet es schon länger als 5 Stunden, und ich bin grade durch meinen Garten gegangen, um zu sehen, welche Stellung die Blätter der Cassia u. s. w. angenommen haben. Die Cassia-Blätter haben eine Stellung, die zwischen der Tag- und Nachtstellung in der Mitte liegt; die Fläche der Blättchen liegt in einer verticalen Ebene, senkrecht zum Blattstiel (und so liegen die beiden Blättchen jedes Paares in derselben Ebene); die Oberseiten sind nach der Spitze des Blattstieles gerichtet; gleichzeitg sind die Blättchen abwärts gebogen, so dass die beiden Mittelrippen jedes Paares ungefähr einen rechten Winkel bilden. Bei sehr heftigen Regengüssen nehmen die Blätter dieser Cassia ihre Nachtstellung an.—5 Die Blätter einer Acacia sind in einer der nächtlichen sehr ähnlichen Stellung. Die Blätter von Schizolobium (doppelt gefiedert, wie diejenigen von Acacia, aber sehr gross), haben kaum ihre Tagstellung verändert, während sie bei sehr schwerem Regen sich ziemlich ähnlich so stellen wie die Cassia-Blätter des Nachts. Die Blätter zweier Arten von Desmodium haben ihre Nachtstellung eingenommen, während diejenigen einer dritten Art die Tagstellung festhalten. Die Blättchen von Oxalis sepium hängen senkrecht herunter, wie sie gewöhnlich (aber nicht ohne Ausnahme) des Nachts thun. — Die Blätter von Phyllanthus compressus haben sich nicht bewegt; bei Ph. consanguineus stehen die Blattflächen beinah in einer senkrechten Ebene, etwas abwärts gebogen, und die Mittelrippen bilden einen Winkel von ungefähr 30o mit dem Horizont; bei einer dritten Art von Phyllanthus mit sehr abweichender nyctitroper Bewegung haben die Blätter nichtdestoweniger eine ganz ähnliche Regenstellung eingenommen wie bei der vorhergehenden; nur sind sie noch etwas mehr abwärts gebogen, und es bilden die Mittelrippen mit dem Horizont einen Winkel von etwas mehr als 45°.6 Die Blättchen von Oxalis sepium und diejenigen von Schizolobium sind sensitiv, obwohl in geringem Grade; bei Oxalis biegen sie sich, wenn sie gestossen werden oder wenn die Pflanze geschüttelt wird, ein wenig abwärts. Wenn bei Schizolobium ein einzelnes Blättchen wiederholt mit dem Finger geschlagen wird, so bewegt es sich sehr langsam gegen die Spitze des Blattstieles und dreht sich gleichzeitig ein wenig. …

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Ich habe jetzt die Hymenopteren-Bewohner von 9 verschiedenen Feigenarten gesammelt; unter den Insecten, welche in den Feigen eines einzigen Baumes gesammelt wurden, hat Dr. Paul Mayer nicht weniger als 7 verschiedene Arten unterschieden, und dazu sind die Männchen einer dieser Arten dimorph oder sogar trimorph. Wie ich von Mayer höre, wird die Abhandlung über Caprification wahrscheinlich nächsten Herbst erscheinen.7 Glauben Sie, werther Herr, dass ich mit der grössten Hochachtung treulichts der Ihrige bin | Fritz Müller. Möller ed. 1915–21, 2: 410–11 1

2 3

4 5 6 7

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. According to Alfred Möller, all Fritz Müller’s letters to CD were written in English (see Möller ed. 1915–21, 2: 72 n.); most of them have not been found. Many of the letters were later sent by Francis Darwin to Möller, who translated them into German for his Fritz Müller: Werke, Briefe und Leben (Möller ed. 1915–21). Möller also found final drafts of some Müller letters among the Fritz Müller papers and included these in their original English form (ibid. 2: 72 n). Where the original English versions are missing, the published version, usually appearing in German translation, has been used. See letter to Fritz Müller, 12 April 1881 and n. 5. CD had received seeds of Heteranthera reniformis (kidneyleaf mudplantain) from Müller. CD had suggested that Müller make further observations on the movement of leaves of Phyllanthus (the genus of leaf flower; see letter to Fritz Müller, 23 February 1881 and n. 2). A short article with a figure of the atypical leaf movement of the plant in Müller’s garden was published in the April issue of Kosmos (F. Müller 1881b; see also letter to Nature, 14 April [1881]). See letter to Fritz Müller, 12 April 1881 and n. 7. Cassia and Desmodium are genera in the family Fabaceae (peas and legumes). Acacia and Schizolobium (Brazilian firetree) are genera in the family Fabaceae. Oxalis sepium is a tropical species in the family Oxalidaceae. Phyllanthus compressus has a native range from Mexico to Peru, while P. consanguineus is native to Réunion. Caprification is the process of hanging clusters of wild fig (caprifig) flowers in edible fig trees in order to facilitate the transfer of pollen by fig wasps. Paul Mayer reported on the specimens in alcohol sent by Müller in his paper ‘Zur Naturgeschichte der Feigeninsecten’ (On the natural history of fig insects; Mayer 1882, pp. 572–6); the paper was published in September 1882. Müller summarised Mayer 1882 in a review in Kosmos, January 1883 (F. Müller 1883).

To Alexander Agassiz   1 [ June] 18811 Down. | Beckenham. Kent. Jan. 1st. 1881. My dear Mr. Agassiz. I must write a line or two to thank you much for having written to me so long a letter on coral reefs—at a time when you must have been so busy.—2 Is it not difficult to avoid believing that the wonderful elevation in the West Indies must have been accompanied by much subsidence, notwithstanding the state of Florida? When reflecting in old days on the configuration of our continents.  the position of mountain chains, & especially on the long continued supply of sediment over the same areas; I used to think as probably have many other persons) that areas of elevation, and of subsidence must as a general rule be separated by a single great line of fissure, or rather of several closely adjoining lines of fissure.—3 I mention this

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because when looking within more recent times at charts with the depths of the sea marked by different tints, there seems to be some connection between the profound depths of the ocean, and the trends of the nearest though distant continents; and I have often wished that some one like yourself, to whom the subject was familiar would speculate on it.— Believe me, Yours very sincerely. | Ch. Darwin. P.S.  I do hope that you will reurge your views about the reappearance of old characters, for, as far as I can judge, the most important views are often neglected unless they are urged & reurged—4 I am greatly indebted to you for sending me very many most valuable works, published at your Institution.5 Copy DAR 143: 10 1 2

3

4

5

The month is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from Alexander Agassiz, 19 May 1881. The copyist evidently misread the date. See letter from Alexander Agassiz, 19 May 1881. Agassiz had just returned from the Tortugas, where he had been as part of a research trip studying the fauna of the Gulf Stream. In an earlier letter, he mentioned that on his return home he would have to finish reading proof-sheets of his report on the Echini of the Challenger voyage, as well as preparing a map of the distribution of corals of the Tortugas for a report to the superintendent of the Coast Survey (see letter from Alexander Agassiz, 16 April 1881 and n. 4). In geological notes, CD described lines of fissure parallel to mountain ranges in the Cordilleras (DAR 35: 233, DAR 36: 439); in South America, pp. 240–8, he discussed patterns of elevation, subsidence, and lines of fissure in relation to volcanic activity in the Andes. In his address ‘Paleontological and embryological development’, Agassiz discussed the reappearance in various genera of sea urchins of characteristics that seemed to have vanished in previous epochs (see A. Agassiz 1880, pp. 395–7; for further discussion of this point, see the letter to Alexander Agassiz, 5 May 1881). CD had a number of publications from the Bulletin of the Museum of Comparative Zoology at Harvard and the University Press at Cambridge, Mass. (for example, A. Agassiz 1872–4).

To C. E. Norton   1 June 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) June 1st 1881 r My dear M Norton I write a line to thank you much for your letter, & to say that none of Franklins letters to my grandfather have been preserved.—1 Every scrap of information, M.S. &c which are still extant were sent to me by the grandchildren by his second marriage; when I was preparing my little notice of him.—2 I was very inaccurate about Franklin’s nephews (as I imagined them to be) but I hope that I said that I felt quite doubtful whether there was one or two, but am positive about their (or his) rudeness & about Franklin’s manner of taking it.—3 I am ashamed to say that I never read Spark’s life of Franklin & knew nothing about the letter, of which you have so kindly sent me a copy.4 My Father used to

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repeat the anecdote, which I presume has been published, of the Queen of France having said to him, (when he came to Court in plain clothes) that “you not only teach the world wisdom, but you teach the Court of France etiquette.”—or something to like effect.—5 We start early tomorrow morning for the Lakes, where at Patterdale, we have taken a house for a month.— I heartily wish that we could see William & Sara there.6 I have much to do so farewell, with kind remembrances to all your party, | Yours very sincerely | Charles Darwin Houghton Library, Harvard University (Charles Eliot Norton Papers, MS Am 1088.14: 1599) 1 2

3

4

5 6

See letter from C. E. Norton, 17 May 1881. Norton had asked whether CD had any letters from Benjamin Franklin to Erasmus Darwin. Erasmus Darwin’s second wife was Elizabeth Darwin (1747–1832). Among the grandchildren who sent information to CD for his book (Erasmus Darwin) were Francis Galton, Elizabeth Anne Wheler, Violetta Harriot Darwin, and Reginald Darwin. See letter to C. E. Norton, 30 April 1881 and n. 4, and letter from C. E. Norton, 17 May 1881. Norton identified the nephews as Franklin’s grandsons William Temple Franklin and Benjamin Franklin Bache. Norton had sent CD a copy of a letter from Erasmus Darwin to Benjamin Franklin, printed in Jared Sparks’s Works of Benjamin Franklin (Sparks ed. 1836–40, 6: 410–11; see letter from C. E. Norton, 17 May 1881 and n. 4). Sparks described Franklin’s appearance at the French court, but did not relate the anecdote about the queen, Marie-Antoinette, commenting on his plain dress (Sparks ed. 1836–40, 1: 435). The Darwins visited Patterdale in the Lake District from 2 June to 5 July 1881 (Emma Darwin's diary (DAR 242)). William Erasmus Darwin arrived on 18 June 1881, but Sara Darwin did not come (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242); letter from Emma Darwin to H. E. Litchfield, [19] June 1881 (DAR 219.9: 266)). Sara was Norton’s sister-in-law.

From James Paget   1 June 1881 1, Harewood Place, | Hanover Square. | W. June 1. 1881. My dear Darwin I want you to grant me an unusual favour.— We are making arrangements for pleasure as well as for work at the International Medical Congress in August, and among my plans is one in which the Prince of Wales may meet quietly some of the chief scientific visitors—1 For this purpose he is so good as to have promised that he will lunch with me on Wednesday August 3rd. at 1.30, after the first general meeting— I hope you will consent to be one of my guests— It will give the Prince great pleasure if you will be, and you may, I hope, enjoy yourself. Always sincerely your’s | James Paget. DAR 202: 116 1

The seventh International Medical Congress took place in London from 2 to 9 August 1881 (Transactions of the International Medical Congress 1881). The luncheon was held on 3 August 1881 and was attended by the prince of Wales, Albert Edward.

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To James Dawson   [3 June 1881]1 [Glenridding House, Patterdale.] Dear Sir I am greatly obliged to you for the very kind present of your very handsome volume ‘Aust aborig’2 which I shall be extremely glad to read & remain Dear Sir | Yours f. & obl. | C. D. ADraftS DAR 202: 116v 1 2

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from James Dawson, 30 July 1881. CD’s lightly annotated copy of Australian aborigines (Dawson 1881) is in the Darwin Library–Down.

To James Paget   3 June 1881 Glenrhydding House | Patterdale | Penrith June 3d 1881 My dear Paget I am much obliged for your extremely kind invitation for Augt 3d, which I consider a great honour & have much pleasure in accepting.—1 You will see by the above address why there has been some delay in answering your note.—2 I remain | Yours very sincerely | Charles Darwin We remain here for 4 or 5 weeks Francisco Ayala (private collection) 1 2

See letter from James Paget, 1 June 1881 and n. 1. The Darwins visited Patterdale in the Lake District from 3 June to 4 July 1881 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)).

From Francis Darwin   [before 4 June 1881]1 Dear Father Many thanks for your letter & for Dubbas.2 I enclose a nice letter from Elfving which will interest you; it is very nice of him immediately to tell me something he is at & has not published—3 I will try & find out about eosin & fuchsin, I remember the paper; both those you could get from Martindale4 I spoke to deBary & he seemed to think protoplasm must have been dead but I think it was seen to move coloured.5 Wortmann says deBary thinks Van Tieghem a humbug as did Stahl also, almost dishonest I fancy6   de Bary is not a bit like Sachs in the way of thinking every body fools.7

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The scientific public seems to feel H Müllers Alpen blumen like Carpenter Deep Sea, de Bary says he must take several years rest before he reads it there have been so many notices of it mostly be Müller himself.8 I want to know whether you think the false circumnutation produced by the clock worth publishing. It wont be published for a month so I have time but should like to know what you think; I think I shall publish the paper in a shorter form with much fewer diagrams than as I wrote it out: I don’t feel satisfied with so many of the diagrams—9 I am tired so goodbye | Yr affec | F. D. DAR 274.1: 75 1 2 3

4 5 6

7

8

9

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letters to Francis Darwin of 30 May [1881] and 4 [June 1881]. See letter to Francis Darwin, 30 May [1881]; the letter from Francis’s son, Bernard Darwin, has not been found. Francis had met Fredrik Elfving in 1879, while they were both working in the laboratory of Julius Sachs at Würzburg. Both men were studying movement in the fungus Phycomyces nitens. The letter from Elfving has not been found, but may have been on the subject of Elfving’s observation of an avoidance response in the fungus (see also letter from Francis Darwin, 19 [May 1881] and n. 3). See letter to Francis Darwin, 30 May [1881] and n. 4. Eosine and fuchsine were colouring agents mentioned in Cornu and Mer 1878. William Martindale was a pharmacist in London. Francis was working in the laboratory of Anton de Bary. De Bary was probably referring to the toxic effect of colouring agents on protoplasm of the cell membrane, as described in Cornu and Mer 1878. Julius Wortmann, Ernst Stahl, and De Bary were commenting on Philippe van Tieghem’s Traité de botanique (Treatise on botany; Tieghem 1884), the second part of which had recently appeared (see letter to Francis Darwin, 16 and 17 May 1881 and nn. 6 and 7). Francis had commented on De Bary’s and Sachs’s temperaments in his letter of 14 May 1881. He had earlier told CD about other researchers who found Sachs difficult to work with (see, for example, Correspondence vol. 27, letter from Francis Darwin, 4 July 1879). Hermann Müller had sent CD Alpenblumen, ihre Befruchtung durch Insekten: und ihre Anpassungen an dieselben (Alpine flowers, their fertilisation through insect agency and adaptations for this; H. Müller 1881a) in November 1880 (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter from Hermann Müller, 27 November 1880). A positive review of the book by Wilhelm Behrens appeared in Kosmos, March 1881 (Behrens 1881). Francis had also reviewed the book in Nature, 10 February 1881, pp. 333–5. William Benjamin Carpenter was one of the first researchers to explore deep-sea fauna; he wrote reports on the results of a number of dredging voyages (see, for example, Carpenter and Jeffreys 1870 and Carpenter 1872). Francis’s paper, ‘Ueber Circumnutation bei einem einzelligen Organe’ (On circumnutation in a single-cell organ; F. Darwin 1881b) appeared in Botanische Zeitung, 29 July 1881, and contained three diagrams (see letter from Francis Darwin, 19 [May 1881] and n. 4). Francis did discuss the false circumnutation in the published paper, noting that it was a response to the movement of the klinostat (ibid., p. 478).

To Francis Darwin   4 [June 1881]1

Glenryhdding House | Paterdale— Penrith. Sat. 4th.

My dear F. I have worked this morning at Ch. VI. & have taken almost all your very good corrections & omissions.—2 I have not ventured to alter that clumsy sentence about

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“half of two-thirds &c”, because this was written by George, & he might swear that I had spoiled the mathematical accuracy of the statement. Tomorrow I shall do the short Ch. VII. in which the corrections seem heavy.3 Thank Heaven all the heavy work is done. I am extremely glad that you approve on the whole of the little book, for I have felt awfully doubtful.— I can have no doubt that you ought to publish about the false circumnutation due to light, not only as a caution about the necessary rate of a klinostat (& this is very important) but as showing in how short a time light acts most efficiently on the mould.—4 By Jove will it not be very difficult writing in German? I rather regret its appearing in German, but now do be a good boy & send a full abstract to Nature.—5 How very nicely Elfing takes the affair & how friendly he feels towards you.— I suppose that he is too poor to pay you a visit at Down.— His discovery about a Galvanic stream causing movement is very remarkable.—6 Suggest to him to excite the extreme tip of the radicle alone; & this could be done if the rest of the radicle was kept in very moist air, & then he could observe whether the upper part of radicle became curved. Why on earth does he use zinc plates, instead of platina? Would it not be worth while to tell him that I suspected that zinc-plates in peat & moss killed Drosera. If the tips are really sensitive to Galvanism,—it is a new & fine case.— I will not mention it to a soul.7 I am rather sorry to hear about Tieghem, for the book seems to me a very good one—(though he evidently despises me!)8 Our house here is an excellent one & most comfortable in every way, with plenty of rooms & large ones.— I have just been trespassing at near end of Mr Marshalls park & found it perfectly charming.9 I do so wish you were here.— Henrietta, Bessy & Leonard have just started in Steamer up Lake to meet Litchfield, who will be here at 4 P.M.— Bernard very jolly, but has become fearfully sensitive; he walked with us into Mr. Marshalls Park, carrying all the way the Soldiers received this morning, which made his little eyes sparkle like diamonds.10 When I began this note, I intended to write only single page & this will account for all the scraps.—11 I have just had an awful invitation from Paget to lunch with him on Augt 3d to meet the Prince of Wales.12 Good Bye—dear old Backy wish that you were here. | Your affectionate Father, | C. Darwin DAR 211: 80 1 2 3

The month and year are established by the address. The Darwins visited Patterdale in the Lake District from 3 June to 4 July 1881 (Emma Darwin's diary (DAR 242)). CD and Francis were correcting proof-sheets of Earthworms. George Howard Darwin often assisted CD with mathematical aspects of his work. In Earthworms, p. 266, a sentence reads, ‘Now if the two-thirds which is below the hole be divided into two equal parts, the upper half of this two-thirds exactly counterbalances the one-third which is above the hole, so that as far as regards the one-third above and the upper half of the two-thirds below, there is no flow of

June 1881 4

5 6

7

8 9

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earth down the hill-side.’ Chapter 7 was the conclusion; it was nine pages long in the published version. See letter from Francis Darwin, [before 4 June 1881] and n. 8. Francis was preparing a paper on his experiments on circumnutation of the mould Phycomyces nitens; he had observed what he described as a clearly circular movement of the sporangium in response to the rotation of the klinostat. The movement was very regular, unlike typical circumnutation, and stopped when the speed of rotation of the klinostat was reduced (see F. Darwin 1881b, pp. 477–8). Francis’s paper appeared in Botanische Zeitung, 29 July 1881; no English abstract was published in Nature. Francis had enclosed a letter from Fredrik Elfving to him with his letter to CD of [before 4 June 1881]; Elfving’s letter has not been found, but he evidently discussed the fact that Julius Wortmann decided to publish his observations on circumnutation in a sporangium earlier than he originally planned so as to publish before Elfving (see letter from Francis Darwin, 19 [May 1881] and nn. 3 and 4). Elfving published his observation of an autochemotropic (avoidance) response in Phycomyces nitens in Elfving 1881. Elfving was studying the tropic effects of galvanic currents on roots. In his paper, ‘Ueber eine Wirkung des galvanischen Stromes auf wachsende Wurzeln’ (On an effect of galvanic current on growing roots; Elfving 1882, p. 259), Elfving noted that for electrodes he used zinc or platina (an alloy of platinum) or occasionally carbon. He further noted that the eventual death of the root happened regardless of the nature of the electrode, and therefore concluded it was not due to the toxic effect of zinc. In Insectivorous plants, p. 273, CD had noted that most metal salts were highly poisonous and caused rapid and strong inflection in tentacles of Drosera (sundew), but that zinc chloride did not cause inflection and was not poisonous; however, CD did not discuss root absorption of substances. In his letter of [before 4 June 1881], Francis had mentioned that both Anton de Bary and Ernst Stahl had a low opinion of Philippe van Tieghem’s Traité de botanique (Treatise on botany; Tieghem 1884). Victor Marshall’s Monk Coniston estate was familiar to CD from a previous visit to the Lake District in 1879, when the family stayed at the Waterhead Hotel, Coniston, on Marshall’s estate (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter to Victor Marshall, 25 August 1879). Henrietta Emma Litchfield, Elizabeth Darwin, and Leonard Darwin were going to meet Richard Buckley Litchfield. Francis’s son Bernard Darwin was fond of the paper soldiers that Francis regularly sent him. The letter is written on three separate sheets of paper, the final sheet being a different size from the other two. See letter from James Paget, 1 June 1881. The prince of Wales was the future King Edward VII.

From J. H. Gilbert   5 June 1881 Harpenden, | S.t Albans June 5 1881 Dear Mr. Darwin— I hope you will not think me an incorrigible bore, if I once more say how very much delighted Mr Lawes and myself would be if you could pay Rothamsted a visit within the present month?1 It is just at this season that our “Grass-Experiments” are at their best for inspection; and although the agricultural result is not very promising, I think the differences among the 20 plots, now in the 26th season of experiment, are perhaps as striking as ever, as illustrating the vast influence of external conditions on the character and results of the struggle between the numerous components of an established mixed herbage. And it is just before the time of cutting the “grasses” that the other field experiments begin to be of interest. We had intended to propose Saturday June  18  to Professor Asa Gray, who, before he left for the Continent expressed a wish to come down, but I gather from

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Sir Joseph Hooker that it is uncertain whether he will then have returned to this country.2 Would that day be convenient to yourself ? In that case Mr Lawes, who has not yet the pleasure of your acquaintance, begs me to say it will give him much pleasure to see you at Rothamsted, to dine and sleep, the night before; so as to lessen your fatigue. In case Asa Gray were available, we should ask him and Sir J. Hooker for the Saturday, but should keep the party very limited, unless you felt that it would not be more fatiguing, and that it would be agreeable to meet other naturalists on the ground? This would be arranged entirely as you might prefer. Or what other day in the following week would suit you better? I am, My Dear Sir, Yours sincerely— | J. H. Gilbert DAR 165: 44 CD annotation Top of letter: ‘This is so wonderfully cordial a letter that I have thought you wd. like to see it.’ pencil 1

2

John Bennet Lawes had founded the Rothamsted Experimental Station near St Albans, Hertfordshire, in 1843. He and Gilbert instituted several long-running experiments on crop and animal nutrition (ODNB). Asa and Jane Loring Gray and Hyacinth and Joseph Dalton Hooker had travelled to Italy in the spring of 1881 (see letter from J. D. Hooker, 24 February 1881 and n. 3). The Grays then went to France, Switzerland, and Germany in May and June 1881 ( J. L. Gray ed. 1893, 2: 720–1).

From Leopold Sirk1   5 June 1881 Wien 5. Juni 1881 Dear Sir! I beg you to late translate sonly2 this lines, I hope to do well. I love you! | Leopold Sirk “Der Weise denkt und schweigt”. “Arbeiten thun wir alle” “die Anstrebungen des nach reiflicher Überlegung für unser Wohlsein als zweckmäßig erkannten Zieles heißt Streben Auszug der Schoppenhauer-Kant’schen Filosofie betitelt “Mehr Licht”3 brachte und alle guten Ding sind drei sagt ein Sprichwort Ihre liebe Königin bitte ich von Herzen sie soll mir folgen ich mein es gut denn Irland = Ire = Zorn = Im Zorn in der Verzweiflung Ohnmächtige– Wahnsinnige) + (land = Erde Stein Parlament von Stein der Jude4 ist zu hitzig— gut sind wir alle

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Sie können nichts dafür—sind aber auch Menschen. Ist unserer Kaiserin nichts in Irland geschehen, weil sie eine edle und gute Frau ist—so wird ihr der britannischen Majestät auch nichts geschehen.5 Der Weltgeist segne ihre Schritte, wenn das Zeitwort aus Wein = Weinen,6 die thätige form des Leidens helfen können vielleicht brächte ich es zusammen, wenn es einen Sinn hätte, und den Irländern zu helfen. Auch ich bin ein Irrländer gewesen weil ich so lange irrte, bis ich zur Erkenntniß kam. auch Taafe ist wirklich ein abgestammter Irrländer,7 ich glaube nicht, daß er irrte—obwol der Zeitgeist es meint—er wollte ja auch das Gute wie wir Alle. Also nachdem der Bär für Sie schon am Himmel ist der Fisch im Wasser, so seht noch die Taube in der Luft—also die Friedenstaube—holen Sie sie bei Incomplete DAR 201: 36 CD annotation Top of letter: ‘Odd’ pencil 1 2 3

4 5 6 7

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. Sirk has not been identified. Sirk probably intended ‘soon’. Sirk refers to Mehr Licht! Die Hauptsätze Kant’s und Schopenhauer’s in allgemein verständlicher Darlegung (More light! The main propositions of Kant and Schopenhauer in a generally comprehensible form; Last 1879). Possibly a reference to the Foundation Stone of the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem, considered to be the holiest site in Judaism. Elisabeth, empress of Austria and queen of Hungary, and Queen Victoria. The German noun ‘Wein’ (vine or wine) and the verb ‘weinen’ (weep or cry) are not etymologically related. Eduard von Taaffe.

To Francis Darwin   [c. 6 June 1881]1 [Glenridding House, Patterdale.] My dear F. I despatched all the slips yesterday to Clowes, but confound them they have not sent me any revises.— I believe that I accepted all your corrections, in Ch VII chiefly omissions & one great transposition.2 I fought against some but was soon convinced that all were immense improvements.— I have nothing in the world to do, which I shd. not much care about this, if the weather was decent, but it is as cold as winter.— & the lake as black as ink with breakers(!) on the shore & the sky like lead. Rain is driving by the north wind against the windows & all is cold & dismal.—3 Your affectionate & dismal Father. | C. Darwin DAR 211: 81 1

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to Francis Darwin, 4 [June 1881].

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William Clowes & Sons were printers to John Murray (1808–92), CD’s publisher. CD had planned to correct proof-sheets for the concluding chapter of Earthworms on 5 June 1881 (see letter to Francis Darwin, 4 [June 1881]). The Darwins visited Patterdale in the Lake District from 3 June to 4 July 1881 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). Emma Darwin recorded that 6 and 7 June 1881 were both very cold, with a storm on 7 June (ibid.).

To G. H. Darwin   8 June [1881]1 Benrhydding H. | Patterdale Penrith June 8th My dear George I am quite delighted at Ball’s letter & have read it ever so many times.2 I am like the Poet, of whom Ralston spoke, whose head was so much turned that it came right off.—3 It is really splendid, for the letter is obviously so spontaneous.— This place is magnificently beautiful, but the weather is nothing less than damnably cold, & this precludes much enjoyment. There was snow on the mountains yesterday & this morning. Mother has got one of her usual headaches, but is improving & will be up, we hope by luncheon.— We rather expect Mr. Marshall to call today, & if he offers his Park-like grounds—for walking in, it will be a great advantage to me; for at present, I have only 2 walks.4 The Boys have taken no end of long walks, & so has Bessy, but poor Litchfield has sprained again the same ancle as before.—5 Leonard has gone to Pooley Bridge to arrange about his sappers.—6 There is no Boat at present at 5o 20′.— It is nominally 16 miles from Penrith here, & a very pretty drive.— It will be very nice having you here, & there is some hope of William coming.7 I hope poor dear Ida may be able to come. I think the visit here has done Horace good; he has been very jolly & pleasant, & has taken several gigantic walks.—8 Please look in list of Royal Soc. members for the initials of Mr. Lawes of Rothamsted(?) Christian name, & tell me.— I want to send him my worm-book, when published, as the only return which I can make for an astoundingly civil invitation to Rothamsted.—9 I think Ball one of the best men who ever lived: I wish he was going to be Astronomer R., but Leonard says Stone at the C. of G. Hope has been appointed.—10 Your affectionate Father | C. Darwin DAR 210.1: 104 1 2

3 4

The year is established by the address. In 1881, the Darwins visited Patterdale in the Lake District from 3 June to 4 July (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). The letter from Robert Stawell Ball to George has not been found. Ball was an admirer of George’s work and later referred to George as the ‘discoverer of tidal evolution’ (Ball 1881, p. 81). Ball praised George in a lecture printed in the Dublin Daily Express, a copy of which he sent to George (see letter from G. H. Darwin, [9 June 1881] and n. 6). William Ralston Shedden-Ralston. In 1879, the Darwins had stayed at the Waterhead Hotel, Coniston, on Victor Marshall’s estate (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter to Victor Marshall, 25 August 1879).

June 1881 5 6 7 8 9

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Several of CD’s children had joined the Darwins, including Leonard, Horace, and Elizabeth Darwin, and Henrietta Emma and Richard Buckley Litchfield (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). Pooley Bridge is a village at the northern end of Ullswater; Leonard Darwin was an officer in the Royal Engineers. Sappers are ordinary soldiers in the Royal Engineers (OED). George arrived on 15 June 1881 and William Erasmus Darwin came on 18 June (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). There is no record of a visit by Horace’s wife, Ida Darwin. See letter from J. H. Gilbert, 5 June 1881 and n. 1. Gilbert and John Bennet Lawes had invited CD to see some of the grass experiments at the Rothamsted Experiment Station. Gilbert’s and Lawes’s names appear on CD’s presentation list for Earthworms. George Biddell Airy was, in fact, succeeded by William Henry Mahoney Christie, who had been Airy’s assistant at the Royal Greenwich Observatory since 1870 (ODNB). Edward James Stone had been royal astronomer at the Cape of Good Hope before his appointment in 1879 as Radcliffe observer at Oxford (ODNB).

To J. H. Gilbert   8 June 1881 Glenrhydding House | Patterdale, Penrith June 8th 1881. My dear Dr Gilbert I shd. be the most ungrateful of men, if I were not greatly pleased by your letter. I beg you to thank Mr. Lawes most cordially for his most kind invitation.1 It would have given me real pleasure to have accepted it, & I have always felt much curiosity to inspect the very interesting work at Harpenden; but in truth I have not strength enough to visit at any house. All that I could do, wd. be to come to Harpenden & be introduced to Mr. Lawes, which I shd. very much like, walk about for an hour & see your plots & then return to London for the night— As it is we shall not leave this place until next month.2 Therefore I must forego this to me great pleasure. Once again allow me to thank heartily Mr Lawes & yourself for your most kind proposal, & believe me, dear Dr. Gilbert | Yours very sincerely | Charles Darwin Rothamsted Research (GIL13) 1 2

See letter from J. H. Gilbert, 5 June 1881 and n. 1. John Bennet Lawes had founded the experimental agricultural station on his Rothamsted estate at Harpenden, near St Albans, Hertfordshire. The Darwins visited Patterdale in the Lake District from 3 June to 4 July 1881 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)).

From R. A. Blair   9 June 1881 Sedalia Mo. June 9. 81, Dear Sir, After the interest you kindly manifested about the Geese you will not regret hearing they still reproduce the form of modified wing.1 I am pleased to state that one year last Octo. I had the good pleasure of exhuming from a small section, ‘say fifteen feet square’ of a pit in a small boggy place, the teeth and various other parts of 8 or 9 Mastodons: covering all ages and conditions. The

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collection is wonderful in a good many ways. Your British Museum mastodon is from an adjoining County. Benton.2 I keep my collection in my business House; and when I think of the thousands upon thousands who can not possibly see these without being bettered I am reminded of the fact that they are all indebted to you for it. What little stimulus I possess inciting me to an interest in such things came from Origin of Species.3 Believe me your Friends in my country are many and if the benefits you have done man were enumerated, verily—“The world itself could not contain the books that should be written” My little girl Jessie a six year old sits copying Plates from “The Crayfish”.4 Earnestly hoping you are recovered from reported illness5 and that many days of life with its assured blessings remain to you I am humbly, but very sincerely. | Your obdt. servt. | R. A. Blair. DAR 201: 5 CD annotation Top of letter: ‘Queer letter of exaggerated praise’ pencil 1

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In 1878, Blair had reported a case of an injury to the wing of a goose, which was apparently transmitted to some of its offspring. CD had asked Blair to send some specimens to William Henry Flower, who examined them. Although Flower found a deformity in the wings of the young birds that were examined, he could not find any indication that the wing of the parent had ever been injured (see Correspondence vol. 26, letter from W. H. Flower, 6 [December] 1878). The mastodon in the British Museum (Mastodon americanus, a synonym of Mammut americanum) had been exhibited from 1840 and purchased by the museum in 1844 (British Museum (Natural History) 1904–6, 1: 207). In the conclusion to Origin, p. 482, CD had stated, ‘Whoever is led to believe that species are mutable will do good service by conscientiously expressing his conviction’. Jessie Alice Blair was copying illustrations from Thomas Henry Huxley’s The crayfish. An introduction to the study of zoology (T. H. Huxley 1880a). The book had one plate and eighty-one woodcut illustrations throughout the text. Blair may refer to short reports that had appeared in several newspapers in December 1880 stating that CD was confined to his bed but able to read and converse (see, for example, the Sheffield and Rotherham Independent, 23 December 1880, p. 5). Similar reports appeared in American newspapers (see, for example, Frank Leslie’s Illustrated Newspaper, 8 January 1881, p. 319, and 15 January 1881, p. 335).

From G. H. Darwin   [9 June 1881]1 Trin. Coll Camb. Thursday night Dear Father I enclose Lawes’ name & address & also Frank’s letter—which by the bye had only just been returned from here.2 I have all but done my mathematical paper. It has been worrying my life out, but I hope to be rid of it soon.3 I hav’nt settled exactly the day for coming N. It wd. be some help if you cd. let me hear when Leo. and the Litchs go.4 Is not Troutbeck nearer than Penrith & cd. I have a dogcart to meet me there if I were to telegraph to you at Patterdale.—5

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Ball has sent me a copy of his lecture from a Dublin paper but it is’nt worth reading6 Yours affec | G H Darwin DAR 210.2: 88 1 2

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The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to G. H. Darwin, 8 June [1881]. In 1881, the Thursday after 8 June was 9 June. CD had asked George to find out the full name of John Bennet Lawes; the enclosure with the name has not been found (see letter to G. H. Darwin, 8 June [1881]). The letter from Francis Darwin has not been identified, but was most likely addressed to Emma Darwin and passed to other family members; the most recent letter from Francis to CD was that of [before 4 June 1881]. George’s paper ‘On the stresses caused in the interior of the earth by the weight of continents and mountains’ was received at the Royal Society of London on 11 June 1881 (G. H. Darwin 1881b). George joined the Darwins at Patterdale in the Lake District on 15 June 1881; Henrietta Emma Litchfield, with, presumably, her husband, Richard Buckley Litchfield, left Patterdale on 17 June and Leonard Darwin left on 25 June (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). Troutbeck is about seven miles south of Patterdale while Penrith is fourteen miles north-east; Penrith was on the London and North Western Railway West Coast Main Line and connected to Troutbeck via the Cockermouth, Keswick and Penrith Railway. Robert Stawell Ball; see letter to G. H. Darwin, 8 June [1881] and n. 2. The lecture, ‘Recent progress in astronomy’, was given on 4 June 1881 and was reported at length in the Dublin Daily Express, 6 June 1881, p. 7.

From L. M. Forster to H. E. Litchfield   [11 June 1881]1 vainly begged. My Milne2 vist did v. well in spite of rainy Sundy & Mondy. We made the most of our fine Sat. luckily & went to L.H.P. & saw the splendid azalias, & called at the Bosanquets & had a lovely tho’ cool drive back thro’ the long shadows & gleams of a 7 o’clock sun; they v. enjoyg. & admiring.3 I’m sorry to find gog. up hill still does for me, & unless I’ve a man well under control, an arm makes me worse! At least Mr. Milne’s help at L.H.P. proved the last feathers, for his idea of helpg me was to stride away with me till I cd. hardly gasp “stop”—& I felt pretty bad all the way home, wh. was tiresome because evident, & I had to take a v. easy Sunday. But out of doors fatigue nev. hurts me long, & I feel my life v. wholesome j. now. Today I mean to go to the Clays4 & look at their tennis as there’s a nice sheltered place to sit in, & have to call on a Mrs. Streatfeild5 on the way— I am glad my daisies amused Mr. Darwin—6 they struck me so much that I made a note of them wh. I’ll copy— 1st day, 10 were put into the vase, one placed with it’s face to the glass & 9 drooping into the room towards the window, but all hanging down to begin with. 2nd day (ab.t 30  hours later) four distinctly turned their faces to the lookg glass (including one arranged so) 4 were so upright I could not tell which way they inclined, tho’ I got on a chair to be level with them, and two only were still turned to the window. I remember one of the latter was low down in the vase & well backed with green, so the lookg. glass cd. have no temptation for it. The effect was so completely spoiled by their contrariness that as I’d visitors coming I refilled the vase with other

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flowers as soon as I’d made my note. I have long thot the daisy tribe looked too m. at the ceiling to be becoming to my mantlepiece, but I never blamed the looking glass before— I am going on Tuesd. for 2 nights to C.E.S. Holly Lodge, Long Cross, Chertsey.7 It’s rar an effort but I want v. m. to see her, & shd. like to know how m. v. short visits under v. favorable circs. answers health ways. The Farrers have been down here, Effie evidently much enjoyed her Southn. vis.t & was full of Sara’s goodness as a hostess.8 She flew off to Caverll Cas. yest.9 & is to return to town Mondy., go an expedn. with O Mondy. after., marry the Northe. nephew Tuesy. morng.,10 & Tuesd. aftern. escort her mother11 to Incomplete DAR 164: 158 CD annotations 1.1 vainly … copy— 2.12] crossed pencil 5.1 I … mother to 6.4] crossed pencil 1

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The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from Laura Forster to Ida Darwin, 12 June 1881 (CUL Add MS 9368.1: 9533), and by reference to the marriage to the Northcote nephew (see n. 10, below). Henrietta evidently shared the letter with CD (see n. 6, below) Probably William Oswald and Louisa Katherine Milne. William Milne had been a business partner of Forster’s brother, Edward Morgan Llewellyn Forster (Post Office London directory 1880). Probably Samuel Courthope Bosanquet and Mary Henrietta Bosanquet, who lived in Wotton, Surrey. Leith Hill Place in Surrey was the home of Caroline Wedgwood. The Clays have not been identified. Probably Hannah Streatfeild, the mother of another of E. M. L. Forster’s business partners, Thomas Edward Champion Streatfeild (Post Office London directory 1880). Forster’s notes on the daisies may relate to CD’s and Francis Darwin’s interest in diageotropism and diaheliotropism (see letter to Fritz Müller, 23 February 1881, letter from Francis Darwin, 17 June 1881 and n. 1, and Movement in plants, p. 5). Longcross is a hamlet near Chertsey in Surrey. ‘C.E.S.’ may refer to Charles and Elizabeth Jessie Sharp. Forster lived at West Hackhurst, Abinger Hammer, near Dorking, Surrey; Thomas Henry and Katherine Euphemia (Effie) Farrer lived at Abinger Hall in Surrey. They evidently visited William Erasmus and Sara Darwin at Southampton. Caverswall Castle in Staffordshire was rented by Godfrey Wedgwood from 1878 (Wedgwood and Wedgwood 1980, pp. 311–13). Probably John Stafford Northcote; he married Hilda Cardew Farrar on 14 June 1881 at St Margaret’s, Westminster, London (Belfast Newsletter, 17 June 1881). Northcote’s mother, Cecilia Frances Northcote, was Thomas Henry Farrer’s sister. Frances Emma Elizabeth Wedgwood.

From J. D. Hooker   12 June 1881 Royal Gardens Kew June 12/81. Dear Darwin Can you conveniently send me a few plants of Oxalis Corniculata—to grow— we are quite out of it—& you have plenty near you.—1

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I am groaning as usual,—now under the incubus of the Sectional Presidency of the B. A. for York (Geography)—which I was ass enough to accept—because of Lubbock.2 Kew is becoming more toilsome than ever, & I can rarely get an hour for “Genera Plantm”, for which I have been doing the Palms for 16 months at least—; the most difficult task I ever undertook.3 They are evidently a very ancient group & much dislocated. Structurally and geographically. My wife is vastly the better for her Italian trip, though the good of it is not likely to last long under the hurry & worry of this “House of call of all nations”— She is enquiring about a Farm house at Knock-holt to take the children to in Autumn— Should she fail in her enquiries she may ask Mrs Darwin if she knows of any place for them in your neighbourhood.4 Ever affy Yrs | Jos. D. Hooker. DAR 104: 150–1 1

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Oxalis corniculata is creeping wood sorrel; CD had studied the movement of its cotyledons when he was working on Movement in plants (see, for example, Correspondence vol. 26, letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 18 June [1878]). Hooker was president of the geography section of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, which met at York from 31 August to 7 September 1881; John Lubbock was the president in 1881 (Report of the 51st meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, held at York (1881)). Hooker’s section on palms appeared in Genera plantarum in 1883 (Bentham and Hooker 1862–83, 3 (pt 2): 870–948). Hyacinth Hooker had travelled to Italy in the spring of 1881 with Hooker and Asa and Jane Loring Gray (see letter from J. D. Hooker, 24 February [1881]). Knockholt, Kent, is several miles south-east of Down, where the Darwins lived. It is near the landmark known as the Knockholt Beeches, a ‘remarkably fine’ clump of old trees on the high ground of a chalk plateau (Page ed. 1908, p. 478). The younger Hooker children were Reginald Hawthorn Hooker, Grace Ellen Hooker, and Joseph Symonds Hooker.

From Francisco de Arruda Furtado1   13 June 1881 Ile St. Michel (Açores) 13 June 1881 Mr. Charles Darwin très honoré Monsieur Je suis né et je vis sur ces îles volcaniques où les faits de distribution géographique des mollusques terrestres sont une intéressante preuve en faveur de la théorie à qui on a donné votre nom mille fois célèbre et respectable.2 Après la lecture de votre livre “The origin of species”, sur ce qui touche aux iles océaniques, ma vocation naturelle pour la zoologie s’est trouvée toute occupée de ces faits malacologiques, de la difficulté d’introduction des espèces, du transport dans les pattes des oiseaux & et j’ai entrepris de faire ma petite œuvre sur ce sujet.3 J’ose placer entre vos mains deux petits travaux de ce genre et je possède bon nombre de dessins et de notes sur des espèces dont l’anatomie interne est encore inconnue. Mon but est de comparer avec la faune continentale américaine et européenne, afin de jetter quelque lumière sur l’origine des espèces açoréannes.4

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En même temps je cherche à vulgariser, dans ces parages exilées du monde scientifique, votre théorie, en donnant à mes petit écrits cette forme de transition indispensable dans ce milieu où il faut que la réaction soit le plus vivement excitée; et je cherche aussi à ne perdre un seul fait qui puisse apporter une preuve quelque faible qu’elle soit à votre théorie. Tout dernièrement j’ai fait une découverte intéressante:—dix exemplaires d’une Vitrine où je n’ai trouvé (dans 7 individus disséqués) aucun vestige d’appareil reproducteur! J’ai communiqué 3  individus à Mr.  Miall, professeur de Biologie (Yorkshire College) et bienveillant traducteur de mon travail sur la Viquesnelia atlantica, et il a trouvée no trace of reproductive organs.5 Je cherche à établir les circumstances détaillées du fait, afin de connaître s’il s’agit bien d’un hybride et quelles sont les espèces qui ont du le produire. Dans ces conditions, entouré de cette nature si intéressante et, il faut le dire, très incomplètement étudiée, et sachant que toujours le savant le plus éminent est le plus bienveillant pour ceux qui font les premiers pas, je me suis decidé à avoir l’hardiesse de vous offrir mes premières études et toute la faiblesse de mes services, si vous me jugerez digne de vous recueillir quelques faits, de faire des observations sur le transport des vagues, des oiseaux, et., enfin de faire quelque chose utile à la Science, entreprise imprudente sans se demander le secours bienveillant du Maître. L’etude des araignées des Açores, autre celle des mollusques, est une étude intéressante. Mr. Eugène Simon a voulu bien se charger de la determination d’une soixantaine d’espèces que j’ai recueillies à St. Michel. Beaucoup d’espèces nouvelles ont été trouvées, quoique la faunule se rattache intimement aux formes circaméditerranéennes.6 Une espèce très voisine d’une autre de St. Helène a été trouvée—Ariamnes delicatulus, E. Simon (sp. nov.)7 Mr. Lédillot8 prépare un travail sur des coléoptères et des hémiptères provenant aussi de mes excursions. En rendant ces faibles services à ces naturalistes, comment pourrais-je etre silencieux devant vous, Monsieur, quand je relis tous les jours quelque page de votre livre, quand je sais que les Açores ne vous sont pas du tout indifférents et quand j’ai le suprême bonheur de me trouver un de vos disciples? Certes je ne pourrais le faire. Je ne pourrais que penser toujours à obéir à vos ordres toutes les fois que vous m’en jugerez digne. Mes services n’auront peut-être aucune valeur, mais je ne vivais sans vous communiquer que vous aviez aux Açores un disciple des plus reconnaissants et que vous pourrez en faire un serviteur des plus devoués. Arruda Furtado. DAR 159: 114b, 114c 1 2 3 4

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. CD had discussed geographical distribution on oceanic islands in Origin, pp. 389–406. For more on Arruda Furtado’s work in malacology, see Felismino et al. 2016. CD’s inscribed offprint of ‘Indagações sobre a complicação das maxillas de alguns helices (Enquiry on the complexity of the jaws of some Helixes; Arruda Furtado 1880a) is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. Arruda Furtado probably also sent ‘A proposito da distribuição dos molluscos

Drawing of Viquesnelia atlantica (Morelet & Drouët, 1860) reproductive apparatus, [188?], Francisco Arruda Furtado.  Historical Archive of the Museums of the University of Lisbon. National Museum of Natural History and Science, University of Lisbon. PRISC (Portuguese Research Infrastructure of Scientific Collections) PT/MUL//FAF/D/01/0008

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terrestres nos Açores’ (On the distribution of terrestrial molluscs in the Azores; Arruda Furtado 1880b), but no copy has been found in the Darwin Library–CUL. Louis Compton Miall had translated Arruda Furtado’s anatomical study of the terrestrial gastropod Viquesnelia atlantica (a synonym of Plutonia atlantica) in Annals and Magazine of Natural History, March 1881 (Arruda Furtado 1881a). Miall later translated Arruda Furtado’s work on the abortion of the reproductive organs in Vitrina (Arruda Furtado 1882). Although Arruda Furtado had concluded that the specimens might be hybrids, Miall, in a note added to the paper, suggested that the complete absence of reproductive organs in the individuals that he dissected was more likely due to a parasitic attack. Arruda Furtado had written to Eugène Simon in June 1880 describing his collection of spiders and asking whether Simon would be interested in describing them (for all of his correspondence with Simon, see Constância ed. 2002, pp. 23–50). Simon agreed and the description of species appeared in his memoir on the spiders of the oceanic islands of the Atlantic (E. Simon 1883). A faunule is the fauna of a specified small habitat. Ariamnes delicatulus (a synonym of Rhomphaea nasica) was first described by Simon in 1873 as Ariamnes nasica (E. Simon 1873, pp. 152–4). He later described it as a new species, Ariamnes delicatulus, from a specimen sent by Arruda Furtado, in E. Simon 1883, pp. 272–3. For Arruda Furtado’s correspondence with Maurice Sédillot, see Constância ed. 2002, pp. 65–73.

From Anthony Rich   13 June 1881 Chappell Croft, | Heene, Worthing. Monday June 13— 81. My dear Mr. Darwin, Last Saturday morning the Post brought me your wellcome and friendly and pleasant letter; on the afternoon of the same day the Railway brought me for a visit Mr.  and Mrs. Huxley, whom I may characterise in similar terms.1 They went back to London this morning, much to my regret; for I found them both extremely agreeable, as you will doubtless have discovered long ago. I only hope that they may have found their time pass here as pleasantly as I did. On the whole I thought him looking rather less vigorous than when I first saw him some two or three years back, as indeed people who come from the midst of London work in the London season are entitled to do.— Now that we are on the subject of visits I may add that I shall look forward with the greatest pleasure to the accomplishment of the intention you express to spend a few days in the autumn at the Heene Hotel, which will afford me the opportunity of another cordial greeting with you.2 It is not, I should say, a cause for wonder that you find yourself less able for a good walk than you used to do. The early warmth of this season before you left home must have told upon you as they have done upon all people who are not young or robust; and the constant rain of which you complain, the normal condition I have found of the Lake district, can scarcely be puffed off, even by hotel keepers, as a good constitutional tonic. I have found myself to be greatly enervated by it—the heat I mean—and that, added to the natural depression of encreasing years, seems to deteriorate my vital energies more than the winter cold by a good deal. I forget now the exact situation and surroundings of Patterdale; but if it is hilly like much of the Cumberland country no doubt it will put an extra strain upon your powers of locomotion, and lead you to suppose that the length of the walk has been diminished while you forget that the exertion spent upon it may have been doubled or trebled. I find now that a very

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slight rise in the ground upon which I walk, in my own garden for instance, requires an effort and produces quite an unusual feeling of fatigue. I hope that the park of Mr. Marshall is tolerably level: He is the grandson, or son, I suppose of the gentleman who figures amongst the Dramatis Personae of T. Carlyle’s Reminiscence; and who came off with a slight sprinkling only of the “Sage’s” (!) sub-acid mixture.3 Oddly enough the precise sentiment which you express in reference to the mention of your brother Erasmus passed through my mind in reading it.— here is the man who has got through the fire without being scorched, but not without a soupçon of the agrodolce flavour with which the Italians dress their wild boar.4 But I attributed that to Mrs. Carlyle perhaps; for it suggested a tone in which some women, especially those who figure as socially clever ones, are apt to indulge about their male friends who make exertions out of kindness or politeness in their behalf, with the object of magnifying their own importance and influence over those who put themselves to trouble for the purpose of serving them.— You got a gentle dig in the ribs for your share; and much you will care about that! For myself I do not see logic or common sense in giving out an opinion, either good or bad, upon a book which in the same breath the critic proclaims that he never “could read and never has read”. How does he know that he couldn’t read it, if he never tried?—5 The last book of any note that I have read is Trevelyan’s Early Life of C. J. Fox.— very interesting, very amusing, and very well written.6 I tried Wallace’s Island Life, which I dare say has considerable merit; but I could not get through it.—7 Coll. Gordon’s Central Africa is ordered from the Library, to be received a few days perhaps before the Greek Kalends.— —8 I was truly sorry to hear that William Darwin had met with an accident—the second one you said.9 I did not know that he had had a first. If he comes to you please to salute him cordially on my part. And his brother George—my friend as you say—though I collect from your words that he cannot boast of being thoroughly reinstated in good sound health; yet I trust that he may have received some permanent benefit from his residence in Madeira.10 That island appears to have become a place almost of popular resort; for I have seen in the Papers constant announcements of “fashionable” arrivals there during the months lately passed. I do not wonder at your being pleased and proud on the compliments which he has received from the Astromer R.  for Ireland.11 It is only by men of first rate standing and advanced knowledge that work such as his can be appreciated; or from whom praise is worth the having— When you see him pray give him my congratulations, and best wishes, and earnest hope that his health will soon become as strong as his genius— As for myself I really cannot rake up a single scrap of intelligence to impart; for I live here so entirely to myself, that I literally know nothing that is going on beyond what every one knows as well as myself—public events as detailed in public Journals. I have heard more of my own voice during the last two days while H. and his wife were with me, than I have during the two preceding months perhaps; and I am not sure that this habit of listening only to myself (which I can’t help though) and never having to hear the opinions of others, does not lead to a sort of self sufficient belief that others of course think in the same way—and then one often says and writes, quite unintentionally, what is not so agreeable to them. I hope that I do not ever “tread upon your toes” in this way.

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Now please to present my very best Compliments to Mrs. Darwin, whom I shall hope to see with you at Heene, if fortune favours me in the intention you entertain; and believe me to be. | Dear Mr. Darwin | Very sincerely yours | Anthony Rich DAR 176: 149 1 2 3

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CD’s letter has not been found. Thomas Henry and Henrietta Anne Huxley. Rich had added a codicil to his will bequeathing his house to Huxley (see letter from T. H. Huxley, 6 March 1881 and n. 1). The Darwins went to Heene, Worthing, on 8 September 1881 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). They stayed at the West Worthing Hotel (see letter from Anthony Rich, 25 August 1881 and n. 2). The Darwins were visiting the Lake District, staying at Patterdale, from 3 June to 4 July (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). Victor Marshall’s Monk Coniston estate was familiar to CD from a previous visit to the Lake District in 1879; Marshall had visited CD on 8 June 1881 and probably offered the Darwins access to his estate for walks (see letter to G. H. Darwin, 8 June [1881]). Marshall was the son of James Garth Marshall, who was briefly mentioned in Thomas Carlyle’s Reminiscences (Carlyle 1881, 2: 219–20). Erasmus Alvey Darwin was CD’s brother. Agro-dolce: sour-sweet (Italian); a condiment made with vinegar and sugar or honey, to which herbs, spices, and other ingredients are added. In his reminiscences, Carlyle mentioned E. A. Darwin (‘one of the sincerest, naturally truest, and most modest of men’, and CD (‘the famed Darwin on species of these days’), and commented, alluding to Origin, ‘Wonderful to me, as indicating the capricious stupidity of mankind; never could read a page of it, or waste the least thought on it’ (Carlyle 1881, 2: 208). Erasmus had been a good friend of Jane Baillie Welsh Carlyle. George Otto Trevelyan’s The early history of Charles James Fox (Trevelyan [1880]). Alfred Russel Wallace’s Island life (Wallace 1880a) had been highly praised by CD (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter to A. R. Wallace, 3 November 1880). Colonel Gordon in Central Africa (Hill ed. 1881) was published in the second half of May 1881 (Publishers’ Circular, 1 June 1881, p. 442). Charles George Gordon was a British army officer. Calends was the first day of the month in the Roman calendar, but did not feature in the Greek calendar; the ‘Greek calends’, therefore, refers to a time that will never arrive. Rich had probably expected that the book would be so popular, it would be some time before he received a copy, most likely from Mudie’s Select Library, a large subscription library. William Erasmus Darwin had been kicked off his horse, hitting his head, in March 1881; he had also suffered a serious fall in 1876 (see letter from W. E. Darwin, [13 March 1881] and n. 4). George Howard Darwin joined the Darwins at Patterdale on 15 June 1881, while William arrived on 18 June (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). George had travelled to Madeira in early February 1881 for a convalescent stay and arrived back in England at the end of March (letter to W. E. Darwin, 4 February [1881]; letter from Emma Darwin to G. H. Darwin, 23 March 1881 (DAR 210.3: 6); Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). George had visited Rich in 1879 (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter to W. E. Darwin, 10 January [1879]). Robert Stawell Ball had written to George, praising his work on tidal evolution (see letter to G. H. Darwin, 8 June [1881] and n. 2).

To William and Anne Siemens  13 June 1881 Potterdale, Penrith June 13th, 1881 Mr. Darwin is very much obliged to Mr. and Mrs. Siemens for the honour of their very kind invitation for June 25th, but is sorry to say that the state of his health does not allow him to accept any invitations, however much he would like to do so.1 English Electric Co. 1953, p. 165

June 1881 1

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The letter of invitation has not been found. The Darwins were away visiting Patterdale in the Lake District from 2 June to 5 July 1881 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)).

From R. M. Lloyd   14 June 1881 Birmingham Natural History and Microscopical Society. The Mason College. | Birmingham Please address reply to | 19 Spring Hill | Birmingham June 14th. 1881 Dear Sir In your work on the Expression of the Emotions you say that you do not know of a Fox licking the hands of its master or words to this effect (I am writing from memory)1   I saw a tame fox in this town both lick the hand and face of its master and mistress and thinking it might interest you to know the same I have ventured to send you this as I know you only care for facts and do not trouble if fresh ones are brought forward which might even show against some you have advanced   I do not mean however that in this particular case it is so, but I only mention this as my excuse for taking up your time if the above fact should be already know to you or of no value. Should you wish further particulars I shall be very pleased to send them if I can obtain them Yours truly | R. M. Lloyd Dr Charles Darwin DAR 170: 5 CD annotation Top of letter: ‘Expression’ blue crayon circled blue crayon 1

See Expression, p. 126. The information given by Lloyd was cited in Expression 2d ed., p. 132 n. 12; this edition was edited by Francis Darwin.

From George Payne   14 June 1881 Abinger Hall Grds | Dorking | Surrey. 14.6.81. To C. Darwin Esqr Sir, I have taken the liberty to send a bit of Seed of Anemone pulsatilla, I was very much interested yesterday when I gathered it to find that it burys itself in the ground just in the same way as the Feather grass. (Stipa pinnata)1 I have no doubt you will find it barbed as the above— it readily grows from seed. I remain Sir, | Yours respectfully | Geo Payne. DAR 211: 98 1

Anemone pulsatilla is pasque flower; the seeds carry a ‘tail’ formed by the persisting style, which is covered in hygroscopic hairs. Stipa pennata is feather grass; the seeds have a bristle-like extension from the lemma

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of the floret called an awn. Payne had sent seeds of the latter to Francis Darwin in 1878 (Correspondence vol. 26, letter from T. H. Farrer, 4 May 1878). Francis had written a paper on the mechanism by which awned seeds, like those of Stipa pennata, buried themselves in the ground (F. Darwin 1876).

To J. D. Hooker   15 June 1881 Glenrhydding House | Patterdale, Penrith. June 15th 1881 My dear Hooker It was real pleasure to me to see once again your well-known hand-writing on the outside of your note. I do not know how long you have returned from Italy, but I am very sorry that you are so bothered already with work & visits.—1 I cannot but think that you are too kind & civil to visitors, & too conscientious about your official work. But a man cannot cure his virtues anymore than his vices, after early youth, so you must bear your burthen. It is, however, a great misfortune for science that you have so very little spare time for the Genera.— I can well believe what an awful job the Palms must be.2 Even their size must be very inconvenient. You & Bentham must hate the monocotyledons, for what work the orchideæ must have been & Gramineæ & Cyperaceæ will be.—3 I am rather despondent about myself, & my troubles are of an exactly opposite nature to yours, for idleness is downright misery to me, as I find here, as I cannot forget my discomfort for an hour. I have not the heart or strength at my age to begin any investigation, lasting years, which is the only thing, which I enjoy, & I have no little jobs which I can do.— So I must look forward to Down grave-yard, as the sweetest place on this earth.— This place is magnificently beautiful & I enjoy the scenery, thoug weary of it; & the weather has been very cold & almost always hazy. I am so glad that your tour has answered for Lady Hooker. I doubt whether Knockholt wd. be a pleasant place; it is about 800 ft high & much exposed to all the winds of Heaven.4 We return home in the first week of July & shd be truly glad to aid Lady Hooker in any possible manner which she will suggest.— I have written to my gardener to send you plants, of Oxalis corniculata (& seeds if possible): I shd think so common a weed was never asked for before, & what a poor return for the hundreds of plants which I have received from Kew!—5 I hope that I have not bothered you by writing so long a note; & I did not intend to do so. If. Asa Gray has returned with you, please give him my kindest remembrances.—6 Frank is working under De Bary, whom he likes very much, at Strasburg & seems pretty happy.7 Your old friend | Charles Darwin DAR 95: 513–15 1 2

See letter from J. D. Hooker, 12 June 1881. The Hookers had visited Italy with Asa and Jane Loring Gray, from early March until 12 May 1881 (L. Huxley ed. 1918, 2: 251). See letter from J. D. Hooker, 12 June 1881 and n. 3. Genera plantarum (Bentham and Hooker 1862–83) was a systematic work undertaken by Hooker and George Bentham in 1860 (see Stearn 1956). Hooker was working on palms (Palmae, a synonym of Arecaceae).

June 1881 3

4 5

6 7

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Monocotyledones was the heading of the final part of Genera plantarum (Bentham and Hooker 1862–83, 3 (2): 448). The Orchideae (a synonym of Orchidaceae, orchids) was a large section completed by Bentham in August 1880, after which he worked on the Cyperaceae (sedges), finished in October 1880; the Gramineae (a synonym of Poaceae, grasses) formed the last section, which Bentham finished in late 1881 (Stearn 1956, p. 130; Bentham 1881). See letter from J. D. Hooker, 12 June 1881 and n. 4. Hyacinth Hooker was thinking of taking the Hooker children to Knockholt in Kent in the autumn. CD’s gardener was Henry Lettington. Hooker had asked CD to send plants of Oxalis corniculata (creeping wood sorrel; see letter from J. D. Hooker, 12 June 1881 and n. 1). It is an invasive species with worldwide distribution. Following the visit to Italy, the Grays went to France, Switzerland, and Germany in May and June 1881 (J. L. Gray ed. 1893, 2: 720–1). Francis Darwin was working in the laboratory of Anton de Bary in Straßburg (Strasbourg).

To Francis Darwin   [16 June 1881]1 [Glenridding House, Patterdale.] My dear F. Some of these seeds wind up into spire very quickly after being dipped in water & some move very slowly.— I am surprised that they can bury themselves in the ground, They all seem a little bowed naturally, before being wetted.— I have thanked Payne.—2 George arrived last night in pretty good trim, but he looks very thin.— He has sent in his paper to R. Soc. which will, I think, interest geologists.3 I have read Wortmann’s article in Bot. Zeitung with much interest.4 He seems to have proved his case well. It is very odd that we could not see Cieselkys case of the roots, not entering water, though I tried them with all temperatures.5 We ought to have had more perseverance.— yours affectionately | C. Darwin The essay on Växtformations is on geographical distribution of Plants!!6 DAR 211: 98v 1 2 3

4

5 6

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from George Payne, 14 June 1881, and by the date of George Howard Darwin’s arrival at Patterdale (see nn. 2 and 3, below). See letter from George Payne, 14 June 1881 and n. 1. Payne had sent seeds of Anemone pulsatilla (pasque flower). CD’s reply to Payne has not been found. According to Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242), George arrived at the Darwin holiday home at Patterdale in the Lake District on 15 June 1881. George’s paper, ‘On the stresses caused in the interior of the earth by the weight of continents and mountains’, was received at the Royal Society of London on11 June 1881 (G. H. Darwin 1881b). Julius Wortmann’s paper, ‘Ein Beitrag zur Biologie der Mucorineen’ (A contribution on the biology of Mucorales; Wortmann 1881), appeared in parts in Botanische Zeitung, 10 and 17 June 1881. CD had evidently read the first part, in which Wortmann described experiments with Phycomyces nitens that demonstrated the movement of sporophores away from moisture. In Wortmann 1881, pp. 373–4, Wortmann had cited Theophil Ciesielski’s paper on roots bending away from water (Ciesielski 1872). See letter to Francis Darwin, 27 May 1881 and n. 4. CD had mistakenly thought that Ragnar Hult’s essay ‘Försök bis analytisk behandling af växtformationerna’ (Attempt at an analytical approach to plant formations; Hult 1881) was about bloom. George, who understood Swedish, had evidently translated the title for CD.

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From Francis Darwin   17 June 1881 Strassburg 17th June 81 My dear Father Many thanks for yr letter   I am awfully glad you approve of the Diaheliotropic paper.1 I have written for extra copies— I have been working pretty hard— I had a good go at the developement of Carex embryo in reference to the architecture of the very young root.2 It is awfully difficult as the little beasts must be free of the endosperm so that you can roll them over & see both sides; the rolling is done very cutely by putting a very fine spun glass filament under the cover glass; then they are always getting lost; it is good practice for accurate focussing as you have to avoid the upper & lower surfaces & look at the middle set of cells— I have also been doing Yucca root which turns out to be interesting because it isnt of the true Monocotyledon type.3 Since then I have been doing cambium in various plants— De Bary is simply splendid in the way he helps one; it makes one envy the men who work 4 or 5 years under him4 The Swedish Växt book is nothing to do with wax, it = “Gewächse” & is about Plant-forms   a sort of “Grisebach en miniature” as de Bary says5 I heard from Schmiedeberg the Prof of Pharmacology that Hensen’s book is very good but otherwise I couldn’t hear much of him; there will be a full notice of it by Strassburger in the Bot Zeitung.6 I am going tonight with de B to the Naturfor: Gesell to hear the Petrolog Professor talk chiefly about old Hahn & his Hahnia meteorica & I must go this minute7 I heard some excellent music lastnight by 3 students P.F. V & Vo 3o of Schubert extremely well played by all; it is a small Musical & Literary Soc & the men seem very pleasant.8 Neitzel also played a Beet Sonata 106 very well, & gave a little lecture on the meaning of it it being the life of a hero9 Yours affec | F. D. I got a very nice letter from old Wm which I will answer very soon10 I am very glad about G. & Ball—11 Isnt the review in Nature on the Salt Book rather Romanesque; it amused me12 DAR 274.1: 73 1

2 3

4

The letter has not been found; CD’s letter of [16 June 1881] must have crossed in the mail with this letter. Francis’s paper ‘On the power possessed by leaves of placing themselves at right angles to the direction of incident light’ (F. Darwin 1880a) had recently been published in the Journal of the Linnean Society (Botany). CD had defined diaheliotropism as the taking of a position more or less transverse to the light and induced by it (Movement in plants, p. 5). Carex is the genus of true sedges in the family Cyperaceae; some sedges develop distinct dauciform (carrot-like) roots, which are short with dense root hairs, as a response to nutrient deficiency. The roots of most monocotyledons are composed of a fibrous network, known as adventitious roots, that arise from the stem. Plants of the genus Yucca have long fleshy taproots (typical of dicotyledons) as well as a shallow radial root system. Francis was working for the summer in the laboratory of Anton de Bary in Straßburg (Strasbourg). De Bary was known for his close supervision of practical work with his students and his accessibility (see, for example Bower 1938, pp. 17, 24–6).

June 1881 5

6

7

8 9 10 11 12

271

See letter to Francis Darwin, [16 June 1881] and n. 6; the work was ‘Försök bis analytisk behandling af växtformationerna’ (Attempt at an analytical approach to plant formations; Hult 1881). The German ‘Gewächs’ and Swedish ‘växt’ are cognates; they derive from the verb ‘wachsen’ (växa): to grow. CD associated ‘väx’ with English ‘wax‘ and initially thought the title might refer to bloom, the waxy coating on some leaves and fruit. August Heinrich Rudolf Grisebach had been a professor of botany at Göttingen and travelled widely studying plant geography (NDB). Oswald Schmiedeberg commented on Victor Hensen’s recent work, Physiologie der Zeugung (Physiology of reproduction; Hensen 1881). See letter to Francis Darwin, 27 May 1881. It was Adolf Engler, rather than Eduard Strasburger, who reviewed Hensen 1881 in Botanische Zeitung, 17 June 1881 (Engler 1881). Otto Hahn had sent CD a copy of his work Die Meteorite (Chondrite) und ihre Organismen (Meteorites (chondrites) and their organisms; Hahn 1880) in December 1880 (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter from Otto Hahn, 16 December 1880). Hahn sent his collection to David Friedrich Weinland, who named one of the coral-like forms Hahnia meteorica (Burke 1986, p. 172). Emil Cohen was professor extraordinarius of petrography at Straßburg. Franz Schubert wrote two piano trios for piano (pianoforte), violin, and cello (violoncello) (D. 898 and D. 929). Ludwig van Beethoven’s Piano Sonata no. 29, op. 106, was played by Otto Neitzel, a former director of the Musikverein (music society) in Straßburg and the music director of the Straßburger Stadttheater. The letter from William Erasmus Darwin has not been found. Robert Stawell Ball; see letter to G. H. Darwin, 8 June [1881] and n. 2. The history of salt (Boddy 1881) was anonymously reviewed in Nature, 9 June 1881, pp. 123–4. The reviewer supposed that the book was written as ‘an elaborate joke’ and the tone of the review is very tongue-in-cheek. ‘Romanesque’: Francis implies that the anonymous reviewer might have been George John Romanes.

To R. M. Lloyd   17 June 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) [Glenridding House, Patterdale.] June 17th 1881 Dear Sir I am much obliged to you for so kindly pointing out the error into which I have fallen, & which I will correct, shd. there ever be a new edition of my little book on Expression.—1 I remain, dear Sir, with many thanks, Yours faithfully | Charles Darwin Private collection 1

See letter from R. M. Lloyd, 14 June 1881 and n. 1. A note citing Lloyd for the information about a tame fox licking the hands and face of its master was added to Expression 2d ed., p. 132 n. 12. This edition was edited by Francis Darwin.

To ?   17 June 1881 Glenrhydding House | Patterdale, Penrith June 17th. 1881. Dear Sir I am much obliged to you for your kindness in having sent me the enclosed paper.1 The case is a very curious one & an awful look-out for palæontologists.— Is it not believed that there are many analogous cases with the Pulmoniferæ?2 One

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expression astonishes me, (but I suppose this is owing to my ignorance) when he speaks of it as not being established that one mollusc can be parasitic within the shell of another.—3 Dear Sir | Yours faithfully & obliged | Charles Darwin American Philosophical Society (Mss.B.D25.591) 1 2 3

Neither the paper nor the correspondent has been identified. Pulmonifera is a former order of molluscs, roughly equivalent to the informal group Pulmonata, or pulmonates, snails and slugs that breathe with a pallial lung. In their description of the tiny sea snail, Odostomia eulimoides (a synonym of Brachystomia eulimoides; Forbes and Hanley 1853, 3: 276), the authors Edward Forbes and Sylvanus Hanley noted that the principal habitat of this species was ‘the back of the auricles of the Pecten opercularis … where they may be seen in clusters imbedded in the mucus’. Pecten opercularis is a synonym of Aequipecten opercularis, the queen scallop. Auricles are ear-shaped appendages on the dorsal margin of the scallop’s shell.

From Francis Darwin   [after 17 June 1881]1 To C. D. I am afraid I can’t give what Cohen said very well.2 The cream of it is that he looked very carefully over a great number of Hahn’s preparns and he can say with absolute certainly that he saw nothing that might not have anorganic.3 He said he wouldn’t speak at all on the question whether they could be organic, but a pupil of his who had been working at the structure of fossil corals pointed out several points in which Hahns things differ essentially from corals, especially Favosites.4 Cohen said the supposed fossils were made of substances which never or very rarely form fossils on the earth. He also said that in earthly fossils you got great masses all of the same together, whereas in Hahns prepns there are numbers of species in together. The form which Hahn makes a great point of

a number of lines radiating from the

side of a circle is especially characteristic of undoubted anorganic structures. Hahn brings forward the irregularity (or regularity I forget which) of certain forms as proof of their organic nature and to show that Hahn did not know about the structure of minerals Cohen said if he had to argue on this basis it would be just they contrary, their regularity (or irregularity as case may be) would speak for their organic origin. In spite of all I gathered that they were unusual & remarkable forms but I didn’t quite catch what he said about this; I came late & sat far back DAR 274.1: 74 1 2

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from Francis Darwin, 17 June 1881. In his letter of 17 June 1881, Francis mentioned that he was going to attend that evening a lecture given by Emil Cohen, a professor extraordinarius of petrography at Straßburg (Strasbourg), on the work of Otto Hahn.

June 1881 3 4

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Hahn believed that he had found organic forms in meteorites. Favosites is an extinct genus of corals of the order Tabulata; species were characterised by a honeycomblike appearance.

From J. D. Hooker   18 June 1881 Royal Gardens Kew June 18/81. Dear Darwin. Common as you may regard Oxalis corniculata, it was not that I intended to ask for, but a commoner, the wood-sorrel!—O. Acetosella.1 I had no idea you were away from home— I fear I have bothered you in vain by stupidly asking for the wrong plant (it has not come yet)— however I cannot regret having got so long a letter from you, & with something of yourself in it too.2 I quite understand your misery at finding yourself where you have “all play” offered you, & no work to fall back upon!— I should be as bad; but then I know not the condition.— When I go away I have work that I can always take with me, official & other: & my misery is the lots accumulating at home. I cannot tell you how I long to throw off the trammels of official life & do like Bentham:3 it is horrid at 63 after 42 years of Public Service too, to have to work on a pot-boiler over & above official hours.— but then it is my own fault.— a man who marries & has a family late in life must pay for it.4 I hear that, Greg is dying.5 Mr & Mrs Symonds (my wifes parents) are here, & insist on the children going to them in the holidays so that we shall not want a summer quarters at Knockholt or elsewhere6 So poor Rolleston is dead!. His wife is I hear suffering from acute mania, but some at any rate of her medical attendants regard it as temporary— they have 7 children, & the eldest only 17.7 We have lost no end of friends this year, & it is difficult to resist the pessimistic view of creation— when I look back however, & especially my beloved friend to the days I have spent in intercourse with you & your’s, that view takes wings to itself & flies away: it is a horrid world to be sure, but it could have been worse. I am sore exercised about my address for York:—of which I fear you will hear more than you will care for during incubation.8 Ever aff yrs | J D Hooker DAR 104: 152–3 1 2 3 4

5

Oxalis corniculata is creeping wood sorrel; Hooker had asked CD to send plants of this species in his letter of 12 June 1881. See letter to J. D. Hooker, 15 June 1881. The Darwins were on holiday in the Lake District from 2 June to 5 July 1881 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). George Bentham had been a lawyer but gave it up to devote himself to botany in 1833 (ODNB). Hooker was the director of the Royal Botanic Gardens at Kew; after the death in 1874 of his first wife, Frances Harriet Hooker, Hooker married Hyacinth Jardine, a widow, in 1876 and had a son with her in 1877, Joseph Symonds Hooker. Hooker had seven children with his first wife. William Rathbone Greg died on 15 November 1881 (ODNB).

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Hyacinth Hooker’s parents were Catharine Hyacinth and William Samuel Symonds. Hooker’s wife considered taking the younger Hooker children to Knockholt, Kent, for a holiday, but CD had advised against it (letter to J. D. Hooker, 15 June 1881). George Rolleston was 51 when he died of kidney failure on 16 June 1881 (ODNB). His wife was Grace Rolleston; their eldest child was Humphry Davy Rolleston, who was nearly 19. Hooker was president of the geography section of the meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, held at York, 31 August to 7 September 1881 (for his address, see Hooker 1881).

From Francis Darwin   [19 June 1881]1 Strassburg Sunday My dear Father Now that I am not experimenting I never know the date so don’t swear at me for putting Sunday— I have been rather alarmed by reading the report of Kraus’s experiments in the last Bot Zeitung, in which he shows the increase of water in the convex side together with variations in the amount of sugar and acid; it looks so horribly like variations in turgescence on the two sides.2 It makes me doubt whether I havn’t been too bold in saying what I have about Phycomyces; I mean whether I havn’t made too much of a hypothesis on the basis of these experiments. I have said nearly the same as I did in the English M.S. namely that the turgescence theory wont do for one celled organs, and that as we have no reason to assume two kinds of growth it is simpler to believe that each cell acts as a unicell organ in multicellar plants— Also that as a unicellr thing can circumnutate it is possible that a multicellr thing does so by means of its individual cells.3 Are you sure this isn’t too much to say? It is rather amusing about Wortmann’s Mucor stolonifer, he first of all described it as circumnutn but when he heard of mine & saw the figures he was frightened & struck it out.4 I have seen the Mucor, it is the most extraordinary thing I ever saw, it moves about like a worm hunting for something, it moves so quick it is hard to believe it is a plant;5 he might easily have given a few sketches to show the kind of changes but he seemed to think it wasn’t necessary; I think it goes in irregular circles, & must be true circumnutation   I can show it you at Down as it is the little beast that bothered me so in my Phyco cultivation. De Bary made a pretty “Spitz und Basis” Vöchting experiment unintentionally,6 he put some cress seedlings cut off above the level of the ground and having cotyledons & perhaps one pair of leaves, under a bell glass; (I think it was to supply oxygen

to a mould); the hypocotyl bent up

so that

the cut end rose apogeotropically, and in a day or two roots came out

June 1881

so:—

275

; if this would always succeed it would be

a delightful way of making cuttings; we have sowed a lot of cress on the klinostat so that we may try it again with certainly no Nachwirkung;7 I am trying my willow cutting experiment on the klino but I am afraid the shoots wont be grown enough. He seemed to think my bramble experiment good as opposed to Sachs’s root stuff &c which he thinks great bosh.8 Tell Ubbadub I saw too different Uhlans today one with pink cuffs & collar & the other with white, & they looked very pretty but they had their coats buttoned up so they hadn’t got pretty fronts to them like the Uhlan going to church9 Your affec | F. D. DAR 274.1: 76 1 2

3

4

5 6

7

8 9

The date is established by the reference to the review, published on 17 June 1881, of Gregor Kraus’s work on water in plant cells (see n. 2, below). In 1881, the Sunday following 17 June was 19 June. Karl Goebel’s review of ‘Ueber der Wasservertheilung in der Pflanze. II. Der Zellsaft und seine Inhalte’ (On water distribution in plants. II. Cell sap and its contents; Kraus 1880) was published in Botanische Zeitung, 17 June 1881 (Goebel 1881). In the conclusion to his paper ‘Ueber Circumnutation bei einem einzelligen Organe’ (On circumnutation in a single-cell organ; F. Darwin 1881b, p. 479), Francis argued that the usual explanation of variations in turgescence as the proximate cause of bending in multicellular plants could not apply in the case of a single-celled organism like the sporophore of the fungus Phycomyces nitens. Kraus had described changes in the concentration and composition of the cell sap in the cells of plant organs when bending (summarised in Goebel 1881, p. 392). According to Francis, Julius Wortmann had observed circumnutation in the mycelium of a fungus (see letter from Francis Darwin, 14 May 1881 and n. 7). In his paper, ‘Ein Beitrag zur Biologie der Mucorineen’ (A contribution to the biology of Mucorales; Wortmann 1881, p. 386), Wortmann described nutation of the stolon of Mucor stolonifer (a synonym of Rhizopus stolonifer, black bread mould), but argued that the movement was idiosyncratic and irregular. At this time, moulds and other fungi were considered to be part of the plant kingdom; they are now classified within their own kingdom, Fungi. Anton de Bary. Francis alludes to Hermann Vöchting’s paper, ‘Ueber Spitze und Basis an den Pflanzenorganen’ (On the tip and base in plant organs; Vöchting 1880). Vöchting had maintained that the tendency of cut branches to develop buds at the apex and roots at the base was determined by the morphology of the cutting and independent of external forces like gravity (ibid., p. 596). By planting the cress in a pot held in a klinostat, a rotating plant-holder used to test the influence of gravity, Francis would eliminate the possibility that the outcome of the previous experiment had been an after-effect or Nachwirkung (German). Julius Sachs. For Francis’s bramble (Rubus fruticosus) experiment, see F. Darwin 1880b. Francis’s son, Bernard Darwin, had become attached to a paper soldier of an Uhlan going to church (see letter to Francis Darwin, 30 May [1881] and n. 6). Uhlans were light cavalry soldiers (lancers) and the different regiments often had elaborate uniforms.

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From Wilhelm Breitenbach1   [before 20 June 1881]2 Porto Alegre, Prov. Rio Grande do Sul, | Brazil. Verehrtester Herr Darwin! Im August vorigen Jahres schrieb ich Ihnen, dass ich wahrscheinlich in kurzer Zeit nach Brasilien reisen würde.3 Nun, seit 3 Monaten bin ich denn glücklich hier in Porto Alegre, der Hauptstadt der Provinz Rio Grande do Sul. Ich bin nicht erst nach Blumenau zu Herrn Dr. Fritz Müller gegangen, weil, wie Sie wol wissen, die Colonie Blumenau durch eine Überschwemmung fast vollständig vernichtet worden ist.4 Später aber werde ich nach Blumenau gehen. Ich habe hier in Porto Alegre schon fleissig gesammelt, meistens Insecten und Pflanzen. Von Insecten möchte ich zuerst eingehend die Schlupfwespen (Ichneumoniden) und Orthopteren vornehmen. Besonders zahlreich sind hier Stabheuschrecken (Familie der Phasmidae); dieselben sind in sehr zahlreichen Formen vertreten, so dass ich schon jetzt ihre Entstehung aus gewöhnlichen, normal gebauten Formen verfolgen kann. Auch Blattheuschrecken habe ich schon eine ziemliche Anzahl gefangen.5 Leider bin ich aber noch so dürftig mit Literatur versehen, dass ich vor der Hand noch nicht viel anfangen kann; auch weiss ich nicht, wo ich die betreffende Literatur bekommen soll. Noch schlimmer ist es mit botanischen Werken; denn die Flora brasiliensis von Martius6 ist so theuer, dass ich sie mir aus eigenen Mitteln nicht anschaffen kann. Fritz Müller hat auch fast gar Nichts, und das Meiste was er hatte, ist bei der Überschwemmung zu Grunde gegangen. Mehrere Fälle von Mimicry habe ich auch schon beobachtet. Fritz Müller schrieb mir, ich möchte meine Aufmerksamkeit den bekannten Wechselbeziehungen zwischen Ameisen und Pflanzen zuwenden; leider aber sind mir derartige Fälle noch nicht zu Gesicht gekommen.7 Das Arbeitsfeld meines verehrten Lehrers H. Müller werde ich selbstverständlich nach Kräften zu bearbeiten suchen. Haben Sie schon das neue Werk von H. Müller gelesen?8 Ich habe es leider noch nicht erhalten. Auch würde ich mich sehr freuen, Ihr neues Buch über Bewegung der Pflanzen studieren zu können; ich hörte neulich, es sei schon erschienen.9 Seit einiger Zeit wohnt hier in der Nähe Herr Dr. H. v. Ihering, der Verfasser des Werkes über das Nervensystem der Mollusken.10 Ich habe ihn noch nicht gesprochen; er arbeitet fleissig über Wirbelthiere und Molluscen. In der hiesigen “deutschen Zeitung” veröffentliche ich seit einiger Zeit auf Wunsch des Herausgebers, Herrn von Koseritz, populäre Aufsätze über Entwicklungslehre, wol die ersten in Brasilien. Wenn, Sie wünschen, kann ich Ihnen dieselben nach Beendigung in einem Exemplar zusenden.11 Die hiesigen Jesuiten sind gerade nicht sehr erbaut über mein Hiersein und wünschen mich lieber weg.12 Meine kleine Skizze im “Kosmos” über die Entstehung der geschlechtlichen Fortpflanzung haben Sie wol von meinem Papa zugeschickt erhalten.13 In einiger Zeit werden Sie dann auch eine weitere in der “Jenaischen Zeitschrift für Naturwissenschaft” erscheinende Arbeit über Schmetterlingsrüssel von mir erhalten.14

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Ich gedenke eine ziemlich lange Reihe von Jahren in Brasilien zu bleiben und glaube in dieser Zeit einiges zum Wol unserer Wissenschaft beitragen zu helfen.15 Wenn Sie gestatten, werde ich Ihnen dann und wann, wenn ich Etwas besonderes Interessante finde, Mittheilung machen. Bitte, grüssen Sie gefälligst Ihren Herrn Sohn Francis16 bestens von mir. Mit vorzüglichster Hochachtung | bin ich Ihr ergebenster | Dr. Wilhelm Breitenbach DAR 202: 16 CD annotation Top of letter : ‘Melastomas—ants. | Fertilisation.— | my book. | Paper on the steps by which Sexual propagation [reached].— | I am glad to see that you are attending to the role of [nat] [2 words illeg] in | Seeds of any Dimorphous Plants to grow— | Frank’ ink 1 2 3 4

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For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to Wilhelm Breitenbach, 20 [ June] 1881. The letter has not been found, but see Correspondence vol. 28, letter to Wilhelm Breitenbach, 21 September 1880. Rio Grande do Sul was the southernmost province of Brazil; the Blumenau colony was in the adjacent Santa Catarina province, to the north. German immigration in Brazil was mostly to these two provinces and to São Paolo (Roche 1959, p. 1). Fritz Müller’s brother Hermann had told CD that the Itajahy river (now called Itajaí Açu) had risen almost fifteen metres above its normal level, but that most of Fritz’s books and equipment had been saved (Correspondence vol. 28, letter from Hermann Müller, 30 November 1880). The Ichneumonidae family in the order Hymenoptera (bees, wasps, and ants) includes ichneumon wasps; the order Orthoptera includes grasshoppers, locusts, and crickets. The Phasmidae family (a synonym of Phasmatidae) includes walking sticks; it is in the order Phasmida, which also includes walking leaves or leaf insects (family Phylliidae). True leaf insects are restricted to South Asia and Australia, but Breitenbach may have collected some forms of leaf-mimicking katydids (subfamily Pterochrozinae in the family Tettigoniidae) that are native to South America. Several volumes of Karl Friedrich Philipp von Martius’s work, Martius ed. 1840–1906, had been published. Müller himself had studied the relationship between ants of the genus Azteca and plants of the genus Cecropia (embauba or trumpet trees; see Correspondence vol. 22, letter from Fritz Müller, 20 April [1874]). See also F. Müller 1876 and F. Müller 1880. Breitenbach had been a student of Herman Müller at the Realschule in Lippstadt, where Müller taught natural sciences. Müller’s Alpenblumen, ihre Befruchtung durch Insekten: und ihre Anpassungen an dieselben (Alpine flowers, their fertilisation through insect agency and adaptations for this; H. Müller 1881a) had been published earlier in the year. CD had received a copy in November 1880 (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter from Hermann Müller, 27 November 1880). Movement in plants was published on 6 November 1880 (Freeman 1977); the German translation appeared in 1881 (Carus trans. 1881). Hermann von Ihering lived in Taquara do Mundo Novo (now Taquara), seventy-two kilometres from Porto Allegre. His Vergleichende Anatomie des Nervensystemes und Phylogenie der Mollusken (Comparative anatomy of the nervous system and phylogeny of molluscs; Ihering 1877) was published in 1877. Deutsche Zeitung, a fortnightly newspaper, was founded in Porto Allegre in 1861; Karl von Koseritz became its editor-in-chief in 1864 (Roche 1959, p. 500; Gehse 1931, p. 135ff.). No copies of Breitenbach’s articles have been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL. Koseritz had made the church and above all the Jesuits the target of his polemics for many years. The Jesuits had countered these attacks by founding the Deutsche Volksblatt, also a fortnightly newspaper, which by 1881 was edited in the Jesuit College of São Leopoldo (Gehse 1931, pp. 43, 76).

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Breitenbach’s article ‘Die Entstehung der geschlechtlichen Fortpflanzung. Eine phylogenetische Studie’ (The origin of sexual reproduction. A phylogenetic study; Breitenbach 1881a) was published in Kosmos, January 1881. No separate copy of the article has been found in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL, but CD subscribed to the journal, and his copy is in the collection of unbound journals in the Darwin Archive–CUL. Breitenbach’s father was also called Wilhelm Breitenbach. ‘Beiträge zur Kenntniss des Baues der Schmetterlings-Rüssel’ (Contributions to the understanding of the structure of the butterfly proboscis; Breitenbach 1881b) was published on 25 January 1881. No copy has been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL. In the event, Breitenbach returned to Germany in 1883 (Nöthlich 2009). Francis Darwin.

To Wilhelm Breitenbach   20 [ June] 18811 Down. | Beckenham Kent [Glenridding House, Patterdale.] Jan 20th. 1881. Dear Sir. I am glad to hear that you have arrived safely in Brazil & are hard at work— I hope & believe that you will make many interesting & new observations— I think that you are wise to attend to the orders of Insects, which have been generally neglected—2 I suppose that amongst other points, Fritz Müller was thinking of the Ants which live in little cavities or cells in the leaves of the Melastomaceae—3 The manner of fertilization & the meaning of the 2 very different sets of Anthers in the flowers of the plants of this order would be worth attending to— I have experimented on these plants in hot houses with but little success—4 If by any chance you should come across any heterostyled annual or herbaceous plant & could send me seeds I should be glad of them, so as to raise illegitimate seedlings & test their fertility.5 I have directed my publisher to send you a copy of my last book, in which I was aided by my son Francis who is now working at Strasburg under De Bary.6 I received & was much interested by your paper on the several forms of reproduction7 I heartily wish you health & success, I do not think the want of books will be so serious an evil as you suppose—, for collecting & still more observing & making notes will fill up your whole time— I do not believe that Wallace Bates or Belt read much (nor did I) whilst at work in S. America.8 I remain Dear Sir. | Yours faithfully. | Charles Darwin. Copy DAR 143: 145 1 2 3

The month is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to Fritz Müller, 21 June 1881. The copyist evidently misread the month. See letter from Wilhelm Breitenbach, [before 20 June 1881] and n. 5. See letter from Wilhelm Breitenbach, [before 20 June 1881] and n. 7. Fritz Müller had not published on the relationship between ants and plants of the family Melastomaceae (a synonym of Melastomataceae). CD was made aware of the relationship of ants to plants of the melastomaceous genus Tococa when he read the manuscript of a paper on the subject by Richard Spruce (see Correspondence vol. 17, letter from George Bentham, 7 May 1869, and letter to Linnean Society, President and Council, [10 May 1869]).

June 1881 4

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Müller had written to CD about his observations of the different types of pollen in several plants of the Melastomaceae; CD had investigated some of these in 1861 and 1862 as possibly exhibiting a novel form of dimorphism (see letter to Fritz Müller, 20 March 1881 and nn. 2 and 3). CD told Müller that he hoped to repeat some of his earlier experiments (letter to Fritz Müller, 12 April 1881). In earlier experiments with heterostyled (dimorphic and trimorphic) plants, CD had tested the fertility of offspring of ‘legitimate’ and ‘illegitimate’ crosses. CD referred to crosses made using pollen of the same form of flower in these species as illegitimate, and those fertilised by pollen of a different form as legitimate (see ‘Three forms of Lythrum salicaria’, p. 186). Movement in plants; see letter from Wilhelm Breitenbach, [before 20 June 1881]. Francis Darwin was working in the laboratory of Anton de Bary in Straßburg (Strasbourg). Breitenbach 1881a; see letter from Wilhelm Breitenbach, [before 20 June 1881] and n. 13. See letter from Wilhelm Breitenbach, [before 20 June 1881]. Alfred Russel Wallace, Henry Walter Bates, and Thomas Belt had all travelled in South America and had written accounts with observations on the natural history of the regions they visited (see Wallace 1853, Bates 1863, and Belt 1874).

To J. D. Hooker   20 June [1881]1 Glenrhydding House | Patterdale, Penrith June 20th My dear Hooker. Your letter has cheered me, & the world does not look a quarter so black this morning, as it did when I wrote before.2 Your friendly words are worth their weight in gold.— I daresay you have got Ox. acetosella by this time; if not, despatch the enclosed card & you will receive specimens.—3 I do not believe Ox. acetosella will ever grow long except in rather dense shade,—a fact which agrees with Batalin’s experiments on the movement of the leaflets, given in my last book.—4 Tear up card, if plants not wanted, & do not acknowledge receipt.— I am very sorry to hear about Rolleston & Greg— The former is a horrid case.5 I liked much the little I ever saw of him. This morning we heard of the death (a blessed release from suffering) of McLennan, who has left uncompleted a book more valuable, probably, than Primitive Marriage.6 Your address must be a horrid bore.— The whole subject of Geographical Distribution has become a frightfully big one.—7 I wish I cd be of any use to you; but this out of the question, as the subject has gone much out of my mind. You ought to keep steadily before your mind, what a splendid amount of grand work you have done. Ever yours affectionately | Charles Darwin DAR 95: 516–17 1 2 3 4

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from J. D. Hooker, 18 June 1881. See letter to J. D. Hooker, 15 June 1881, and letter from J. D. Hooker, 18 June 1881. CD had evidently written to his gardener, Henry Lettington, to ask for plants of Oxalis acetosella (common wood sorrel) to be sent to Hooker. The card has not been found. Alexander Fedorovich Batalin, in ‘Neue Beobachtungen über die Bewegungen der Blätter bei Oxalis’ (New observations on the movement of leaves in Oxalis; Batalin 1871, p. 242), had noted that leaves of

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Oxalis acetosella moved to their night-time position if placed in direct sunlight. CD had been informed of this fact in a letter from Batalin of 28 February 1879 (Correspondence vol. 27), and noted it in Movement in plants, p. 447. George Rolleston and William Rathbone Greg; see letter from J. D. Hooker, 18 June 1881 and nn. 5 and 7. John Ferguson McLennan died at Hayes Common, Kent, on 16 June 1881 (ODNB); the uncompleted book, Studies in ancient history … comprising an inquiry into the origin of exogamy, was published in 1896 (McLennan 1896). Hooker was president of the geography section of the meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, held at York, 31 August to 7 September 1881 (for his address, see Hooker 1881).

From Ernst Haeckel1   21 June 1881 Jena 21. Juni 81. Theurer und hochverehrter Freund! In Erfüllung eines sehnlichen Wunsches, welchen ich seit 30 Jahren hege, einmal die Wunder der Tropen-Natur zu sehen, beabsichtige ich nächsten Winter in Ceylon zuzubringen. Ich denke, Ende September direct (via Suez, Bombay) nach Colombo zu gehen, 4  Monate (theils in Pt. Galle, theils in Trincomalee) zu arbeiten, und April  1882  zurückzukehren.2 Ich will hauptsächlich Medusen und Radiolarien untersuchen, daneben tüchtig zeichnen und malen.3 Ich habe kürzlich auch Öl-Malen und Photographiren gelernt, und bin zu Allem wohl vorbereitet. Um die bedeutenden Kosten der Reise zu decken, (besonders auch um Viel dredgen und sammeln zu können) hatte ich gehofft, von der Berliner Academie das “Humboldt-Stipendium” zu bekommen, und meine dortigen Freunde hatten mir letzten Ostern bestimmt versprochen, daraus 15,000 Mk (= 750 £ Strl). für diesen Zweck zu erhalten. In der entscheidenden Sitzung, in voriger Woche, hat jedoch die Academie (mit wenig Stimmen Majorität) beschlossen, diesen Antrag abzulehnen, weil “Professor Haeckel der eifrigste und gefährlichste Apostel der Darwinschen Irrlehren ist, und weil seine zoologischen Arbeiten ohne wahren Werth sind. (!!)4 Ich habe nun heute an Sir John Lubbock und an Prof. Huxley gleichlautende Briefe gerichtet, mit der Bitte, ob sie vielleicht ein Reise-Stipendium (womöglich 400–500 £ Strl) von irgend einer gelehrten britischen Societät (vielleich Royal Society oder British Association) für mich erlangen können.5 Zur Motivirung könnte angeführt werden, dass ich seit 5 Jahren für den “Challenger” gratis arbeite (Die “Deep-Sea-Medusae”, mit 32 Tafeln, sind jetzt fertig; die Radiolaria (mit 120 Tafeln) halb fertig).6 An Sir Wyville Thomson, welcher mir Empfehlungen an den Gouverneur von Ceylon versprochen hat, habe ich ebenfalls geschrieben.7 An Sie, mein hochverehrter Freund, möchte ich nun die freundliche Bitte richten, mein Gesuch womöglich bei Gelegenheit zu unterstützen. Vielleicht können Sie mit Sir John Lubbock darüber conferiren. Ihr Microscop von Zeiss ist hoffentlich nach Wunsch ausgefallen. Mein Freund, Prof. Abbe, welcher bei Zeiss die feineren optischen Arbeiten beaufsichtigt, hatte mir versprochen, die besten Linsen für Sie auszusuchen, und Mr.  Zeiss selbst hat dafür gesorgt.8 Sie sagten Beide selbst, dass für den Namen “Darwin” meine Empfehlung überflüssig sei.

Stativ IV, 1876. ZEISS Archives. Reproduced by permission.

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Wenn ich in Ceylon Etwas für Sie sammeln oder besorgen kann, wird es mein grösstes Vergnügen sein! Hoffentlich geht es Ihnen gut! Mit herzlichsten Grüssen an Sie und an Ihre Familie Ihr | treu ergebener | Ernst Haeckel DAR 166: 78 1 2

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For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. Haeckel began his voyage to Ceylon (Sri Lanka) on 8 October 1881 and arrived back in Jena on 21 April 1882 (Haeckel 1883b, pp. 11, 337). Point de Galle (now Galle) is on the southernmost tip of the island; Trincomalee is a port city on the east coast. Medusae are the free-swimming sexual forms of animals of the phylum Cnidaria; Haeckel published extensively on these (Haeckel 1879–81, Haeckel 1882). The order Radiolaria of the phylum Protozoa is composed of a diverse group of unicellular protozoans with siliceous skeletons; Haeckel proposed one of the earliest classification schemes for Radiolaria (Haeckel 1887). The Humboldt-Stiftung für Naturforschung und Reisen (Humboldt Foundation for Scientific Research and Travel) was administered by a group of trustees; for more on the rejection of his application and the supporters and opponents of Haeckel among the trustees, see Richards 2008, p. 345. The letter of 21 June 1881 from Haeckel to Thomas Henry Huxley and Huxley’s reply of 1 July 1881 are reproduced in Uschmann and Jahn 1959–60, pp. 26–7. The scientific results of the dredging expedition of HMS Challenger (1872–6) were published between 1880 and 1895. For Haeckel’s reports on Medusae and Radiolaria, see Haeckel 1882 and Haeckel 1887. Charles Wyville Thomson was chief of the civilian scientific staff of the Challenger expedition. James Robert Longden was governor of Ceylon at this time. See letter to Ernst Haeckel, 9 February 1881. Ernst Abbe was a partner of Carl Zeiss in his optical firm at Jena. The microscope was Stativ IV no. 3650, with condenser (manufactured on 11 November 1880) and included the objectives BB, DD, F, and K (ZEISS Archives). See plate on p. 281. The microscope was for Francis Darwin.

To Fritz Müller   21 June 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) [Glenridding House, Patterdale.] June 21. 1881— My dear Sir I shd. be much obliged, if you could without much trouble send me seeds of any Heterostyled herbaceous plant (i.e. a species which would flower soon), as it would be easy work for me to raise some illegitimate seedlings, to test their degree of infertility.— The plant ought not to have very small flowers.— I hope that you received the copies of “Nature” with extracts from your interesting letters, & I was glad to see a notice in Kosmos on Phyllanthus.—1 I am writing this note away from my home, but before I left I had the satisfaction of seeing Phyllanthus sleeping.2 Some of the seeds which you so kindly sent me would not germinate or had not then germinated.3 I received a letter yesterday from Dr. Breitenbach at Porto Alegre, & he tells me that you lost many of your books in the devastating flood from which you suffered.—4 Forgive me, but why should you not order through your brother Hermann books &c to the amount of 100£ & I would send a cheque to him, as soon as I heard the exact amount?5 This would be no inconvenience to me: on the contrary it would

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be a honour & lasting pleasure to me to have aided you in your invaluable scientific work to this small & trifling extent.— Believe me always with the highest respect. | Yours very sincerely | Charles Darwin The British Library (Loan MS 10 no 52) 1

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CD had sent two letters to Nature summarising some of Müller’s observations on plant movements (see letters to Nature, 22 February [1881] and 14 April [1881]). In a short article in Kosmos, ‘Verirrte Blätter’ (Stray leaves; F. Müller 1881b), Müller described and figured the movement of leaves of a plant of an unnamed species of Phyllanthus (the genus of leaf flower) growing in his garden. CD had asked for plants of Phyllanthus niruri (gale of the wind) from William Turner Thiselton-Dyer in 1879 (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 24 March 1879). At night, the leaves drop and twist so that the lower (abaxial) surfaces turn outwards. CD had described this movement, based on observations of Wilhelm Pfeffer in Pfeffer 1875, in Movement in plants, p. 388. Müller had enclosed seeds of some Phyllanthus with his letter of 9 January 1881. See letter from Wilhelm Breitenbach, [before 20 June 1881] and n. 4. Hermann Müller had told CD that most of Fritz’s books and equipment had been saved (Correspondence vol. 28, letter from Hermann Müller, 30 November 1880).

From Archibald Geikie   22 June 1881 Edinburgh 22d June 1881 My dear Sir Many thanks to you for your kind words of sympathy in regard to the movement in favour of poor Croll.1 I am not very sanguine, but am resolven to leave no stone unturned to gain our end. Mr. George Darwin’s signature would have been most welcome. As you suppose, it will be best to obtain only a few signatures. Yours very truly | Arch Geikie Charles Darwin Esqr Copy Haslemere Educational Museum (LD-8-892-P443–4) 1

CD’s letter has not been found. James Croll had been forced to retire early from the Geological Survey of Scotland in 1880 because of poor health. Geikie had drawn up a memorial to the prime minister, William Ewart Gladstone, requesting an annuity from the civil list for Croll, to supplement his meagre Civil Service pension (Irons 1896, pp. 363, 373).

To J. B. Hannay   22 June 1881 Glenridding House | Patterdale | Penrith June 22 1881 Dear Sir I hope that you will excuse the liberty which I take in suggesting a small modification in one of your interesting trials on the formation of diamonds.1

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It is simply to use the flesh of an animal, mixed perhaps with some vegetable matter, to give you the necessary carbon in conjunction with nitrogen; & such perhaps has been the source of the carbon for diamonds in their natural place. I make the suggestion solely on the supposition that it would not necessarily interfere with your main object. For several years I have much wished that some one wd observe what chemical products (if any) wd result from the slow cooling of all the various elements which are present in every living organism, after they had been subjected to intense heat & pressure. I have imagined that possibly something of the nature of a protein compound might be generated, as all the necessary elements, phosphorus, sulphur, potash &c &c wd be present. In my own experiments on living plants, I am very fond of trying what I call “a fool’s experiment”; & such experiments, tho’ rarely successful in a direct manner, have often led to interesting side-results. Pray do not trouble yourself to answer this letter, & excuse me if my suggestion is impracticable, or appears to you to be too much of a fool’s experiment— Dear Sir | yours faithfully | Charles Darwin LS(A) American Philosophical Society (Mss.B.D25.592) 1

See letter from J. B. Hannay, 28 May 1881. In February 1880, Hannay had sent samples of supposed artificially made diamonds to Nevil Story-Maskelyne, then keeper of the mineral department at the British Museum. Story-Maskelyne reported Hannay’s apparent success in a letter to The Times, 20 February 1880, p. 8. Hannay had used a mixture of paraffin spirit, bone oil, lithium, and a small amount of lampblack, sealed in an iron tube and slowly heated under pressure. For more on Hannay’s experiments, see Revie 1980.

To T. H. Huxley   22 June 1881 Glenrhydding House | Patterdale, Penrith June 22d 1881 My dear Huxley I have just had a letter from P. Rothenburg of Glasgow about Häckel’s (I suppose the above R.  is a personal friend of H.) wishing to go on a scientific expedition for 6  months to Ceylon,—having been refused a small grant by the Berlin Government,—& having applied to Lubbock to know whether our R. Socy. would aid him.—1 I have heard nothing about all this. But Rothenburg urges me to assist, & the sole thing which I could think of was to inform you, though you will probably have heard of it before.— It has been an old conviction of mine (quite independently of Hackel’s case) that the Government Grant could not be better spent than in occasionally aiding a scientific man visiting some distant country.— I once spoke to this effect to Hooker, who demurred, but he did not alter my conviction.2 I have a bothering lot of letters to answer, so no more.— Ever yours | C. Darwin I will tell to Rothenburg that I have written to you.—3 Imperial College of Science, Technology and Medicine Archives (Huxley 5: 364)

June 1881 1

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The letter from Paul Rottenburg has not been found. In the introduction to his book, A visit to Ceylon (Haeckel 1883b, p. 11), Ernst Haeckel thanked Rottenburg for his support. John Lubbock was a fellow of the Royal Society of London and an MP. See also letter from Ernst Haeckel, 21 June 1881, which CD had evidently not yet received. When Joseph Dalton Hooker was president of the Royal Society, he had announced a new government grant of £4000 a year for five years; personal allowances or grants could be awarded subject to the approval of the president of the Council (see Hooker 1876, pp. 342–3). Hooker had later confided to CD, ‘Between ourselves I think there will be a wretched outcome of the Govt. Fund’ (Correspondence vol. 26, letter from J. D. Hooker, 14 December 1878). The letter to Rottenburg has not been found.

From J. V. Carus   24 June 1881 Leipzig June 24th. 1881 My dear Sir, You will have seen from my last letter, that I entirely agree to any arrangement you will please to take with regard to your new book.1 In the mean time I have got a letter from Herr Koch, who informs me, that he has arranged with Mr Krause, that I should translate the book and send one chapter of it to the Kosmos for previous separate publication. As Koch is at present the publisher of the Kosmos, he is of course in regular correspondence with Herr Krause.2 For my part I entirely depend upon your decision. If you kindly allow me to translate the book, of course it would not be convenient, to have the same chapter translated twice by two different men. With regard to the choice of a chapter I fully agree with Herr Koch, that one on the practical work of the Earthworms would be more interesting to the general reader than on the organs of sense etc.  Here also your advice would be of the greatest value for us.3 I was at Marienbad for about 12 days, but came home rather worse than I went. Now I look forward to a good rest during the long vacation, from the middle of August to the end of September or thereabouts.4 If you could send me proofsheets soon, I could work before I go. You would oblige me very much if you would kindly let me know how far the book is in progress and when you think it possible to send me sheets. But of course I should not like to trouble you in the very least. Believe me, | My dear Sir, | Yours ever sincerely | J. Victor Carus DAR 161: 115 1 2

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See letter from J. V. Carus, 21 May 1881; the book was Earthworms. See letter from J. V. Carus, 21 May 1881 and n. 2. The journal Kosmos, which was edited by Ernst Krause, had recently been purchased by Eduard Koch, the head of E. Schweizerbart’sche Verlagsbuchhandlung, CD’s German publisher (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter from Ernst Krause, 4 December 1880). In the event, a translation of a chapter did not appear in Kosmos, but an essay review of Earthworms by Krause with some extracts from the book appeared in Kosmos, November 1881 (Krause 1881a). See letter from J. V. Carus, 21 May 1881. Carus had been suffering from bronchitis. Marienbad (Mariánské Lázně) was a popular spa town in Bohemia (now in the Czech Republic).

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To G. J. Romanes   24 June [1881]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. [Glenridding House, Patterdale.] June 24th My dear Romanes I have been thinking about Pompilius & its allies.—2 Please take the trouble to read on Perforation of the corolla by Bees p. 425 of my Cross Fertilisation to end of Chapter.3 Bees show so much intelligence in these acts, that it seems not improbable to me that the progenitors of Pompilius originally stung caterpillars & spiders &c in any part of their bodies, & then observed by their intelligence that if they stung them in one particular place, as between certain segments on the lower side, their prey was at once paralysed. It does not seem to me at all incredible that this action shd then become insttive i.e. memory transmitted from one generation to another. It does not seem necessary to suppose that when Pompilius stung its prey in the ganglion that it intended or knew that the prey would long keep alive. The development of the larvae may have been subsequently modified in relation to their half-dead, instead of wholly dead prey; supposing that the prey was at first quite killed which would have required much stinging. Turn this notion over in your mind, but do not trouble yourself by answering.—4 Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin N.B. Once on a time a fool said to himself that at an ancient period small soft crabs or other creatures stuck to certain fishes; then struggled violently & in doing so discharged electricity, which annoyed the parasites; so that they often wriggled away. The fish was very glad, & some of its children gradually profited in a higher degree & in various way by discharging more electricity & by not struggling.— The fool who thought thus persuaded another fool to try an eel in Scotland, & lo & behold electricity was discharged when it struggled violently. He then placed in contact with the fish or near it a small medusa or other animal which he cleverly knew was sensitive to electricity, & when the eel struggled violently the little animals in contact showed by their movements that they felt a slight shock.—5 Ever afterwards men said that the two fools were not such big fools as they seemed to be.— Stultus.6 American Philosophical Society (Mss.B.D25.530) 1 2

3

The year is established by the relationship between this letter, the letter to G. J. Romanes, 16 April 1881, and the letter from G. J. Romanes, 17 April 1881. Pompilus is a genus of the family Pompilidae (spider wasps). In his previous letter to Romanes, CD had mentioned sand wasps and referred to Jean-Henri Fabre’s discussion of their habits (see letter to G. J. Romanes, 16 April 1881). Fabre had referred to the genus Bembex (a synonym of Bembix: sand wasps; see Fabre 1879, pp. 129–30). The taxonomy of these wasps has changed significantly since the nineteenth century, and many wasps formerly placed within Pompilus are now included in Bembix or other genera in the family Bembicidae. Thus, CD probably had a much broader idea of what would be considered ‘allies’ of Pompilus. In Cross and self fertilisation, pp. 425–35, CD had discussed humble-bees (bumble-bees) biting holes in the corollas of flowers to obtain nectar.

June 1881 4

5

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Romanes quoted the entire paragraph from CD's letter in Mental evolution in animals, and compared the instincts of the wasps in stinging their prey to those of bees biting the corolla to suck nectar (see G. J. Romanes 1883a, pp. 301–2). CD had discussed the origin of electrical organs in fish as one of the special difficulties of the theory of natural selection (see Origin 6th ed., pp. 150–1). Romanes had worked on the nervous system of medusae (G. J. Romanes 1876). Stultus: fool (Latin).

To R. A. Blair   25 June 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) [Glenridding House, Patterdale.] June 25th 1881— Dear Sir I must write one line to thank you very sincerely for your kind expressions about me, which are far stronger than I deserve.1 I congratulate you on your interesting discovery of the Mastodon remains.—2 I hope that the study of natural History may give your daughter a large share of the satisfaction which the study has given me.—3 Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Charles Darwin American Philosophical Society (Mss.B.D25.593) 1 2 3

See letter from R. A. Blair, 9 June 1881. See letter from R. A. Blair, 9 June 1881. Jessie Alice Blair; see letter from R. A. Blair, 9 June 1881 and n. 4.

To Ernst Haeckel   25 June 1881 Glenrhydding House Patterdale, Penrith June 25th 1881 My dear Häckel I received a letter 2 days ago from Mr. Rothenburg of Glasgow, telling me of your scheme, which seems to me an excellent one & I most heartily hope may be carried out.1 You will see that I am away from home, but shall return home on July 3d.— As soon as I heard of your scheme, I wrote to Huxley, who as Secy. of R. Socy. would have much influence about the Grant.2 Some year or two ago I expressed to several persons my opinion that a part of the Grant could not be better used than in aiding Biologists with some special purpose to visit any distant country; so you may believe that I would aid you in any way in my power.— I fear (but do not know) that all the Grants have been distributed for the current year.—3 I do not know anything about the funds of the British Assoc; but fear that they are not large. If these sources of supply fail, will you forgive me for proposing to subscribe 100£, in aid of your undertaking for the sake of Science? If you would accept my offer, it would give me very great pleasure.—

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I wanted rest & a change, for I feel very old, so we have been staying in this most beautiful county for 3 weeks. I have done nothing all this time but admire the scenery & read the newspapers! With all good wishes believe me, | My dear Häckel | Yours very sincerely | Charles Darwin Ernst-Haeckel-Haus 1

2

3

The letter from Paul Rottenburg has not been found. In the introduction to his book, A visit to Ceylon (Haeckel 1883b, pp. 9–11), Haeckel described his difficulties in getting funding and thanked several supporters by name, including CD and Rottenburg. See also letter from Ernst Haeckel, 21 June 1881. The Darwins were on holiday at Patterdale in the Lake District from 3 June to 4 July 1881 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). Huxley was a secretary of the Royal Society of London (see letter to T. H. Huxley, 22 June 1881 and n. 2). For details on the management of the fund, see Hooker 1877, pp. 432–3. The funds would have been distributed for the year by the end of March (see Hooker 1877, pp. 432–3).

To Ernst Haeckel   26 June [1881] [Glenridding House, Patterdale.] June 26th.— My mind was so full of the Ceylon affair that I quite forgot to thank you about the microscope, which my son finds excellent.—1 When next you see Prof. Abbe, I hope that you will give him my best thanks for his great kindness.—2 C. Darwin ApcS Postmark: JU 27 81 American Philosophical Society (Mss.B.D25.) 1

2

See letter from Ernst Haeckel, 21 June 1881 and n. 8; Francis Darwin had recently received a Zeiss microscope. For Haeckel’s planned research trip to Ceylon (Sri Lanka), see the letter to Ernst Haeckel, 25 June 1881. Ernst Abbe had personally supervised the fine optical work on Francis’s microscope (letter from Ernst Haeckel, 21 June 1881).

To Francis Darwin   26 June [1881]1 [Glenridding House, Patterdale.] My dear F. I have had a letter from Hackel, who asks me how I like the new microscope.2 I have said that you have found it excellent, & I hope that I spoke the truth.3 He says that Zeiss took especial pains with it, & that Prof. Abbe (a great authority) examined all the glasses, so I have sent my thanks to him also.—4 Häckel wants to go to Ceylon for 6 months to examine Medusæ & Radiolariæ: he applied to Berlin for the Humboldt fund, & was refused in the coarsest manner that he was a Darwinian & had done no good work.!5

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H. wants help from our R. Soc. or B. Assoc.n.— I have written to Huxley, but doubt whether he will get help enough.— I have offered to subscribe 100£.6 At last flood of Revises of worm-book have come, so I shall have no more of the curse of idleness.7 I have seen quite close today a British bird new to me, the Pied Flycatcher, & a very conspicuous & pretty bird it is.— But Abba-dubba is even prettier.—8 Your affectionate Father | C. D. June 26th— DAR 211: 83 1 2 3 4 5 6

7 8

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from Ernst Haeckel, 21 June 1881. See letter from Ernst Haeckel, 21 June 1881 and n. 8. See letter to Ernst Haeckel, 26 June [1881]. Ernst Abbe was a partner of Carl Zeiss in his optical firm at Jena. See letter from Ernst Haeckel, 21 June 1881 and nn. 2–4. See letter to T. H. Huxley, 22 June 1881. Thomas Henry Huxley was a secretary of the Royal Society of London; the society administered a Government Grant for scientific research (see letter to Ernst Haeckel, 25 June 1881 and n. 2). The British Association for the Advancement of Science also provided funding for projects (see, for example, Report of the 51st Meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science (1881), pp. lxiii–lxvi). CD had offered £100 in his letter to Haeckel of 25 June 1881. CD and Francis were revising proof-sheets of Earthworms. The pied flycatcher (Ficedula hypoleuca) is a summer visitor, found in mature woodlands mainly in the west of Britain. It is a sparrow-sized bird, mostly black above with white underparts. Abba-dubba was a nickname for Francis’s son, Bernard Darwin.

From J. B. Hannay   27 June 1881 Private Laboratory, | Sword Street, | Glasgow. 27th June 1881 Dear Sir The suggestion contained in your letter of the 22nd for which I thank you very much is one which I shall shortly put to practical test.1 My great difficulties have been in obtaining vessels strong enough to withstand the pressure at high temperatures, and my troubles are not yet over as I find that nearly all matter is permeable to gases at such high temperatures when under great pressure– – – –2 A fact which may have some interest for you has come under my notice lately that Albumen may be heated to the melting point of glass without decomposition provided sufficient pressure be employed so that I can try the effect of other bodies with it. I have recently shown that in ordinary fluids the liquid and gaseous states are clearly separated and not continuous as Andrews supposed; but when we come to such complex bodies as albumen we have a new state which I think is the convergence of the three states of matter at one point.3 We know that the simpler the compound the greater is the contraction due to chemical union and the greater is the difference between the volumes of the liquid and vapour of such a compound. In a very complex

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molecule such as albumen we have almost no contraction upon combination and could albumen be converted into vapour by boiling we would find that it would pass to vapour without expansion—in fact the two states are merged in abumen and it partakes both of the character of liquid and gas and perhaps also solid. This may account for the peculiar property of living matter in virtue of which it can absorb matter of a like nature for food much in the same way as one gas diffuses into another. The investigation of protein substance in the manner I am doing enables me to watch changes which cannot be studied by ordinary chemical methods and I may be able to intelligently reverse processes which have taken very long periods for their completion viz:—the formation of structural compounds. The field I have entered upon is extremely fertile and of such vast extent that I shall only endeavour to give others a glimpse of a few paths to tempt them to follow me. I am Dear Sir | Very Faithfully Yours | J B Hannay DAR 166: 99 1 2 3

See letter to J. B. Hannay, 22 June 1881. Several of Hannay's attempts to produce artificial diamonds had ended when the iron tubes in which he heated material under pressure exploded (Revie 1980). Depending on its composition, the melting point of glass is between 1400°C and 1600°C; the decomposition temperature of egg albumin under normal pressure is 60°C. Thomas Andrews, in his article ‘On the continuity of the gaseous and liquid states of matter’ (Andrews 1869, p. 588), had stated that at 35.5°C and 108 atmospheres, carbonic acid was nearly midway between a liquid and gaseous state and that there was no valid reason for assigning it to one form or the other. Hannay countered this view in his paper ‘On the limit of the liquid state’, concluding that the liquid state had a limit, which was an isothermal passing through the critical point (Hannay 1881, p. 522).

To G. J. Romanes   27 June [1881]1 Glenrhydding House | Patterdale, Penrith.— June 27th. My dear Romanes I am very glad the portrait affair has been arranged as it has been, but I fear that it must have caused you a good deal of bother.— I imagined that Murie spoke to me as the mouth-piece of some little committee; & otherwise he had no right to speak, but I rejoice that you have managed to tide over the affair without annoying him, for I like all the little which I have seen of him.—2 We return home on July 5th & I shall be busy for about a week with proof-sheets & miscellanea, & shd. be then ready for Mr. Collier, if it suits him.—3 On August 2d to 4th I must be in London for an engagement.—4 With respect to subscriptions, I think that I had better take no part & say nothing— It will clearly be Mr Colliers fault if he is not properly remunerated.— We have all here been particularly interested in your account of the Bishop seance.—5 Have you ever been to the Lakes. This is a quite wonderfully beautiful place, but I think that Borrowdale, where we spent a 12 day is even more beautiful.—6

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You seem to be one of those men who find time for everything, otherwise I shd. advise you not to waste your time about portraits of old worn-out men. My dear Romanes | Yours very sincerely | Charles Darwin I am reading (but have read only about 100 pages) a very well written book, which interests me much, yet I suspect that several of his fundamental propositions have no foundation. It is “The Creed of Science” by W. Graham. He is, I think, a very able man, but who & what he is I know not. He sent me the book, which has so far interested me much.7 American Philosophical Society (Mss.B.D25.) 1 2 3

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6 7

The year is established by the address. In 1881, the Darwins visited Patterdale in the Lake District from 3 June to 4 July (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). James Murie, the librarian of the Linnean Society, had arranged for CD to sit for a portrait for the society. See letter from G. J. Romanes, 25 May [1881]. See n. 1, above. CD was correcting proof-sheets for Earthworms. Romanes, who was the zoological secretary of the Linnean Society, suggested that John Collier might be commissioned to paint the portrait and CD agreed on condition that enough subscriptions were raised to employ Collier (see letter from G. J. Romanes, 25 May [1881], and letter to G. J. Romanes, 27 May 1881). CD had agreed to attend the luncheon for the opening of the seventh International Medical Congress in London on 3 August 1881 (see letter from James Paget, 1 June 1881 and n. 1, and letter to James Paget, 3 June 1881). Romanes’s article ‘Thought-reading’ had appeared in Nature, 23 June 1881 (G. J. Romanes 1881a). In the article, Romanes described a number of experiments designed to test the ability of Washington Irving Bishop to read thoughts. The Borrowdale area extends from the south shore of Derwentwater to Honister Pass. Patterdale, where the Darwins stayed, is at the southern end of Ullswater. William Graham, in his book, The creed of science (Graham 1881), discussed how far philosophy, theology, and ethics needed to be revised in the light of new scientific theories of the conservation of energy and evolution by natural selection.

To Francis Darwin   28 June [1881]1 Glenryhydding House. June 28th My dear F. I cannot answer your question about Drysdale & D.—2 I remember that the organisms on which they chiefly worked were flagellate & were developed from decayed fish.— I think the papers were published in the J. of Microscop. Soc. 4 or 5 years ago.— I suppose that we have the papers at home. & I could look for them when there.3 We leave this place on the 4th & reach home on the 5th. & are to have a special engine from Willesden to Herne Hill.— Good Lord forgive me for such extravagance, but it is not my fault.—4 I certainly do not think what you have said about movements of multicellular & unicellular organisms too strong.5 You may be proved wrong of course; but the probability seems to me very strong that there never was an entire change in the means of movement, when so simple a change originated as

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a unicellular becoming a multicellular organism.— There seems to me no great improbability in sugar or acid, as well as water, accumulating in the stretched side. I wish that I had attended more to the movements of the coloured fluid in the tentacles of Drosera, which I saw, when the basal part was bending.—6 I shall like much to see the mucor stolo: moving like a worm.— The Cress experiment seems a very nice one.—7 I have had a very interesting letter from Hannay of Glasgow (the diamond man) to whom I wrote suggesting something about his diamonds, & urging him to observe the production of any protein substance. He tells me a wonderful fact, that under great pressure the most intense heat will not decompose albumen!8 Might not organisms have lived on our globe when it was red hot & pressed by an atmosphere a 100,000 heavier than our present one?!!!— I suppose that this fact is strictly private. I had suggested to him to place raw meat in his iron-tubes & thus get the carbon & nitrogen for his diamonds, & to observe what chemical product was formed in his tubes after they had cooled.—9 Mrs Ruck has just started. Bessy must tell you Bernard’s speeches to Mrs R. about the persons he knows best.10 Good Bye I must go on with my proof-sheets. I have had a very long & curious letter from a Portugeese, who is working on the distribution & evolution of the landshells of the Azores, of which he is a native!11 Here is a prodigy— Farewell | C. Darwin DAR 211: 84 1 2 3

4

5 6 7

8 9 10 11

The year is established by the address. In 1881, the Darwins visited Glenridding House, Patterdale, in the Lake District from 3 June to 4 July (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). No letter from Francis mentioning the work of John James Drysdale and William Henry Dallinger has been found. In experiments with flagellate protozoa, Dallinger and Drysdale found that spores could survive temperatures above the boiling point of water (see Dallinger and Drysdale 1873, pp. 57–8). Two of their papers on the subject are in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL (Dallinger and Drysdale 1874, Dallinger and Drysdale 1875). All the papers were published in the Monthly Microscopical Journal. See n. 1, above. The Darwins spent the night of 4 July at Penrith (letter to G. J. Romanes, 4 July 1881). Willesden Junction in north London served the West Coast Main Line to the Lake District. Herne Hill, a south London suburb, served the London, Chatham and Dover Railway. The special engine meant that the Darwins would not need to change trains in central London on their journey home. See letter from Francis Darwin, [19 June 1881] and n. 3. In Insectivorous plants, pp. 13–18, CD had discussed the viscous secretions from the glands of Drosera rotundifolia (common or round-leaved sundew). See letter from Francis Darwin, [19 June 1881] and n. 4; Francis observed the movement of the stolon of Mucor stolonifer (a synonym of Rhizopus stolonifer, black bread mould). Francis also described an ‘accidental’ experiment made by Anton de Bary in which the cut end of cress seedlings rose apogeotropically and eventually produced roots (see ibid., nn. 6 and 7). See letter to J. B. Hannay, 22 June 1881, and letter from J. B. Hannay, 27 June 1881 and n. 3. See letter to J. B. Hannay, 22 June 1881. Mary Anne Ruck was Bernard Darwin’s maternal grandmother; Elizabeth Darwin was his aunt. In her diary (DAR 242), Emma Darwin recorded, ‘Mrs Ruck went by boat’, on 28 June 1881. See letter from Francisco de Arruda Furtado, 13 June 1881.

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From E. J. Edwards   28 June 1881 Trentham | Stoke-Trent 28th June 1881 Dear Mr. Darwin— Some  56  years ago you, as a senior at Shrewsbury took me a walk along the Severn’s banks, with your botanical box in hand to collect specimens of wild flowers.1 The other day in an old portfolio here, I met with the enclosed which you will recognize as the portrait & figure of one who was very kind to me always as a Shrewsbury School boy— as he was to several other hungry schoolfellows whom he admitted to his table on the monthly Holiday Saturdays.2 Yourself or some of the family will, I am sure, like to have it— with kind | remembrances yrs faithfully | E. J. Edwards DAR 99: 201 1

2

Edwards had been a student at Shrewsbury School between 1826 and 1830; CD had also been a student there from 1818 to 1825 (Shrewsbury School register). The collecting walk must have taken place in 1825. The portrait has not been identified but based on the description was probably of CD’s father, Robert Waring Darwin, whose home was The Mount, Shrewsbury.

From T. H. Huxley   28 June 1881 Warkworth | Northumberland June 28. 1881 My dear Darwin Two or three days ago I received a letter from Haeckel telling me the circumstances of the affair to which you allude1 It appears that he had been promised the Humboldt stipend—which is at the disposition of the Berlin Academy, but that when the time came in spite of the support by Helmholz, Peters & Beyrich the grant was refused2  Haeckel says that Reichert, Virchow & DuBois Raymond opposed it on account of his being “ein hervorragender Förderer der Darwinischen Irrlehren und des Wissenschaftlichen Materialismus”3 further because he had done more harm than good to Science & because his zoological monographs were of no value. Of course one has to remember that this is an ex parte statement—but Virchow’s treatment of Haeckel has been so unfair in other cases, that I am disposed to think it represents the actual state of the case pretty fairly.4 It is a great piece of injustice and I wish I saw my way to remedy it. Haeckel requests that the Royal Society or the British Association might give him a subsidy  But he wants £400 or £500—that is to say a sum far beyond the capacity of the Donation Fund of the Royal Society—and very much larger than the British Association is likely to possess or to be willing to grant for a single purpose.

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As to the Government Fund & Grant— in the first place we have no Funds until February and in the second though I quite agree with you, that our money might be very usefully expended for investigations such as those Haeckel proposes to undertake, I doubt whether the committee would give so large a sum to a foreigner—5 However that may be the question could not even be raised until next spring & Haeckel wants to go out in September I see that Haeckel says at the end of his letter that he has written to you so I need not have troubled you with the beginning of this epistle My colleague & I came here yesterday to look at the weir & we are off to Clitheroe this evening6 But before I left on Monday morning news came that a house was to be had at Grasmere—which will end my wife’s correspondence with a large part of the United Kingdom not forgetting Mrs Darwin7 With kindest remembrances to her & all your party Ever | Yours very truly | T H Huxley Imperial College of Science, Technology and Medicine Archives (Huxley 9: 211) 1 2 3

4

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6 7

See letter to T. H. Huxley, 22 June 1881. Ernst Haeckel’s letter to Huxley, dated 21 June 1881, is in the Imperial College of Science, Technology and Medicine Archive (Huxley 17: 209). See letter from Ernst Haeckel, 21 June 1881 and n. 4. Haeckel’s supporters were Hermann von Helmholtz, Wilhelm Peters, and Ernst Beyrich. Haeckel’s opponents were Karl Reichert, Rudolf Virchow, and Emil Du Bois-Reymond. ‘Ein hervorragender Förderer der Darwinischen Irrlehren und des Wissenschaftlichen Materialismus’: a prominent promoter of the Darwinian heresy and of scientific materialism (German). In September 1877, Virchow had given an address at a meeting of the German Association of Naturalists and Physicians in Munich, arguing against the teaching of Darwinian theory (Virchow 1877); his talk was a response to one Haeckel had given at the same meeting. Haeckel later published a longer piece on freedom in science and teaching that was translated into English by Huxley (Haeckel 1878b, Haeckel 1879; for more on the conflict, see Correspondence vol. 27, letter from Ernst Haeckel, 9 February 1879 and n. 3). Huxley was a secretary of the Royal Society of London, which had access to a government grant (see letter to T. H. Huxley, 22 June 1881 and n. 2). For more on sources of funding, see the letter to Ernst Haeckel, 25 June 1881 and n. 3, and the letter to Francis Darwin, 26 June [1881], n. 6. Huxley refers to his duties as an inspector of fisheries; the other inspector was Spencer Walpole. Grasmere is a village in the Lake District; Huxley, with his wife, Henrietta Anne Huxley, and some of their children spent a summer holiday there in August 1881 (L. Huxley ed. 1900, 2: 312).

To T. H. Huxley   28 June 1881 Down, Beckenham, Kent [Glenridding House, Patterdale.] June 28th 1881 th (Home on July 4 ) My dear Huxley I write one line to thank you for your note.1 I felt so strongly convinced that Häckel could not get aid from the two channels suggested by him, that I offered and pressed him to accept £100 from me in aid of his undertaking.2 But this will

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do nothing for him without some further aid, and I do not know any millionaire to whom I could apply, and indeed the case is not urgent emough to justify application to hardly any stranger. I am very sorry to hear about Du Bois Reymond, as I liked much what I saw of him on one occasion, and he has always been most civil towards me as an evolutionist.—3 I am not in the least surprised about Virchow.4 I am glad to hear you have got a house at Grassmere. We thought it two years ago most beautiful, as is this place, and Borrowdale even more beautiful.5 I had no idea there was such lovely scenery in England. The inhabitants of this country might say, what a Yankee said to an English lord, who was admiring the Hudson river, “Yes, lord, we take a deal of pains with our scenery.”6 Ever, my dear Huxley | Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin. Copy DAR 145: 302 1 2 3

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See letter from T. H. Huxley, 28 June 1881. See letter to Ernst Haeckel, 25 June 1881. Emil Du Bois-Reymond was a strong supporter of CD’s theory of evolution by natural selection, but he disagreed with Ernst Haeckel’s version of Darwinism. For more on the nature of their disagreement, see Finkelstein 2019. On the animosity between Haeckel and Rudolf Virchow, see the letter from T. H. Huxley, 28 June 1881 and n. 4. See letter from T. H. Huxley, 28 June 1881 and n. 7, and (on Borrowdale) letter to G. J. Romanes, 27 June [1881]. The Darwins stayed at Coniston in the Lake District in August 1879 (Correspondence vol. 27); they visited Grasmere on 14 August (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). The source of the quotation has not been identified. The Hudson River valley is an area of southeastern New York state, known for its scenery.

To J. V. Carus   29 June 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) [Glenridding House, Patterdale.] June 29th 1881 My dear Sir I am glad to answer your queries as fully as I can.1 I have corrected the whole of the little book (about 320 pages large type, with 15 wood-blocks) once over, & half of it the second time.2 I believe my Printers will not strike off any copies until the whole is finally corrected, but this will now be soon done.—3 I have already ordered copies of clean-sheets to be sent me, by instalments, as soon as ready, one set for you for the translation of the book, & another for E. Krause to judge by.—4 The subject has been to me a “hobby-horse”, & I have perhaps treated it in foolish detail. Anyhow, as I told Krause, I do not think that any part would be fit for Kosmos; but I have left the matter in his hands to do exactly what he thinks best, & I really feel incapable of advising.5 Krause must look over the sheets & settle what he thinks best.—

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I am very sorry that your outing has done you no good, & earnestly hope that your longer vacation may benefit you.—6 My dear Sir | Yours very sincerely | Charles Darwin Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin – Preußischer Kulturbesitz (Slg. Darmstaedter Lc 1859: Darwin, Charles, Bl. 189–190) 1 2 3 4

5 6

See letter from J. V. Carus, 24 June 1881. CD and his son Francis Darwin had started correcting proof-sheets of Earthworms in May 1881 (see letter from Francis Darwin, 14 May 1881). William Clowes & Sons were printers to John Murray (1808–92), CD’s publisher. Ernst Krause wanted to publish an excerpt from Earthworms translated into German in Kosmos (see letter from Ernst Krause, 15 May 1881). Kosmos had recently been purchased by Eduard Koch, the head of E. Schweizerbart’sche Verlagsbuchhandlung, CD’s German publisher. See letter to Ernst Krause, 18 May 1881. See letter from J. V. Carus, 24 June 1881 and n. 4.

From Ernst Haeckel1   1 July 1881 Jena 1. Juli 81 Mein theurer und hochverehrter Freund Für Ihren freundlichen Brief aus Penrith und die nachgesendete Postkarte sage ich Ihnen meinen herzlichsten Dank; nicht weniger für Ihre gütige Offerte, eventuell meine Reise-Zwecke durch einen Zuschuss von 100£ Strl unterstützen zu wollen.2 Ich hoffe jedoch bestimmt, dass ich nicht genöthigt sein werde, von Ihrer gütigen und überaus grossmüthigen Anerbieten Gebrauch zu machen. Jedenfalls würde ich dies nur im äussersten Nothfalle thun! Ich habe inzwischen auch an Sir John Lubbock, Huxley und Sir Wyville Thomson geschrieben;3 in der Hoffnung, vielleicht aus dem Grant irgend einer gelehrten Societät in London einen Zuschuss zu erhalten. Sollte dies nicht der Fall sein, so werde ich die Reise nach Ceylon in sehr einfacher Form und möglichst sparsam ausführen, namentlich das kostspielige Dredgen und Sammeln unterlassen. Um so mehr werde ich dann beobachten und malen. Ich habe genug gespart, um die Reise in einfacher Form ausführen zu können;4 übrigens bin ich von Jugend auf an eine sehr einfache und frugale Lebensweise gewohnt. “Curry and rice” ist ja in Indien nicht theuer!— Ich freue mich sehr, zu hören, das Sie von Ihrem schönen Sommer-Aufenthalte erquickt sind, und hoffe Sie haben neue Kräfte für den Winter gesammelt. Nun nochmals, theurer Freund, herzlichsten Dank für Ihre Güte und die Bitte, mir Ihre freundschaftliche Gesinnung auch ferner zu erhalten. In steter Treue | Ihr Ernst Haeckel P.S.  Gegenbaur war vor 2  Monaten todt-krank, ist aber jetzt auf langsamer Besserung; hoffentlich genest er.5 DAR 166: 79

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For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. See letter from Ernst Haeckel, 21 June 1881, and letters to Ernst Haeckel, 25 June 1881 and 26 June [1881]. Haeckel was planning an expedition to Ceylon (Sri Lanka). Thomas Henry Huxley and Charles Wyville Thomson. Haeckel financed his trip with his own means, a grant from the Ministry of State in Weimar, and the help of friends (Krauße 1987, p. 98). He wrote about the trip in Indische Reisebriefe (Haeckel 1883a), translated as A visit to Ceylon (Haeckel 1883b). He thanked CD for his contribution in Haeckel 1883b, p. 11. In his autobiography, Carl Gegenbaur wrote that in 1881 he succumbed to a grave illness that lasted for six months and from which he did not recover until the end of the summer. According to his physician, Gegenbaur’s condition was caused by the dampness in the building in which he worked. (Gegenbaur 1901, p. 107.)

From G. J. Romanes   1 July [1881]1 18 Cornwall Terrace, Regent’s Park, N.W.: July 1. I have told Collier that he had now better write to you direct at whatever time he intends to make his final arrangements with you as to place and time of sitting.2 He has just finished a portrait of me, which my mother had painted as a present to my wife. It is exceedingly good, and as all his recent portraits are the same—notably one of Huxley—I am very glad that he is to paint you.3 Besides, he is such a pleasant man to talk to, that the sittings are not so tedious as they would be with a less intelligent man. I shall certainly read the ‘Creed of Science’ as soon as I can.4 The German book on Evolution I have not yet looked at, as I have been giving all my time to my own book.5 This is now finished. But talking of my time, I do not see how the two or three hours which I have spent in arranging to have a portrait, which will be of so much historical importance, taken by a competent artist, could well have been better employed. You will see that I have got into a row with Carpenter over the thought-reading. Everybody thinks he made a mistake in lending himself to Bishop’s design of posing as a scientific wonder. Bishop is a very sly dog, and has played his cards passing well. In an article which he published two years ago in an American newspaper, he explains the philosophy of advertising, and says the first thing to attend to is to catch good names. He has now succeeded well.6 Very sincerely and most respectfully yours, | Geo. J. Romanes. E. D. Romanes 1896, p. 119 1 2 3

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to G. J. Romanes, 27 May 1881. John Collier. See letter to G. J. Romanes, 27 June [1881]. Romanes’s mother was Isabella Gair Rose Romanes; his wife was Ethel Romanes. Collier’s 1883 portrait of Thomas Henry Huxley hangs in the National Portrait Gallery (https://www.npg.org.uk/collections/ search/portrait/mw03338/Thomas-Henry-Huxley, accessed 19 September 2019); an earlier one has not

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been identified, and no earlier portrait of Huxley is listed in Collier’s sitters book (photocopy facsimile of Register of Paintings of the Hon John Collier held by the National Portrait Gallery Library). Collier’s portrait of Romanes has not been found, but is listed under 1881 in his sitters book. Graham 1881. See letter to G. J. Romanes, 27 June [1881]. Roux 1881; see letter to G. J. Romanes, 16 April 1881 and n. 3. Romanes was working on his Animal intelligence (G. J. Romanes 1882). In an article titled ‘Thought-reading’, Nature, 23 June 1881, pp. 171–2, Romanes had criticised William Benjamin Carpenter’s decision to recommend the thought-reader Washington Irving Bishop to the attention of a large assembly of scientists. The article described experiments that Romanes took part in with a few other men of science, with Bishop’s co-operation, which he felt showed that Bishop’s thought-reading feats depended on his ability to detect unconscious muscular movements in the ‘thinkers’. In a letter to Nature, 30 June 1881, pp. 188–9, Carpenter wrote that he had never attributed Bishop’s powers to anything other than the ability to detect muscular indications in others, and described a card trick that Bishop had demonstrated to him. On Bishop, see Wiley 2012; on Carpenter’s involvement, see Delorme 2014. Bishop’s article has not been identified; he was in the UK from 1878.

To Francisco de Arruda Furtado   3 and 6 July 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. [Glenridding House, Patterdale.] July 3d 1881. Dear Sir I thank you sincerely for your very kind & interesting letter of June 13th. Absence from my home has caused me to delay in answering it.—1 I consider it a fortunate event for science, that a man like yourself, who is not content merely to collect & describe species belonging to various neglected groups (though this is good & valuable work), but looks to philosophical questions, should inhabit a group of oceanic islands. You have a splendid field for observation, & I do not doubt but that your researches will be very valuable. I am too old to make any direct use of your observations, but this does not lessen my interest in them. It is no small satisfaction & reward to me to hear that my books have in part stimulated you in your Scientific work.— The case of the Vitrina is very curious: I remember reading that some Crustaceans on the shores of the U. States have been observed in a nearly similar condition.—2 You ask me for suggestions, but I doubt whether I can send any which will not have occurred to you; but I will write down a few points, which if I were to reside for some years on your delightful islands, I should attend to. 1) If possible I would visit & collect on one or more of the most distant outlying islands & compare their plants & animals with those of the other islands. Indeed, after the case of the Galapagos Arch:, all the productions of all the islands ought to be carefully compared.3 (2) All the plants & animals from the highest mountain summits on all the islands ought to be collected. 3) It has been stated that on the N. shores of some of the N. islands, glacial deposits have been seen,—i.e. irregular beds with large, angular or rounded, perhaps scored stones, not of a volcanic nature.4

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The size, shape, nature, & presence of fossil remains, in such stones should be carefully noted. This would be a most interesting subject for investigation, especially in relation to G. Distribution. It has, also, been stated (but I suppose erroneously) that a tooth of a Mastodon was formerly found in a small Tertiary formation on one of the islands.—5 Do you know Wallace’s works on Geographical Distribution?6 they wd be worth your procuring. (4) Is there any Light-house at the Azores: if so, land-birds would probably sometimes fly against the glass & be killed. In this case it wd be adviseable to examine not only their feet & beaks for earth, but to dry the whole contents of their alimentary canals & place such contents on damp pure sand under a small bell-glass & see if any seeds were present which would germinate. If so to grow the plant & name it. (5) Are trees with roots ever blown on shore? If so the roots should be split, & any earth between them, shd. be washed & placed on damp burnt earth or pure sand under a bell-glass, to see if such earth included any living seeds. (6) After a heavy gale of wind in the direction of the prevailing currents it would perhaps be worth while to look to the rubbish cast up on the shore for seeds, insects &c.— (7) I suppose that Lacerta inhabits the Azores, & if you could obtain their eggs, it would be worth while to try whether they wd. float in sea-water & whether they will survive for 7 or 14 days immersion   The wide distribution of Lizards, land-mollusca & earth-worms is a most perplexing problem.—7 I fear that these suggestions will be of no use.— You have my hearty good wishes in your work. I honour you for working under the most difficult circumstances, namely with little sympathy from your neighbours.— Believe me | Dear Sir, Yours faithfully | Charles Darwin P.S. July 6th— I have just returned home & have found there the essays which you have been so kind as to send me, & which I shall be very glad to read8 Historical Archive of the Museums of the University of Lisbon (PT/MUL/FAF/C/01/0017) 1 2

3 4 5

6 7

8

See letter from Francisco de Arruda Furtado, 13 June 1881. CD had been in the Lake District since 2 June 1881 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). In his letter of 13 June 1881, Arruda Furtado wrote that he had found on the Azores several specimens of Vitrina (glass-snail) with no reproductive organs; see also Arruda Furtado 1882, and letter from Francisco de Arruda Furtado, 13 June 1881, n. 5. For CD’s observations on the Galápagos Islands, see Journal of researches 2d ed., pp. 372–401. For his views on oceanic islands, see Origin 6th ed., pp. 347–59. See Hartung and Bronn 1860, pp. 294–5. CD had enquired whether Georg Hartung had found erratic boulders on the Azores; see Origin 6th ed., pp. 328–9. CD also made a claim about a mastodon tooth being found in the Azores in his chapter on geology in John Frederick William Herschel’s Manual of scientific enquiry (Herschel ed. 1849, p. 169). The case has not been identified. Alfred Russel Wallace’s Geographical distribution (Wallace 1876) and Island life (Wallace 1880a). Lacerta is a genus of lizards. CD had hypothesised that oceanic islands were stocked with plants and animals from the mainland as a result of their floating on ocean currents or occasional means of transport (see Origin 6th ed., pp. 347–50). CD and his family arrived back at Down on 5 July 1881 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). For the essays, see the letter from Francisco de Arruda Furtado, 13 June 1881 and n. 4.

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To William Graham   3 July 1881 Down, Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R) [Glenridding House, Patterdale.] July 3rd. 1881. Dear Sir I hope that you will not think it intrusive on my part to thank you heartily for the pleasure which I have derived from reading your admirably written ‘Creed of Science,’ though I have not yet quite finished it, as now that I am old I read very slowly.1 It is a very long time since any other book has interested me so much. The work must have cost you several years and much hard labour with full leisure for work. You would not probably expect anyone fully to agree with you on so many abstruse subjects; and there are some points in your book which I cannot digest. The chief one is that the existence of so-called natural laws implies purpose.2 I cannot see this. Not to mention that many expect that the several great laws will some day be found to follow inevitably from some one single law, yet taking the laws as we now know them, and look at the moon, what the law of gravitation—and no doubt of the conservation of energy—of the atomic theory &c. &c. hold good, and I cannot see that there is then necessarily any purpose. Would there be purpose if the lowest organisms alone destitute of consciousness existed in the moon? But I have had no practice in abstract reasoning and I may be all astray. Nevertheless you have expressed my inward conviction, though far more vividly and clearly than I could have done, that the Universe is not the result of chance. But then with me the horrid doubt always arises whether the convictions of man’s mind, which has been developed from the mind of the lower animals, are of any value or at all trustworthy. Would any one trust in the convictions of a monkey’s mind, if there are any convictions in such a mind? Secondly I think that I could make somewhat of a case against the enormous importance which you attribute to our greatest men: I have been accustomed to think, 2nd, 3rd and 4th rate men of very high importance, at least in the case of Science.3 Lastly I could show fight on natural selection having done and doing more for the progress of civilisation than you seem inclined to admit. Remember what risk the nations of Europe ran, not so many centuries ago of being overwhelmed by the Turks, and how ridiculous such an idea now is in more civilised so-called Caucasian races have beaten the Turkish hollow in the struggle for existence.4 Looking to the world at no very distant date, what an endless number of the lower races will have been eliminated by the higher civilised races throughout the world. But I will write no more, and not even mention the many points in your work which have much interested me. I have indeed cause to apologise for troubling you with my impressions, and my sole excuse is the excitement in my mind which your book has aroused. I beg leave to remain | Dear Sir | Yours faithfully and obliged | Charles Darwin. Copy DAR 144: 345

July 1881 1

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Graham 1881 was a discussion of how far philosophy, theology, and ethics needed to be revised in the light of new scientific theories of the conservation of energy and evolution by natural selection. Graham had sent CD a copy of the book (see letter to G. J. Romanes, 27 June [1881]). See Graham 1881, pp. 344–50. Graham argued that the development of human civilisation depended upon great men, not natural selection (see Graham 1881, pp. 64–72). The power of the Ottoman Empire reached a peak in the sixteenth century, when the Turks reached Budapest (EB s.v. Turkey). On CD’s views on the Turks, see Bilgili 2017.

To Fritz Müller   4 July 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) [Glenridding House, Patterdale.] July 4th. 1881. My dear Sir Your kindness is unbounded, & I cannot tell you how much your last letter (May 31st) has interested me.1 I have piles of notes about the effects of water resting on leaves, & their movements (as I supposed) to shake off the drops.2 But I have not looked over these notes for a long time, & had come to think, that perhaps my notion was mere fancy, but I had intended to begin experimenting, as soon as I returned home; & now with your invaluable letter about the position of the leaves of various plants during rain, (I have one analogous case with Acacia from S. Africa)3 I shall be stimulated to work in earnest.— Very many thanks for the seeds which shall be sown. As soon as I saw Schizolobium, I inferred the structure was for distribution, but I could not imagine what its homologous nature was: I will show these seeds to Sir J. Lubbock, who is greatly interested in the subject.—4 I wrote a few days ago to you about your books.—5 I wrote also to Dr. Breitenbach & suggested to him to observe the flowers of the Melastomaceæ; but if you felt inclined to take up the subject, you wd. do it incomparably better & make out the meaning of the two sets of anthers.6 I am trying to raise some Melastomaceous plants, but nothing can be well made out about the fertilisation of a plant, except in its native country.— I shd like to hear whether the leaves of the Schizolobium, & of the Acacia of Oxalis sepium & of Ph. consanguineus & Phyllanthus Sp. III. (all of which move downwards during rain) are protected by a waxy secretion,— that is if when immersed under water they shine like silver, & are not wetted when soon withdrawn. I have written in a hurry as we return home today, & I have many things to arrange7 | with hearty thanks, My dear Sir | Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin The British Library (Loan MS 10 no 53) 1 2

See letter from Fritz Müller, 31 May 1881. CD first suggested that leaf movement might shake off water drops in his letter to T. H. Farrer, 14 August 1873 (Correspondence vol. 21). His notes on experiments in this regard on Oxalis sensitiva (a synonym of Biophytum umbraculum) are in DAR 68: 133–6; extensive notes on the effects of water on

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5 6

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plants with sensitive leaves such as Mimosa sp. and Desmodium gyrans (a synonym of Codariocalyx motorius), made between 1873 and 1882, are in DAR 209. CD had observed the application of water to plants of Acacia lophantha (a synonym of Paraserianthes lophantha, plume albizia; the species is an Australian native, but was introduced to South Africa by British colonists early in the nineteenth century). CD’s notes, dated between 25 and 28 December 1877, are in DAR 209.12: 27–8. Müller had evidently sent seeds, including some of Schizolobium parahyba (Brazilian firetree); CD’s notes on movement in the leaflets, dated between 12 and 13 September 1881, are in DAR 209.12: 174. The seed-pods are compressed oblong-cuneate in shape, dehiscing into two halves and liberating the single apical seed, which remains enclosed in the similar-shaped papery envelope of endocarp resembling a wing. The seeds are wind-dispersed. CD had offered to pay to replace books that Müller had lost in a flood (see letter to Fritz Müller, 21 June 1881). See letter to Wilhelm Breitenbach, 20 [June] 1881. Melastomaceae (a synonym of Melastomataceae) is a family of flowering plants found mostly in the tropics; for more on CD’s research on plants in this family, see letter to Fritz Müller, 20 March 1881 and nn. 2 and 6. The Darwins spent the night of 4 July at Penrith before returning to Down on 5 July (see letter to G. J. Romanes, 4 July [1881] and n. 2).

To G. J. Romanes   4 July [1881]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. [Glenridding House, Patterdale.] July 4th My dear Romanes We are off for Penrith in a few hours, where we sleep. & tomorrow night, thank all the powers, shall be at Down.—2 I write merely to say that we have heard from Collier & my wife has arranged everything.3 I rejoice to hear about your book & am astonished at your progress.4 I shall be very curious to hear at some future period what you think about the German Physiologico-Evolution book & about the Creed of Science.—5 The latter I have read almost through with much interest, though often doubting, sometimes disagreeing, sometimes not at all understanding his conclusions.— I rejoice for my own private eating that you have taken to review & write so much in Nature, & if it does not waste too much of your time you thus do a public service.— Nature seems to me an excellent Journal, & I look forward weekly with pleasure to reading or skimming the whole. But I must pack up | Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin American Philosophical Society (Mss.B.D25.594) 1 2 3 4 5

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from G. J. Romanes, 1 July [1881]. The Darwins were in the Lake District from 2 June, arriving back at Down on 5 July (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II), Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). The letter from John Collier, who was to paint a portrait of CD, has not been found. Romanes was working on his Animal intelligence (G. J. Romanes 1882). Roux 1881 (see letter to G. J. Romanes, 16 April 1881) and Graham 1881 (see letter to G. J. Romanes, 27 June [1881], and letter to William Graham, 3 July 1881).

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To F. M. Balfour   6 July 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) July 6th 1881 My dear Balfour I thank you heartily for the present of your grand book, & I congratulate you on its completion. Although I read almost all of Vol. I I do not feel that I am worthy of your present, unless indeed the fullest conviction that it is a memorable work, makes me worthy of receiving it.—1 But now I am puzzled what to do; I have received Vol. 2o from my booksellers, who sent me Vol. I, & it seems to me a downright sin that there should be two copies in my house, whilst there are so many men (or Libraries) who would be delighted by receiving a copy from you & who would profit by it. Therefore shall I not send the clean copy back to you, or despatch it myself with a slip in your hand-writing “From the Author” to any quarter which you may direct? Once again accept my thanks, for I am proud to receive a book from you who I well know will some day be the chief of the English Biologists Believe me yours very sincerely | Charles Darwin P.S. An idea has just occurred to me & I am going to be so impudent as to suggest it,—viz to send my spare copy to Fritz Müller of Blumenau St Catharina, Brazil. He is poor & has lately lost almost all his books by a dreadful flood, & he is as you know an embryologist. He seems to me a splendid observer & I shd be delighted to be the means of his receiving from you a valuable book.2 Natural History Museum, Library and Archives (L DC AL 1/21) 1

2

CD had ordered the first volume of A treatise on comparative embryology (Balfour 1880–1) from Williams & Norgate in September 1880 (Correspondence vol. 28, letter to Williams & Norgate, [before 4 September 1880]); see also ibid., letter to F. M. Balfour, 4 September 1880). There is a copy of Balfour 1880–1 in the Darwin Library–Down. See Correspondence vol. 28, letter from Hermann Müller, 30 November 1880 and n. 3.

To A. B. Buckley   6 July [1881]1 From Mr. C. Darwin, Down, Beckenham. July 6th. We returned home only late last night.—2 I shall be much pleased to read over your article, but I am not a good critic3 I have many letters to answer C. Darwin ApcS John Hay Library, Brown University (Albert E. Lownes Manuscript Collection, MS.84.2)

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The year is established by the reference to the Darwins returning home on 5 July (see n. 2, below), and by the relationship between this letter and the letter to A. B. Buckley, 11 July 1881. The Darwins arrived home from the Lake District on 5 July 1881 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). Buckley had evidently asked CD to read the manuscript of her entry on Charles Lyell for the ninth edition of Encyclopaedia Britannica (Buckley 1883); see also letter to A. B. Buckley, 11 July 1881.

To Alphonse de Candolle   6 July [1881]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. July 6th My dear M. De Candolle I have just received a grand volume (Vol. Tertium) of the Prodromus, which I suppose that I owe to you or your sons great kindness, & for which I am much obliged.—2 If, however, I owe the volume to any one of the authors of the several monographs, I daresay you will have before long some communication with him & will you then be so good as to express my acknowledgements. I have just returned from a 5 weeks holidays at our English Lakes, which are so beautiful that I think they must almost vie with the Swiss lakes.3 As a consequence of my holidays I have a pile of letters to answer. Pray believe me | Yours very sincerely | Charles Darwin Archives de la famille Candolle (private collection) 1 2

3

The year is established by the reference to the third volume of A. de Candolle and Candolle eds. 1878–96, which was published in June 1881. Alphonse de Candolle and his son Casimir were editors of Monographiæ phanerogamarum: prodromi nunc continuatio nunc revisio (Monographs on the phanerogams: a continuation and revision of the Prodromus; A. de Candolle and Candolle eds. 1878–96). CD’s copies of the first three volumes are in the Darwin Library–Down. Tertium: third (Latin). The Darwins returned to Down on 5 July 1881 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)).

To Francis Darwin   [c. 8 July 1881?]1 [Down.] The U. Bank has sent Certificate for 50£ Gt. N. Ry Stock, which shall be carefully preserved for you & have acknowledged it.—2 C. D DAR 211: 82v 1 2

The date is conjectured from the possible relationship between this letter and the letter to Francis Darwin, 8 July 1881. In his letter of 8 July 1881, CD told Francis that he had received a receipt from the Union Bank for the Great Northern Railway stock.

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To Francis Darwin   8 July 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. July 8th 1881 My dear Frank I have had 2 of the most tremendous days scribble I ever had in my life, & this was chiefly owing to my not having had any printed papers or only a few books forwarded to me.1 Amongst the printed papers was a Cable from Grt. N. R.2 to you; I was much afraid that it might have been forfeited, but I forwarded it at once to the U. Bank3 & today I have got for you the Bankers receipt, with a penalty of 4d.! Amongst the books was Pfeffers “Stoffwecksels &c”.4 Tell me if you hear anything about it. Maxime Cornu has sent me & to you a whole pile of his papers & some of them appear to be on interesting subjects. It was such a pile I have thanked him for myself & from you.5 Do you know anything about Cornu?— I see that we have been much honoured in Bot. Zeitung by two articles on the “Power of movement”. That by Haberlandt was very flattering & nicely done, as I thought.6 Our book seems to be a success.— I have got only 2d Revises of latter half of Worm Book now to finish, & that is nothing.7 But I am rather disgusted with it, & critics may truly say ‘much cry & little work’. I am very glad it is all on my own shoulders.— I began this morning preparing fresh leaves for drops of water to be exposed to sun-light; for no effect whatever was produced in my study in the Spring.8 I have just been greatly stimulated to pursue the work (about which I had become very doubtful) by reading a few days ago a letter from Fritz Müller, who said he had purposely gone out to observe the leaves of many plants, which he knew moved when shaken, & he gives me a list of a whole lot, all with their leaves greatly raised or depressed.9 Some years ago I told him my notion about the movements of Mimosa & Cassia & Desmodium &c, & he says he is now strongly inclined to believe that in all the cases observed by him, the leaves during rain place themselves so as to shoot off the drops.10 So anyhow the subject is worth pursuing, as I have nothing else special to do. As usual, F— Müller tells me many other curious facts. We shall be heartily glad to see you home again.11 On Augt 3d we must be in London for my luncheon at Paget’s to meet the Prince of Wales.—12 Your affect. Father | C. Darwin I am reading a book which interests me to an unusual degree. “The Creed of Science” by W. Graham.13 Who & what he is I know not. He gives the view of the Universe, which a scientific man would as he thinks, take.— DAR 211: 85 1 2 3

The Darwins returned from the Lake District after five weeks’ holiday on 5 July 1881 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). Great Northern Railway. Union Bank, London. See also letter to Francis Darwin, [c. 8 July 1881?].

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Wilhelm Pfeffer, Pflanzenphysiologie. Ein Handbuch des Stoffwechsels und Kraftwechsels in der Pflanze (Plant physiology: a handbook of metabolism and energy exchange in plants; Pfeffer 1881). There are two papers by Cornu in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL: one on the absorption of coloured matter by roots (Cornu and Mer 1878), and one on an anomalous new type of stem (Cornu 1879b). The latter is annotated. Movement in plants was reviewed anonymously in Botanische Zeitung, 24 June 1881, pp. 400–3, and the German translation (Carus trans. 1881) was reviewed by Gottlieb Haberlandt in Botanische Zeitung, 1 July 1881, pp. 415–19. See also letter to Francis Darwin, 26 June [1881]. Earthworms was published on 10 October 1881 (Freeman 1977). CD’s notes about wetting leaves of Desmodium gyrans (a synonym of Codariocalyx motorius, the telegraph or semaphore plant) in April and May 1881 are in DAR 209.12: 126–31. See letter from Fritz Müller, 31 May 1881. See Correspondence vol. 25, letter to Fritz Müller, 14 May 1877. Francis returned from Straßburg (Strasbourg) on 1 August 1881 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). The Darwins were in London from 3 to 5 August 1881 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). See letter from James Paget, 1 June 1881. Albert Edward, prince of Wales, was later King Edward VII. Graham 1881. See also letter to William Graham, 3 July 1881.

From Alphonse de Candolle1   9 July 1881 Genève 9 Juillet 1881. Mon cher Monsieur C’est bien de notre part que vous avez recu le volume 3  des Monographiae, quoique dans ce cas nous ayons été les éditeurs non les auteurs.2 Malgré la nature purement descriptive de l’ouvrage, j’ai pensé qu’il pourrait vous servir quelquefois pour les noms les plus corrects à adopter. Je comprends votre admiration pour les lacs d’Angleterre. Ils sont charmants— dans la bonne saison—et bien plus intéressants que ceux d’Ecosse.3 Hier je suis entré dans l’ancienne campagne de Sismondi, et me trouvant à l’endroit d’où Madame Darwin avait dessiné la vue, j’ai été frappé de la vérité de son dessin. Cela m’a rappelé la journée si agréable que j’ai passée à Beckenham.4 Mes hommages, je vous prie, à Madame Darwin, compliments à Monsieur Francis5 et croyez moi, toujours, mon cher Monsieur, | Votre très dévoué | Alph. de Candolle DAR 161: 27 1 2

3 4

5

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. See letter to Alphonse de Candolle, 6 July [1881]. CD had received the third volume of Monographiæ phanerogamarum (Monographs on the phanerogams), edited by Alphonse de Candolle and his son Casimir (A. de Candolle and Candolle eds. 1878–96). The Darwins had been in the Lake District for about five weeks (see CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). Emma Darwin (then Wedgwood) and her sister Frances had stayed with their aunt and uncle Jessie and Jean-Charles Léonard de Sismondi in Geneva and Chêne between November 1826 and June 1827 (Emma Darwin (1904), 1: 245–74; Healey 2001, p. 105); they had made a shorter visit with other members of their family in 1825 (Healey 2001, pp. 96–7). Candolle visited Down on 27 September 1880 (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter from Asa Gray, 30 September 18[80] and n. 2). Francis Darwin.

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To Francis Darwin   [9 July 1881]1 [Down.] My dear F. The enclosed in Gardeners Chronicle, which please keep carefully, is well worth reading.— What a curious use of circumnutation!2 I must just tell you what splendid cases of paraheliotropism I have just seen with Desmodium gyrans & Mimosa, when plants were fixed, under your biggest bell glasses & when exposed to glaring sun after dull weather. On the Desmodium every leaf (except 2 pinned ones stood vertically up, giving the bush the oddest appearance— With mimosa not only the leaflets became highly inclined, but ultimately a whole leaf rose up almost vertically.3 I now believe with all F. Muller’s cases that paraheliotropism is one of the commonest movements in plants—4 Yours affectly | C. D. DAR 211: 71 1 2

3

4

The date is established by the date of CD’s notes on paraheliotropism (see n. 3, below) The enclosure has not been found, but it was a cutting from Gardeners’ Chronicle, 9 July 1881, p. 42, with an article by Nicholas Edward Brown, titled ‘A locomotive dicotyledon’ (Brown 1881). Brown described the observations of George Watt, professor of botany at the University of Calcutta, on germinating seeds of a plant that he had identified as a species of mulberry mistletoe, Loranthus globosus. Watt observed that when a radicle emerged from the seed, it grew about an inch, then developed a flattened viscid disc, and by repeatedly curving itself and adhering to successive places on the host tree, could move the seed until it reached a favourable site to attach itself permanently, preferentially on a stem. Brown concluded that the movements of the radicle were a form of nutation, and referred to CD’s view that nutation was a universal feature of vegetable growth. In a note dated 9 July 1881, CD described the alternate rising and falling of all the leaves, except two pinned ones, of Desmodium gyrans (a synonym of Codariocalyx motorius, telegraph or semaphore plant) in full sunshine and cloudy conditions (DAR 209.12: 132). Another note, dated 8–9 July 1881, described observations on Mimosa pudica (shame plant), under a bell glass (DAR 209.2: 147). Paraheliotropism was a term coined by CD to describe the movement of leaves during the day to reduce intense illumination. For Fritz Müller’s cases of paraheliotropism, see letter from Fritz Müller, 9 January 1881 and n. 8.

From A. R. Wallace   9 July 1881 Nutwood Cottage, Frith Hill, | Godalming. July 9th. 1881 My dear Darwin I am just doing, what I have rarely if ever done before—reading a book through a second time immediately after the first perusal. I do not think I have ever been so attracted by a book,—with perhaps the exceptions of your Origin of Species and Spencer’s “First Principles” and Social Statics”.1 I wish therefore to call your attention to it, in case you care about books on Social & Political subjects, but here there is also an elaborate discussion of Malthus’ Principals of Population to which both you and I have acknowledged ourselves indebted.2 The present writer—Mr. George, while

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admitting the main principle as self-evident and as actually operating in the case of animals and plants, denies that it ever has operated or can operate in the case of man, still less that it has any bearing whatever on the vast social and political questions which have been supported by a reference to it. He illustrates and supports his views with a wealth of illustrative facts and a cogency of argument which I have rarely seen equalled, while his style is equal to that of Buckle & thus his book is delightful reading. The title of the book is—“Progress and Poverty”. It has gone through 6 editions in America and is now published in England by Kegan Paul.3 It is devoted mainly to a brilliant discussion and refutation of some of the most widely accepted maxims of Political Economy—such as the relation of Wages and Capital—the nature of Rents and Interest—the Laws of Distribution &c.  but all treated as parts of the main problem as stated in the titlepage—“An Enquiry into the cause of Industrial Depressions and of Increase of want with increase of Wealth.” It is the most startlingly novel and original book of the last 20 years and if I mistake not will in the future rank as making an advance in Political and Social Science equal to that made by Adam Smith a century ago.4 I am here settled in my little cottage engaged in the occupation I most enjoy— making a garden, and admiring the infinite variety and beauty of vegetable life.5 I am out of doors all day & hardly read any thing. As the long evenings come on I shall get on with my book on the “Land Question”, in which I have found a powerful ally in Mr. George.6 Hoping you are well | Believe me, | Yours most faithfully | Alfred R. Wallace C Darwin Esq DAR 106: B154–5 1

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4 5 6

The first edition of Origin was published in 1859, the year following Wallace and CD’s simultaneously published papers on evolution by natural selection (C. Darwin and Wallace 1858). Social statics (Spencer 1851) was Herbert Spencer’s first book, and predicted the withering away of the state as humans adapted to life in society. In the context of this letter, Wallace was probably most interested in chapter 9, ‘The right to the use of the earth’ (see Raby 2001, p. 228). First principles (Spencer 1860–2) argued for the existence of a universal progress towards greater complexity and heterogeneity. Wallace described his discovery of Thomas Robert Malthus’s An essay on the principle of population (Malthus 1798) in his autobiography (Wallace 1905, 1: 123, 190). He cited Malthus in his Malay archipelago (Wallace 1869, 1: 141). CD cited Malthus in C. Darwin and Wallace 1858, pp. 47, 48, and in Origin, pp. 5, 63. See George 1881, pp. 81–91. Henry George’s Progress and poverty was first published in New York in 1879 (George 1879). The first British edition was published in 1881 (George 1881). Henry Thomas Buckle was a historian, most famous for his History of civilisation in England (Buckle 1857–61). Adam Smith published his most famous work, An inquiry into the nature and causes of the wealth of nations, in 1776 (A. Smith 1776). Wallace had moved to Nutwood Cottage, which he had had built for him, earlier in 1881 (Wallace 1905, 2: 103). Wallace had published a paper on land reform in the Contemporary Review in 1880 (Wallace 1880b), as result of which the Land Nationalization Society was formed, with Wallace as president (Wallace 1905, 2: 27). Wallace met George in 1881 when George was in Britain (Raby 2001, p. 229). Wallace published

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his book Land nationalisation in 1882 (Wallace 1882). In it he cited George's work but noted that he only became aware of it after most of his study was already written (ibid., p. 9).

From F. M. Balfour   10 July 1881 Chamonix July 10. 1881 My dear Mr. Darwin It is extremely kind of you to suggest sending your spare copy of my book to Fritz Müller & I enclose a slip of paper with ‘From the author’ written on it; though I feel that under the circumstances the book ought to be rather regarded as your gift than as mine. In any case there is nobody to whom it would please me more to have the copy sent than to Fritz Müller.1 I thank you most heartily for your kind congratulations on the completion of the work, & I only trust that it may prove worthy of the praise you have bestowed on it. Yours very sincerely | F. M. Balfour DAR 160: 30 1

CD had suggested giving his spare copy of Balfour’s A treatise on comparative embryology (Balfour 1880–1) to Müller (see letter to F. M. Balfour, 6 July 1881).

From W. W. Gull   10 July 1881 74, Brook Street, | Grosvenor Square, | W. July 10 1881 My dear Mr Darwin I know you have kindly consented to take luncheon with Sir James Paget on the 3rd of August at the opening of our Congress. I venture to ask you to extend your kindness further and to favor me with your company at dinner that day at 7 o’clock1 I purpose to entertain the Council of the Section of Medicine together with some of the more distinguished Foreign visitors associated with this Section of which I have to be president. HRH The Prince of Wales2 has graciously expressed his intention to be my guest. We should all and I am sure I may speak for my foreign friends carry away an especially grateful remembrance of this meeting if you were present with us seeing you have chiefly indicated the lines upon which our work must be carried forward whether it be scientific or practical Our dinner is to be limited to two hours I am | With the deepest | respect | Yours very truly | William W Gull DAR 165: 241 1 2

CD did attend the luncheon for the opening of the seventh International Medical Congress in London, but apparently not the dinner (see letter to W. E. Darwin, 4 August [1881]). Albert Edward, prince of Wales; later Edward VII.

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To A. B. Buckley   11 July 1881 Down Beckenham July 11th. 1881 My dear Miss Buckley I have read your life of Lyell with great interest.1 I do not think that it could have been better done; and you have brought out clearly and forcibly his high merits.— I have put in pencil one or two words on the few first pages for your consideration.— I have put a query to about the Dismal Swamp and Coal, for does it throw more light on the subject than a peat bed?2 Page 22 was missing when the M.S. arrived here, but I was able partly to guess its contents. For such a publication I suppose you do not want to say much about his private character; otherwise his strong sense of humour and love of society might have been added.— Also his extreme interest in the progress of the world and in the happiness of Mankind. Also his freedom from all religious bigotry, though these perhaps would be a superfluity. You have spoken strongly but I think that you might speak even more strongly about his sympathy with the work of all scientific men.—3 His clear and solid judgment, together with his energy combined with his love of science always seemed to me his prominent characteristics. You must have enjoyed, I should think, writing this sketch, and all of Lyell’s admirers ought to feel grateful to you. My dear Miss Buckley | Your’s sincerely. | Charles Darwin Copy DAR 143: 187 1 2

3

Buckley had sent CD the manuscript of her entry on Charles Lyell for the ninth edition of Encyclopaedia Britannica (Buckley 1883). In the published entry, Buckley noted that during his American tours Lyell ‘studied those vegetable accumulations in the “Great Dismal Swamp” of Virginia, which he afterwards used in illustrating the formation of beds of coal.’ In Travels in North America, Lyell suggested that the Great Dismal Swamp supported the case he had long been making that the coal measures were deposited on land, rather than in the sea, and that peat-like deposits could be produced in a warmer and sunnier climate than that prevailing in Scotland and Ireland (C. Lyell 1845, 1: 142–9). In her entry, Buckley wrote: ‘His funeral was attended by an immense concourse of public men, all his personal friends; for by young and old the veteran master of geology was deeply loved and revered. His gentle nature, his intense love of truth, his anxiety to help and encourage those who cultivated his favourite science, endeared him to all who approached him; while the extreme freshness of his mind kept him free from that dogmatism which is so often the accompaniment of old age, and enabled him to accept and appreciate heartily the work of younger men.’

To W. W. Gull   12 July 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) July 12th. 1881 Dear Sir William Gull Your very kind invitation to dinner on Augt 3d is a great honour to me, & I should have very much liked to have accepted it.1 But I have not dined out for many years, & I really have not strength in the evening to withstand the excitement and fatigue

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of a party. This has often been a great loss of pleasure to me, & on no occasion a greater loss than in the present instance.— I beg leave to remain | Yours faithfully & obliged | Charles Darwin Private collection 1

See letter from W. W. Gull, 10 July 1881.

To A. R. Wallace   12 July 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) July 12th 1881. My dear Wallace I have been heartily glad to get your note & hear some news of you.—1 I will certainly order Progress & Poverty,2 for the subject is a most interesting one. But I read many years ago some books on Political Economy, & they produced a disastrous effect on of mind, viz utterly to distrust my own judgment on the subject & to doubt much everyone’s else judgment!3 So I feel pretty sure that Mr George’s book will only make my mind worse confounded than it is at present.— I, also, have just finished a book which has interested me greatly, but whether it wd. interest any one else I know not: it is the “Creed of Science” by W. Graham A.M.4 Who & what he is I know not, but he discusses many great subjects, such as the existence God—Immortality, the moral sense—the progress of Society &c.— I think some of his propositions rest on very uncertain foundations, & I could get no clear idea of his notions about God. Notwithstanding this & other blemishes, the book has interested me extremely. Perhaps I have been to some extent deluded, as he manifestly ranks too high what I have done.—5 I am delighted to hear that you spend so much time out of doors & in your garden; for with your wonderful powers of observation you will see much which no one else has seen. From Newman’s old book (I forget title) about the country near Godalming, it must be charming.—6 We have just returned home after spending 5 weeks on Ullswater: the scenery is quite charming; but I cannot walk, & everything tires me, even seeing scenery, talking with anyone or reading much.7 What I shall do with my few remaining years of life I can hardly tell. I have everything to make me happy & contented, but life has become very wearysome to me.— I heard lately from Miss Buckley in relation to Lyell’s Life, & she mentioned that you were thinking of Switzerland, which I shd. think & hope that you will enjoy much.—8 I see that you are going to write on that most difficult Political question the Land. Something ought to be done, but what is the rule.—9 I hope that you will (not) turn renegade to Natural History; but I suppose that Politiks are very tempting.— With all good wishes for yourself & family | Believe me, my dear Wallace | Yours very sincerely | Charles Darwin The British Library (Add MS 46434)

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See letter from A. R. Wallace, 9 July 1881. George 1881. According to his reading notebooks (Correspondence vol. 4, Appendix IV, 119: 8a and 18b), CD read John Ramsay M‘Culloch’s Principles of political economy (M‘Culloch 1825) in 1840, and Jean-Charles Léonard de Sismondi’s Political economy, and the philosophy of government (Sismondi 1847) in 1847; he described the latter as ‘poor’. Graham 1881. See also letter to William Graham, 3 July 1881. AM: i.e. MA, master of arts, or artium magister (Latin); the title MA is on the title page of Graham 1881. Graham wrote that the publication of Origin marked ‘the beginning of a new epoch in the history of all philosophical, theological, and moral speculation’ (Graham 1881, p. 35). Edward Newman’s Letters of Rusticus on the natural history of Godalming ([E. Newman] 1849). The Darwins had been away visiting the Lake District from 2 June to 5 July (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). Arabella Burton Buckley’s letter has not been found, but see the letter to A. B. Buckley, 6 July [1881]. She was working on the entry for Charles Lyell in the ninth edition of Encyclopaedia Britannica (Buckley 1883). There is no record of Wallace’s going to Switzerland at this time. See letter from A. R. Wallace, 9 July 1881 and n. 6.

To Axel Blytt   13 July 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) July 13th 1881 Dear Sir I thank you for your extremely kind letter of the 8th. & for your essay on climates, which I shall be very glad to read, as I well remember the interest which your original memoir caused me.—1 I thank you, also, for your photograph which I have added to my collection,2 & have much pleasure in sending you my own.— With all good wishes, believe me, Dear Sir, yours faithfully | Charles Darwin Det Kongelige Bibliotek, Copenhagen 1

2

Blytt’s letter of 8 July 1881 has not been found. There is a copy of Blytt’s paper ‘Die Theorie der wechselnden kontinentalen und insularen Klimate’ (The theory of changing continental and insular climates; Blytt 1882) in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. Blytt’s original memoir was his Essay on the immigration of the Norwegian flora during alternating rainy and dry periods (Blytt 1876); see Correspondence vol. 24, letter to Axel Blytt, 28 March 1876. Blytt’s photograph has not been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL.

To Nature   13 July [1881]1 [Down.] Inheritance The tendency in any new character or modification to reappear in the offspring at the same age at which it first appeared in the parents or in one of the parents, is of so much importance in reference to the diversified characters proper to the larvæ of many animals at successive ages, that almost any fresh instance is worth putting on record. I have given many such instances under the term of “inheritance at

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corresponding ages.”2 No doubt the fact of variations being sometimes inherited at an earlier age than that at which they first appeared—a form of inheritance which has been called by some naturalists “accelerated inheritance”—is almost equally important, for, as was shown in the first edition of the “Origin of Species”, all the leading facts of embryology can be explained by these two forms of inheritance, combined with the fact of many variations arising at a somewhat late stage of life.3 A good instance of inheritance at a corresponding age has lately been communicated to me by Mr. J. P. Bishop of Perry, Wyoming, N.Y., United States:—4 The hair of a gentleman of American birth (whose name I suppress) began to turn grey when he was twenty years old, and in the course of four or five years became perfectly white. He is now seventy-five years old, and retains plenty of hair on his head. His wife had dark hair, which, at the age of seventy, was only sprinkled with grey. They had four children, all daughters, now grown to womanhood.5 The eldest daughter began to turn grey at about twenty, and her hair at thirty was perfectly white. A second daughter began to be grey at the same age, and her hair is now almost white. The two remaining daughters have not inherited the peculiarity. Two of the maternal aunts of the father of these children “began to turn grey at an early age, so that by middle life their hair was white.” Hence the gentleman in question spoke of the change of colour of his own hair as “a family peculiarity.” Mr. Bishop has also given me a case of inheritance of another kind, namely, of a peculiarity which arose, as it appears, from an injury, accompanied by a diseased state of the part. This latter fact seems to be an important element in all such cases, as I have elsewhere endeavoured to show. A gentleman,6 when a boy, had the skin of both thumbs badly cracked from exposure to cold, combined with some skin disease. His thumbs swelled greatly, and remained in this state for a long time. When they healed they were misshapen, and the nails ever afterwards were singularly narrow, short, and thick. This gentleman had four children, of whom the eldest, Sarah, had both her thumbs and nails like her father’s; the third child, also a daughter, had one thumb similarly deformed. The two other children, a boy and girl, were normal.7 The daughter, Sarah, had four children, of whom the eldest and the third, both daughters, had their two thumbs deformed; the other two children, a boy and girl, were normal. The great-grandchildren of this gentleman were all normal. Mr. Bishop believes that the old gentleman was correct in attributing the state of his thumbs to cold aided by skin disease, as he positively asserted that his thumbs were not originally misshapen, and there was no record of any previous inherited tendency of the kind in his family. He had six brothers and sisters, who lived to have families, some of them very large families, and in none was there any trace of deformity in their thumbs. Several more or less closely analogous cases have been recorded; but until within a recent period every one naturally felt much doubt whether the effects of a mutilation or injury were ever really inherited, as accidental coincidences would almost certainly occasionally occur. The subject, however, now wears a totally different aspect, since Dr.  Brown-Séquard’s famous experiments proving

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that guinea-pigs of the next generation were affected by operations on certain nerves.8 Mr. Eugène Dupuy of San Francisco, California, has likewise found, as he informs me, that with these animals “lesions of nerve-trunks are almost invariably transmitted.” For instance, “the effects of sections of the cervical sympathetic on the eyes are reproduced in the young, also epilepsy (as described by my eminent friend and master, Dr.  Brown-Séquard) when induced by lesions of the sciatic nerve.” Mr. Dupuy has communicated to me a still more remarkable case of the transmitted effects on the brain from an injury to a nerve; but I do not feel at liberty to give this case, as Mr. Dupuy intends to pursue his researches, and will, as I hope, publish the results.9 Charles Darwin July 13 Nature, 21 July 1881, p. 257 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

The year is established by the date of publication of this letter in Nature. See Origin, pp. 448, 455, 480; Variation 1: 12, 2: 397, Descent 2: 184, 211, 212, 222, 236–7, 304. See Origin, pp. 447–50. Irving Prescott Bishop. See letter from I. P. Bishop, 24 April 1881. The gentleman was Ebenezer Backus Jones; his wife was Lucy Ann and his daughters were Julia Backus Beach, Isabella Beman, Helen Louise Knickerbacker, and Katharine Judd Platt. The gentleman was Abraham Marcy, Bishop’s grandfather. Sarah Anne Thomas, Maria M. Johnson, Esther Mary Bishop, and Newton A. Marcy. Charles Édouard Brown-Séquard had induced epileptic convulsions in guinea pigs by means of surgical operations; he claimed that the epileptic tendency was transmitted to offspring (Brown-Séquard 1860). Dupuy’s letters to CD have not been found, but see Correspondence vol. 26, letter to Eugène Dupuy, 21 July 1878, and Dupuy 1877. Dupuy summarised his researches in this area in Dupuy 1890.

From Francis Darwin   16 July 1881 Strassburg July 16/81 My dear Father I have got rid of my lumbago by blue pills & mustard plasters & starvation & am all right again.1 I had two days in which I couldn’t rest decently in any position. I asked de Bary about Max Cornu, and he said he was a clever man who began much better than he went on; his monograph on the Saprolegniæ, was very good but he has lately done nothing but Phylloxera   I know Dyer thinks him a great swell2   Wortmann thinks Pfeffer’s new book very good & not unreadable, though it has too much osmosis in it.3 I have made a little Referat for the Bot Z on a paper by an American in Pfeffers new “Arbeiten”4   He finds that if all the nectar is washed off a nectary it leaves off secreting tho’ if it is only sucked up leaving of course a certain film behind it begins again   When the secretion has been stopped by washing it can be started by putting a drop of syrup on the nectary. I have been hunting for the paper on staining living root hairs but cannot find it, I believe I can when I get

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home.5 I showed de Bary the thing about the Loranthus which turns head over heels & he didn’t believe in it a bit, chiefly as being an unknown observer in the Gard Chron   I must say I fully believe it, I dont see how a decent observer could make a mistake.6 I have been working at Bryonia embryos trying to trace the connection between the cell divisions in the embryo & the fully formed root    It is horribly irregular with lots of queer oblique walls & very difficult, but it is good practice as nothing is known about it, so that I cant go & look in a book.7 There is a Lime with silvery underside to its leaves which twists its stalk so that the leaf becomes vertical, the parts of the tree in shade do not do so so it is a nice kind of paraheliotropism.8 When de Bary saw Pfeffer’s Arbeiten he said “Na, Pfeffer will auch einen Eisenbahn Zug für sich haben”9   That is a train pupils hanging onto him” It continues frightfully hot 85 all day indoors and I thingk over 90 in shade out of doors. Please give Ubbadud my love and say I liked his bubbling fountain letter very much & I will write to him next.10 I shall be precious glad to get back11 | Yours affect | F. D. Many thanks for auto & photo12 DAR 274.1: 71 1

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Blue pills, containing mercury or a mercury compound, were recommended for constipation associated with lumbago (OED s.v. blue pill; Practitioner: a Journal of Therapeutics and Public Health 13 (1874): 312). The mustard plasters would have been a counterirritant. CD had asked about Maxime Cornu: see letter to Francis Darwin, 8 July 1881. Francis was working with Anton de Bary in Straßburg (Strasbourg). Cornu’s doctoral thesis on the Saprolegniae (a synonym of Saprolegniaceae, formerly described as a family of fungus, but now classified as an oomycete or water mould) is Cornu 1872. For his work on Phylloxera vastatrix (a synonym of Daktulosphaira vitifoliae, grape phylloxera), see Cornu 1874 and Cornu 1879a. Grape phylloxera is a small sap-sucking insect native to North America, accidentally introduced in the mid nineteenth century to Europe, where it devastated native grapevines. Francis also refers to William Turner Thiselton-Dyer. Julius Wortmann. Wilhelm Pfeffer’s new book was his Pflanzen physiologie (Plant physiology; Pfeffer 1881). See also Pfeffer 1877. Francis’s report on William Powell Wilson’s ‘The cause of the excretion of water on the surface of nectaries’ (W. P. Wilson 1881) was published in Botanische Zeitung, 26 August 1881, pp. 545–6. Pfeffer’s journal was, in fact, called Untersuchungen aus dem botanischen Institut zu Tübingen (Studies from the Botanical Institute at Tübingen). The two volumes were produced while Pfeffer was at Tübingen and were essentially a forum for researchers at the institute working under Pfeffer to publish work related to Pfeffer’s own. Pfeffer was a former student of Julius Sachs and probably modelled his journal on Sachs’s Arbeiten des botanischen Instituts in Würzburg. There is an annotated copy of Cornu and Émile Mer’s paper, ‘Recherches sur l’absorption des matières colorantes par les racines’ (Researches on the absorption of coloured matter by roots; Cornu and Mer 1878), in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. An article titled ‘A locomotive dicotyledon’ appeared in the Gardeners’ Chronicle, 9 July 1881, p. 42. It described the observations of George Watt, professor of botany at the University of Calcutta, on germinating plants of Loranthus globosus. According to Watt, the radicle fixed itself by means of a viscid disc, and then, if it found itself in an unfavourable site, lifted the seed to another spot, before releasing itself and adhering to a different site, a process that could be repeated several times. Francis seems not to have published on Bryonia.

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Paraheliotropism: turning to minimise exposure to light (see Movement in plants, p. 419). The lime tree may have been Tilia tomentosa, the silver lime. Literally, ‘Pfeffer too wants to have a railway train for himself ’ (an allusion to Julius Sachs). Bernard Darwin’s letter to Francis and Francis’s reply have not been found. Francis returned from Germany on 1 August 1881 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). Presumably CD had sent an autograph and photograph for one of Francis’s colleagues.

From C. G. Semper   16 July 1881 Würzburg 16th. July 1881. My dear Mr. Darwin You will I trust with your well known kindness pardon me for not answering earlier; but I had so much to do with lectures and all sorts of University-business, with House building and the death of my father and uncle, that I felt utterly unable to write private letters before now.1 Having got more leisure I hasten to ask your pardon for my impoliteness and to thank you for the extreme kindness of your judgment on my book. It is the more gratifying for me to hear from you that you do not consider me an antagonist, as Prof. Ray Lankester and other Reviewers of my book treated me not only as such but almost as an idiot.2 At first I felt inclined to ask your permission of publishing your letter in answer to Ray Lankester’s article in the “Nature” and to treat his personalities as they deserve. But after mature consideration I determined not to answer him, being confident that all judicious people in England will know Mr. Lankester as well as I do and disregard his injurious article like myself. The letter you had the kindness of writing quite spontaneously to me, gives me the courage for keeping silence in this case and in any other of the same character. These last two years I have not been able of doing much scientific work. I have been building a house, which took much time; but the most of my time was spent in University-work and especially with my pupils, the number of which is rather too large for my physical and mental strength.3 I am rather tired out and yet I do not see the possibility before me of getting rid of that tedious teaching work, which demands most of the time of a German Professor. But it can’t be otherwise and therefore “paciencia” as the Spaniards say.4 Hoping that you are quite well and giving my compliments to Mrs. Darwin and to your son,5 | I remain yours devotedly | C. Semper DAR 177: 141 1 2

See letter to C. G. Semper, 6 February 1881. Semper’s father, Johann Carl Semper, and uncle, Wilhelm Semper, both died in 1881. In his letter to Semper of 6 February 1881, CD had complimented Semper on his book, The natural conditions of existence as they affect animal life (Semper 1881); it was a translation of his Die natürlichen Existenzbedingungen der Thiere (Semper 1880). Edwin Ray Lankester had reviewed it in Nature, 3 March 1881, pp. 405–9, criticising in particular Semper’s focus on the direct effect of changed conditions on organisms as part of the evolutionary process. Positive reviews appeared in Science, 7 May 1881, p. 216, and in the American Naturalist, 1 July 1881, pp. 550–2. Ernst Krause gave a mostly negative review of the German edition (Semper 1880) in Kosmos 8 (1880–1): 74–8.

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Semper was professor of zoology and director of the Zoological Institute at Würzburg. Paciencia: patience (Spanish). Francis Darwin had met Semper at Würzburg (see Correspondence vol. 26). Semper visited Down on 29 August 1872 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)).

To W. & J. Burrow   18 July 1881 Down, Beckenham, Kent July 18, 1881 Dear Sir, Wd you be so good as to send me as usual a case of your Soda Water— I enclose a Card of Returns & my Butler1 will despatch today another case. Dear Sir, | Yours faithfully, | Ch. Darwin De Beer ed. 1959b, p. 60 1

William Jackson.

To ?   18 July 1881 Down Beckenham Kent July 18th 1881. I have never before received a paper (receipt) like the enclosed & do not know whether it is to be sent to Brazil.1 Ch. Darwin DAR 202: 94 1

CD had one regular correspondent in Brazil, Fritz Müller; however, the context of this letter is unknown.

To C. G. Semper   19 July 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) July 19th. 1881 My dear Professor Semper I have been much pleased to receive your letter but I did not expect you to answer my former one.1 I think you are quite right not to answer to Ray Lankester’s article, for as far as I can judge, controversy does no good at all.2 It is the best plan to modify any future publication & to acknowledge any criticism which seems just; & in any other case to take no notice..— I cannot remember what I wrote to you, but I am sure that it must have expressed the interest which I felt in reading your book. I thought that you attributed too much weight to the direct action of the environment; but whether I said so, I know not, for without being asked I shd. have thought it presumptuous to have criticised your book. Nor should I now say so, had I

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not during the last few days been struck with Prof. Hoffmans review of his own work in the Botanische Zeitung on the variability of Plants;3 & it is really surprising how little effect he produced by cultivating certain plants under unnatural conditions, as to presence of salt, lime, zinc &c &c,  during several generations.— Plants, moreover were selected, which were the most likely to vary under such conditions, judging from the existence of closely allied forms adapted for these conditions. No doubt I originally attributed too little weight to the direct action of conditions.; but Hoffman’s paper has staggered me.—4 Perhaps hundreds of generations of exposure are necessary. It is a most perplexing subject. I wish I was not so old & had more strength, for I see lines of research to follow. Hoffmann even doubts whether plants vary more under cultivation than in their native home & under their natural conditions!5 If so the astonishing variations of almost all cultivated plants must be due to selection & breeding from the varying individuals. This idea crossed my mind many years ago, but I was afraid to publish it as I thought that people wd. say “how he does exaggerate the importance of selection”.—6 I still must believe that changed conditions give the impulse to variability, but that they act in most cases in a very indirect manner. But as I said it is a most perplexing problem.— Pray forgive me for writing at such length; I had no intention of doing so when I sat down to write.— I am extremely sorry to hear, for your own sake & for that of Science, that you are so hard-worked & that so much of your time is consumed in official labour.— Pray believe me | Dear Professor Semper | Yours sincerely | Charles Darwin Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek Düsseldorf (slg 60/Dok/63) 1 2

3 4 5 6

See letter to C. G. Semper, 6 February 1881, and letter from C. G. Semper, 16 July 1881. Edwin Ray Lankester had written a partially negative review of Semper’s The natural conditions of existence as they affect animal life (Semper 1881) in Nature, 3 March 1881, pp. 405–9, criticising in particular Semper’s focus on the direct effect of changed conditions on organisms as part of the evolutionary process. The final part of Hermann Hoffmann’s ‘Rückblick auf meine Variations-Versuche von 1855–1880’ (Review of my research on variation, 1855–1880; Hoffmann 1881) appeared on 8 July 1881. For CD’s most recent public comment on the direct action of external conditions, see Correspondence vol. 28, letter to Nature, 5 November [1880]. Hoffmann 1881, p. 427. CD had been criticised by St George Jackson Mivart for relying solely on natural selection as an evolutionary mechanism; see Correspondence vol. 19, letter to Francis Darwin, [after 21 January 1871].

To Joseph Sinel   19 July 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) July 19th 1881 Dear Sir I have never attended in the least to the subject of moles & am therefore sorry that I cannot express an opinion of any value.—1 I shd. have thought that the hair on moles was a secondary effect, owing to some degree of hypertrophy of the skin,

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for, as far as I can remember moles often or generally rise a little above the general surface. Hairs are sometimes largely developed on the borders of old ulcerated surfaces, where the blood-supply is superabundant.— If I were in your place I wd not make public your notion, until you can get some independent evidence of reversion in such cases.— I hope that your interest in Natural History may continue, & that you may be successful in any researches which you may make—2 I remain | Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Charles Darwin DAR 261.11: 13 (EH 88206065) 1

2

Sinel’s letter to CD has not been found. In a later popular book, Sinel recalled his correspondence with Darwin: When I was a young man I once wrote to him, so as to have his opinion on what I thought was a discovery I had made with regard to the presence of dark-coloured feathers in the plumage of pure bred white fan-tail pigeons, and the analogy of these with pigmented spots or ‘moles’ on the human skin (a matter too deep to enter into here). His reply to my letter is in front of me as I am writing (it is framed between two glasses, so that the whole of it can be read). That letter is full of encouragement, appreciation, and good wishes, and I often say that neither a Rockefeller nor a Vanderbilt could raise money enough to purchase it. (Sinel [1900], 2: 146.) Sinel co-authored the section on zoology in The Channel Islands (Ansted and Latham [1893]), and wrote An outline of the natural history of our shores (Sinel 1906).

To Emily Talbot   19 July 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) July 19th 1881 Dear Madam In response to your wish I have much pleasure in expressing the interest which I feel in your proposed investigation on the mental & bodily development of infants.—1 Very little is at present accurately known on this subject, & I believe that isolated observations will add but little to our knowledge, whereas tabulated results from a very large number of observations systematically made, would probably throw much light on the sequence & period of development of the several faculties. This knowledge would probably give a foundation for some improvement in our education of young children, & would show us whether the same system ought to be followed in all cases. I will venture to specify a few points of enquiry which, as it seems to me, possess some scientific interest. For instance does the education of the parents influence the mental powers of their children at any age, either at a very early or somewhat more advanced stage?2 This could perhaps be learnt by school-masters or mistresses, if a large number of children were first classed according to age & their mental attainments, & afterwards in accordance with the education of their parents, as far as this could be discovered. As observation is one of the earliest faculties developed in young children, & as this power would probably be exercised in an equal degree

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by the children of educated & uneducated persons, it seems not improbable that any transmitted effect from education would be displayed only at a somewhat advanced age. It would be desirable to test statistically in a similar manner the truth of the often repeated statement that coloured children at first learn as quickly as white children, but that they afterwards fall off in progress.3 If it could be proved that education acts not only on the individual, but by transmission on the race, this would be a great encouragement to all working on this all-important subject. It is well known that children sometimes exhibit at a very early age strong special tastes, for which no cause can be assigned, although occasionally they may be accounted for by reversion to the taste or occupation of some progenitor; & it would be interesting to learn how far such early taste are persistent & influence the future career of the individual. In some instances such tastes die away without apparently leaving any after effect; but it would be adviseable to know how far this is commonly the case, as we should then know whether it was important to direct, as far as this is possible, the early tastes of our children. It may be more beneficial that a child should follow energetically some pursuit, of however trifling a nature, & thus acquire perseverance, than that he shd. be turned from it, because of no future advantage to him.4 I will mention one other small point of enquiry in relation to very young children, which may possibly prove important with respect to the origin of language; but it could be investigated only by persons possessing an accurate musical ear. Children even before they can articulate express some of their feelings & desires by noises uttered in different notes. For instance they make an interrogative noise, & others of assent & dissent in different tones, & it would, I think, be worth while to ascertain whether there is any uniformity in different children in the pitch of their voices under various frames of mind. I fear that this letter can be of no use to you, but it will serve to show my sympathy & good wishes in your researches. I beg leave to remain | Dear Madam | Yours faithfully | Charles Darwin To | Mrs Emily Talbot.— University of Chicago Library, Special Collections Research Center (Miscellaneous Manuscript Collection) 1

2 3 4

Talbot’s letter to CD has not been found. As secretary of the education department of the American Social Science Association, Talbot was organising research into infant development; see Papers in infant development (Talbot ed. 1882). This letter was published in Talbot ed. 1882, pp. 6–8. For CD’s speculation on the inheritance of the effects of education, see Descent 2d ed., p. 565 (a discussion of the difference between men and women in intelligence). See, for example, Hunt 1863, pp. 387, 390. In his autobiography, CD recalled that as a child, he collected shells, seals, franks, coins, and minerals. ‘The passion for collecting, which leads a man to be a systematic naturalist, a virtuoso or a miser, was strong in me, & was clearly innate as none of my sisters or brother ever had this taste’ (‘Recollections’, p. 356).

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To G. H. Darwin   23 July 1881 [Down.] July 23rd 1881 In Kosmos just published (p 223) your abstract in Nature has been translated into German; & the Editor appends a note (referring to some former article in Kosmos) that, though Kant overlooked, yet that R. Mayer of Heilbronn thoroughily investigated the bearing of “Reibung” on the nebular hypothesis.—1 C.D. Thank all the stars in Heaven, Collier has finished his picture of me & is gone..—2 He is very nice. I am tired & cannot tell you any news. DAR 210.1: 105 1

2

Reibung: friction (German). An abstract of George’s paper ‘On the tidal friction of a planet attended by several satellites, and on the evolution of the solar system’ (G. H. Darwin 1881a) was published in Nature, 24 February 1881, pp. 389–90. A German translation of the abstract was published in Kosmos 9 (1881): 220–3. Ernst Krause’s note on p. 223 reads (in English translation): Laplace overlooked the slowing effect of tidal friction, despite the fact that Kant had discussed it in detail long before he did. More recently, Robert Mayer of Heilbronn made it the subject of in-depth investigations. See Kosmos 7: 379. (Immanuel Kant and Pierre Simon Laplace.) The reference was to a German translation of the summary of G. H. Darwin 1879 (another work on tides) published in Nature, 8 January 1880, pp. 235–7 (Kosmos 7 (1880): 379–83); in his introduction, Krause discussed the work of Kant and Mayer on the same subject. John Collier had painted a portrait of CD for the Linnean Society (letter from G. J. Romanes, 25 May [1881]).

From Francis Darwin   [25 July 1881]1 Bot Inst | Strassburg Monday My dear Father, I went on Sunday yesterday to Basel to see Vöchting2 and a very pleasant visit indeed, he gave me a warm welcome, & shook hands at intervals of a few minutes, saying how glad he was I had come to see him. I had a great deal of interesting talk with him, one thing aggravates me a good deal. In my bramble paper I said that his exp on weeping trees were not a full proof against Sachs, because he (Sachs) might say that the shoot stuff was here geotrop instead of apogeotrop,3 but Vöchting showed me that his experiments were a full proof because ultimately the strongest branches grow out a

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at the side like a just as they would if it had been an ordinary branch tied down. It was awfully stupid of me and aggravates me a good deal; I didn’t quite realise it when I was with him, not till I came back here & re-read his paper in the Bot Zeitung,4 so my aggravation didn’t come on in time to spoil my time with him; it is all the more aggravating as I needn’t have said it at all. He began telling me that he had been experimenting on the position of the flowers in Narcissus; & found the same thing that I did namely that they straighten when grown on the Klinostat, & instead of themselves that they are dia-geotropic, he was very much astonished that I had been doing it, he has done a number of flowers in the same way & it will be published in his new book.5 I wish I had felt surer that it was worth going in more for; I shall perhaps repeat my experiments with Narcissus & publish them, & I shall go on with similar ones I began on the position of the anthers &c in Azalea6   He will make a splendid proof out of this that gravity acts as a stimulus    it is rather too complicated to explain   There is another coincidence, he said that he had made up his mind next summer to do my experiment with leaves in relation to light on the Klinostat, when he got my paper.7 He is a most pleasant man & was over flowing with hospitality   he took me to dine at the Hotel & to supper at a garden & wouldn’t hear of my paying for myself   He is not married so he doesn’t dine at home. He was very enthusiastic about the Power of Movements8 & thinks it will have a great effect He was continually saying But now tell me some more about your father & was extremely interested in anything I could tell him, about your hours of work &c. He told me a horrid piece of news about Sachs, he says he has heard it from two sources & has no doubt about it; that Mrs Sachs9 is so little if at all insane that her friends have taken her out of the private asylum with his permission, & now she lives at Bonn with her friends, & he has a mistress at Würzburg (but not in his house)   if it wasn’t that I want to see Kunkel at Wzbg I really dont think I should go.10 If I go I will certainly call on Semper.11 I shall try & get home on Monday night the 1st Aug & shall leave here either Wednesday or Thursday (27 or 28th) I had sent off my notice about the nectary paper before I got yr letter I never thought abt what you say about it being a reason for protecting the honey, it is a very true & a neat reason—12 Yr affec F.D. DAR 274.1: 67 1

2 3 4 5

The date is established by the reference to Francis’s leaving Straßburg (Strasbourg) on Wednesday 27 or Thursday 28. Francis worked at Anton de Bary’s laboratory in Straßburg in 1881, arriving home on 1 August (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). In 1881, the Monday before 27 July was 25 July. Hermann Vöchting. Julius Sachs. See F. Darwin 1880b, p. 417. Vöchting 1880. Narcissus is the genus of daffodil and narcissus. Vöchting experimented on two species, N. pseudonarcissus (common daffodil), and N. poeticus (poet’s narcissus; Vöchting 1882).

July 1881 6 7 8 9 10 11 12

323

Francis did not publish specifically on Narcissus or azaleas (Rhododendron), but for remarks on Narcissus, see F. Darwin and Acton 1894, pp. 178–80, and F. Darwin 1901, p. 41. F. Darwin 1880a. Movement in plants. Johanna Sachs. Adam Josef Kunkel was a particular friend of Francis’s (see F. Darwin 1920a, p. 68). Carl Gottfried Semper. CD’s letter to Francis has not been found. For the notice, see the letter from Francis Darwin, 16 July 1881 and n. 4. The paper was W. P. Wilson 1881. CD evidently speculated on the function of nectar secretion, which William Powell Wilson had described as being the result of osmosis rather than internal pressure (W. P. Wilson 1881, p. 5).

From Leopold Würtenberger1   26 July 1881 Konstanz Gr. Baden | (Wessenbergstr. 27), den 26. Juli | 1881. Hochgeehrtester Herr! Sie hatten vor etwa 2 Jahren die Freundlichkeit, mir 100£ zu übersenden, wodurch es mir möglich wurde, meine Studien über die Stammesgeschichte der Ammoniten, namentlich auch durch den Besuch grösserer Sammlungen, fortzusetzen.2 Das hiebei entstandene Buch habe ich Ihnen seiner Zeit zugesandt;3 eine specielle Monographie der Armaten ist bis jetzt noch nicht fertig geworden.4 Ich hoffte durch das Erscheinen meines Buches würde mir der Weg zu einer entsprechenden Stellung gebahnt; bis jetzt gieng dieser Wunsch aber leider nicht in Erfüllung und ich musste mich im letzten Jahre durch das Schreiben populär-naturwissenschaftlicher Artikel durchschlagen, so gut es eben gieng.5 Ich bin jetzt zu der Ueberzeugung gekommen, dass es mir überhaupt wohl nie gelingen werde, eine meinen wissenschaftlichen Neigungen entsprechende Stellung zu erringen, denn es fehlt mir dazu eben noch mancherlei, so dass mir andere immer vorgezogen werden; besonders ist mir hiebei eine gewisse Unbeholfenheit und Schüchternheit im persönlichem Verkehr sehr hinderlich gewesen. Ich habe mich somit entschlossen, mich wieder der Technik zuzuwenden und ist mir bereits in einer Anilinfarben-Fabrik eine gute Stelle in Aussicht gestellt, jedoch mit der Bedingung, dass ich vorher etwa 34 Jahr auf eigene Kosten volontire. Dazu fehlen mir aber leider die Mittel. Da ich in letzter Zeit leidend war und somit nur wenig oder nichts verdienen konnte, so stehe ich jetzt überhaupt ganz ohne Existenzmittel da. Hochgeehrtester Herr! Ich erlaube mir desshalb die ergebenste Anfrage, ob Sie vielleicht die Freundlichkeit haben wollten, mir etwa 70–80£ zu leihen, damit ich in den Stand gesetzt würde, mein Vorhaben auszuführen. Mit den ersten Ersparnissen würde ich dann diese Schuld wieder abtragen. Ich wäre Ihnen zu ausserordentlichem Danke verpflichtet, wenn Sie meinen Wunsch gütigst berücksichtigen wollten. Mit der ergebensten Bitte, mein Ansuchen nicht übel nehmen zu wollen, verbleibe ich | mit vorzüglicher Hochachtung | Ihr ergebenster | L. Würtenberger DAR 181: 187 1 2

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. See Correspondence vol. 27, letter from Leopold Würtenberger, 29 January 1879.

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See Correspondence vol. 28, letter to Leopold Würtenberger, 6 March 1880. Würtenberger had sent his Studien über die Stammesgeschichte der Ammoniten. Ein geologischer Beweis für die Darwin’sche Theorie (Studies on the phylogeny of ammonites: a geological proof of Darwinian theory; Würtenberger 1880); there are copies in the Darwin Library–CUL and Down. The first two chapters of Würtenberger 1880 were titled ‘Der Armaten—oder Aspidoceras-Stamm’. In many classificatory systems at this time, the Armati were a subcategory within the family Aegoceratidae; Aspidoceras was one of the genera in this section (see, for example, Wright 1878–86, p. 247). Würtenberger seems not to have published further on this subject. See, for example, Würtenberger 1879–80.

To W. C. Holbrook   27 July 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) July 27th 1881 Dear Sir I am much obliged for your letter. Although I know little about human anatomy, it always interests me extremely to hear about the characters of ancient human beings, & I rejoice at the rapid progress of Anthropology in your country, as in other parts of the world.1 Dear Sir | Yours faithfully & obliged | Charles Darwin The History Buff (dealer) (10 May 2007) 1

Holbrook’s letter has not been found. Holbrook published a brief notice, ‘Moundbuilder skeletons’, on skeletons found in burial mounds in the Rock River Valley, Illinois, in Science, 22 October 1881, pp. 504–5.

From R. F. Cooke   28 July 1881 50, Albemarle Street, | W. July 28. 1881 My dear Sir Your letter has taken quite by surprise, as we had no idea that you intended to publish your “Worm” volume at this period of the year & we wish to remonstrate with you about doing so.1 The paper has to be made & so have the Stereotypes for America & this has to be done before we can print off any copies. Again Messrs. Appleton will require to have the plates sometime before we publish, so that they may be able to print off their edition for a simultaneous publication, or nearly so, in both countries.2 This must delay the work here for some 5 or 6 weeks & it will ruin the success of the book to publish then. Can you not then agree to defer the publication until October, when we shall be able to secure a good start, which will gratify both the author & publisher & please the booksellers. We propose to print 1000 Copies & ask Messrs. Clowes to keep the type standing.3 With kind compliments | Yours faithfully | Rob.t Cooke Cha.s Darwin Esq

July 1881

325

DAR 171: 515 1 2

3

CD’s letter has not been found. Earthworms had gone to press on 1 May 1881 and was published by John Murray on 10 October 1881 (Freeman 1977). D. Appleton & Co. were CD’s US publishers; they published from stereotypes of the British edition provided by Murray. Simultaneous publication would reduce Appleton’s losses on account of pirated editions. William Clowes & Sons were Murray’s printers.

To Japetus Steenstrup   28 July 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) July 28th 1881. My dear Sir I have received your Essays, & I hope that you will allow me to thank you very sincerely for your kind recollection of me, ever since the old days, now long past, when you aided me in so important a manner in my work on Cirripedes.1 I have read with interest the French abstract; for hectocotylisation has always struck me with astonishment. It would, I suppose, puzzle any evolutionist to trace the steps by which the arms of the male Cephalopod have been modified.—2 How I wish that you believed in evolution, for I have always honoured your many great services in the cause of natural history, to which we have both devoted our lives in our own ways.3 I remain with the highest respect. My dear Sir | Yours very faithfully | Charles Darwin Det Kongelige Bibliotek, Copenhagen (NKS 3460 4to) 1

2

3

Steenstrup probably sent two related papers (in Danish, with French abstracts) on the taxonomy of cephalopods, Steenstrup 1875 and Steenstrup 1881. He had corresponded with CD and lent him specimens for his work on cirripedes between 1850 and 1854; see Correspondence vols. 4 and 5. Hectocotylisation: the structural modification of an arm of a male cephalopod to fulfil a reproductive function. CD’s offprint of Steenstrup’s paper on the subject (Steenstrup 1856) is in the Darwin Library– Down. The paper was translated into English in the Annals and Magazine of Natural History (Steenstrup 1857). In Steenstrup 1881, p. 236, Steenstrup remarked ironically on how useful his observations might be to evolutionary theorists.

From Francisco de Arruda Furtado1   29 July 1881 Île St. Michel (Açores) 29 juillet | 1881 Mr. Charles Darwin Monsieur Il est inutile de vous dire les sentiments de joie, de reconnaissance, d’encouragement, que votre lettre très bienveillante a eveillée en moi.2 Vous, Monsieur, bien mieux que personne, vous comprenez ce qu’il y a dans l’esprit d’un jeune homme qui débute sous la protection pleine de bonté des Prêtres de la Science.

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Votre lettre, Monsieur, est pour moi du plus grand valeur. Les instructions que vous avez bien voulu me donner, je les savais pour la plupart, oui; mais c’était à votre livre que je devais leur connaissance et vous savez bien ce qu’il sera pour moi de les avoir réunies et écrites de votre main. Il est un peu difficile de visiter les autres îles; mais j’ai déjà pensé à me procurer des collecteurs. Je savais que à Terceira et à S. Maria il y avait des vestiges de la période glaciaire. Je possède quelques fossiles de S. Maria et je me procurerais des fragments des blocs erratiques que Mr. Hartung a signalés à Terceira et que vous avez observés aussi, je crois, dans votre voyage sur le “Beagle”.3 Je n’ai jamais entendu parler du dent de mastodon.4 Nous avons à St. Michel deux phares, un à P. delgada5 et un autre à Nordeste sur la pointe N.E. de l’île. Sur ce point de votre lettre j’ai eu à apprendre un excellent moyen d’investigation que je ne connaissais pas, de même que au sujet des Lacertæ: je n’avais pas encore pensé, je dois le dire, à ce qu’elles étaient ovipares(!) quoique je connaissais bien vos considérations à l’égard des œufs de moll. terr.6 Les transports d’arbres avec leurs racines avec leurs racines je les crois nuls, ou au moins très rares. Au milieu des fucus on trouve parfois des graines de 3 ou 4 espèces de plantes entrainées par le gulf stream(?) et bien connues de nos pécheurs qui les emploient comme ornement de table et en vidant les plus grosses (qu’ils appellent fava do mar) pour en faire des tabatières. Bientôt je prendrai la liberté de vous offrir quelques exemplaires de ces graines et les documents de mon étude “Indagações, &”7 .... .... Après votre bienveillante lettre, Monsieur, mes études, quoique sur la même bonne voie de la saine orientation transformiste dont il m’a été donné hereusement de bien comprendre les effets, ont été vivement portées vers des aspirations nouvelles, et je vois bon nombre de faits que je ne voiais pas:— daignez agréer, très honoré Monsieur, l’expression de mon humble et profonde reconnaissance Arruda Furtado. DAR 159: 114a 1 2 3

4 5 6 7

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. See letter to Francisco de Arruda Furtado, 3 and 6 July 1881. Georg Hartung. See Hartung and Bronn 1860, pp. 294–5. Terceira and São Miguel (St Michel or St Michael) in the Azores were HMS Beagle’s last landfalls before returning to England in 1836. CD described the geology of the area briefly in his diary of the voyage (see ‘Beagle’ diary), but did not mention erratic blocks; nor did he mention Terceira in his published account of the voyage (Journal of researches 2d ed.). Volcanic islands does describe the geology of Terceira, but does not note the existence of erratic blocks. See letter to Francisco de Arruda Furtado, 3 and 6 July 1881 and n. 5. Ponta Delgada is the capital of São Miguel. CD had discovered that recently hatched freshwater molluscs attached themselves to ducks’ feet (see Origin 6th ed., pp. 344–6). Lacerta is a genus of lizards. There is a copy of Arruda Furtado 1880a (‘Indagações sobre a complicação das maxillas de alguns helices naturalisados nos Açores’; Enquiry on the complexity of the jaws of some Helixes naturalised in the Azores) in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. Helix is a genus of land snails.

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To R. F. Cooke   29 July 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) July 29th 1881 My dear Sir I am as much surprised as you can be, for I thought that you understood that I wished to publish at once.1 As you have the risk of the volume I must yield to your remonstrances; but it destroys all my satisfaction in the book, as I hate to have the publication hanging over me, for until published I cannot banish the subject from my mind. Well, let it be as you wish. You had better return me the list of copies for distribution as it may be lost amidst of all your papers.2 I suppose I shall feel less sulky in a day or two.— My dear Sir | Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin P.S | Please tell Mr. Clowes that I hope he will send me the 3 sets of clean sheets as soon as a few sheets are printed off.3 I will write to Translators that the book will not be out for some months.— They have been bothering me to begin their work.—4 National Library of Scotland (John Murray Archive) (Ms. 42152 ff. 387–8) 1 2 3 4

See letter from R. F. Cooke, 28 July 1881. Cooke had asked CD to postpone publication of Earthworms until October. See also letter to R. F. Cooke, 10 April 1881. For CD’s presentation list for Earthworms, see Appendix IV. William Clowes & Sons were printers to John Murray, CD’s publisher. Julius Victor Carus made the German translation of Earthworms (see letter from J. V. Carus, 24 June 1881). No correspondence has been found with the French translator, Edmond Perrier.

From Lawson Tait   29 July 1881 Birmingham Liberal Club, | Corporation Street. July 29/81 My Dear Sir, I have just read your paper on “Inheritance”.1 Will you forgive me if I point two possibilities of fallacy in it? I am sure you will. The case of the nails is in all probability a case of syphilis, as the peculiarity died out in the same generation with succeeding children. The disease is well known to be a variety of tertiary syphilis and if such a case had appeared in a medical journal I think it would unquestionably have been set down as due to that cause.2 Guinea pigs. Brown-Sequard’s observations are quite worthless, for under certain circumstances of diet every other guinea pig has epilepsy. I have kept them for years by the hundred and I could have epilepsy abundant or not as I liked, by giving them moist or dry food & varieties. It was not hereditary & it as often as not could be induced on irritation of the “epileptic regions” of B. S. It certainly had nothing whatever to do with division of the cord or of the sciatic nerves.3 I have published all this somewhere but I cannot recall it4 Yours faithfully | Lawson Tait DAR 178: 42

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See letter to Nature, 13 July [1881]. In his article in Nature (see n. 1, above), CD described a man who had sustained damage to his thumbs and thumbnails in his youth, and had apparently passed the resulting deformity on to some of his children and grandchildren. The deformity is described as characteristic of hereditary syphilis in Lancereaux 1868–9, 2: 146. Charles Édouard Brown-Séquard had induced epileptic convulsions in guinea pigs by means of surgical operations; he claimed that the epileptic tendency was transmitted to offspring (Brown-Séquard 1860). The publication has not been found.

To J. V. Carus   30 July 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) July 30 1881 My dear Sir I write one line to say that there has been an extraordinary delay by the Printers in correcting the few last sheets (perhaps intentional on their part) & now my Publisher begs me so earnestly not to publish, until the end of October (our publishing season) that I have been forced to accede.—1 But I have requested the printers to send me clean sheets as soon as ever any are printed off, & as soon as I receive any they shall be forwarded to you.— Perhaps this delay will suit you better than the immediate publication of the book; but I am much vexed, for I like to throw a subject quite off my mind. My dear Sir | Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin – Preußischer Kulturbesitz (Slg. Darmstaedter Lc 1859: Darwin, Charles, Bl. 191–192) 1

CD’s publisher was John Murray; Murray’s printers were William Clowes & Sons. Carus was translating Earthworms into German. See letter to R. F. Cooke, 31 July 1881.

From R. F. Cooke   30 July 1881 50, Albemarle Street, | W. July 30. 1881 My dear Sir I hasten to reply to your letter of this morning & to say that Mr Murray will publish as soon as possible your work, as you seem to wish it, as he only looked at the matter from a publisher’s point of view & knowing how dead a work falls at this late period of the season.1 But you must still have a little patience, for the stereotypes must be made first, before we can print off copies for ourselves. I think it will be requisite to acquaint Messrs. Appletons of your intentions.2 I will take care of the Presentation List. Yours faithfully | Rob.t Cooke Cha.s Darwin Esq Messrs. Clowes have sent you the Index. Their house will be closed from now until Wednesday morning3

July 1881

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DAR 171: 516 1 2 3

See letter to R. F. Cooke, 29 July 1881. John Murray wanted to put off publishing Earthworms until October. D. Appleton & Co. were CD’s US publishers. William Clowes & Sons were Murray’s printers. July 30 was a Saturday; 1 August (Monday) was a Bank Holiday. For CD’s presentation list for Earthworms, see Appendix IV.

From James Dawson   30 July 1881 Kennyhill | Camperdown | Victoria Australia 30th July 1881 Charles Darwin Esq Dear Sir By last English Mail I received your favour of the 3d of June thanking me for “Australian Aborigines”.1 I am glad to learn that it has reached you, and I hope its perusal may please you as well as its appearance seems to do. I think the style in which it has been brought out does great credit to our principal publishing house in Melbourne, and to the Colony. As regards the matter in the book, I may state that it was collected chiefly by my daughter Mrs Taylor,2 who I may mention is a grand-niece of Mungo Park the African Traveller. Mrs Taylor enjoyed the singular advantage of having been amongst the Aborigines from the age of three till fifteen years, and consequently was thoroughly qualified to undertake such an arduous task, a task undertaken I may say without due consideration of the labour and anxiety; for had these been anticipated, I fear much “Australian Aborigines” would never have seen the light. My daughter informs me that while on a short visit to my very old and dear friend (the late) Edward Wilson of Hayes she heard him speaking of you as a neighbour.3 Probably you may remember Mr Wilson talking about a friend writing to him about a pouched or Marsupial rabbit, if so, it was from me he heard of it, but since that time—notwithstanding the terrible inundation of these pests—I have heard nothing to confirm the story.4 There is a factory for preserving meat just now started in this neighbourhood, and as thousands of rabbits are potted daily I will ask the skinners to keep a look out for pouches. Probably you are acquainted with my nephew Sir Wyvill Thomson. I am glad to hear occasionally from Lady Thomson that Sir Wyvill is recovering, but not to such a degree as to enable him to resume his duties in the College in Edinburgh.5 I am | Dear Sir | Yours very sincerely | James Dawson DAR 162: 132 1 2 3

Dawson 1881. See letter to James Dawson, [3 June 1881] and n. 2. Isabella Park Taylor. Edward Wilson lived in Australia from 1841 to 1864; he died in 1878. Hayes, Bromley, Kent, is not far from Down.

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It is possible that Dawson’s informant confused the introduced European rabbit (Oryctolagus cuniculus), a common pest by this time, with a native marsupial, the bilby or rabbit-eared bandicoot (Macrotis lagotis). Charles Wyville Thomson was professor of natural history at the University of Edinburgh, and had been ill since summer 1879 (ODNB). Thomson’s wife was Jane Ramage Thomson, née Dawson.

From E. L. Jellinek   30 July 1881 Buffalo, N. Y. July 30/81. Chas. Darwin Esq. F.R.S &c | Kent, England. Honored Sir: In an argument in our college lately,1 some students, in discussing your philosophy, said, that from reading and thinking over your writings they are convinced that you do not believe in the immortality of the Soul. Others opposed this assertion, and said, that you have never written anything to show that you believe or do not believe in it, and consequently, we can make no such assertion. I have been requested to address these few words to you, and ask, though with delicacy, whether you believe in the immortality of the soul, and if you would kindly favor us with some reasons. Hoping, honored sir, that you are enjoying the, best of health, and anxiously awaiting your early reply, that I may read it before our class, I am, with a high degree of respect, | Very truly your Obt Svt, | Edward L. Jellinek Edward L. Jellinek | 437 Michigan Ave | Buffalo, | Erie Co. | U.S.A. N.Y. Kindly answer soon as convenient. | J DAR 202: 104 1

Probably Canisius College, founded in 1870 by German Jesuits to educate the sons of German immigrants; Jellinek was born in Austria. Students were aged between 13 and 20 years old. (Canisius, https://www.canisius.edu/about/distinctions/canisius-history, accessed 26 February 2020.) Jellinek was about 12 years old when he wrote this letter.

To Ernst Krause   30 July 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) July 30th 1881 My dear Sir As you might possibly be surprised at not receiving the promised sheets of my Worm book, I write to say that there has been an extraordinary delay by the Printers in correcting the last sheets, & now my Publisher begs me to defer the publication (though the book is as good as ready) till the end of October, which is called the publishing season; & I have been compelled to accede to his desire.—1 I will,, however, send you clean sheets, as soon as I receive them, & then you can judge about extracts. I still think that a review of the whole book wd. be your best plan, but whatever you decide will please me.—

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Many thanks for “Die Gegenwart”, which you were so kind as to send me.— I read it with great interest. The “instinct” of plants is a most puzzling problem. I do not see, how mind is to be defined, if we substract consciousness … Nor can I doubt that consciousness is somehow a stage in the natural development of the mental faculties, though philosophers may urge that it belongs to a wholly different category of things.2 My dear Sir | Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin What interesting numbers the several latter ones of Kosmos have been.— By the way I must thank you for honouring my two sons by giving their essays.—3 The Huntington Library (HM 36216) 1

2 3

CD’s publisher was John Murray; Murray’s printers were William Clowes & Sons. See letter to R. F. Cooke, 31 July 1881. Krause wanted to publish a chapter of Earthworms, translated into German, in his journal, Kosmos (see letter from Ernst Krause, 15 May 1881). Under the pseudonym Carus Sterne, Krause had published an article about CD’s Movement in plants, titled ‘Sind die Pflanzen beseelt?’ (Do plants have souls?), in the German weekly Die Gegenwart (Sterne 1881b). Francis Darwin’s article ‘Kletterpflanzen’ (Climbing plants) was published in Kosmos in May 1881 (F. Darwin 1881a; see letter to Ernst Krause, 18 May 1881 and n. 7). In July, Krause published in Kosmos a German translation of an abstract in Nature of an astronomical paper by George Howard Darwin (G. H. Darwin 1881a; see letter to G. H. Darwin, 23 July 1881 and n. 1).

To E. L. Jellinek   [after 30 July 1881]1 Dear Sir I regret to say that your question relates to a subject much too difficult & doubtful for me to attempt any answer in the compass of a note.2 ADraft DAR 202: 104v 1 2

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from E.  L.  Jellinek, 30 July 1881. Jellinek had asked whether CD believed in the immortality of the soul (see letter from E. L. Jellinek, 30 July 1881).

To R. F. Cooke   31 July 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) July 31. 1881 My dear Sir I am very much obliged to Mr. Murray & you for your kindness; but I am now uneasy about your risk, & if Mr. Murray really thinks that a scientific work would sell considerably worse at this season than late in the autumn, I shd. be very unwilling to take the responsibility on my own shoulders.—1 I do not forget that the risk is yours. Pray therefore decide as you think fit, & however you decide I am not the less obliged to Mr Murray for his prompt yielding to my desire.—

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If the book is to be published as soon as possible, you must inform Mssrs Clowes, for I told them, when I returned the index, finally corrected, that there was now no hurry, as the time of publication was altered.2 My dear Sir | Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin You will see that I am not so sulky as I was when I wrote last. P.S.  I shall be in London on Thursday morning & will endeavour to call on you.—3 National Library of Scotland ( John Murray Archive) (Ms. 42152 ff. 389–90) 1 2 3

See letter from R. F. Cooke, 30 July 1881. John Murray wanted to delay publishing Earthworms until October. CD’s letter to William Clowes & Sons has not been found. CD was in London from Wednesday 3 to Monday 8 August (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)).

From G. E. Mengozzi1   31 July 1881 Reale ed Imperiale Accademia | Nazionale La Scuola Italica | in | Roma | Ufficio | Presidenziale Illustre Signore, Ho l’honore di trasmettere a V.  S.  il Diploma di Presidente Onorario degli Anziani Pitagorici che la R. ed Imp. Accademia “La Scuola Italica” di Roma, Le rilasciava giusta i suoi Statuti nel giorno che alla V. S. fu dato possesso.2 Gradisca impertanto cotesto atto di stima che il Consesso Accademico guidicava suo dovere il compierlo. Con ossequio ho l’alto onore di sottoscrivermi | Di V.  S.  Illustrissima | Devotissimo suo | Comm. Prof. G. E. Mengozzi M.D. | Presidente Fondatore | A Ciancarini3 Segrio Genle Roma 31. luglio 1881. Illustre Carlo Darwin LL.D ect. | Londra DAR 171: 156 1 2 3

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. For the diploma, see Correspondence vol. 28, Appendix III. The diploma is dated 1 November 1880. See also ibid., letter from G. E. Mengozzi, 24 November 1880. Alfredo Ciancarini (see Correspondence vol. 28, Appendix III) has not been further identified.

To ?   31 July [1881?]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. July 31 Dear Sir I am greatly obliged to you for your very kind note & sending me the valuable plant. The appearance on arrival was rather piteous, & there are hardly any fibrous

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roots.2 But every possible care shall be taken of it, for my own sake & that of Kew. Permit me again to thank you cordially & I remain, dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin David Schulson (dealer) (January 1997?) 1 2

The year is conjectured from a note on the letter, which may be an endorsement or an archivist’s note. The note has not been found and the plant has not been identified. For CD’s interest in fibrous-rooted plants around this time, see the letter to J. D. Hooker, 22 October 1881 and n. 5.

To John Lubbock   2 August 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Augt 2d. 1881 My dear Lubbock I have read with pleasure your Address. You have piled honours high on my head.— I have scribbled such thoughts & remarks, as would have occurred to me if I had read your address when published. I fear that they will be of little or no use to you, except perhaps in one or two cases by leading you to make further enquiry.1 I had put a pamphlet on one side for you, as I thought that you would like sometime to read it, & it has occurred to me that from this excellent resumé of Dr. Adlers work (which no doubt you have read) you might easily make a short abstract for your Address; for I think that parthenogenesis deserves special notice in recent scientific work.—2 I have torn out a page for you to illustrate & strengthen what you say about inoculation.3 My suggestions & criticisms are poor affairs, but they are the best which I could send.— This Address must have cost you much labour, & I congratulate you on its virtual completion. How on earth you find time is a mystery to me.— Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin P.S.  A German in a late Nor of Kosmos has published on the distribution of seeds by animals, but I do not think that it contains anything which would be new to you.—4 Miss North has been staying here, & she tells me that she has brought home some very curious Australian seeds; they might be worth your attention.5 The British Library (Add MS 49645: 100–2) 1

2

Lubbock sent a draft of his presidential address to the British Association for the Advancement of Science held at York, 31 August to 7 September 1881. For the fiftieth anniversary of the meeting, Lubbock discussed major developments in the sciences over the previous half-century, including those in biology since the publication of Origin (Lubbock 1881a, pp. 2–11). CD evidently enclosed his suggestions and criticisms, but these have not been found. Hermann Adler had studied parthenogenesis in Rhodites rosae (a synonym of Diplolepis rosae, the mossy rose gall wasp), as well as the alternation of generations in the Cynipidae (the family of gall wasps). CD’s annotated copy of ‘Beiträge zur Naturgeschichte der Cynipiden’ (Contributions to the natural

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history of the Cynipidae; Adler 1877) is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. Lubbock mentioned Adler’s work in his address (Lubbock 1881a, p. 7). Lubbock summarised developments in the germ theory of disease and the method of inoculation in Lubbock 1881a, p. 12. The torn-out page has not been identified. The article, ‘Die Anpassungen der Pflanzen an die Verbreitung durch Thiere’ (The adaptations of plants for distribution by animals; Huth 1881), was by Ernst Huth. See also letter to Fritz Müller, 4 July 1881 and n. 4. Marianne North stayed at Down from 16 to 18 July 1881 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). On her travels in Australia, see North 1894, 2: 106–69; on her visit to Down, see ibid., 2: 214–15.

To Marianne North   2 August 1881 Down, Beckingham, Kent. 2d August 1881. My dear Miss North,— I am much obliged for the “Australian Sheep,” which is very curious. If I had seen it from a yard’s distance lying on a table, I would have wagered that it was a coral of the genus Porites.1 I am so glad that I have seen your Australian pictures, and it was extremely kind of you to bring them here. To the present time I am often able to call up with considerable vividness scenes in various countries which I have seen, and it is no small pleasure; but my mind in this respect must be a mere barren waste compared with your mind.—2 I remain, dear Miss North, yours, truly obliged, | Charles Darwin. North 1894, 2: 216 1

2

Raoulia eximia (the vegetable sheep) is a species in the family Asteraceae. It is native to New Zealand and has dense buds that form woolly balls (see Hooker 1864–7, 1: 149, and North 1894, 2: 185, 216). The plant appears in North’s painting, New Zealand flowers and fruit (Royal Botanical Gardens, Kew, North gallery, painting 721; see also this volume, frontispiece). Porites is a genus of stony coral. North had stayed at Down from 16 to 18 July 1881 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). She described her visit with CD as follows: ‘He sat on the grass under a shady tree, and talked deliciously on every subject to us all for hours together, or turned over and over again the collection of Australian paintings I brought down for him to see, showing in a few words how much more he knew about the subjects than any one of us, myself included, though I had seen them and he had not’ (North 1894, 2: 215). CD had spent several weeks in Australia on the Beagle voyage (see Journal of researches).

From Leopold Würtenberger1   3 August 1881 Konstanz (Wessenbergstr. 27) Gr. Baden den 3. Aug. 1881. Hochgeehrtester Herr! In Ihrem geehrten Schreiben vom 29. Juli theilen Sie mir mit, dass Sie meinem Ansuchen nicht entsprechen können.2 Ich erlaube mir, nochmals auf den Gegenstand zurückzukommen, indem, wie es scheint, ein Missverständniss mit unterlaufen ist. Ich beabsichtigte nämlich die bezeichnete Summe nur als Darlehen zu erlangen,

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und kann mit gutem Gewissen die ganz bestimmte Versicherung geben, dass ich in den Stand gesetzt würde, diese Summe nach einiger Zeit zurückzuzahlen, wenn ich in eine Stellung bei einer chemischen Fabrik komme. Es ist dies nicht blos eine unbegründete Einbildung, ich spreche aus Erfahrung. Ich hatte nämlich früher eine Stelle als technischer Chemiker bei der badischen Münzstätte. Hiebei hatte ich mein gutes Auskommen und, wenn ich geblieben wäre, hätte ich jetzt einen Gehalt, der mich in den Stand setzte, ein Schönes als Ersparniss zurückzulegen. Aber leider hieng ich damals zu sehr am Idealen und die reelle Praxis missfiel mir, so dass ich nicht ruhte, bis ich aus meiner Stellung heraus war. Da ich von jeher mit Vorliebe rein wissenschaftliche Dinge verfolgte, glaubte ich mein Lebensglück zu finden, wenn ich in den Stand gesetzt würde, mich ganz den Wissenschaften widmen zu können; und eine entsprechende Stellung zu finden, schien mir leicht; aber in letzter Hinsicht wurde ich nur zu schwer enttäuscht. Ich weiss jetzt, dass sich nur derjenige auf das wissenschaftliche Gebiet verlocken lassen sollte, der die Mittel dazu hat, um längere Zeit unabhängig leben und es in Gemüthsruhe abwarten zu können, bis ihn der Zufall einer entsprechenden Stellung zuführt. Mich haben meine wissenschaftlichen Bestrebungen jetzt bereits in eine gänzlich hoffnungslose Lage gebracht; gerne würde ich jetzt wieder umkehren, aber im Münzfache jetzt augenblicklich wieder Stellung zu erlangen, geht nicht so ohne weiteres und in andern Zweigen der chemichen Technologie fehlt mir die pracktische Erfahrung. Es werden jeweils für verschiedene Brauchen, namentlich für die Farben-Technik Chemiker gesucht, aber immer nur Leute, welche bereits prakticirt haben; aus diesem Grunde waren meine Bewerbungen bei einer Anzahl Stellen in letzter Zeit immer erfolglos. Da ich aber in der allgemeinen und analytischen Chemie die erforderlichen Kenntnisse besitze, so wäre es mir ein Leichtes, mich in einer gewissen Zeit in eine technologische Specialität, z. B. Anilinfabrikation, hineinzuarbeiten, und dann wäre mir eine gut bezahlte Stelle sicher; aber, um zu diesem Zwecke in einer Fabrik zu volontiren, dazu fehlen mir eben die Mittel, und da ich keine Verwandten oder Freunde besitze, die im Stande wären, mir die erforderliche Summe zu leihen, so erlaubte ich mir, mich in dieser Angelegenheit an Sie zu wenden. Hochgeehrtester Herr! ich erlaube mir nochmals, die ergebenste Bitte zu wiederholen, mir die bezeichnete Summe (70–80 £) für einige Jahre gütigst leihen zu wollen. Ich werde sicher, wenn ich wieder eine Stellung habe, schon in der ersten Zeit es durch Sparsamkeit dazu bringen, diese Schuld nach und nach abtragen zu können. Wenn Sie durch diese Gefälligkeit einem Unglücklichen, der durch ein herbes Schicksal in die bitterste Noth und der Verzweiflung nahe gebracht wurde, wieder aufhelfen wollten, so wäre Ihnen derselbe zeitlebens zu unaussprechlicher Dankbarkeit verpflichtet. Mit der Hoffnung, dass Sie meine Bitte gefl. berücksichtigen und meine Dringlichkeit nicht übel nehmen möchten verbleibe ich | mit vorzüglicher Hochachtung | Ihr ergebenster | L. Würtenberger DAR 181: 188

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For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. CD’s letter has not been found; see, however, the letter from Leopold Würtenberger, 26 July 1881.

To T. L. Brunton   [4 August 1881]1 6. Queen Anne St. My dear Sir I want very much to see you for 10 minutes, & I leave London early tomorrow morning.2 Will you kindly send me a verbal message at what hour I might call, after 4 oclock, for I am engaged till then. If not at home when this note arrives would you be so good as to take the trouble to send me word here, when I may call. I am greatly obliged to you for your aid.— Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin American Philosophical Society (Mss.B.D25.) 1

2

The year is established by a note in Francis Darwin’s hand on a copy of the letter in DAR 160: 350; the month and day are established by CD’s stay at the house of his brother, Erasmus Alvey Darwin, at 6 Queen Anne Street, London, from 3 to 5 August 1881 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). A copy of the letter in DAR 160: 350 contains an annotation by Francis Darwin: ‘Science Defense Association interest in’. For more on this, see the letter from T. L. Brunton, 27 November 1881, and the letter to T. L. Brunton, 17 December 1881.

To W. E. Darwin   4 August [1881]1 6. Q. Anne St Augt 4th My dear William.— I enclose Bacon’s letter.2 The case seems simpler about the guarantee as the money is wanted for works in progress. Let me hear when you hear from Langton,3 & then if you keep of the same opinion I will take the shares & pay first call, & afterwards sell out, if calls are too frequent— My luncheon was a failure, as there was an immense crowd of all the greatest scientific swells & much delay & I was half dead before luncheon began—4 I sat close opposite to the Prince, & between Virchow & Donders,5 who both spoke bad English incessantly & this completed my killing.— I was a fool to go, but I could hardly have declined.— The Prince spoke only a few civil words to me. The Crown Prince of Germany was there, to whom I was presented, & he looks a very nice & sensible & fine man.6 Huxley7 was standing near when I was introduced to half a dozen high & mighty savants, & he then said to Paget, “pray introduce me to Mr Darwin”. & bowed to me like a foreigner until his back was horizontal. Good Bye | my dear old William | C. Darwin I hope Sara may be able to come to us on the Sunday.8 Order her!! DAR 210.6: 181 1

The year is established by the reference to the luncheon on 3 August 1881 (see n. 4, below).

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The letter has not been found. It was probably from Booth Bacon; CD owned shares in the Penarth Harbour Dock and Railway Company, of which Bacon was the secretary (see Correspondence vol. 11, letter from Booth Bacon, 10 June 1863). CD had bought more shares in the company in July 1881; he made payments (calls) on the shares in August (CD’s Investment book (Down House MS)). Charles Langton. CD attended a luncheon on 3 August 1881 for the opening of the seventh International Medical Congress in London; he had been invited by James Paget to meet the prince of Wales, Albert Edward (later Edward VII; see letter from James Paget, 1 June 1881). Rudolf Virchow and Frans Cornelis Donders. The crown prince was Frederick William. Thomas Henry Huxley. Sara Darwin; no visit by her to Down at this time was recorded.

From J. D. Hooker   4 August 1881 Royal Gardens Kew Aug 4/81. Dear Darwin I am groaning over my Address for York after a fashion with which I have more than once bored you awfully.—1 now do believe me when I say that it is an unspeakable relief to me to groan towards you;—& I will have done. I am trying to formulate my ideas on the subject of the several stages or discoveries or ideas by which the Geog. distrib. (of plants) has been brought up to be a science & to it’s present level, & showing that these stages have all been erected on ideas first entertained by great voyagers or travellers, thus “hitching” myself on to the sympathies of a Geographical audience!—something in this following sort of way— 1 Tournefort’s Enunciation of the likeness between the vegetation of successive elevations & degrees of latitude:—the true bearings of which have come out only now that we know that said vegetations are affiliated in fact as well as in appearance.2 2  Humboldt’s showing that great natural orders, Graminiae Leguminae, Compositae &c are subject to certain laws of increase or decrease relatively to other plants, in going polewards (in both hemispheres), or sky-wards. I should also refer parenthetically to his construction of the isothermals as so great an engine towards the advancement of Geog. Bot.3 Now will you give me your idea as to whether I should be right in calling Humboldt the greatest of Scientific travellers; or only the most accomplished,— or most prolific.? It is the custom to disparage Humboldt now as a shallow man, but when I think of what he did through his own observations during travel, for Geog. distrib. of plants,—for Meteorology, for Magnetism,—for topography,—for physical Geography & hydrography, for Ethnology, for political history of Spanish America & for Antiquity of Mexico—besides the truth & picturesqueness of his descriptions of scenery & all else—I am constrained to regard him as the first of scientific travellers;— do you?4 This is however a digression.— 3. Lyell’s showing that distribution is not a thing of the present only or of the present condition of climates and present outline & contour of lands & Forbe’s Essay on the British Flora.5

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4. The establishment of the permanence since the Silurian period of the present continents & oceans.— Were not you the first to insist on this, or at least point this out?— Do you not think that Wallace’s summing up of the proof of it is good? (I know I once disputed the doctrine, or rather could not take it in—but let that pass!)6 5. The Evolution theory.7 6 The discovery of fossil warm plants in high Northern regions, leading to exact ideas as to effect of glacial period, as shown by Gray’s Essay.8 7. I must wind up with the doctrine of general distribution being primarily from North to South & always along existing continents, with no similar general flow from S. to N.—thus supporting the doctrine which has it’s last expression in Dyer’s Essay read before the Geog. Soc.—& referred to in my last R.  S.  Address (1879 p. 15)9 Now if this is accepted, we may not too hastily throw overboard Saporta’s doctrine of the boreal origination of the main types of vegetation;10 & if this again is accepted we cannot altogether neglect Buffon’s argument that vegetation should have commenced where the cooling globe was first cold enough to support it, ie. at a pole,— and lastly if this is accepted I must bring in Buffon’s speculation in its proper chronological order, and put it as No 2 of the stages that have led up to our present state of knowledge—11 But I am disposed to regard Saportas & Buffons views as too speculative for that & to introduce them at the end— What do you think of this point, & of it all.? It is not even on paper & how I am to get it all in shape before the end of the month passes my limited power of prevision. I have to take some part in this Congress, & by request, give a Garden party on Saturday—12 it will be a dreadful ordeal I fear, (except it rains!.) I was at H. C. Watson’s funeral yesterday— I had known him since 1832!—13 We have taken a cottage at Bagshot, in Waterer’s grounds for the childrens holidays & for my Sundays.14 You will be affectionately glad to hear that Brian comes out high in taking his Diploma in Metallurgy at School of Mines; & that Reggie left his school at Margate with the first prize— Brian goes for 2 years to the Mining School at Clausthal.15 Reggie is still puny & weakly but in excellent spirits— I shall now send him to France to live with an Aunt of my wifes for a year & go to a day school.—16 Languages are his forte. Moseley will I suppose go to Oxford.17 I feel awfully guilty in sending you such a screed & asking you for so much advice. Ever affly Yrs | J D Hooker. DAR 104: 154–7 1

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Hooker was preparing his presidential address for the geography section of the British Association for the Advancement of Science meeting at York (Hooker 1881; see letter from J. D. Hooker, 20 August 1881). Hooker traced the beginnings of plant geography to Joseph Pitton de Tournefort, who was credited with the idea that vegetation of higher altitudes paralleled that of higher latitudes; Hooker added that the affinity of floras was now understood through the theory of descent (Hooker 1881, p. 729). On Alexander von Humboldt’s contributions to plant geography, see Hooker 1881, pp. 730–1. On his use of isothermal lines, see Humboldt 1817 and Dettlebach 1996, pp. 295–9.

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On the European reception of Humboldt and his influence on natural history and travel in the nineteenth century, see Nicolson 1990, Pratt 1992, and Leask 2002. In his address, Hooker discussed Charles Lyell’s views on climate and the surface of the earth, citing the third edition of Principles of geology (C. Lyell 1834–5, 3: 376; Hooker 1881, p. 731). He also discussed Edward Forbes’s essay on British flora (Forbes 1846; Hooker 1881, pp. 731–2). For CD’s view on the permanence of continents, see Origin, pp. 357–8; see also Correspondence vol. 6, letter to Charles Lyell, 16 [June 1856], and Correspondence vol. 14, letter to Charles Lyell, 12 October [1866]). Alfred Russel Wallace had written on the permanence of continents and oceans in Island life (Wallace 1880a, pp. 81–102). Hooker had proposed a former continent joining New Zealand and South America (see Hooker 1853–5, 1: xxi–xxiii, and Correspondence vol. 14, letter from J. D. Hooker, [24 July 1866]). For Hooker and CD, the Silurian period comprised what would now be termed the Ordovician and the Silurian periods. Hooker discussed the importance of CD’s theory of descent and described him as the ‘latest and greatest lawgiver’ of the science of geographical distribution (Hooker 1881, p. 733). Asa Gray’s essay on the affinities between the floras of eastern Asia and eastern North America had suggested the possibility of migration across Arctic regions (A. Gray 1858–9; see Correspondence vol. 8, letter to Asa Gray, 7 January [1860]). Hooker had discussed William Turner Thiselton-Dyer’s lecture to the Royal Geographical Society of London (Thiselton-Dyer 1878) in his presidential address to the Royal Society of London in 1878 (see Hooker 1878, pp. 54–5). Gaston de Saporta had proposed that flowering plants (angiosperms) originated in the polar regions in Saporta 1877. Hooker presented Saporta’s thesis as an elaboration of the views of Georges Louis Leclerc, comte de Buffon, that the cooling of the globe began in the polar regions, and that these were the first to support organic life (see Buffon 1774–89, vol. 9, Saporta 1877, pp. 198–9, and Hooker 1881, p. 737. On Buffon’s theory of the cooling earth, see Rudwick 2005, pp. 142–7. The seventh International Medical Congress was held in London from 2 to 9 August 1881; for details of the festivities, including the garden party at the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, see British Medical Journal, 13 August 1881, p. 303. Hewett Cottrell Watson had died on 27 June 1881 (ODNB). The grounds were owned by John Waterer and Sons, nurserymen in Bagshot, Surrey (Post Office directory of the six home counties). Brian Harvey Hodgson Hooker and Reginald Hawthorn Hooker. Hooker refers to the Royal School of Mines in South Kensington, London, and the Preussische Bergakademie Clausthal in Germany. Hyacinth Hooker’s aunt, Harriet Alicia Joan Raynal, lived in Paris (letter from J. D. Hooker to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 22 October 1878, Royal Botanical Gardens, Kew, JDH/2/16 f.44). Henry Nottidge Moseley became Linacre Professor of human and comparative anatomy at Oxford in 1881 (ODNB). The position had been held by George Rolleston until his death (see letter from J. D. Hooker, 18 June 1881).

To William Martindale   4 August 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) [6 Queen Anne Street, London.] Aug 4th. 1881 Dear Sir I thank you very sincerely for sending me the colours so promptly & especially for taking the trouble to give me so much information in your notes— I will try the substances sent before asking you to try & procure for me the Violet de Quinoline.1 Your parcel arrived by post, at the moment when I was starting to leave home for two days,2 so that I had not time to look at the substances.— Nor did I notice whether there was any enclosed account. If not enclosed, you can either send it at

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once, or allow it to run on, as my son Francis3 or myself will probably soon want some other chemical reagents.— I remain | Dear Sir | Yours faithfully & obliged | Charles Darwin Wellcome Collection (MS.7781/1–32 item 19) 1 2 3

The notes have not been found. Martindale had supplied CD with colouring agents to study the absorption properties of roots (see letter from Francis Darwin, [before 4 June 1881] and n. 4). CD was in London from 3 to 5 August 1881 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). Francis Darwin.

From William Graham   [before 5 August 1881]1 Mr Graham’s letter2 Nor can I fail to feel the force of your words when you say that the “horrid doubt always arises in your mind whether the convictions of mans mind which have been developed from the minds of the animals are at all trustworthy.”3 This I take 〈to〉 me〈a〉n whether the fact that such convictions are developed from the minds of the animals ought to shake our faith in their trustworthiness. I utterly fail to perceive the force of such an argument. I can conceive all sorts of arguments again〈s〉t the intuitions of the human mind. I see for instance how impossible it is to carry out the analogy with the 5 senses by obtaining a consensus as to the objective facts from all who have those intuitions. But I fail entirely to perceive how such argum〈e〉nts are strengthened by the Evolution theory of mans faculties. Surely no one would say that this view throws any shadow of suspicion on mans reasoning faculties, which are in like manner developed & which actually are shared by the animals   Why is the case different with the faculty which gives data? Copy, incomplete DAR 165: 86 1 2 3

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to William Graham, 5 August 1881. The original letter has not been found; the extract is in the hand of a copyist. The words ‘Mr Graham’s letter’ are written at the bottom of the first page, in the hand of the copyist. See letter to William Graham, 3 July 1881.

To William Graham   5 August 1881 Down, Beckenham, Kent | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Aug. 5, 1881. Dear Sir I thank you for your long and interesting letter.1 I am not a quick thinker or a good talker, and you would learn nothing from me on the many important subjects which you have discussed. Moreover I labour under a great disadvantage (the effects

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of many years ill-health.) that I am not able to talk long with any one. It would therefore by no means be worth your while to come all this distance to see me for an hour. I should, however, much regret not to make your personal acquaintance, and as I am sure to be in London in the autumn, I will then ask you to lunch with me, should this plan prove convenient to you.2 I hope that your book may be largely read, but it is very difficult to get a hearing, so tremendous is the rush of new ideas and of new work of all sorts.3 I remain Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Charles Darwin. Copy DAR 139.12: 8 1 2 3

See letter from William Graham, [before 5 August 1881]; only a copied extract from Graham’s letter is extant. CD probably did not visit London until 13 December 1881 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II); there is no record of a visit by Graham. For CD’s comments on The creed of science (Graham 1881), see the letter to William Graham, 3 July 1881.

To Leopold Würtenberger   5 August 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) August 5. 1881 Dear Sir I have made a rule never to lend money. But as you seem to be at present in much want, I enclose a cheque for 30£ as a present.1 Perhaps with extreme economy this may suffice to support you whilst learning the special department. I cannot assist you any further, & I beg you not to give me the pain of refusing. With good wishes | Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin Kindly acknowledge receipt of cheque. American Philosophical Society (Mss.B.D25.595) 1

See letter from Leopold Würtenberger, 3 August 1881. An entry in CD’s Classed account books (Down House MS) dated 5 August 1881 records a payment to Würtenberger of £30 under the heading ‘Gifts’. CD had previously given Würtenberger £100 for his scientific studies (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter from Leopold Würtenberger, 7 February 1879).

From August Dupré   6 August 1881 Laboratory. | Westminster Hospital. | London. S.W. August 6/81 Sir Your letter in Nature of July 21 induces me to send you the following particulars as, perhaps, not without interest.1 The right side of my forehead is appreciably more prominent than the left, so much so that I am obliged to have my hats specially made for me. This distortion

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of my head was caused, as I have always been informed, during a very severe illness which I had when about a year old in the course of which the nurse carried me about a great deal and rather carelessly; the pressure of her arm against the head causing the distortion. No other member of the family, except the one presently to be mentioned has, as far as I am aware, a similar configuration of the head. Having always been under the impression that such malformations, accidentally caused, are not transmitted I was not a little astonished to find that my eldest son, now about four years old, had, at birth, an exactly similar shape of head the right side of the forehead being more prominent than the left and this peculiarity still exists. Two other boys, twins, born subsequently are free from this malformation.2 Although a scientific chemist and not a naturalist I have read many of your works and papers with the greatest interest and admiration and should be greatly pleased if the foregoing is of any interest to you. Yours very respectfully | A. Dupré Charles Darwin Esqr. F.R.S. | &c &c &c DAR 162: 244 CD annotation Top of letter: ‘Inherited injury’ blue crayon underl blue crayon 1 2

See letter to Nature, 13 July [1881]. The eldest child was Henry Augustus Dupré; the twins were Percy Vivian Dupré and Frederick Harold Dupré.

To William Clowes & Sons   6 August [1881]1

Dear Sir— In all my previous books, I have given the contents of the Chapter in full, copied from the corrected sheets.— I have always put the pages from … to … I think, therefore, it would be best to give the Table of Contents in the same manner as before. So please send me another Proof. Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin August 6th | Down.2 This Title page seems to me too much spread out. I think there ought to be more white at top. But you will judge better than I can. C.D. I do not very much like its present appearance.3 DAR 213: 13

Proof title page of Earthworms showing Charles Darwin’s corrections. DAR 213: 13. By permission of the Syndics of Cambridge University Library.

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The year is established by the publication of Earthworms in 1881 (see n. 2, below). The letter from ‘Dear Sir’ to ‘Down’ is written on the verso of the title page of the proof-copy of Earthworms, facing the table of contents. In the proof-copy, the table of contents gives only the chapter titles. The rest of the letter is written on the title page of the proof-copy. See plate on p. 343.

To J. D. Hooker   6 August 1881 Down Beckenham Aug. 6th 1881 My dear Hooker.— For Heaven sake never speak of boring me, as it wd. be the greatest pleasure to aid you in the slightest degree, & your letter has interested me exceedingly.—1 I will go through your points seriatim, but I have never attended much to the history of any subject, & my memory has become atrociously bad. It will therefore be a mere chance whether any of my remarks are of any use.— Your idea to show what travellers have done seems to me a brilliant & just one, especially considering your audience. (1) I know nothing about Tourneforth’s work, but your remark that we now understand the meaning of the resemblance between height & latitude on Plants seems very appropriate2 (2) I believe that you are fully right in calling Humboldt the greatest scientific traveller who ever lived. I have lately read 2  or 3  Volumes again.3 His geology is funny stuff; but that merely means that he was not in advance of his age. I shd. say he was wonderful more for his near approach to omniscience than for originality.— Whether or not his position as a scientific man is as eminent as we think, you might truly call him the parent of a grand progeny of scientific travellers, who taken together have done much for science.—4 (3) It seems to me quite just to give Lyell (& secondarily E. Forbes) a very prominent place.5 (4) Dana was I believe the first man (as he has rather angrily & lately reclaimed) who maintained the permanence of continents & the great oceans. I knew nothing about Dana’s, views when I propounded the doctrine in my Coral Book, & am now sorry that I cared so little about priority that I did not take the trouble to compare the date (now forgotten) of Dana’s publication with that of my Coral Book.6 When I read the Challenger’s conclusion that sediment from the land is not deposited at greater distances than 200  to 300  miles from the land, I was much strengthened in my old belief.—7 Wallace seems to me to have argued the case excellently.8 Nevertheless, I wd. speak, if I were in your place, rather cautiously; for T. Mellard Reade has argued lately with some force against the view;9 but I cannot call to mind his arguments. If forced to express a judgment, I shd. abide by the view of approximate permanence since Cambrian days. (6) The extreme importance of the Arctic fossil plants is self-evident. Take the opportunity of groaning over our ignorance of the Lignite plants of Kerguelen Land or any Antarctic land—10 It might do good.—

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(7) I cannot avoid feeling sceptical about the travelling of plants from the North, except during the Tertiary period.11 It may of course have been so & probably was so from one of the two Poles at the earliest period, during Pre Cambrian ages; but such speculations seem to me hardly scientific, seeing how little we know of the old Floras I will now jot down without any order a few miscellaneous remarks. I think you ought to allude to Alph. De Candolle’s great book, for though it (like almost everything else) is washed out of my mind, yet I remember most distinctly thinking a very valuable work. Anyhow you might allude to his excellent account of the history of all cultivated plants.12 How shall you manage to allude to your New Zealand & Tierra del Fuego work;13 if you do not allude to them, you will be scandalously unjust.— The many angiosperm plants in the Cretaceous beds of the U. States (& as far as I can judge the age of these beds has been fairly well made out) seems to me a fact of very great importance. So is their relation to the existing flora of the U. States under an evolutionary point of view.14 Have not some Australian extinct forms been lately found in Australia? Or have I dreamed it? Again the recent discovery of plants rather low down in our Silurian beds is very important.)15 (Nothing is more extraordinary in the history of the Vegetable Kingdom as it seems to me, than the apparently very sudden or abrupt development of the higher plants. I have sometimes speculated whether there did not exist somewhere during long ages an extremely isolated continent, perhaps near the S. Pole. Hence I was greatly interested by a view which Saporta propounded to me a few years ago at great length in M.S, & which I fancy he has since published, as I urged him to do,—viz that as soon as flower-frequenting insects were developed, during the latter part of the Secondary period, an enormous impulse was given to the development of the higher plants, by cross-fertilisation being thus suddenly favoured.16 A few years ago I was much struck with Axel Blytt’s essay, showing from observations on the peat-beds in Scandinavia that there had apparently been long periods with more rain & others with less rain (Perhaps connected with Crolls recurrent astronomical periods) & that these periods had largely determined the present distribution of the plants of Norway & Sweden. This seemed to me a very important essay.—17 (I have just read over my remarks & I fear that they will not be of the slightest use to you.). I cannot but think that you have got through the hardest or at least the most difficult part of your work in having made so good & striking a sketch of what you intend to say; but I can quite understand how you must groan over the great necessary labour.— I most heartily sympathise with you on the successes of Brian & Reginald:18 as years advance what happens to oneself becomes of very little consequence, in comparison with the careers of our children.— Keep your spirits up, for I am convinced that you will make an excellent address. Ever yours affectionately | Charles Darwin

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N.B. I have taken this paper as it makes me write a little better19 Do not waste your time in acknowledging this or writing to me.— DAR 95: 518–23 1

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Hooker had sent an outline of his upcoming presidential address for the geography section of the British Association for the Advancement of Science meeting at York (Hooker 1881; see letter from J. D. Hooker, 4 August 1881). Joseph Pitton de Tournefort; see letter from J. D. Hooker, 4 August 1881 and n. 2. CD had taken volumes of Alexander von Humboldt’s Personal narrative (Humboldt 1814–29) on the Beagle voyage. In the address, Hooker described Humboldt as the ‘most accomplished and prolific of modern travellers’ and praised his ‘powers of observation and reflection, astonishing industry, [and] conscientious exactitude in the collection of data’ (Hooker 1881, pp. 730–1). Charles Lyell and Edward Forbes (see letter from J. D. Hooker, 4 August 1881 and n. 5). James Dwight Dana defended his long-held views on the permanence of continents in Nature, 3 March 1881, p. 410; he claimed to have held these views for forty years; however, the earliest publications he cited were from 1846 and 1847. Coral reefs was published in 1842; however, it does not mention the permanence of continents. John Murray (1841–1914) reported on the extent of shore deposits as surveyed by HMS Challenger (see Murray 1876, p. 519). Alfred Russel Wallace discussed the permanence of continents and oceans in Island life (Wallace 1880a, pp. 81–102). For Thomas Mellard Reade’s arguments against the permanence of continents and oceans, see Reade 1880. CD and Reade had discussed the topic; see Correspondence vol. 28, letter to T. M. Reade, 9 December 1880, and letter from T. M. Reade, 10 December 1880. Hooker discussed the discovery of fossil plants in the Arctic that were native to warm temperate zones in Hooker 1881, pp. 733–4. Lignite: brown coal from naturally compressed peat, formed during the Tertiary period. For CD’s views on the ancient migration of plants from north to south temperate regions, see Natural selection, ch. 11; for his earlier discussions with Hooker on the subject, see Correspondence vol. 6, letters to J. D. Hooker, 13 July [1856] and [16 October 1856], and letter from J. D. Hooker, 9 November 1856). Hooker referred to Alphonse de Candolle’s Géographie botanique raisonnée (A. de Candolle 1855) as one of most important general works on distribution of the past fifty years, mentioning the chapters on the history of cultivated and introduced plants (Hooker 1881, pp. 737–8). On the flora of New Zealand, see Hooker 1853; on the flora of Tierra del Fuego, see Hooker 1844–7; see also Hooker 1881, pp. 736–7. Hooker briefly mentioned work by Asa Gray and others on the history of North American flora from the Cretaceous period to the present (Hooker 1881, p. 734). CD was aware of Gaston de Saporta’s recent work on ancient fossil plants (Saporta 1879, Saporta and Marion 1881). See Correspondence vol. 27, letter to Gaston de Saporta, 19 January 1879, and this volume, letter to Gaston de Saporta, 13 [May] 1881. Saporta had discussed his views on the mutual evolution of angiosperms and pollinating insects in his letter of 16 December 1877 (Correspondence vol. 25); see also ibid., letter to Gaston de Saporta, 24 December 1877. See letter from J. D. Hooker, 4 August 1881 and n. 10. Axel Blytt had sent CD his Essay on the immigration of the Norwegian flora (Blytt 1876; see Correspondence vol. 24, letter to Axel Blytt, 28 March 1876). James Croll had argued that glacial periods occurred in alternate hemispheres during prolonged periods of high eccentricity of the earth’s orbit (see Correspondence vol. 16, letter from James Croll, [2 December 1868], Correspondence vol. 28, letter to A. R. Wallace, 3 November 1880 and n. 11, and Croll 1868). Brian Harvey Hodgson Hooker and Reginald Hawthorn Hooker (see letter from J.  D.  Hooker, 4 August 1881 and n. 15). The letter is written on large sheets of blue paper, which CD often used for manuscripts intended for publication.

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To G. J. Romanes   7 August [1881]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Augt 7th My dear Romanes I received yesterday the enclosed notice, & I send it to you as I have thought that if you notice Dr. Roux’s book in Nature or elswhere this review might possibly be of use to you.—2 As far as I can judge the book ought to be brought before English naturalists.— You will have heard from Collier, that he has finished my picture.3 All my family who have seen it, think it the best likeness which has taken of me, & as far as I can judge this seems true. Collier was the most considerate, kind & pleasant painter, a sitter could desire.— My dear Romanes | Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin American Philosophical Society (Mss.B.D25.596) 1 2

3

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from G.  J.  Romanes, 8 August 1881. The notice was evidently a review of Wilhelm Roux’s Der Kampf der Theile im Organismus (The struggle of the parts in the organism; Roux 1881). CD had commented on the book in his letter to G. J. Romanes, 16 April 1881. Romanes later reviewed the book in Nature, 29 September 1881, pp. 505–6. On behalf of the Linnean Society, Romanes had arranged for CD to sit for the painter John Collier (see letters from G. J. Romanes, 25 May [1881] and 1 July [1881]).

To August Dupré   8 August 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Augt 8th 1881. Dear Sir I thank you for your very kind note.—1 The case which you give is a curious one, & it seems improbable in the highest degree that it shd. be one of accidental coincidence.—2 Dear Sir | yours faithfully | Charles Darwin Oxford University Museum of Natural History (Hope Entomological Collections 1350: Hope/Westwood Archive, Darwin folder) 1 2

See letter from August Dupré, 6 August 1881. This letter was found among the correspondence of CD with Raphael Meldola; it was apparently sent to Meldola by mistake, while CD’s letter to Meldola of 8 August 1881 was sent to Dupré (see letter to Raphael Meldola, 10 August [1881]).

To Raphael Meldola   8 August 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. Aug. 8th 1881 My dear Sir Pray forgive me for troubling you.— I have forgotten who published the translation of Weismann’s book.1 My copy of the first Part has been mislaid & I

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cannot find it, high or low, but it cannot be lost. The publisher has never sent me Part II & I want to write to him to ask him to do so. & to enquire whether I paid for Part II, as it is my usual habit to pay for all parts in advance to save loss of time.—2 I am glad to see how extremely flourishing your Essex Club appears to be3 My dear Sir | Yours very faithfully | Charles Darwin Several persons have spoken to me with interest about Weismann’s book— Oxford University Museum of Natural History (Hope Entomological Collections 1350: Hope/Westwood Archive, Darwin folder) 1

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Meldola had translated August Weismann’s Studien zur Descendenz-Theorie (Weismann 1875–6); the translation was published in three parts by the London firm of Sampson Low, Marston, Searle, & Rivington (Weismann 1880–2). Part 1 of Weismann 1880–2 was published in 1880; part 2 was published in 1881. The work was paid for by subscription (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter from Raphael Meldola, 6 February 1879). CD’s Classed account book (Down House MS) records a payment of £1 10s. on 7 May 1880 to ‘Sampson Low for Weisman’; no further payments are recorded. CD’s copy of all three parts of Weismann 1880–2 are in the Darwin Library–Down. Meldola was president of the Epping Forest and County of Essex Naturalists’ Field Club, which was founded in 1880; CD was an honorary member (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter from William Cole, 14 February 1880).

From G. J. Romanes   8 August 1881 18 Cornwall Terrace, Regent’s Park, N.W.: August 8, 1881. Many thanks for the notice of Roux’s book.1 I have not yet looked at the latter, but Preyer, of Jena (who has been our guest during the Congress meeting, and who knows the author), does not think much of it.2 I am delighted that the portrait has pleased those who are the best judges. I saw it the day it came up, and feel no doubt at all that it is far and away the best of the three.3 But I did not like to write and venture this opinion till I knew what you all thought of it. I have been very busy this past week with the affairs of the Congress in relation to Vivisection. It has been resolved by the Physiological Section to get a vote of the whole Congress upon the subject, and I had to prepare the resolution and get the signatures of all the vice-presidents of the Congress, presidents and vice-presidents of sections, and to arrange for its being put to the vote of the whole Congress at its last general meeting to-morrow. The only refusal to sign came appropriately enough from the president of the section ‘Mental Diseases.’4 We leave for Scotland to-morrow, when I shall hope to get time to read Roux’s book, though I shall first review ‘The Student’s Darwin.’5 I remain, very sincerely and most respectfully yours, | Geo. J. Romanes. E. D. Romanes 1896, pp. 120–1

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CD had sent a notice of Wilhelm Roux’s Der Kampf der Theile im Organismus (The struggle of the parts in the organism; Roux 1881). See letter to G. J. Romanes, 7 August [1881] and n. 2. William Preyer had been one of Roux’s professors at the University of Jena (Richards 2008, p. 190). The seventh International Medical Congress met in London from 2 to 9 August 1881. Romanes had arranged for CD’s portrait to be painted by John Collier for display at the Linnean Society (see letter to G. J. Romanes, 7 August [1881]). Two other portraits had been made of CD in recent years: one by Walter William Ouless (see Correspondence vol. 23, frontispiece), and one by William Blake Richmond (see Correspondence vol. 27, frontispiece). The president of the section on mental diseases was Charles Alexander Lockhart Robertson. The following resolution was passed at the general meeting: ‘That this Congress records its conviction that experiments on living animals have proved of the utmost service to medicine in the past, and are indispensable for its future progress; and accordingly, while strongly deprecating the infliction of unnecessary pain, it is of opinion that, alike in the interests of man and of animals, it is not desirable to restrict competent persons in the performance of such experiments’ (Nature, 11 August 1881, p. 332). Romanes’s review of The student’s Darwin (Aveling 1881) appeared in Nature, 8 September 1881, pp. 429–30.

From E. B. Aveling   9 August 1881 13 Newman S.t W. 9. 8. 81. My dear Sir, I venture to ask your acceptance of a copy of my book on your works.1 If I have carried the reasoning upon your facts to stages further than perhaps you would yourself admit is just, I hope I may be forgiven on account of the deep love I bear to all your labors & the enthusiasm with which they have inspired2 Yours faithfully | Edward B. Aveling. DAR 202: 10 1 2

The student’s Darwin (Aveling 1881). CD had declined Aveling’s offer to dedicate the book to him, and had questioned the usefulness of Aveling’s arguments against Christianity and theism (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter from E. B. Aveling, 12 October 1880, and letter to E. B. Aveling, 13 October 1880).

From Fritz Müller1   9 and 10 August 1881 Blumenau, Sa. Catharina, Brazil, 9. August 1881. Verehrter Herr! Vor einigen Tagen empfing ich Ihren freundlichen Brief vom 21. Juni, und mit diesem Brief schicke ich Ihnen Samen von Oxalis sepium; sie stammen von zwei Pflanzen, die dicht beieinander in meinem Garten wachsen; die eine ist langgrifflig, die andere mittelgrifflig, so dass vielleicht unter den Sämlingen keine kurzgriffligen sein werden.2 Ausser den verschiedenen Arten von Oxalis gibt es hier sehr wenige krautartige verschiedengrifflige Pflanzen, doch hoffe ich bald Ihnen Samen von Coccocypselum senden zu können. Auch lege ich einige Samen von Dalbergia

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bei; dies ist eine von jenen Kletterpflanzen, welche die Stütze mit ihren nicht umgewandelten Aesten erfassen.…..3 Ich weiss nicht, wer dem Dr. B. erzählt haben mag, ich hätte viele Bücher bei unserem letzten Hochwasser verloren; ich habe alle gerettet. Nur eine Bücherreihe ist nass geworden, weil ich sie an ihrer Stelle hatte stehen lassen, als ich mein Haus verlassen musste; ich hielt es auch da noch für unmöglich, dass das Wasser sie erreichen könnte. Hätte ich irgend welchen grossen Verlust erlitten, so würde ich ohne Zögern Ihr grossmüthiges Anerbieten annehmen, für das ich Ihnen tief verpflichtet bin.4 We have had last week some rather cold nights (2o to 3o C. at sunrise), and these have given me a new confirmation of your view on the meaning of the nyctitropic movements of plants.5 Near my house there are some Pandanus trees, about a dozen years old; the youngest terminal leaves stand upright, whereas the older ones are bent down so as to expose their upper surfaces to the sky. These young leaves, though of course the most tender, are still as fresh and green as before; on the contrary, the older ones have suffered from the cold, and have become quite yellowish.6 Again, the leaves of Oxalis sepium were observed by me to sleep in a very imperfect manner during the summer, even after the most sunny days; but now, in winter, every leaflet hangs down in a perpendicular position during the whole night. 10. August. Grade jetzt empfing ich Ihren Brief vom 4. Juli, und es freut mich, dass meine Bemerkungen über die Stellung der Blätter verschiedener Pflanzen während des Regens Ihnen von einigem Interesse sind.7 Von den Blättern, die ich grade untersucht habe, wurden diejenigen der folgenden Pflanzen durch kurzes Untertauchen nicht benetzt, sondern glänzten wie Silber unter dem Wasser: Oxalis sepium und einige andere Arten, Desmodium (2  Arten), Cassia (2  Arten), Acacia, Phyllanthus (die beiden in meinem letzten Brief erwähnten Arten und Ph. compressus), Cissampelos Pareira.8 Schizolobium9 habe ich noch nicht untersucht, da die in meinem Garten befindliche Pflanze vor einigen Wochen abgehauen ist, weil sie zu üppig wuchs. Aber ich werde diese Pflanze auch bald untersuchen können. Glauben Sie, werther Herr, dass ich bin mit grösster Hochachtung immer treulichst der Ihrige | Fritz Müller. Möller ed. 1915–21, 2: 416–17; Nature, 15 September 1881, p. 459 1

2

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. According to Alfred Möller, all Fritz Müller’s letters to CD were written in English (see Möller ed. 1915–21, 2: 72 n.); most of them have not been found. Many of the letters were later sent by Francis Darwin to Möller, who translated them into German for his Fritz Müller: Werke, Briefe und Leben (Möller ed. 1915–21). Möller also found final drafts of some Müller letters among the Fritz Müller papers and included these in their original English form (ibid. 2: 72 n). Where the original English versions are missing, the published version, usually appearing in German translation, has been used. This letter appeared in full in German translation (ibid. 2: 416–17); one paragraph from the letter was quoted by CD in his letter to Nature, [before 15 September 1881], and has been given in the English of the printed source. See letter to Fritz Müller, 21 June 1881; CD mentioned that he wanted to test the degree of infertility in illegitimate seedlings. No record of experiments of this nature has been found, but CD’s notes on his experiments with plants of Oxalis sepium, dated between 12 September and 28 October 1881, are in DAR 67: 93. The experiments related to CD’s study of the effects of dripping water on the leaves.

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Müller had sent CD dried flowers of an unidentified species of Coccocypselum in 1867 (see Correspondence vol. 15, letter from Fritz Müller, 2 June 1867). CD described them in Forms of flowers, pp. 133–4. In Climbing plants, p. 22, CD had reported that some Dalbergia species ascended thick trees by twining, but Müller informed CD that species he had observed were branch-climbers (see Correspondence vol. 13, letter from Fritz Müller, 5 November 1865). See letter to Fritz Müller, 21 June 1881 and nn. 4 and 5. Wilhelm Breitenbach was living at Porto Alegre in Rio Grande do Sul, the southernmost province of Brazil. Müller’s home was in the adjacent Santa Catarina province, to the north. In Movement in plants, p. 560, CD concluded that the purpose of nyctitropic (sleep) movement was to protect the leaf blade from damage from radiation or loss of heat. Pandanus is the genus of screw pine or pandan palm; although native to tropical and subtropical regions of Asia, Africa, and Oceania, some species have been introduced to similar regions of North and South America. Branches produce crowns of sword-shaped leaves. See letter to Fritz Müller, 4 July 1881; CD had described Müller’s letter as ‘invaluable’. Müller had evidently sent CD seeds with his letter of 31 May 1881; these were received by early July (see letter to Fritz Müller, 4 July 1881) and probably included the species mentioned here. Desmodium is the genus of tick clover; both Desmodium and Cassia are in the family Fabaceae. CD’s notes about dripping water on Desmodium, dated 17 May and between 21 and 25 August 1881, are in DAR 67: 65, 104–6. Notes on Cassia floribunda (a synonym of Senna floribunda), dated between 26 July and 28 October 1881, are in DAR 67: 78–9. Notes on Acacia lophantha (a synonym of Paraserianthes lophantha, plume albizia), dated between 8 July 1881 and 19 February 1882, are in DAR 67: 71, 111. For his earlier mention of Phyllanthus species, see letter from Fritz Müller, 31 May 1881. CD’s notes on Phyllanthus consanguineus and P. compressus, dated between 9 July and 3 September 1881, are in DAR 67: 66–7, 70, 72–3, 80–1, 110. Cissampelos pareira is velvetleaf; no notes by CD on this species have been found. On Schizolobium, see letter to Fritz Müller, 4 July 1881 and n. 4.

To Raphael Meldola   10 August [1881]1 Down Aug. 10th My dear Sir I apologise for the trouble which I have caused you. The enclosed has been returned to me by the gentleman whom I had thanked for information given me.2 Yours in Haste | very faithfully | Ch. Darwin Oxford University Museum of Natural History (Hope Entomological Collections 1350: Hope/Westwood Archive, Darwin folder) 1 2

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to Raphael Meldola, 8 August 1881. CD had apparently sent the letter to Raphael Meldola, 8 August 1881, to August Dupré, and had sent the letter to August Dupré, 8 August 1881, to Meldola.

From William Thompson   10 August 1881 Tavern Street, | Ipswich Aug 10 1881 Dear Sir. I thank you sincerely for the proof of your regard which you have offered in sending me a copy of your interesting work on the Movements of Plants, which I

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received with great pleasure.1 I have not had time to do more than glance at it, but have seen enough to assure me that it affords the same evidence of your remarkable patience & fidelity in watching the phenomena of nature as well as in interpreting them, which all your works exhibit. I shall certainly make a point of reading the greater part of it for my own gratification & instruction. I have so many plants of a miscellaneous kind that I almost fancy if I had time to spare I could send you a few observations on the movements of foliage & floral organs of some among them, but alas, I have not your patience & powers of concentration, nor the energy to carry out half my own plans. I wish I had known you wanted seeds of Megarrhiza, as I daresay that I was the first to grow this, & ripen seeds. I noticed the peculiar mode of growth to which you refer.2 I am afraid that the last winter destroyed my plants as they have not appeared. I sent you last night a tin of grafting wax (I presume that any good kind will serve your purpose & I now send the vegetable seeds, which I detained that I might try for the Garlic seeds.3 It seems that these are not easy to procure, the plant being mostly, if not always, propagated by parting the roots, cloves they are called, or from the bulbils produced on the stem. If seeds can be procured on the Continent I will send some, as soon as they come to hand. I hope the seeds now sent will serve your purpose. I have stupidly overlooked the Clover,4 which shall follow tomorrow; but I am anxious not to delay longer the sending of those I have, for which I fear you have been waiting With renewed thanks | I am Dear Sir | Yours very obliged | W. Thompson C. Darwin Esqr: Would seeds of any other species of Allium be of service, I have A. descendens, neapolitanum, acuminatum, cæruleum5 DAR 178: 119 1 2

3 4 5

CD sent a copy of Movement in plants. CD described the unusual germination process of Megarrhiza californica (a synonym of Marah fabacea, California manroot) in Movement in plants, pp. 81–3. For more on CD’s observations and correspondence on the germination of this plant, see Correspondence vol. 28. No letter requesting seeds has been found. Garlic is Allium sativum. CD had been trying to obtain seeds of Trifolium resupinatum (Persian clover) for experiments on bloom (see letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 10 May [1881] and n. 2). Allium descendens is a synonym of A. sphaerocephalon, subsp. sphaerocephalon, round-headed leek or garlic; A. neapolitanum is white garlic; A. acuminatum is taper-tip onion; A. caeruleum is blue globe onion.

To E. B. Aveling   11 August [1881]1 [Down.] My dear Sir— I thank you for your courteous note & for the present of your work received this morning.—2 I shall be glad to read it, as it is always interesting to an author to see

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how his assertions strike any [fresh] & vigorous mind. Nor do I at all dislike persons differing from me, or extending their views to a greater length than seems to me safe.— I have read your Introduction & see that you compliment me, to a much higher degree than, as I believe, I deserve.—3 yours faithfully | C. D.— Aug. 11. Dr Aveling ADraftS DAR 202: 27 1 2 3

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from E.  B.  Aveling, 9 August 1881. See letter from E. B. Aveling, 9 August 1881. CD’s copy of The student’s Darwin (Aveling 1881) is in the Darwin Library–Down. Aveling praised CD as a man of genius and the ‘first among scientific men in England’ (Aveling 1881, pp. viii-ix).

From J. D. Hooker   11 August 1881 Royal Gardens Kew Aug 11/81 My dear Darwin Your letter & Memos have been unspeakable comforts—for I was beginning to despair of making of my Address any thing but a budget of snippets of facts & ideas, & you have both helped & encouraged me to give one part of it at any rate, a consecutive & scientific character.1 Then too the revival of our scientific correspondence & interchange of ideas is extraordinarily pleasing to me who regard myself as your pupil. I am indeed glad that your old appreciation of Humboldt is no more dimmed than is mine. I have been rereading all his Geog. Bot Essays, & it is impossible to deny their supreme ability & approach to originality.2 I wish I had time to write, & space to give to all I think of them— his “Distributio Arithmetices” of the great groups, expressed in definite proportions, is a stroke of originality, if not of genius, & I have called it a sort of (I can’t find a good word!) parallel? to his Isothermal lines.3 I cannot find a reference to the permanence of continents in your “Coral Reefs”,4—a book by the way that shook my confidence in that theory more than all others put together, & the effect of which it has required years of thought to eliminate or rather only to overlay. I thought the idea was first published in your “Geological Observations”, of which I cannot find my copy.5 (but shall)— any of Dana’s works must have been long after both— Where does he “reclaim”, & where does T. Mellard Reade publish his views.—6 I may have to allude to this subject from the Chair at York in view of the papers to be read on the progress of Geog. discovery in the great continents.7 In respect of these, I have long cogitated over the fact that the main water parting of Asia is not coincident with the greater elevation of that continent, but runs obliquely across

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from S.W. to N.E—& is sometimes determined by huge sedimentary deposits as in Upper India at others by very low mountains— does not this imply vast oscillations over an already formed land of continental Extension Thanks for the hint about Keg. Land fossils,8 Sir W. Thomson’s neglect of that is unpardonable, & all through jealousy of Moseley, for I urged it on his attention.9 Of course I shall allude to Alphs DCns. book in praise,10 though it does rile me in many ways, the paltry little chapters of padding:— the want of grasp, & above all the leaving such a desideratum as is supplied by Grisebach, as in his “Végétation du Globe”—11 yet you are right, the book is full of very valuable matter.— I am doubtful about going into the Flora of past ages, beyond the tertiary. I quite believe in the sudden development of the mass of phanerogams being due to the introduction of flower feeding insects, though we must not forget that insects occur in the coal & may have been flower-feeding too.12 I have dealt with Saporta’s view of the polar origin of Floras in my last R.S. Address.13 I do not see the connection between an isolated S. Polar continent & Saporta’s views on the influence of flower frequenting insects.— to what do you allude   Axel Blytt’s essays I shall certainly allude to, I had them on the table, his last at any rate.14 I hope we may talk over these & many other such matters when too late for my address! I cannot read a word of importance in your Memo.— “Have not some Australian extinct forms been lately found in (word?)” what is this last word?, it reads like Australia again It appears to me that the great Botanical question to settle is, whether the main endemic Southern temperate types originated there & spread northwards, or whether they originated in the North, & have only just reached the South, & have increased & multiplied there (to be turned out in time by the Northern, perhaps) The balance of evidence seems to favor the latter view—& if Palæontologists are to be believed in crediting our tertiaries (even polar ones?) with Proteaceae, &c. it would tend to confirm this view, as does the Cycadeae, now almost extinct in the N. hemisphere & surviving in the South15 Buffon’s & Saporta’s views of life originating at a pole, because a pole must have first cooled low enough to admit of it, is perhaps more ingenious than true—but is there any reasoning opposed to it?16 If conceded the question arises did life originate at both Poles or one only? or if at both was it simultaneously?— but this is the deepest abyss of idle speculation. Ever affecy Yrs | J D Hooker. DAR 104: 158–61 CD annotations 4.6 Where … views.— 4.7] scored red crayon 12.1 I cannot … again 12.3] scored red crayon

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CD had made suggestions for Hooker’s upcoming presidential address to the geography section of the British Association for the Advancement of Science meeting at York (see letter to J. D. Hooker, 6 August 1881). Alexander von Humboldt. See letter from J. D. Hooker, 4 August 1881 and n. 3. Humboldt proposed a system in which the relative incidence of plant forms in a given geographical zone was expressed as an arithmetic ratio of the specified form to all the forms in the region (see Humboldt and Bonpland 2008, Browne 1983, pp. 58–64, and Ebach 2015). On Humboldt’s use of isothermal lines, see the letter from J. D. Hooker, 4 August 1881 and n. 3. Coral reefs. See letter to J. D. Hooker, 6 August 1881 and n. 6. Hooker probably refers to Volcanic islands, pp. 125–6, where CD hinted that the volcanic origin of many islands was possible evidence for the impermanence of continents and oceans. James Dwight Dana and Thomas Mellard Reade; see letter to J. D. Hooker, 6 August 1881 and nn. 6 and 9. At the British Association meeting, papers were read on the progress of geography in Asia and Africa (Report of the 51st Meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, held at York (1881), pp. 741 and 746). Kerguelen Land (Kerguelen Islands). See letter to J. D. Hooker, 6 August 1881 and n. 10. Charles Wyville Thomson was chief of the civilian staff on the Challenger expedition; Henry Nottidge Moseley was a naturalist on the expedition (ODNB). Hooker had visited Kerguelen’s Island in 1840, while serving on the Antarctic expedition led by James Clark Ross (R. Desmond 1999, pp. 38–43). In his address, Hooker described Alphonse de Candolle’s Géographie botanique raisonnée (A. de Candolle 1855) as one of most important general works on distribution of the past fifty years (Hooker 1881, pp. 737–8). August Heinrich Rudolf Grisebach contributed to Augustin Pyramus de Candolle and Alphonse de Candolle’s multi-volume work, Prodromus systematis naturalis regni vegetabilis (Grisebach 1845 and A. P. de Candolle and Candolle 1824–73). See letter to J. D. Hooker, 6 August 1881 and n. 16. Hooker had discussed Gaston de Saporta’s work on the polar origins of plant life in Hooker 1878, pp. 51–4. Axel Blytt’s Essay on the immigration of the Norwegian flora (Blytt 1876) is discussed in Hooker 1881, pp. 734–5. Proteaceae is a family of flowering plants distributed mainly in the southern hemisphere; Cycadeae is a synonym of Cycadaceae, the family of cycads (palm-like gymnosperms). Hooker presented Saporta’s thesis as an extension of the views of Georges Louis Leclerc, comte de Buffon, that the cooling of the globe began in the polar regions, and that these were the first to support organic life (see Buffon 1774–89 and Hooker 1881, p. 737).

To J. D. Hooker   12 August 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Augt 12th 1881 My dear Hooker I can answer hardly any of your questions,1 but am able to send you by this post Blytt’s first essay, which please at some time return.—2 My memory deceived me; I can find nothing about permanence of continents & oceans in my Coral Book; but as in 1st Edit. of Origin (p. 309) when I allude to this subject I refer to Coral Reefs, this, I suppose, deceived my memory.3 I am almost sure that Dana’s letter was in Nature, I think in the current year.4 Reades article, I believe, was in the Geological Mag.,5 but as I resolved never again to write on great & difficult subjects, I unfortunately kept no record & read the articles merely for amusement.

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I think that I must have expressed myself badly about Humboldt:6 I shd have said that he was more remarkable for his astounding knowledge than for originality.— I have always looked at him as in fact the founder of the geographical distribution of organisms.— I thought that I had read that extinct fossil plants belonging to Australian forms had lately been found in Australia, & all such cases seem to me very interesting as bearing on development.— I have been so astonished at the apparently sudden coming in of the higher phanerogams, that I have sometimes fancied that development might have slowly gone on for an immense period in some isolated continent or large island, perhaps near the S. Pole.— I poured out my idle thoughts in writing, as if I had been talking with you.— No fact has so interested me for a heap of years, as your case of the plants on the equatorial mountains of Africa;7 & Wallace tells me that some one (Baker?) has described analogous cases on the mountains of Madagascar. I think that you ought to allude to these cases. Wallace thinks that the seeds have been blown to these mountains from those of equatorial Africa!!!!!!8 I most fully agree that no problem is more interesting than that of the temperate forms in S.  hemisphere common to the North.— I remember writing about this after Wallace’s book appeared, & hoping that you would take it up.9 The frequency with which the drainage from the land passes through Mountain-chains seems to indicate some general law, viz the successive formation of cracks & lines of elevation between the nearest ocean & the already upraised land; but that is too big a subject for a note. I doubt whether any insects can be shown with any probability to have been flower-feeders before the middle of the Secondary Period—10 Several of the asserted cases have broken down..— Your long letter has stirred many pleasant memories of long-past days when we had many a discussion & many a good fight Yours ever affectionately | Ch. Darwin DAR 95: 524–7 1 2 3

4 5 6 7

See letter from J. D. Hooker, 11 August 1881. Axel Blytt and Blytt 1876. See letter to J. D. Hooker, 6 August 1881 and n. 17. In Origin, p. 309, CD wrote: ‘The coloured map, appended to my volume on Coral Reefs, led me to conclude that the great oceans are still mainly areas of subsidence ... and the continents areas of elevation. But have we any right to assume that things have thus remained from eternity?’ The passage was largely unchanged in later editions (see Origin 6th ed., p. 288). For the query about Coral reefs, see the letter to J. D. Hooker, 6 August 1881 and n. 6, and the letter from J. D. Hooker, 11 August 1881 and n. 4. James Dwight Dana summarised his views on the permanence of continents in Nature, 3 March 1881, p. 410. See also letter to J. D. Hooker, 6 August 1881 and n. 6. Thomas Mellard Reade’s arguments against the permanence of continents and oceans were published in Geological Magazine (Reade 1880). See letter to J. D. Hooker, 6 August 1881 and n. 9. For CD’s remarks on Alexander von Humboldt, see the letter to J. D. Hooker, 6 August 1881. In a paper on the flora of the Cameroon Mountains, Hooker had noted that temperate plants that were common in Europe were present in the higher elevations of this equatorial region of Africa (see Hooker 1863 and Correspondence vol. 11, letter to J. D. Hooker, [9 May 1863], and letter from J. D. Hooker, [24 May 1863]; see also Origin 6th ed., p. 337).

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Alfred Russel Wallace had mentioned the recent findings of John Gilbert Baker as confirmation of his views on the migration of plants across mountain chains (see letter from A. R. Wallace, 1 January 1881 and nn. 1 and 2). CD had commented on Wallace’s Island life (Wallace 1880a) in his letter to J. D. Hooker, 23 November 1880 (Correspondence vol. 28). In his letter of 11 August 1881, Hooker remarked that insects found in coal formations may have been flower-feeding. See also letter to J. D. Hooker, 6 August 1881 and n. 16.

To J. T. Page   16 August 1881 Charles Darwin, | Down, Kent, Augt. 16th, 1881. With Mr. D’s compliments.1 Tower Hamlets Independent and East London Advertiser, 27 February 1909, p. 6 1

Page was an autograph collector. He remarks that CD’s note ‘was sent off at once in response to [his] application, being written in black ink upon a half sheet of notepaper, doubtless torn from some disposed-of letter’ (Tower Hamlets Independent and East London Advertiser, 27 February 1909, p. 6).

To Williams & Norgate   16 August [1881] Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Aug. 16th Dear Sir I have never received the book as by enclosed—nor can I remember having ever ordered it. Can you find any order from me? I could not have ordered it during the last few weeks, for the Author sent me a copy some time ago.1 Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin I have waited a few days as parcels are sometimes delayed. Endorsement: ‘1881’ James Cranfield, Cranfield’s Curiosity Cabinet (dealer and private collector) 1

The enclosure has not been found; the book may have been Hyatt 1880 (see letter to Alpheus Hyatt, 8 May 1881 and n. 1). A note on the front of the letter reads: ‘direct from America’.

From Francisco de Arruda Furtado1   17 August 1881 Ile S. Michel (Açores) 17 août | 1881 Mr. Charles Darwin Monsieur Guidé par vos instructions bienveillantes, j’ai fait deux petites excursions d’essai aux sommets de deux montagnes: Serra Gorda—480m, et Pico da Cruz (Pico da Pedra de la carte Vidal), 384m.2 J’ai préparé de〈ux〉 petits herbiers sur la végétation

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de 〈ces〉 sommets, qui, quoique bien au dessous d’une hauteur remarquable, présenteront peut-être quelque chose intéressante à des yeux convenables. Si vous, Monsieur, les jugerez dign〈es〉 d’interet vous serez assez bienveillan〈t〉 pour m’indiquer la personne à qui je dois avoir l’honneur de les communiquer. J’ai recueilli aussi quelques insectes et mollusques terrestres. Sur le Pico da Cruz l’Helix aspersa m’a presente des particularités de coloration et de rigidité musculaire qui me semblent être l’effet de la nourriture et du manque l’humidité convenable, et constituer un premier pas pour une variété locale. J’ai preparé une petite notice pour une Revue de Lisbonne, sur ce petit sujet.3 Maintenant je remarque que 〈j’a〉i oublié de vous remercier l’indication que vous avez bien voulu me donner sur les ouvrages de Wallace. Je connaissais seulement ses idées d’après votre livre “Or.  of Sp.”, et il y a quelques jours j’ai vu dans un catalogue son ouvrage sur la distr. geogr.4 Malheureusement son prix est pour moi si élevé qu’il me sera impossible de les posséder. J’ai fait ordonner au conservateur de notre phare de Nordeste de examiner l’enceinte du phare après les orages et j’ai aussi recommmandé à quelques chasseurs de m’envoyer toutes les jambes et becs, au moins, d’oiseaux de passage.5 J’ai l’espoir d’en obtenir quelque chose utile. Veuillez agréer, Monsie〈ur,〉 la nouvelle assurance de m〈on〉 éternelle reconnaissance et pardonnez moi tous les dérangements que je vous cause Arruda Furtado. DAR 159: 114d 1 2

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For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. See letter to Francisco de Arruda Furtado, 3 and 6 July 1881. Serra Gorda and Pico da Cruz are mountains on the island of São Miguel in the Azores. Alexander Thomas Emeric Vidal had surveyed the Azores between 1841 and 1846 (ODNB). Helix is a genus of land snails; Helix aspersa is a synonym of Cornu aspersum, the garden snail. The article was Arruda Furtado 1881b. On Arruda Furtado’s work on Azorean molluscs and gastropods, see Felismino et al. 2016, pp. 153–8. In his letter of 3 and 6 July 1881, CD had recommended Alfred Russel Wallace’s works on geographical distribution, Geographical distribution (Wallace 1876) and Island life (Wallace 1880a). CD mentioned Wallace’s work on species and geographical distribution in Origin, pp. 1–2, 355. Nordeste is a municipality in the north-east of São Miguel island. CD had suggested examining the birds’ feet, beaks, and alimentary canals for seeds (letter to Francisco de Arruda Furtado, 3 and 6 July 1881).

From C. V. Naudin1   19 August 1881 Villa Thuret | Laboratoire | de | l’enseignement supérieur | Antibes, le 19 août 81— Cher Monsieur et illustre confrère, Je suis on ne peut plus heureux de la circonstance qui me procure l’avantage de recevoir votre lettre, mais je regrette qu’elle ne me soit pas arrivée quatre mois plus tôt, parce qu’il m’aurait été facile alors de vous envoyer, nonseulement des graines, mais des échantillons vivants et fleurissants du Trifolium resupinatum, plante très commune ici.2

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En ce moment, et depuis long-temps, le Trifolium resupinatum a disparu, brûlé par le soleil, ainsi que presque toutes les herbes de la campagne, néanmoins je chercherai dans les endroits où je me rapelle l’avoir vu, et peut-être y trouverai-je quelques capitules contenant des graines. Si ce moyen ne me réussit pas, je tâcherai d’obtenir des graines par quelqu’un de nos jardins botaniques du midi. Nous trouvons aussi ici, dans la saison, les Trifolium suffocatum et Subterraneum,3 qui sont assez singuliers et pourraient fournir matière à quelques études de biologie végétale. Vous avez dû voir dans le dernier No du Gardeners’ Chronicle que j’observe, en ce moment, les premiers développements du Welwitschia. La plante est trés difficile à élever et à conserver vivante; en outre sa croissance est d’une incroyable lenteur. Rien, dans cette première phase de sa vie, ne fait présumer l’étrange figure de l’adulte.4 Aussitôt que j’aurai pu me procurer les graines du Trifolium je vous les expédierai. En attendant, Cher Monsieur, agréez l’assurance des sentiments de votre vieil ami, | Ch. Naudin DAR 172: 10 1 2

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For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. CD’s letter to Naudin has not been found. CD had also requested seed of Trifolium resupinatum (Persian clover) from William Turner Thiselton-Dyer (see letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 10 May [1881] and n. 2). Trifolium suffocatum is suffocated clover; T. subterraneum is subterranean clover. CD had observed T. subterraneum in 1878; it was one of several plants whose flowers penetrated the earth (see Correspondence vol. 26, letter to Fritz Müller, 27 March 1878). Naudin reported his observations on the germination of Welwitschia mirabilis in Gardeners’ Chronicle, 13 August 1881, p. 217. Adult plants have only two foliage leaves.

From J. D. Hooker   20 August 1881 Royal Gardens Kew Aug 20/81. Dear Darwin Just a few last words, before I commit my vaporings to the public.1 Of all the followers of Latreille in the mutability of species did any one of them use this in explanation of representative species in very distant localities?2 See end  Von Baer, as you point out, was convinced by the facts of Geog.  distribution that all Species were descended from one parent form, & I suppose must have been led to this by the phenomena of representation— Can you tell me if this was so? I have no time to consult the Zoog. & Anthrop. Untersuch.n.3 I find that Dana was the first (of all I have yet found,) who broached the doctrine of permanence of position of existing continents.4 You somewhere do the same for existing Oceans, & I read it lately, but for the life of me cannot turn the passage up. Also in the origin you imply this.5 But I do not know of any one except Wallace who has summed up all the arguments for it; & marshalled them with convincing force6

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I know Blytt’s paper & had it, & thought at the time very highly of it, & my opinion is strengthened by reperusal. I give a sketch of it as the last advance towards a knowledge of the laws of Geograph. Distribn..7 I shall return your copy soon with thanks. Ever yrs | J D Hooker. P.S. What I want to know if any one ever suggested that the representation for an instance of an Azorean plant by a Canarian was due to their having a common parent the offspring of which diverged generally from the parent type but converged in those localities, either through both varying in the same direction or by one varying in the direction of the other. DAR 104: 162–3 CD annotation Top of letter: ‘Mimosa 10° 30′ | Desmodium 11°’8 pencil 1

2 3

4 5 6 7 8

CD and Hooker had been discussing Hooker’s upcoming presidential address to the geography section of the British Association for the Advancement of Science meeting at York (Hooker 1881; see letter to J. D. Hooker, 12 August 1881). Pierre André Latreille; however, Hooker meant Jean Baptiste de Lamarck, the famous transmutationist (see Hooker 1881, p. 733 n. 2). CD had added a short discussion of Karl Ernst von Baer’s views on the descent of species within a group from a common form in the historical sketch to Origin 4th ed., pp. xx–xxi. CD cited an abstract of Baer 1859 that had appeared in Wagner 1861 (Zoologisch-anthropologische Untersuchungen 1 (1861): 51). CD had not read Baer’s original monograph (see Correspondence vol. 14, letter to ?, 2 August [1866] and n. 3). James Dwight Dana. See letter to J. D. Hooker, 6 August 1881 and n. 6. See letter to J. D. Hooker, 12 August 1881 and n. 3. Alfred Russel Wallace discussed the permanence of continents and oceans in Island life (Wallace 1880a, pp. 81–102). Hooker discussed Axel Blytt’s Essay on the immigration of the Norwegian flora (Blytt 1876) at length in his address (Hooker 1881, pp. 734–5). CD’s annotation relates to his experiments on bloom. In notes dated 13 to 29 August [1881], he recorded the effects of dripping water on leaves of Mimosa pudica and Desmodium at different times of day (DAR 67: 102–4); the symbols denote hours and minutes. ‘Mimosa pudica … Aug 21st 10° 30′ a. m—new leaf started’; ‘Desmodium. Aug 21′. 11° a. m. started new leaf on cotton wool, drip high’ (DAR 67: 103, 104).

To ?   20 August 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Aug 20th 1881 Dear Sir I am not sure whether your difficulty relates to a fly turning upside down in the air, or to its adhesion to the ceiling.1 If the former I can throw no light on the case, but do not see any special difficulty in the act.— With respect to adhesion, this is effected by viscid matter secreted by hairs on the pads or soles of the feet. You will find a short, but clear account of this structure in “The Anat. & Phys. of the Blow-Fly by B. T. Lowne.—1870”2 Dear Sir | yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin Duke University, Rubenstein Rare Book and Manuscript Library (RL.10387)

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Neither the letter to which this is a reply, nor any other letter on this subject has been found. Benjamin Thompson Lowne. On the fluid secreted by the foot pads of the blowfly, Musca vomitoria (a synonym of Calliphora vomitoria), see Lowne 1870, pp. 19–22.

From G. H. Darwin   21 August 1881 Trin Coll Camb. Aug 21. 81 My dear Father, I have at last by dint to tying a knot in my watch chain remembered to ask Sidgwick about Graham.1 He is an Irishman & was probably at Trin. Coll. Dublin   he was afterwards & may be still private Secretary to Mitchell Henry the Irish M.P.2 That is all that I can pick up. Was ever such weather— I suppose an afternoon like this means a loss of hundreds of thousands. I hope it wont be like this at York.3 I’ve done the report & am trying to do my Math. Tripos questions,4 but find it very hard to buckle to with a will it is so uninteresting. By the bye Sidgwick has not read Graham’s book; he said that he found G. had not read his own book5 & he thought he ought to have done so— this was a sort of joke. He says he is going to read it. This weather will make Abinger rather appalling for H & I.6 Your affectionate son | G H Darwin DAR 210.2: 89 1 2 3 4

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Henry Sidgwick. CD had recently read William Graham’s Creed of science (Graham 1881; see letter to William Graham, 3 July 1881). Mitchell Henry was MP for county Galway from 1871 to 1885. The British Association for the Advancement of Science meeting was held at York from 31 August to 7 September 1881 (Report of the 51st Meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science (1881)). George wrote a report on an instrument for measuring small changes in the direction of gravity (see Report of the 51st Meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science (1881), pp. 93–126). He was setting examination questions for the mathematical tripos at Cambridge, which was held in January. Sidgwick was best known for his book of moral philosophy, Methods of ethics (Sidgwick 1874). Horace and Ida Darwin. Ida’s father and stepmother, Thomas Henry and Effie Farrer, lived at Abinger Hall in Surrey.

To J. D. Hooker   21 August 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Aug. 21st 1881 My dear Hooker I cannot aid you much or at all.1 I shd.  think that no one could have thought on the modification of species, without thinking of representative species.— But I feel sure that no discussion of any importance had been published on this subject before the Origin; for if I had known of it, I shd.  assuredly have alluded to it in the Origin, as I wished to gain support from all quarters. I did not then know of

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Von Buchs view (alluded to in my Historical Introduction in all the later editions). Von Buch published his “Isles Canaries” in 1836 & he here briefly argues that plants spread over a continent & vary, & the varieties in time come to be species.2 He also argues that closely allied species have been thus formed in the separate valleys of the Canary Islands, but not on the upper & open parts. I have not Baer’s papers, but as far as I remember the subject is not fully discussed. by him.—3 I quite agree about Wallace’s position on the Ocean & Continent question.—4 To return to Geograph. Distribution: As far as I know no one ever discussed the meaning of the relation between representative species, before I did & as I suppose Wallace did in his paper before Linn. Soc.5 Von Buch’s is the nearest approach to such discussion, known to me. Ever yours | Ch. Darwin I could lend you Von Buchs Book if you like: I have just consulted passage DAR 95: 528–9 1

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Hooker had sent CD further queries regarding his presidential address to the geography section of the British Association for the Advancement of Science meeting at York (Hooker 1881; see letter from J. D. Hooker, 20 August 1881). Christian Leopold von Buch’s paper on the Canary Islands (Buch 1836) was briefly discussed in the historical sketch to Origin (see Origin 6th ed., p. xvi). Karl Ernst von Baer. See letter from J. D. Hooker, 20 August 1881 and n. 3. Alfred Russel Wallace. See letter from J. D. Hooker, 20 August 1881 and n. 6. Wallace discussed the distribution of ‘representative’ or ‘closely allied species’ in his paper ‘On the zoological geography of the Malay Archipelago’, which was read at the Linnean Society on 3 November 1859 (Wallace 1859). See also Origin, pp. 173–9, 403–4, 409, 478.

To ?   21 August 1881 [Down.] [Encloses a letter from G. H. Darwin (no place or date) and another from Francis Darwin (4 May 1877).]1 C. G. Boerner in Leipzig (dealer) (4–6 December 1911) 1

George Howard Darwin and Francis Darwin were CD’s sons. The date and the information about the enclosures are taken from the sales catalogue; no further details about the letter have been found.

To ?   21 August 1881 Down, Beckenham, Kent, Aug. 21, 1881. Dear Sir I much regret that I cannot comply with your wishes. I have made it a rule (which I have rarely broken) never to write in Periodicals, because I am unable to write short articles in an interesting manner, & it would consume much of my time.

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Thanking you for your courteous note, & wishing continued success to your excellent Journal,1 I remain Dear Sir Yours faithfully Ch. Darwin Profiles in History (dealers) (March 2006) 1

The note has not been found; the journal has not been identified. CD used similar wording in declining an invitation to write for Kosmos (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter to Ernst Krause, 27 May 1879).

To G. H. Darwin   24 August [1881]1 [Down.] My dear G The General Post Office has sent to you here 1d. (which I have stolen) in answer to some complaint of yours. & for which they demand a Receipt which I have sent C. Darwin August 24th.— I keep the 1d as payment for all the bother!! DAR 210.1: 106 1

The year is established by ‘81’ being written after the date in an unknown hand.

From Anthony Rich   25 August 1881 Chappell Croft, | Heene, Worthing. Aug. 25. 1881 My dear Mr Darwin Your letter casts a gleam of sunshine over the murky sky and through the steady rain of this morning, and seems to brighten up the otherwise gloomy prospect of this very gloomy month.— Needless to say that I shall look forward to Septr. 8th. with very great pleasure.1 That, or any time, would be convenient to me, as may best suit yourself; so you can keep it or alter it just as you choose. The “West Worthing Hotel” is the name of the house at which you stayed and I think that you would do well to write and engage apartments beforehand; for the house affords but limited accommodation, and the month of Septr. is here about the fullest of the year, though this is, and has been, a very empty one.2 I could go down and make any enquiries for you if you wished and would let me know. I quite understand what you say about going to the hotel. Indeed, if it would not appear inhospitable to say so, I do feel that you and Mrs. Darwin, would both find yourselves more comfortably there located than in this little monastery—(in the Greek sense of the word).3 Mr & Mrs. Huxley did pay me a visit for a couple of days, and I hope they will do so again. But that is a different thing. He can discourse to a numerous audience, and she has to make herself acquainted with premises which will one day look for her supervision.4 I rather fancy when she was ushered into the room with the great “family bed”,

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seemingly so unbefitting a bachelor’s cottage, that she had some suspicions as to the reasons for its being there. Why those two pillows—those two washing stands—and that closet with lots of pegs round it so convenient for performing the duties of a wardrobe for hanging dresses without its actual use being apparent—? She could not know that it was furnished for the occasional occupation of my brother or sister with their belongings both of whom were married people.5 An old acquaintance of mine, whose name has been at times in times gone by, before the public, Trelawny,6 has just died at the village of Sompting three miles from this, in his eighty ninth year. He was a remainder from the old days when Shelley & Byron were prominent members of what used to be called the “Satanic School”—7 He went with Byron to Greece, where he was shot by an assassin, at close quarters, and retained the bullet in his body up to the day of his death. (That gives hope for the American President.).8 His body has been taken to Germany for cremation by his own directions; and the ashes are to be sent in an urn to Rome to be placed along side of Shelley’s heart which he deposited there after having snatched it from the funeral pile on the sea shore near Leghorn.—9 I remember reading many years ago a sort of novel called the “Adventures of a younger Son” written by him,10 and in which he was the principal personage; the adventures being chiefly those of two pirates, himself one of them, in the Indian seas, but I suppose those tales are only founded on fact— He had a wonderful constitution; sight and hearing good to the last; would never allow anything to be done for him; always insisted on lighting his own fire; took a cold bath all through last winter; and in moderate weather would empty it himself carrying the water out into the garden to water his plants. I have a Yucca11 on my lawn which he reared and gave to me, but which the south west winds here bother exceedingly— He had many good qualities—some, not altogether so amiable—but he was endowed with a singularly correct judgement of men—and things in the practical conduct of life. No man that I have known could give one sounder advice if asked for an opinion. The only case in which I have found him at fault was, what, I conceive to be a most erroneous estimate of Ld. Beaconsfield,12 whom he persisted in calling “a great man”. Ah! nothing succeeds like success! and it was my lord’s success that overpowered his generally robust mind. He showed greater power of accurate thought in proclaiming, as he used to do, that the “Descent of Man was his bible”. Peace be to his ashes!— Now I had better release you; for a whole brood of starlings busily exhuming worms from my lawn—suggest to me that you are probably engaged, not to say bored, by publishers, printer’s boys and “copy” to your heart’s content, and I should not wish the Recording Angel to set me down on the debit side of his ledger amongst such nuisances as those—13 Only please to present my very best compliments to Mrs. Darwin and say how much I feel myself indebted to her good nature and yours for the promise of a visit to this part of the world next month— Evviva!14 Very truly yours | Anthony Rich DAR 176: 150

August 1881 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

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CD and Emma Darwin visited Rich from 8 to 10 September 1881 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). The West Worthing Hotel, at the east end of Heene Terrace, Worthing, was renamed the Burlington Hotel in 1890 (White 2013); it is about half a mile from Rich’s address. ‘Monastery’ is derived primarily from Latin and French, but Rich alludes to a deeper root in Hellenistic Greek ʨËÔÄ¥§Ë, to live alone (OED). Thomas Henry Huxley and Henrietta Anne Huxley. Rich bequeathed his house and library to T. H. Huxley (see L. Huxley ed. 1900, 2: 286–7). Francis Henry Rich and Fanny Ricarda Rich; Emma Burnaby and William Dyott Burnaby. Edward John Trelawny. Robert Southey applied the name ‘the Satanic school’ to a class of writers headed by George Gordon Noel Byron and Percy Bysshe Shelley in his A vision of judgement (Southey 1821, p. xxi). James Abram Garfield, president of the United States since March 1881, was shot on 2 July but did not die until 19 September (ANB). Trelawny’s body was cremated in Germany before his ashes were buried in Rome because cremation was not legal in Britain in 1881. The first efficient furnace for reducing corpses to ash had been made in Germany in the 1870s. Trelawny had been one of those who built the pyre on the beach at Livorno to burn Shelley’s corpse in 1822. See Laqueur 2015, pp. 495, 501, 539. [Trelawny] 1831. Yucca is a genus of the family Asparagaceae, whose members are native to hot dry climates in the Americas. Benjamin Disraeli. CD was in the final stages of correcting the proofs of Earthworms (letter to William Clowes & Sons, 6 August [1881]). Evviva!: hooray! (Italian).

To A. B. Buckley   26 August [1881]1 Down Beckenham August 26th. My dear Miss Buckley The Orange has arrived, and is a prodigy of which I have never seen the like.— I do not believe that it is an orange; and I remember that Gallesio describes some gigantic fruit (Adam’s apple, I think), about which there have been many disputes, whether a distinct species, or variety or a hybrid. We cut it open and the inside is as curious as the outside, and the pale flesh-coloured contents intensely acid.2 I am glad to hear that you are going to York and hope that you will enjoy it. I was at York very many years ago and admired the Minster beyond measure.—3 Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin Copy DAR 143: 188 1 2

3

The year is established by the reference to York (see n. 3, below). Giorgio Gallesio had described a ‘Pomi di Adamo’ produced from the seed of an orange tree that grew close to lemon and cedar trees (Gallesio 1816, p. 53). CD referred Gallesio’s work on hybrid fruit, and gave the example of the ‘Adam’s apple’, in Variation 1: 335–6. No other correspondence regarding the orange has been found. Buckley was evidently planning to attend the meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science held at York from 31 August to 7 September 1881. CD had visited York in October 1845 (CD’s ‘Journal’, Correspondence vol. 3, Appendix II).

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From G. H. Darwin   [after 26 August 1881]1 New University Club, | S.t James’s Street, S.W. Dear Father Carbonell say they have supplied a large quantity of the same Champ: to other customers & have received no complaint. They advise us to keep it & return it if any more turns out corked. They credit you with 212 bottles2 Yrs | G H Darwin Surman has gone to Bournth. wh. looks as if Uncle Chas. wd. give him the wages he asks3 DAR 210.2: 93 1 2

3

The date is established by the reference to Frederic William Surman’s moving to a new job following Erasmus Alvey Darwin’s death (see n. 3, below). Dry champagne became fashionable as a dinner wine in Britain in the 1880s, and was also considered to be beneficial to health (see Harding 2020, p. 17). Carbonell & Co. were wine merchants at 182 Regent Street, London (Post Office London directory 1882). On 5 August 1881, CD had made a payment of £40 5s. to Carbonell & Co. (CD’s Account books–banking account (Down House MS)). CD probably ran an account with the company and the credit may have been applied to next bill. Surman had been E. A. Darwin’s butler; he possibly went to work for Charles Langton following Erasmus’s death on 26 August 1881. Langton lived in Christchurch, which adjoins Bournemouth (Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/1194/120/14)).

From T. H. Farrer   27 August 1881 Abinger Hall, | Dorking. | (Gomshall S.E.R. | Station & Telegraph.) 27 Aug/81 My dear Mr Darwin, I have read Grahams book with very great interest.1 It puts clearly and forcibly a great many things which have been seething in one’s thoughts, and is very valuable as a protest against dogmatism scientific, agnostic or otherwise. Sometimes when he speaks of Darwinism as a complete account of the Universe I could imagine you saying, as Wilkes did to George III, “Mr Graham, I never was a Darwinite”2 I dont like his coupling “chance” so much with what he calls Darwinism.3 No thinking man in these days conceives of “Chance” as anything but a name for our ignorance. I should think you would repudiate entirely the notion of having supplied materials for a complete theory of the Universe, however much what you have done, has influenced thought. To trace a little farther the course which things have taken in becoming what they are, to enlarge a little the small circle of what is visible to us in the midst of the surrounding Infinite, is surely enough for any one. The astounding thing is, not that we cannot grasp or prove a consistent conception of the whole; but that being the creatures we are, we should wish and attempt to do it, and even feel an inevitable necessity to make the attempt.

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There is one point which he has scarcely made, and which has always seemed to me very important in the bearing of Evolution on Ethical and Social questions. It is too long to put into a note, & deserves to be worked out. Shortly, it is this.— The great stumbling block is the existence of evil, of wickedness, of misery; in other words, the failure of each man and of men in general to attain the ideal of goodness and happiness which we have in our minds and conceive to be possible. This weighs most heavily on the noblest minds, and gives a sad colour to the best thinking— and doing. We conceive of this ideal of ours as if it were something absolute, and realizable. But in fact we know nothing of absolute good: all our notions are relative. Better & worse we know; but not good and evil. If we were better than we are, there would still be a better beyond, and we should still feel far as ever from our ideal. And this the noblest minds, those which are most in advance of their fellows, feel most.— Struggle upwards is the very condition of good; and its existence the strongest sign of a tendency to good in the Power by which we live. Struggle involves constant failure and imperfect success. And thus the consciousness of evil & misery becomes an evidence of Good. Is not this consistent with, indeed the very teaching of Evolution applied to moral subjects— This is too much for a note, but I wanted to tell you how much Graham has interested me. Sincerely yours | T H Farrer DAR 164: 103 1

2

3

CD had recently read William Graham’s Creed of science, which discussed the implications of CD’s theory for philosophy, religion, and ethics (see Graham 1881, pp. 22–50, and letter to William Graham, 3 July 1881). Graham referred to ‘Darwinism’ as a philosophical system (Graham 1881, pp. 44–5). John Wilkes was a radical journalist and MP who was charged with libel after criticising George III’s parliamentary speech in 1763; he was reported to have told the king, ‘I was never a Wilkite’ (ODNB s.v. Wilkes, John). ‘On the Darwinian hypothesis, man is the child of Chance ... all life is the result of chance’ (Graham 1881, p. 27).

To G. H. Darwin   [28 August 1881]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Sunday Evening My dear George If you are not pledged to Mr. Salts agents,2 as your solicitors, I think it is a very great pity that you do not employ Mr. Hacon, whom both William & I know is trustworthy.—3 Mr Salt’s agents will be complete strangers, & we have no claim or tie on them. About 40 years ago I went to their agents, & a more odious set of men I never saw, so that I wd. have nothing more to do with them.—4 About a year ago I saw the death of Mr Salt of Shrewsbury in the newspapers, & I do not know whether there is now any Salt in the firm.—5 Of course the agents may now prove to be the most respectable people; but I shd employ Mr. Hacon for selling the house.—6

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I fear that this business will give you a great deal of trouble, & it is very unfortunate William being tied by the leg—7 Your affectionate Father | Ch. Darwin DAR 210.1: 107 1 2

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The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from G. H. Darwin, [29 August 1881]. In 1881, the Sunday before 29 August was 28 August. George Moultrie Salt was partner in the firm Salt & Sons, Shrewsbury; the London agents were Paterson, Snow, & Bloxam of 25 Lincoln’s Inn Fields. George was an executor of the will of Erasmus Alvey Darwin, who died on 26 August 1881 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). William Mackmurdo Hacon and William Erasmus Darwin. In the 1840s, Salt’s London agents were Hawkins, Bloxam, & Stoker of 3 New Boswell Court, Lincoln’s Inn (Law list 1841). William Salt, a partner in the firm Salt & Sons, died on 22 May 1881 at Shrewsbury (England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 9 October 2019)). Erasmus Alvey Darwin had lived at 6 Queen Anne Street, London. William and Sara Darwin were about to depart for France.

From G. H. Darwin   28 August 1881 6 Queen Ann St 28. Aug. 1881 | Sunday night My dear Father, I have written to F. Galton, John Price, Reg. D., F. D. & H. F. Bristowe (now sole surviving trustee for F. D).1 I telegraphed to Salt for name of his London agent & have an answer.2 W. arrived here at 1. today & leaves again tonight.3 We have examined the will;4 the following are the provisions £100 to each exor W. E. D & G H. D a yr’s wages to each servant5 All real property to you— & this house with all contained in it (a memo. about giving 4 of the pictures to A.t Fanny, Effie & Hope was with the will).6 Personal estate divided into 6 parts 3 6 to you 1 t 7 6 to A. Caroline 1 8 6 to the Parkers 1 9 6 to Uncle Hensleigh This is absolutely all. The personal estate is large being in value something over 130 000. Every item is entered with his accustomed neatness, with memo.s of the whereabouts of securities. W. has made out a list— I take the will to the solicitors tomorrow   W. has arranged with Herries for a temporary exors account & Leo. & I go tomorrow to Herries to verify the list of

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securities.10 We found a memo. of birthday & other facts. I telegraphed about this as I think it will be wanted tomorrow. As soon as we hear from you, we shall proceed with further arrangements about the funeral. I have written so much today I cannot write much more but I thought you might want to know the purely business steps taken. It came as a great surprize to me & it will be a heavy loss this break up of our London home. I have in a box locked up the snuff box & watches & a few other trinkets. I suppose they must wait to be valued. I think if I can I shall run down to York on the last day of the meeting to read the report & get back to town the same evening.11 I have the whole report in type & received it yesterday morning with an urgent request that it shd. be corrected by tonight. I shall get it done I think by then. Your affectionate son | G H Darwin DAR 210.2: 90 1

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Francis Galton, John Price, Reginald Darwin, and Henry Fox Bristowe. F. D. is Francis Rhodes Darwin; there were three trustees of his marriage settlement with Charlotte Maria Cooper Darwin: Erasmus Alvey Darwin, Bristowe, and John Francis Hawker English. George Moultrie Salt was partner in the firm Salt & Sons, Shrewsbury; the London agents were Paterson, Snow, & Bloxam of 25 Lincoln’s Inn Fields. William Erasmus Darwin. Erasmus Alvey Darwin had died on 26 August 1881. The servants were Elizabeth Pearce, Frederic William Surman, and Elizabeth Squire. Frances Emma Elizabeth (Fanny) Wedgwood, Katherine Euphemia (Effie) Farrer, and Hope Elizabeth Wedgwood. Caroline Wedgwood. Henry Parker and Charles Parker were Erasmus Alvey Darwin’s nephews; Mary Susan Mostyn Owen (née Parker) was his niece. Hensleigh Wedgwood. Leonard Darwin; Herries, Farquhar, Chapman & Co. were a banking firm at 16 St James’s Street, London (Post Office London directory 1878). The British Association for the Advancement of Science meeting was held at York from 31 August to 7 September 1881; George reported on an instrument for measuring small changes in the direction of gravity (see Report of the 51st Meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science (1881): 93–126). The report included details of experiments with the wormstone at Down (ibid., pp. 122–3).

To T. H. Farrer   28 August 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) August 28th 1881 My dear Farrer I have been much interested by your letter, & am glad that you like Mr. Graham’s book.—1 I hear that he is a poor man, & has published this book at his own risk from his savings. Everything which I read now soon goes out of my head, & I had forgotten that he implies that my views explain the universe; but it is a most

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monstrous exaggeration.2 The more one thinks the more one feels the hopeless immensity of man’s ignorance   Though it does make one proud to see what Science has achieved, during the last half century. This has been brought vividly before my mind, by having just read most of the proofs of Lubbocks Address for York, in which he will attempt to review the progress of all branches of Science for the last 50 years.3 I entirely agree with what you say about “chance”, except in relation to the variations of organic beings having been designed; & I imagine that Mr Graham must have used “chance” in relation only to purpose in the origination of species.4 This is the only way I have used the word chance, as I have attempted to explain in the 2 last pages of my “Variation under Domestication.”5 On the other hand if we consider the whole Universe, the mind refuses to look at it as the outcome of chance,—that is without design or purpose. The whole question seems to me insoluble; for I cannot put much or any faith in the so-called intuitions of the human mind, which has been developed, as I cannot doubt, from such a mind as animals possess; & what would their convictions or intuitions be worth?— There are a good many points, on which I cannot quite follow Mr. Graham. With respect to your last discussion, I daresay it contains very much truth; but I cannot see, as far as happiness is concerned, that it can apply to the infinite sufferings of animals, not only those of the body, but those of the mind, as when a mother loses her offspring, or a male his female. If the view does not apply to animals, will it suffice for man? But you may well complain of this long & badly expressed note in my dreadfully bad hand-writing.— The death of my brother Erasmus is a very heavy loss to all of us in this family.6 He was so kind-hearted & affectionate. Nor have I ever known any one more pleasant. It was always a very great pleasure to talk with him on any subject whatever, & this I shall never do again. The clearness of his mind always seemed to me admirable. He was not, I think, a happy man & for many years did not value life, though never complaining. I am so glad that he escaped very severe suffering during his few last days. I shall never see such a man again. Forgive me for scribbling this way. My dear Farrer | Yours very sincerely | Charles Darwin Linnean Society of London (LS Ms 299/33) 1 2

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4 5

Farrer had commented on William Graham’s Creed of science (Graham 1881; see letter from T. H. Farrer, 27 August 1881). See letter from T. H. Farrer, 27 August 1881 and n. 2. Graham remarked of CD: ‘he it is first and chiefly who has surprised Nature in the act, who has discovered her secret, and disclosed the processes by which … she has reached in some cases so great and splendid results’ (Graham 1881, p. 24). John Lubbock had sent a draft of his presidential address to the upcoming British Association for the Advancement of Science meeting at York (Lubbock 1881a, pp. 2–11; see letter to John Lubbock, 2 August 1881). See letter from T. H. Farrer, 27 August 1881 and n. 3. In Variation 2: 430–2, CD did not use the word ‘chance’, but he described the appearance of variations in relation to their specific use as ‘accidental’, and compared them to all the differently shaped

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fragments of stone gathered by a builder to make a great edifice. CD’s remarks were directed against Asa Gray’s suggestion that variations were guided along beneficial lines by an omniscient Creator. Erasmus Alvey Darwin had died on 26 August 1881 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)).

From G. H. Darwin   [29 August 1881]1 6 Queen Ann St Monday Dear Father, I am sorry you do not agree about employing Salt but both W. & I thought it best & I still think so.2 Salt drew the will & was one of the witnesses only a year ago & has a number of papers & title deeds connected with the Estate so that it wd. have been impossible to have had nothing to do with him. The agents are a very large firm of solicitors in Lincolns Inn Fields & the head partner seems a gentleman & clear headed man.3 I have left the will there this morning. We have talked the matter over with R. & have settled on the Bromley route with funeral at 12.30.4 All the letters are written & the arrangements made. If however you have a strong objection telegraph & I will do it again. I have been about 3 hrs at Herries & looking over certificates5 & on the go since 8.30 & have more letters to write I’ll do the best I can & hope things will go without much hitch. I shall drive down with the hearse on Thursday morning Yrs affec. | G H Darwin DAR 210.2: 91 1 2

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The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from G. H. Darwin, 28 August 1881. The Monday following 28 August 1881 was 29 August. George and William Erasmus Darwin were executors of Erasmus Alvey Darwin’s will. George Moultrie Salt was partner in the firm Salt & Sons, Shrewsbury. CD had expressed reservations about using Salt’s London agents (see letter to G. H. Darwin, [28 August 1881]). The London agents were Paterson, Snow, & Bloxam of 25 Lincoln’s Inn Fields; the senior partner was William Benjamin Paterson (Law list 1881). R. is probably Richard Buckley Litchfield. Erasmus Alvey Darwin was buried in the churchyard of St Mary’s in Down. Herries, Farquhar, Chapman & Co. were a London banking firm (Post Office London directory 1878).

From J. D. Hooker   29 August 1881 Royal Gardens Kew Aug 29/81. My dear Darwin I have just seen the announcement of your brother’s death & must send you a few words of heartfelt sympathy.1 I have somehow come to think those the happiest, who, like myself, lost an only brother when very young—2 it seems now as if they

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could then be best spared,—a blunder no doubt—but we know better what we lose after we having lived so long together, as you & your brother have. It was in your brother’s house, near Park Lane, that I first became acquainted with you—& shall never forget his kind face & kinder welcome. That was nearly 40 years ago!— I well remember thinking him then quite an elderly man, & yet I see he was then under 40.3 Ever my dear Darwin | Affly yrs | Jos D Hooker DAR 104: 166–7 1 2 3

Erasmus Alvey Darwin died on 26 August 1881 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). A notice appeared in The Times, 29 August 1881, p. 1. Hooker’s only brother, William Dawson Hooker, had died at the age of 24. The meeting was probably in 1844; Erasmus would have been 39. Erasmus had lived at 7 Park Street, Grosvenor Square, London (see Correspondence vol. 5, letter to E. A. Darwin, 19 April 1851 and n. 1), but the exact dates of his residence there are unclear. CD mentioned meeting Hooker at Park Street in his letter to Hooker of [29 July 1865] (Correspondence vol. 13).

To G. H. Darwin   30 August [1881]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Aug. 30th My dear George I am very sorry that I bothered you about the solicitor; but I boil to this day with indignation when I remember how rudely I was treated by Mr. Salts former agents in London, so that I left the office without doing my business & went to another solicitor—2 You seem to have managed everything excellently & I do not wish for any shadow of change.— I hope that you will not be knocked up, for it must have been very hard work.— Yours affectionately | Ch. Darwin DAR 210.1: 108 1 2

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from G. H. Darwin, 28 August 1881. George Moultrie Salt (see letter to G.  H.  Darwin, [28  August  1881] and n. 4, and letter from G. H. Darwin, [29 August 1881]).

To J. D. Hooker   30 August 1881 Down, Beckenham Aug. 30. 1881. My dear Hooker. Your note has pleased me much. The death of Erasmus is a very heavy loss to all of us, for he had a most affectionate disposition.1 He always appeared to me the most pleasant & clearest-headed man, whom I have ever known. London will seem a strange place to me without his presence; but I will not run on about him. I am deeply glad that he died without any great suffering, after a very short illness from

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mere weakness, & not from any definite disease. He had become quite weary of life! I cannot quite agree with you about the death of the old & young. Death in the latter case, when there is a bright future ahead, causes grief never to be wholly obliterated. Farewell my old & dear friend. I remember the little room, where we first met.2 Ever Yours | Charles Darwin DAR 95: 530–1 1 2

See letter from J. D. Hooker, 29 August 1881. Erasmus Alvey Darwin had died on 26 August 1881 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). See letter from J. D. Hooker, 29 August 1881 and n. 3.

From Stephen Price   30 August [1881]1 39 Chapel Place | Brompton Aug 30 Sir I venture to ask you if you think it possible or probable that the English gnat2 may develope in exceptionally hot weather into the mosquito? I was once plagued frightfully with mosquitos in America and I saw at once that after all a mosquito is but a gnat and seeing that the Press attempts to account for the late apperance of mosquitos in this country by stating that they must have been imported &c I thought I would take the liberty of asking you this question. I have the honour to be Sir | A humble admirer | Stephen Price DAR 202: 118 CD note: *My father is sorry that he cannot answer your question.—3 [transposed from end of note] The gnat family [‘a’ inter and del] a very difficult one & not well-known— [‘do not believe’ del] There [‘T’ over ‘t’] is no evidence, of the introduction of any new species into this country & my Father—thinks it probable this *& other similar [‘types’ del] English species of gnat has recently increased in [interl above del ‘gnat have increased in’] numbers— 1 2

3

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to Stephen Price, 1 September [1881]. Gnat is a general term for any of several families of small flying insect in the suborder Nematocera; mosquitoes belong to the family Culicidae in the suborder Nematocera, with several species native to England. Not all mosquitoes bite humans; in England, the common non-biting mosquito species Culex pipiens is often referred to as a gnat. The note is in CD’s hand; it is for his reply to Price of 1 September [1881].

To A. A. W. Hubrecht   31 August 1881 Down, Beckenham August 31st. 1881— My dear Sir I am very much obliged to you for having sent me a copy of your essay, for these ancient forms are preeminently interesting, & I shall be very glad to read your account.—1

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I shall not be at York, much as I shd. have liked it, for I have not strength sufficient. Nor if I were strong enough, I could not now attend, as my elder brother has just died, & is to be buried here tomorrow.2 Wishing you success in all your future interesting researches, I remain | My dear Sir, | Yours very faithfully | Charles Darwin Rijksmuseum Boerhaave, Leiden (BOERH a 431) 1

2

The essay was ‘Proneomenia Sluiteri gen. et sp. n. with remarks upon the anatomy and histology of the Amphineura’; it was published in English in Niederländisches Archiv für Zoologie (Hubrecht 1881). A portion of the essay was presented at the British Association for the Advancement of Science meeting at York on 5 September 1881 (see Report of the 51st Meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, held at York (1881): 673–5). Proneomenia is an archaic group of molluscs. Erasmus Alvey Darwin had died on 26 August 1881 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)).

From G. J. Romanes   31 August 1881 Garvock, Perthshire: August 31, 1881. My dear Mr. Darwin,— It is not often that I write to dun you, and I am sorry that duty should now impose on me the task of doing so, but I have no alternative, as you shall immediately see. The Physiological Society was formed, as you may remember, for the purpose of obtaining combined action among physiologists on the subject of Vivisection.1 The result in the first instance was to resolve on a tentative policy of silence, with the view of seeing whether the agitation would not burn itself out. It is now thought that this policy has been tried sufficiently long, and that we are losing ground by continuing it. After much deliberation, therefore, the society has resolved to speak out upon the subject, and the ‘Nineteenth Century’ has been involved as the medium of publication. Arrangements have been made with Knowles for a symposium-like series of short essays by all the leaders of biology and medicine in this country—each to write on a branch of the subject chosen by himself or allotted to him by the society.2 In this matter of organising the contributions, the society is to be represented by Dr. Pye Smith, who combines science, medicine, and literary culture better than any other member of our body.3 As secretary I am directed to write to all the men whose names are mentioned in a resolution passed by the society in accordance with the report of a committee appointed by the society to consider the subject.4 Hence these tears. Of course, your name in this matter is one of the most important, and as the idea is to get a body of great names, it would be a disappointment of no small magnitude if yours should fail. It does not matter so much that you should write a long dissertation, so long as you allow yourself to stand among this noble army of martyrs. Two or three pages of the ‘Nineteenth Century’ on one, say, of the following topics would be all that we should want:—

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‘The limits and safeguards desirable in carrying on scientific experiments on animals.’ ‘Mistaken humanity of the agitation: real humanity of vivisection.’ ‘The Royal Commission and its report.’5 Or any other topic connected with Vivisection on which you may feel the spirit most to move you to write. Any further information that you may desire I shall be happy to give; but please remember how much your assistance is desired. This is a very delightful place, though not very conducive to work. If any of your sons are in Scotland and should care for a few days’ sport with other scientific men on the spree, please tell them that they will find open house and welcome here. The proofs of my book on Animal Intelligence are coming in. I hope your work on Worms will be out in time for me to mention it and its main results.6 Ewart has pitched his zoological laboratory at Oban, so as to be as near this as possible. I shall go down when I can to keep his pot of sea-eggs upon the boil.7 I remain, very sincerely and most respectfully yours, | Geo. J. Romanes. E. D. Romanes 1896, pp. 121–3 1

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7

The Physiological Society was founded in March 1876 to influence government on matters of medical science and to address critics of vivisection. Its members included Francis Darwin, Francis Galton, and Thomas Henry Huxley; CD was an honorary member. See Sharpey-Schafer 1927, pp. 7–13. James Thomas Knowles was the editor of the monthly magazine Nineteenth Century; he had introduced the ‘symposium’ format to present contrasting viewpoints on a controversial topic (Cantor et al. 2004, p. 23). Philip Henry Pye-Smith. The society had appointed a committee on 9 July 1881 to consider ‘accusations made against physiologists by anti-vivisection agitators’; at the 5 August 1881 meeting, the society proposed ‘a series of articles in a leading Review explaining the methods and aims of physiological research and the extent to which modern medicine is likely to be benefitted by it’ (Sharpey-Schafer 1927, pp. 60, 62). A Royal Commission on vivisection had met from June to December 1875, and had published its report in January 1876; legislation on vivisection was passed in Parliament in August 1876. For details of the legislation and CD’s involvement in the vivisection controversy, see Correspondence vol. 23, Appendix VI. Earthworms was published on 10 October 1881 (Freeman 1977). Animal intelligence, though not published until August 1882, described CD’s book as still ‘in the press’; ‘I shall not forestall any of the facts which it has to state,’ Romanes remarked, ‘nor should I yet like to venture an opinion as to how far these facts, when considered altogether, would justify any inference to a truly mental element as existing in these animals’ (G. J. Romanes 1882, p. 24). James Cossar Ewart. ‘Sea-eggs’ probably refers to his work with Romanes on echinoderms (see G. J. Romanes and Ewart 1881).

From L. B. B. Dykes   1 September [1881]1 Hotel Windsor | Rue de Rivoli | Paris September 1. My dear Darwin I saw yesterday with the deepest regret the death of your brother in the Times—2 Little did I think when I was with him some 5 or 6 weeks ago that I then saw him for

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the last time! he was in excellent spirits; & really seemed to be stronger & better in health than usual— true he had been long suffering— but so sudden a termination of his career greatly grieves & shocks me. A more thoroughly honorable & excellent a man never lived— possessing great abilities & great & varied information. I say no more— but I felt impelled to write you a brief but most sincere letter of condolence— it is many, many years since we met, but I retain a most vivid recollection of my old Schoolfellow, “Charles Darwin”—a name now known and respected throughout the Civilized world!3 No answer!— I was very glad to become acquainted with your youngest son some time ago at Cambridge thro’ our good mutual friend W. Thomson—4 I hope I may meet him there again— Believe me | very truly yrs | L. B. B. Dykes not knowing your address I direct this to Queen Anne S.t 5 DAR 99: 205–6 1 2 3 4

5

The year is established by the reference to the death of Erasmus Alvey Darwin. E. A. Darwin had died on 26 August 1881; the announcement of his death appeared in The Times, 30 August 1881, p. 1. Dykes, E. A. Darwin, and CD had attended Shrewsbury School. In November 1880, E. A. Darwin had given CD an account of the dinner in Cambridge at which Dykes had been introduced to Horace Darwin by William Thomson (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter from E. A. Darwin, 14 November [1880]). Dykes and Thomson were fellows of Peterhouse (Alum. Cantab.). Queen Anne Street was Erasmus Alvey Darwin’s London address.

To Stephen Price   1 September [1881]1 Down, Beckenham, Kent, Sept. 1.— Dear Sir,— I am sorry I cannot answer your question.2 The Tipulidæ, or gnat family, is a very difficult one and not well known.3 No trustworthy evidence has been advanced of the introduction or appearance in this country of a new species; but it seems to me probable that some English species have lately increased in number.— Dear Sir, yours faithfully,—C. Darwin. The Times, 5 September 1881, p. 10 1 2

3

The year is established by the date of this letter’s publication in The Times. See letter from Stephen Price, 30 August [1881] and n. 2. In The Times, 5 September 1881, p. 10, Price was described as a ‘scientific gentleman of South Kensington’, who had written to CD the previous week. However, the address Price gives in his letter of 30 August was in a working-class area consisting of small poor houses with multiple occupants. The family Tipulidae (crane flies) includes some insects commonly referred to as gnats, but the term ‘gnat’ often has a broader usage and can refer to several families in the suborder Nematocera, to which Tipulidae belongs.

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To Francisco de Arruda Furtado   2 September 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Sept 2. 1881 Dear Sir I hope that you will not object to accept from me, as an old man & a lover of Science, a copy of Mr Wallace’s work, which I have despatched by post today.1 Mr. W. has since published a work in 1 volume on the same subject, which he has made more popular & it is very interesting, but I do not think that it would be so useful to you.—2 I am glad that you have begun to work so energetically. You cannot expect to get any results, until several years have elapsed, & allow me to advise you to keep notes & go on accumulating facts, & then you will probably be able to publish hereafter a valuable essay.— With respect to the plants which you have collected, I will communicate with Sir J. Hooker on the subject in the course of a few weeks, for at present he is much engaged.— I fear that the heights are hardly sufficient for any very high interest, but it may be otherwise—3 With all good wishes | Dear Sir | yours faithfully | Charles Darwin Historical Archive of the Museums of the University of Lisbon (PT/MUL/FAF/C/01/0021) 1 2 3

Arruda Furtado told CD that he could not afford to buy Alfred Russel Wallace’s books (letter from Francisco de Arruda Furtado, 17 August 1881; CD sent him Wallace’s Geographical distribution (Wallace 1876). Island life (Wallace 1880a). Arruda Furtado had begun collecting plants from the summits of Serra Gorda and Pico da Cruz on the island of São Miguel in the Azores (see letter from Francisco de Arruda Furtado, 17 August 1881). Joseph Dalton Hooker was at the British Association for the Advancement of Science meeting in York, where he was serving as president of the Geography section (Report of the 51st Meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, held at York (1881), Transactions of the sections, p. 727). Arruda Furtado later initiated a correspondence with Hooker (see Constância ed. 2002, pp. 145–7).

From Anthony Rich   2 September [1881]1 Chappell Croft, | Heene, Worthing. Septr. 2. My dear Mr Darwin, Oh yes, I had noticed in the Papers the announcement of your brother’s death, and not without a sincere sympathy for yourself, and any of his surviving relations whom his loss would affect.2 For so amiable a man doubtless man, both relatives and friends, will feel cause to mourn. I feel sure that you will have seen an account of him, which appeared in the Daily News, greatly flattering and honorable to him and to yourself.3 It seemed to me the perfection of an obituary notice, from the hand of one who had a thorough acquaintance with both of you, and a mind of his own thoroughly competent to estimate the genuine qualities of both— The tone, the spirit, of it, and the noble appreciation of the great benefits which your genius has

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conferred upon us all, made me fancy that I saw in it the handy work of a certain Professor, with whom I have the honour of enjoying a friendly acquaintance.4 I shall look with a pleasant expectation for your appearance at Heene accompanied by Mrs. Darwin; and now that the wet and stormy weather of the last fortnight has given way to dry north winds it is not impossible that a run to the sea side may afford you a healthful change from “Copy” and printer’s boys—5 I do not now ask you after your sons, the two I know, because I shall soon have the opportunity of doing that in person— Perhaps George is a York I say to myself amongst the distinguished men assembled there.6 I read a fairly long summary of Sir J. Lubbock’s Address in the Paper yesterday.7 It will be published in a separate form, I suppose, and entire.8 Then I shall get it— It seemed to be most interesting as well as instructive—generous to every body, and discriminative about almost every thing.— Now good bye for the present; compliments to Mrs. Darwin; and kind regards to any of your present circle whom I have the fortune to know—from | Yours very sincerely | Anthony Rich DAR 176: 151 1 2 3

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8

The year is established by the reference to the death of Erasmus Alvey Darwin. The announcement of E. A. Darwin’s death appeared in The Times, 30 August 1881, p. 1, and in the Daily News, 29 August 1881, p. 1 (see also n. 3, below). The obituary of E. A. Darwin that appeared in the Daily News, 30 August 1881, pp. 4–5, mentioned that he was the brother of ‘the illustrious naturalist, Charles Darwin’, one of the ‘great originating minds who mark an era in the interpretation of nature’, and noted that had Erasmus had better health he might have gained ‘personal distinction’ and been ‘conspicuously useful to the world at large’ (p. 4). Rich probably refers to Thomas Henry Huxley. Emma Darwin and CD went to Heene, Worthing, on 8 September 1881 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). Emma Darwin’s diary records cold, wet, and windy weather from 26 August to 13 September 1881. Prior to that, CD had been checking the final proofs of Earthworms (see letter from Anthony Rich, 25 August 1881 and n. 13). Rich was acquainted with George Howard Darwin and William Erasmus Darwin. The British Association for the Advancement of Science met in York from 31 August to 7 September (Report of the 51st Meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science (1881)). Because of E. A. Darwin’s death on 26 August, George attended only the last day of the meeting (see letter from G. H. Darwin, 28 August 1881 and n. 11). John Lubbock was president of the British Association; an account of his address was published in the Daily News, 1 September 1881, p. 2. CD had read and commented on a draft of Lubbock’s address (letter to John Lubbock, 2 August 1881). Lubbock’s address was published in full in the Report of the 51st Meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science (Lubbock 1881a).

To G. J. Romanes   2 September 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Sept 2d. 1881. My dear Romanes. Your letter has perplexed me beyond all measure.1 I fully recognise the duty of everyone, whose opinion is worth anything, expressing his opinion publicly on vivisection; & this made me send my letter to the Times.—2 I have been thinking at

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intervals all morning what I could say, & it is the simple truth that I have nothing worth saying. You & men like you, whose ideas flow freely & who can express them easily, cannot understand the state of mental paralysis in which I find myself. What is most wanted is a careful & accurate attempt to show what physiology has already done for man, & even still more strongly what there is every reason to believe it will hereafter do.— Now I am absolutely incapable of doing this, or of discussing the other points suggested by you.— If you wish for my name (& I shd. be glad that it shd appear with that of others in the same cause) could you not quote some sentence from my letter in the Times, which I enclose, but please return it.— If you thought fit you might say that you quoted it with my approval, & that after still further reflexion I still abide most strongly in my expressed conviction. For Heaven’s sake, do think of this.— I do not grudge the labour & thought, but I could write nothing worth anyone reading. Allow me to demur to your calling your conjoint article a “symposium”,—strictly a “drinking party”.3 This seems to me very bad taste, & I do hope everyone of you will avoid any semblance of a joke on the subject.— I know that words, like a joke, on this subject have quite disgusted some persons not at all inimical to physiology.— One person lamented to me that Mr Simon in his truly admirable Address at the Medical Congress (by far the best thing which I have read) spoke of the “fantastic sensuality” (or some such term) of the many mistaken, but honest men & women who are half mad on the subject.4 Do pray try & let me escape & quote my letter, which in some respects is more valuable as giving my independent judgment before the Medical Congress.— I really cannot imagine what I could say.— I will now turn to another subject: My little book on Worms has been long finished, but Murray was so strongly opposed to publishing it at the dead season, that I yielded.5 I have told the Printers to send you a set of clean sheets, which you can afterwards have stitched together.— There is hardly anything in it which can interest you.— Two or three papers by Hermann Müller have just appeared in Kosmos, which seem to me interesting as showing how soon, i.e.  after how many attempts, Bees learn how best to suck a new flower.6 There is also, a good & laudatory review of Dr. Roux.—7 I could lend you Kosmos if you think fit.— You will perhaps have seen that my poor dear brother Erasmus has just died, & he was buried yesterday here at Down.8 Many thanks for your kind invitation to my sons, none of whom are likely to be in Scotland.9 Yours very sincerely | Charles Darwin American Philosophical Society (Mss.B.D25.597) 1

Romanes had invited CD to contribute to a ‘symposium-like series of short essays’ on vivisection that would be published in the monthly magazine Nineteenth Century (letter from G. J. Romanes, 31 August 1881).

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CD had published a letter on vivisection in The Times, 18 April 1881, p. 10; he published a second letter (in reply to a response to his first by Frances Power Cobbe) in The Times, 22 April 1881, p. 11 (see letter to Frithiof Holmgren, [14] April 1881, and letter to The Times, 21 April [1881]). The editor of the Nineteenth Century, James Thomas Knowles, had introduced the ‘symposium’ format to present contrasting viewpoints on a controversial topic (Cantor et al. 2004, p. 23). By the nineteenth century, ‘symposium’ had come to mean a ‘collection of opinions’ or a ‘series of articles’ by a number of people on a specific topic, although it originally referred to a convivial meeting for the purpose of drinking and intellectual entertainment (OED). On 3 August 1881, John Simon had spoken in defence of vivisection in an address at the opening of the State Medicine Section of the seventh International Medical Congress, criticising those who judged animal experimentation on the basis of mere sentiment or ‘aesthetics’, which he characterised as a ‘feeble form of sensuality’ ( J. Simon 1882, p. 22). CD may have heard Simon’s address when he attended the congress on 3 August (see letter to W. E. Darwin, 4 August [1881]). CD had sent the manuscript of Earthworms to his publisher on 10 April 1881, requesting speedy publication (see letter to R. F. Cooke, 10 April 1881); this request was strongly opposed and the book was not published until 10 October (see letter from R. F. Cooke, 28 July 1881 and n. 1). Romanes had read a draft of the second chapter in March 1881 (see letter from G. J. Romanes, 7 March 1881). CD refers to the separate parts of H. Müller 1881b. Wilhelm Roux’s book Der Kampf der Theile im Organismus. Ein Beitrag zur Vervollständigung der mechanischen Zweckmässigkeitslehre (The struggle of the parts in the organism. A contribution to the completion of the mechanistic theory of fitness; Roux 1881) was reviewed in Kosmos 9 (1881): 398–401. Erasmus Alvey Darwin died on 26 August 1881 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). In his letter of 31 August 1881, Romanes had given an open invitation to CD’s sons to visit him in Garvock, Perthshire, while he was carrying out research on marine zoology in Scotland (E. D. Romanes 1896, p. 97).

To J. D. Hooker   3 and 4 September [1881] Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Sept. 3d My dear Hooker I have this minute finished reading your splendid, but too short, Address.—1 I cannot doubt that it will have been fully appreciated by the geographers at York: if not they are asses & fools Sept. 4th. After letting my enthusiasm thus escape, I suddenly felt burst up & had to stop.— I am sorry that I forgot to remind you in relation to A. Blytt that S. B. Skertchly (of the Geolog. Survey) has observed analogous facts in the peat bogs of the Cambridgeshire fens; & I believe that he had come to this conclusion before he knew of Blytts views; at least I remember writing to tell him of them.2 You speak (p. 10) of a glacial period being “inferred” in the S. hemisphere: surely this is too weak a term considering the enormous number of huge angular erratic blocks of crystalline rocks on the Tertiary plains of Patagonia far from the Andes, & on the Isd of Chiloe, likewise lying on a Tertiary formation & far from the Andes.—3 That seems to me a capital argument (p. 11) “the several S. temperate floras are more intimately related &c &c.4 I shd like to see this argument worked out in detail. But my chief motive for writing is as follows: a young Portuguese a native of St. Michaels in the Azores seems to be an enthusiast about Geograph. Distribution, Evolution &c (& such a man in such a place is a prodigy) & he has published on land

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Mollusca & insects. He wrote to me to ask for hints, so I have told him to attend to all chance introductions & have given him hints, (which he is following) & I sent him Wallaces big book. Amongst other points I told him to collect the plants from the highest mountains of the several islands.5 He writes that he has made a collection from 2  hills, but these are only 480 & 384  metres high, & offers to send them to anyone whom I might suggest.6 I have told him that I would mention this to you, but that I thought that the heights were not nearly great enough.7 Please tell me whether they are worth sending to Kew, or shall I tell him to keep them, until he can get other collections. His name is F. d’Arruda Furtado. I have no large note-paper with black edging, so have written on this.8 Ever yours | Ch. Darwin By the way you pile in your Address honours on my old bald head.—9 Endorsement: ‘/81’ DAR 95: 532–5 1

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Hooker was serving as president of the Geography section at the British Association for the Advancement of Science meeting in York between 31 August and 7 September 1881 (see letter from J. D. Hooker, 12 June 1881). CD appears to have received a separately paginated offprint of Hooker’s address to the geographers before the meeting (Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL); it was twelve pages long and was also published in the Report of the 51st Meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, held at York (Hooker 1881). Hooker praised Axel Blytt’s work on the immigration of the Norwegian flora in alternate rainy and dry periods as an advance in knowledge of the laws of plant distribution; Blytt had based his argument on different layers of peat in bogs containing the remains of different assemblages of plants (Hooker 1881, pp. 734–5; Blytt 1876). CD had brought Blytt’s work to Hooker’s attention after reading a draft outline of Hooker’s address, but did not mention Sydney Barber Josiah Skertchly’s discussion of peat and climate (Miller and Skertchly 1878, pp. 555–61) at that point (see letter to J. D. Hooker, 6 August 1881). The letter in which CD told Skertchly about Blytt’s work has not been found. CD had described these erratic blocks in his 1841 article ‘Distribution of the erratic boulders’. Hooker had written, ‘the several south temperate floras are more intimately related to those of the countries north of them than they are to one another.’ Page 11 of the separately paginated offprint corresponds to Hooker 1881, p. 737. See letter from Francisco de Arruda Furtado, 13 June 1881, and letter to Francisco de Arruda Furtado, 3 and 6 July 1881. CD had sent Arruda Furtado a copy of Alfred Russel Wallace’s Geographical distribution (Wallace 1876; letter to Francisco de Arruda Furtado, 2 September 1881). See letter from Francisco de Arruda Furtado, 17 August 1881. See letter to Francisco de Arruda Furtado, 2 September 1881. CD was in mourning for Erasmus Alvey Darwin, who had died on 26 August 1881. This letter is written on sheets of headed notepaper with no black mourning border. In his address on geographical distribution, Hooker described CD as the ‘greatest of naturalistvoyagers’ and considered him the ‘latest and greatest lawgiver’ in the science of geographical distribution (Hooker 1881, pp. 728 and 733).

To John Lubbock   3 September [1881?]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Sept. 3d My dear Sir John The enclosed is worth your reading, & may suggest experiments.2 The case seems to me very perplexing. In my Cross-Fertilisation I have given a few facts about insects

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finding flowers.— About 40 years ago I tried roughly a few experiments with coarse artificial flowers with honey in middle with no success.3 It wd seem that insects must have very acute vision, thus to detect artificial flowers.— But I remember that Nägeli in his “Enstehung &c” states that he made artificial flowers with paper & scented them & that they were visited.4 Can the artificial colours differ to an insect’s eye from the colours of real flowers?— I daresay you will, if you think it worth while, solve the problem.—5 Do makers of artificial flowers add the “guiding lines” or marks to the nectar?6 〈13 page excised〉 AL incomplete The British Library (Add MS 49644: 94–5) 1 2

3

4

5

6

The year is conjectured on the supposition that works referred to in the letter are H. Müller 1881a and Lubbock 1881b (see nn. 2 and 5, below). The enclosure was probably CD’s copy of Herman Müller’s Alpenblumen (H. Müller 1881a), in which Müller discussed colours and the type of insects they attracted. Müller had sent CD a copy of the book in November 1880 (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter from Hermann Müller, 27 November 1880). In Cross and self fertilisation, pp. 420–3, CD considered the question of how insects recognised flowers; he also discussed the function of colour and odour working together to attract insects to flowers, noting that insects were never deceived by unscented artificial flowers (ibid., pp. 372–4). CD’s own experiment using artificial flowers taken from one of Emma Darwin’s bonnets took place on 1 June 1842, and is mentioned in the notebook he used to record his observations on his children (see Correspondence vol. 4, Appendix III, p. 423). Carl Wilhelm von Nägeli’s experiments with artificial flowers are described in Entstehung und Begriff der naturhistorischen Art (Nägeli 1865, p. 22). CD referred to Nägeli’s experiments in Cross and self fertilisation, p. 374, where he mistakenly referred to page 23 of Nägeli 1865. Lubbock was completing part 9 of a series of articles, ‘Observations on ants, bees, and wasps’; in this article he described experiments showing that bees could distinguish between artificial colours of different hues, and that they showed the same colour preferences in both artificial and natural colours (Lubbock 1881b). Lubbock referred to Müller’s Alpenblumen (see n. 2, above) on pp. 113–15. CD discussed the function of dark-coloured streaks and veins on petals in guiding insects to the nectary in Cross and self fertilisation, pp. 372–4.

To John Price   3 September [1881]1 Down. | Beckenham Kent. Sep: 3. My dear Price. I thank you for your kind & sympathetic letter2   My brothers death is a great loss to all of us, especially to all my children, as his kindness & affection was unbounded.—3 He had become, I think, quite weary of life;—& thank God his suffering at the close was not severe & very short. I am sorry that I cannot answer your question about the Dotterells, for my memory is a very poor one for small past events.— I remember going with you & Erasmus on ponies a long excursion to some extraordinary wild mountainous scenery but I can remember no more.4

September 1881

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We were all much pleased & interested by your friend Mrs Smith at Ullswater but I did not then know that she was your friend.5 I wish that you had told me something about your own health. & I most truly hope that you suffer less than formerly. My health is better than it was but I shall never be fit for any great exertion. My dear Price, | Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin. Copy DAR 147: 282 1 2 3 4 5

The year is established by the reference to Erasmus Alvey Darwin’s death. Price’s letter has not been found, but George Howard Darwin had written to inform him of Erasmus’s death (see letter from G. H. Darwin, 28 August 1881). Erasmus had died on 26 August 1881 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). The dotterel (Charadrius morinellus), is a species of ringed plover; it usually breeds on remote mountain tops. Price had been at Shrewsbury School with Erasmus and CD. The Darwins had stayed in Patterdale on Ullswater in the Lake District from 3 June to 4 July 1881 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). In his later letter to Price dated 27 December 1881, CD mentioned Mrs Smith’s death; Price’s friend was therefore most likely Lucy Caroline Smith, a widow who lived for some time before her death on 14 December 1881 in Patterdale (Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/5530/89/7) and England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 22 April 2021)).

From G. J. Romanes   4 September [1881]1 Garvock, Bridge of Earn, Perthshire: September 4. My dear Mr. Darwin,— I hasten to relieve your mind about writing on vivisection, as I am sure that none of the physiologists would desire you to do so if you feel it a bother.2 After all, there are plenty of other men to do the writing, and if some of them quote the marked sentences in your letter (which I return), with the statement that you still adhere to them, the chief thing will be done—viz. showing again and emphatically on which side you are.3 It is not intended to call the article a ‘Symposium.’ I only used this word to show that they are to be of the same composite kind as those which the ‘Nineteenth Century’ previously published under this designation.4 Your letter gives me the first news of your brother’s death.5 I remember very well seeing him one day when I called on you at his house. It must make you very sad, and I am sorry to have written you at such a time. I have already sent in a short review of Roux’s book, but should like to see about the bees in ‘Kosmos.’6 I am trying some experiments with bees here on way-finding; but, contrary to my expectations, I find that most bees, when marked and liberated at one hundred yards from their hive, do not get back for a long time. This fact makes it more difficult to test their mode of way-finding, as the faculty (whatever it is) does not seem to be certain.7

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September 1881

Many thanks for sending me the book on Worms so early.8 As yet I have only had time to look at the table of contents, which seems most interesting. Lockyer is staying here just now, and has given me the proofs of his book. It seems to me that he has quite carried the position as to the elements being products of development.9 E. D. Romanes 1896, p. 125 1 2

3 4

5 6

7 8 9

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to G.  J.  Romanes, 2 September 1881. CD had declined Romanes’s invitation to contribute to a ‘symposium-like series of short essays’ on vivisection that would be published in the monthly magazine Nineteenth Century (letter to G. J. Romanes, 2 September 1881). CD had sent Romanes a copy of the letter he had written in defence of vivisection that was published in The Times in April (see letter to G. J. Romanes, 2 September 1881 and n. 2). CD had thought the term ‘symposium’ might be regarded as in bad taste when dealing with a sensitive topic like vivisection since its original meaning was a drinking party (see letter to G.  J.  Romanes, 2 September 1881 and n. 3). See letter to G. J. Romanes, 2 September 1881 and n. 8. CD had told Romanes about a review of Wilhelm Roux’s book as well as an article on bees by Hermann Müller in the latest issue of Kosmos (see letter to G. J. Romanes, 2 September 1881 and nn. 6 and 7). Romanes’s review of Roux 1881 appeared in Nature, 29 September 1881, pp. 505–6. Romanes was working on animal intelligence; he discussed bees and wasps in relation to way-finding in his book on the subject (G. J. Romanes 1882, pp. 181–2). CD had asked his printers to send the pages of Earthworms to Romanes in advance of its publication (see letter to G. J. Romanes, 2 September 1881). Norman Lockyer, who believed that inorganic evolution proceeded alongside organic evolution, published no books between 1878 and 1887. The spectroscopic work he undertook to confirm his controversial view that each element had a variable spectrum because atoms could be dissociated into simpler elements under extreme heat was presented in his book The chemistry of the sun (Lockyer 1887), but this was not published until 1887, making it unclear whether the proofs mentioned by Romanes were a very early version of this book. It is possible that Lockyer showed Romanes pages of his series of lectures ‘Solar physics: chemistry of the sun’, which had been published in Nature in July and August 1881 (Lockyer 1881). In his last lecture, Lockyer discussed the new theory of chemical evolution (Nature, 25 August 1881, pp. 394–9).

To ?   5 September 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Sept 5th 1881 Dear Sir Will you be so good as to send me about 2 or 3 square feet of Linoleum (I think it is so called) like the enclosed bit.—1 Dear Sir | yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin Sotheby’s (dealers) (21–2 July 1988) 1

Linoleum is a waterproof floor covering made by coating canvas with oxidised linseed oil; it was invented by Frederick Edward Walton, who set up the Linoleum Manufacturing Company in 1864 in Staines (ODNB).

September 1881

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From Fritz Müller   6, 7, and 9 September 1881 Blumenau, S.t Catharina, | Brazil. Septbr. 6. 1881. My dear Sir. I can now inform you that the leaves of Schizolobium are protected by a waxy secretion.1 The differences occurring in the nyctitropic movements of leaves appear to be quite inexhaustible. One of the most curious cases and which has utterly puzzled me for some days, is that of Crotalaria cajanæfolia. The leaves are trifoliate and the leaflets, instead of rising, as they do in the species mentioned in your “Movements of Plants”, move downwards at night, and at the same time one or two or all of them rotate.2 In some leaves the lateral leaflets sink downwards without rotating, whereas the terminal one rotates 90o either to the right or to the left. In other leaves the lateral leaflets rotate 90o, so that their upper surface is turned either away from the stem or towards the stem, the terminal leaflet either moving downwards without twisting or rotating also. Other combinations may be seen and in young plants, with 6 or 8 leaves, every leaf may sleep in a peculiar position. I tried in vain to find some clue to this apparent capriciousness, till one day at sunset I saw the terminal leaflets of the first trifoliate leaves of a young Centrosema (different from the species mentioned in your book) turning their upper surface towards the setting sun and remain in this position till late in the evening (and probably the whole night).3 This suggested the idea that in Crotalaria cajanæfolia also the nyctitropic movements might be influenced by the setting sun and indeed so it is.— The leaflets turn their upper sides towards the setting sun if they can do so without rotating more than 90o.— Thus for instance on the western side of the stem the terminal leaflet sinks downwards without twisting, whereas the lateral ones rotate 90o, turning their upper sides away from the stem; on the eastern side, on the contrary, the upper sides of the lateral leaflets will face the stem. On the southern or northern side the lateral leaflets move downwards without twisting, whilst the terminal one rotates turning westwards its upper side. Thus at night this plant may even serve as a compass.— I shall send to “Kosmos” a short notice on this plant.—4 N.

N.

W Septbr. 6

Septbr. 7.

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September 1881

Septbr. 7. For some weeks we had had a cloudless sky and I was very curious to know, how our Crotalaria would behave, when not illuminated during the day by the rays of the sun. At length to day the sky was covered by dense clouds the whole day; about an hour after sunset all the leaflets were as yet in a nearly horizontal position or had scarcely begun to move downwards.— Now, about three hours after sunset most of them continue to be nearly horizontal in two plants, whereas in eight plants they have moved downwards so as to be nearly or quite perpendicular, and at the same time, they have rotated in the same direction, as if they had been illuminated by the setting sun, but in a far lesser degree. In some leaves on the western side of the plants the lateral leaflets have rotated little more than 45o (instead of 90o), and the terminal leaflets of some leaves placed on the northern or southern sides have rotated scarcely 30o.— The nyctitropic movements of the above mentioned Centrosema have been quite the same as in the previous cloudless days.— No human eye would have been able to distinguish, where the sun was sinking beneath the horizon, whereas the terminal leaflets of Centrosema turned their upper sides exactly to that part of the heaven. Was it, because they had done so for many previous days, or because, even with the sky densely covered with clouds, they received more light from the West, than from the East?— —Septbr. 9. Yesterday I covered two plants of Crotalaria from above, as well as from the western, southern and northern sides, so that they received light only from the East. The day was rather cloudy, as it was to day also. Yesterday the leaflets slept in the usual way, just as they did on the plants, which had remained uncovered. To day this is also the case with almost all the leaves; only the uppermost (youngest) leaf in either plant behaves differently; this leaf (in either plant) is on the western side of the stem and the upper side of the lateral leaflets is turned eastwards, instead of westwards, as they are in older leaves of these very same plants, and in all the leaves of the uncovered plants. Thus the feeble illumination from the East has not altered the inveterated movement of the older leaves, while it has caused the leaflets of the youngest leaf, to rotate eastwards.— It might perhaps be worth while to try some more experiments on this Crotalaria.— With the highest respect I am, dear Sir, | yours very faithfully Fritz Müller. DAR 171: 287 1 2

3

See letter to Fritz Müller, 4 July 1881 and n. 4; Schizolobium was one of several plants that CD had asked about in regard to bloom (an epicuticular waxy coating) on the leaves. In Movement in plants, p. 340, CD had noted that the leaves of an unnamed species of Crotalaria (the genus of rattlebox; misspelled by CD as Crotolaria) were observed to rise up at night. Crotalaria cajanaefolia (a synonym of C. cajanifolia) is chipilin. In Movement in plants, p. 365, CD described the leaflets of a Centrosema (the genus of butterfly peas) ‘from Brazil’ sinking vertically down at night. The specimen mentioned was evidently sent to CD by Müller, but no letter referring to it has been found; in notes in DAR 209.10: 82–4, CD noted the species was from Santa Catarina.

September 1881 4

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Müller’s article on Crotalaria cajanaefolia, ‘Eine Pflanze, welche bei Nacht die Himmelsgegenden anzeigt’ (A plant that shows the compass points at night; F. Müller 1881c), appeared in Kosmos, December 1881.

From G. H. Darwin   [7 September 1881]1 6 Q. A. S.t Wednesday p.m. Dear Father, I got down to York well eno’, tho’ not very flourishing. I found that Horace & I had a room togr. at the hotel. F. Balf. & Dohrn were there & we had a pleasant dinner. Next morning I strolled round the minster & afterwards went down to the Section room. Our paper didn’t come on till noon.2 I felt so tired before I began that I hardly knew how I shd. get on, but when once I was up all that went. I spoke it all without any preparation & altho’ I omitted whole acres it took 34 of an hour. I did better than I expected tho’ I felt it might have been better. However I was complemented afterwards in a way wh. makes me think it was a success, & no one left the room & numbers came in so that during the latter part there was quite a large audience. We didnt get much good out of the discussion as there was a tremendous crush of papers to follow. Horace & I started this morning at 7 & I got here at noon to find a lot of letters & things to do.3 I have just been at Herries & I find the land at Lincoln is part of the Cleatham estate.4 There is a curious old memorandum of no value which I have brought away & will show you on Sat. I am going to stay on till Sat. Sir W. T. will be here tomorrow & Wm. & I must meet on Friday night to settle as far as we can before he goes.5 Pray remember me to Mr. Rich.6 Your affec. son | G H Darwin My cold is bad still tho’ improving a little bit.7 DAR 210.2: 92 1 2

3 4

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to G. H. Darwin, 8 September [1881]. In 1881, the Wednesday before 8 September was 7 September. George Howard Darwin and Horace Darwin were in York to attend the meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science; they dined with Francis Maitland Balfour and Anton Dohrn, and George visited York Minster. Both Horace and George were members of the British Association committee appointed for the measurement of the lunar disturbance of gravity; George’s report on behalf of the committee was published in the Report of the 51st meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, held at York, pp. 93–126 (G. H. Darwin 1881c). George was an executor of the will of CD’s brother, Erasmus Alvey Darwin, who died on 26 August. George was staying at Erasmus’s house at 6 Queen Anne Street, London. Herries, Farquhar, Chapman & Co. were a banking firm at 16 St James’s Street, London (Post Office London directory 1878). Erasmus Alvey Darwin had inherited properties in Lincolnshire from his father, Robert Waring Darwin, but it was unlikely they were part of the Cleatham estate because that had not been owned by the Darwin family since 1762 (Worsley 2017, pp. 40 and 71).

388 5

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September 1881

William Thomson. William Erasmus Darwin was Erasmus Alvey Darwin’s other executor (see letter from G. H. Darwin, 28 August 1881). William and Sara Darwin were about to leave for a trip to the Continent (in a letter dated 14 September [1881], Emma Darwin thanked Sara for her postcard from Rheims (DAR 219.1: 147)). CD and Emma Darwin visited Anthony Rich in Worthing from 8 to 10 September 1881 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). George had been so unwell with a sore throat the Sunday before he went to the British Association meeting that he feared he could not ‘cook himself up enough to go’ (letter from Emma Darwin to Ida Darwin, [6 September 1881] (DAR 258: 632)).

From J. D. Hooker   7 September 1881 Royal Gardens Kew Septr. 7/81. Dear Darwin Can you kindly get me some more tubers of Herminium, for the Comte de Paris, who grows Orchids (terrestrial) marvellously—1 He tells me that Ophrys bombylifera is the only species of the genus that increases with him: (we find Herminium to increase with us) all the rest & most other species gradually die out— He is a perfect enthusiast, collects wherever he goes, & he tells me that he has at Chateau d’Eu 10,000 plants in flower in May (of terrestrial Orchids—) he has not Herminium at all!—2 The tubers you sent me 2 years ago have increased well, & form a beautiful patch, but I do not like to disturb it— The count tells me that he has found Herminium but so rare that he refrained from disturbing it & so has it not in his garden & as he has sent me 100 tubers of Ophrys bombylifera I should like in return to send him some Herminium from you, who he admires hugely. Your criticism anent Southern glacial Epoch is just— my lone statement was due to hasty condensation of matter.3 What I should have said, and did originally in MS was,—that from the appearance of Antarctic plants on mountains north of their home,—a glacial period might be inferred, as proved on astronomical & geological grounds or something to that effect. I have heard that Skertchly is a loose observer, but I should much like to know what he has written on peat bogs—though I am so overwhelmed with work that I doubt if I could read it.4 Yes I do hope to live to work out the relations of the southern Temperate floras—5 I do wish I could throw off my official duties here; I am getting so weary of them; & Dyer does them so well; but I could not nearly afford it yet6 There is a tremendously interesting point to be worked out in Azores, viz—huge trunks of Cypresses are found there buried in the ground, yet the Cypress is extinct in the Island.— there must be other preserved plants where these trunks are found. Whether or no, the history of these trunks wants clearing up.7 I shall be very glad to see the mountain plants & name them for your friend— I think 3500 is the greatest Azorean altitude.8 Lubbock did capitally well at the Association.9 Ever yrs | J D Hooker Dyer & Smith have both just started for their holidays.10

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DAR 104: 168–9 1

2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

10

Louis-Philippe-Albert d’Orléans, comte de Paris, cultivated orchids from around the world; a report on his temperate collection was published in 1876 (Germain de St-Pierre 1876). The orchid genus Herminium is widespread across Europe and Asia, but Hooker probably refers to the minute Herminium monorchis (musk orchid) that CD had found growing on ‘Orchis Bank’ (the Darwin family name for Downe Bank; LL 1: 116). This orchid is rare in Britain. CD described its unique manner of fertilisation in ‘Fertilization of orchids’, pp. 145–6, basing his account on George Howard Darwin’s observations, which are in DAR 70: 32–6. Ophrys bombylifera (a synonym of Ophrys bombyliflora) is the bumblebee orchid. The comte de Paris’s residence was the Chateau d’Eu, near Dieppe. See letter to J. D. Hooker, 3 and 4 September [1881] and n. 4. CD had suggested that Hooker look at Sydney Barber Josiah Skertchly’s work on peat bogs and climate (see letter to J. D. Hooker, 3 and 4 September [1881] and n. 2). See letter to J. D. Hooker, 3 and 4 September [1881] and n. 4. Hooker was director of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew; William Turner Thiselton-Dyer, Hooker’s son-in-law, was the assistant director. For a discussion of the palaeobotany of the Azores, see Góis Marques and Menezes de Sequeira 2015. CD had asked whether Hooker wanted Francisco de Arruda Furtado’s plant collection from the hills in the Azores (see letter to J. D. Hooker, 3 and 4 September [1881]). John Lubbock was president of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, which had met in York from 31 August to 7 September; his address was published in the Report of the 51st Meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science (Lubbock 1881a). John Smith was the curator of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew.

To G. H. Darwin   8 September [1881]1 West Worthing Hotel Sept. | 8th. My dear George I was extremely glad to get your note at Mr Rich’s, telling me about your paper.2 I have just seen your work noticed in the summary in the Times. I am very glad that you went to York, & I feel sure that it was proper for you to do so in person.—3 I have had a long & pleasant talk with Mr. Rich, & there is something about him, which pleases me much; he is so simple & modest. I think that I told you that I thought myself bound to tell him of the large fortune from Erasmus. & that under such changed circumstances I considered him most fully justified in altering his will.4 I begged him to consider it for a week, & then let me hear his decision. But he would not let me finish, & protested he shd. do nothing of the kind & that with so many sons I required much money. In this I heartily agree; though your mother is quite sorry! I now feel convinced that nothing will induce him to change.— He is in doubt about executors, as his sister is one & is now old. & he asked me whether William wd. be one, if hereafter he so determined; & please tell William that I answered for him & said that I was sure he wd. feel bound to act to the best of his power as his executor, if so appointed.—5 As I feel now pretty sure of Mr Richs fortune, it is all the more necessary for me to arrange my will on some fair scale of proportions to sons & daughters. I fear that poor dear old William will have been worked to death & will not have had time to calculate about the value of my property, with that of Erasmus

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September 1881

added. But I ought to settle soon, & when you are at Down, I will get out my will & codicils, & settle what I ought to do, that is if I possibly can do so.— Ever your affectionate father | C. Darwin How could my father have got any of the Cleatham land?6 DAR 210.1.: 109 1 2 3

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5 6

The year is established by the reference to the visit to Anthony Rich (see n. 2, below). See letter from G. H. Darwin, [7 September 1881]. CD visited Rich in Worthing from 8 to 10 September 1881 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). George had attended the British Association for the Advancement of Science meeting in York, where he presented a report on behalf of the committee appointed for the measurement of the lunar disturbance of gravity. His report was published in the Report of the 51st Meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, held at York (1881), pp. 93–126, and briefly mentioned in The Times, 7 September 1881, p. 10. Erasmus Alvey Darwin had bequeathed half of his personal estate and all his real property to CD (see letter from G. H. Darwin, 28 August 1881). In December 1878, Rich had declared his intention of leaving some valuable property to CD, and had agreed to CD’s settling this on his children (see Correspondence vol. 26, letter from Anthony Rich, 10 December 1878). Rich’s sister Emma Burnaby did outlive him, but was in her mid-seventies in 1881; William Erasmus Darwin served as Rich’s executor (see Pall Mall Gazette, 12 May 1891, p. 6). See the letter from G. H. Darwin, [7 September 1881], in which George had stated that Erasmus Alvey Darwin’s land in Lincoln was part of the Cleatham estate. CD was puzzled by how his father, Robert Waring Darwin, obtained this land because the Darwin family had not owned land in Cleatham after 1762 (Worsley 2017, p. 40).

From S. H. Haliburton   8 September [1881]1 Pavilion Hotel | Folkestone Septr 8th. My dear Charles Darwin I cannot refrain from offering to you my very sincere condolences on the loss of your Brother, for I know it must be a great sorrow to you, & I must always sympathize in all that concerns you—2 When I last saw Erasmus, this Spring, he appeared much in his usual health— I am here, & have been, for more than three weeks, in attendance on my poor Sister Sobie, who returned from Aix les Bains in a most wretched state, & she has ever since been dangerously ill, Inflammation of the Lungs, & her Heart also affected, her recovery is more than doubtful, & her sufferings are sad to witness—3 Fanny Biddulph is here also, she desires many kind remembrances to you—4 Believe me always | Most sincerely Your’s | S H Haliburton Do not take the trouble to answer this, I only wished to assure you, that your trouble had not been disregarded by me— DAR 166: 87 1 2

The year is established by the reference to Erasmus Alvey Darwin’s death. Erasmus Alvey Darwin had died on 26 August 1881. Haliburton had been a neighbour and friend of CD and Erasmus in Shrewsbury before her marriage.

September 1881 3

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Sobieski Mostyn Owen, Haliburton’s youngest sister, died in September 1882 (England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1995 (Ancestry.com, accessed 6 November 2020)). Aix-les-Bains is a spa town in south-east France. Fanny Myddelton Biddulph had been a close friend of CD before the Beagle voyage (see Correspondence vol. 1).

From Wilhelm Breitenbach1   9 September 1881 Sehr geehrter Herr Darwin! Meinen besten Dank für Ihren freundlichen Brief und sodann ganz besonders für die Übersendung Ihres neuen Buches “On the power of movement in plants”, welches ich mit von Seite zu Seite steigendem Interesse lese.2 Ich habe es augenblicklich etwa zur Hälfte gelesen und muss bekennen, dass ich mich ungemein befriedigt fühle. Wenn ich im Laufe dieses Sommers eine grössere Excursion in unsere Provinz mache, werde ich mich selbstverständlich nach Melastomaceen umsehen und Ihnen Samen senden.3 Ich beabsichtige, die Flora unser Provinz zu bearbeiten. Könnten Sie mir vielleicht sagen, ob ich die Pflanzen in Kew bestimmt bekommen kann, und an wen muss ich mich wenden, wenn dies geschehen kann? Martius’ “Flora brasiliensis” besitze ich nicht, und in der Bibliothek hier ist sie gleichfalls nicht zu haben.4 Im December werde ich einen Ausflug an unsere Meeresküste machen, namentlich um Polypen, Medusen und andere niedere Seethiere für mich und für Prof. Haeckel in Jena zu sammeln.5 Meine Hymenopteren und Dipteren werden, soweit wie möglich, von Herrn Dr. Schmiedeknecht in Deutschland bestimmt. Lepidopteren und Orthopteren weiss ich noch nicht unterzubringen.6 Herr Prof. Dr. H.  v. Ihring, der auch in unserer Provinz ist, beschäftigt sich augenblicklich eifrig mit physiologischen Experimenten an Schlangen, namentlich mit der Prüfung auf ihre Giftigkeit. Er hat schon einige interessante Entdeckungen gemacht, über die der an den “Zoologischen Anzeiger” von Carus berichtet hat.7 Eine kleine Abhandlung über Stabheuschrecken (Phasmiden und Verwandte) werde ich in kurzer Zeit an die “Stettiner Entomologische Zeitung” einsenden.8 Das Untersuchungs- und Beobachtungs- Material ist in der That so reichlich und mannigfaltig, dass ich oft nicht weiss, wo ich zuerst anfangen soll. Von Neujahr ab verliere ich nun leider ziemlich viele Zeit, da ich von dieser Zeit ab die Redaction einer hiesigen deutschen Zeitung übernehmen werde. Durch Correspondenz mit drei nord-amerikanischen Zeitungen aus Milwaukee wird mir ebenfalls viel Zeit genommen.9 Leider aber ist daran nichts zu ändern; denn meine Mittel erlauben mir nicht, ohne ein derartiges Amt ausschliesslich meinen Studien zu leben. Da in der unmittelbaren Umgebung unserer Stadt eine grosse Menge dimorpher und trimorpher Pflanzen wächst, die ich aber meistens noch nicht genau kenne, so werde ich wol auch einmal Befruchtungsversuche an denselben anstellen. Im

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Auftrag der Meteorologischen Institutes in Leipzig bin ich eben dabei den Versuch zu machen, einige meteorologische Stationen in unserer Provinz ins Leben zu rufen.10 Auf der am lten October stattfindenden Deutsch-Brasilianischen Austellung sind einige sehr werthvolle Sammlungen, namentlich von Insecten, Fischen, Schlangen und Säugethier- Schädeln. Namentlich die letztere würde wegen ihrer Vollständigkeit eine Zierde jedes europäischen Museums sein. Es sollen die Schädel sämmtlicher Säugethiere der Provinz in derselben vorhanden sein. Ich werde s. Z. im Zoologischen Anzeiger Näheres darüber mittheilen.11 Ihrem Herrn Sohn Francis gefällt es in Strasburg hoffentlich sehr gut.12 Bitte grüssen Sie ihn von mir. Mit bestem Gruss verbleibe ich Ihr | hochachtungsvoll ergebenster | Dr. Wilhelm Breitenbach Porto Alegre. 9. Sept. 1881. | Rio Grande do Sul. | Brazil. DAR 160: 295 1 2

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10

11

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. See letter to Wilhelm Breitenbach, 20 [ June] 1881. CD evidently sent Breitenbach a copy of Movement in plants after Breitenbach expressed an interest in reading the book in his letter (see letter from Wilhelm Breitenbach, [before 20 June 1881]). See letter to Wilhelm Breitenbach, 20 [ June] 1881 and nn. 3 and 4. CD was interested in species that had two different types of pollen. Several volumes of Karl Friedrich Philipp von Martius’s Flora brasiliensis (Martius ed. 1840–1906) had been published by this time. Breitenbach had already mentioned his lack of access to reference material in his letter of [before 20 June 1881]. Medusae are the sexual forms of individuals of the phylum Cnidaria; polyps are individual members of colonial cnidarians such as hydrozoans. Ernst Haeckel had published a monograph on medusae (Haeckel 1879–81) and was working on describing the medusae of the Challenger expedition (Haeckel 1882). Hymenoptera are bees, wasps, and ants; Diptera are true flies, mosquitoes and gnats. Otto Schmiedeknecht specialised in Hymenoptera. Lepidoptera are butterflies and moths; Orthoptera are grasshoppers, locusts, and crickets. Hermann von Ihering, in a letter published in the Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, 18 June 1881, pp. 209–10, discussed his research on snakebites and antivenoms. His paper, ‘Über den Giftapparat der Korallenschlange’ (On the venom apparatus of the coral snake; Ihering 1881) appeared in Zoologischer Anzeiger, 1 August 1881. Julius Victor Carus was the editor of Zoologischer Anzeiger. No paper by Breitenbach on insects in the family Phasmidae (a synonym of Phasmatidae, walking sticks) was published in the Stettin Entomologische Zeitung. For newspapers Breitenbach might have edited in Porto Alegro, see Brandenburger 1926 and Roche 1959, pp.  497–9, 673–4. Milwaukee had the largest German population of any American city and a number of German-language newspapers. For more on newspaper publishing there, see the Encyclopedia of Milwaukee, emke.uwm.edu/entry/german-language-media/ (accessed 12 May 2020). The Meteorologische Bureau für Wetterprognosen im Königreich Sachsen (Meteorological Bureau for Weather Forecasts in the Kingdom of Saxony) was set up in 1878 in Leipzig by Carl Christian Bruhns. In December 1863, Bruhns had set up a network of meteorological stations throughout Saxony and was a promoter of the movement to set up the International Meteorological Organisation (Leipziger Institut für Meteorologie, https://meteo.physgeo.uni-leipzig.de/de/orga/limhist-fr.html (accessed 10 August 2020)). No report by Breitenbach appeared in Zoologischer Anzeiger, but his paper ‘Eine ethnologische Sammlung aus der süd-brasilianischen Provinz Rio Grande do Sul’ (An ethnological collection from the south Brazilian province of Rio Grande do Sul; Breitenbach 1882) appeared in the July 1882 issue of Kosmos.

September 1881 12

393

Francis Darwin had been working in the laboratory of Anton de Bary in Straßburg (Strasbourg) from 10 May 1881 until 1 August 1881 (letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 10 May 1881; Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)).

From G. H. Darwin   [9 September 1881]1 New University Club, | S.t James’s Street, S.W. Friday Dear Father I have found the missing packet of forks at bottom of box at Herries.2 I shall leave it at 2 Bry. St. to come to Down, if I have time to go there—& if not take them to Camb. & bring them home when I come.3 Yrs affec | G H Darwin DAR 210.2: 94 1 2

3

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from G. H. Darwin, [7 September 1881]. The Friday following 7 September 1881 was 9 September. Herries, Farquhar, Chapman & Co. were a banking firm at 16 St James’s Street, London (Post Office London directory 1878). George had arranged a temporary executor’s account there following the death of Erasmus Alvey Darwin (see letter from G. H. Darwin, 28 August 1881). Four Bryanston Street was the home of Henrietta Emma and Richard Buckley Litchfield. George lived in Cambridge.

To T. H. Huxley   9 September 1881 Worthing Sept 9th. 1881 (Home tomorrow) My dear Huxley We have been paying Mr Rich a little visit, & he has often spoken of you & I think he enjoyed much your & Mrs. Huxley’s visit here.—1 But my object in writing now is to tell you something, which I am very doubtful whether it is worth while for you to hear, because it is uncertain.— My brother Erasmus has left me half his fortune, which is very considerable.2 Therefore I thought myself bound to tell Mr Rich of this, stating the large amount, as far as the executors as yet know it roughly. I then added that my wife & self thought that under these new circumstances he was most fully justified in altering his will, & leaving his property in some other way.3 I begged him to take a week to consider what I had told him & then by letter to inform me of the result.— But he would not, however, hardly allow me to finish what I had to say, & expressed a firm determination not to alter his will, adding that I had five sons to provide for. After a short pause he implied, (but unfortunately he here became very confused & forgot a word, which on subsequent reflexion, I think was probably “reversionary”.) anyhow he implied that there was a chance, whether good or bad I know not, of his becoming possessed of some other property, & he finished by saying distinctly “I will bequeath this to Huxley”. What the amount may be, (I believe not

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September 1881

large)— what the chance may be, God only knows; & one cannot cross examine a man about his will.—4 He did not bind me to secrecy, so I think I am justified in telling you what passed, but whether it is wicked on my part to send so vague a story, I am not at all sure; but as a general rule it is best to tell everything.— As I know that you hate writing letters do not trouble yourself to answer this. From what I have seen in a sort of summary in the Times, I am anxious to read your address at York; & I do hope that it will appear in Nature or in some separate form.—5 With kindest remembrances to all your party, ever my dear Huxley yours most sincerely Charles Darwin PS. On further reflexion I shd. like to hear that you receive this note safely. I have used up all my black-edged paper. Imperial College of Science, Technology and Medicine Archives (Huxley 5: 368) 1

2 3

4

5

CD and Emma Darwin visited Anthony Rich in Worthing from 8 to 10 September 1881 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). Henrietta Anne Huxley and Thomas Henry Huxley had visited Rich in the spring of 1881 (see letter from T. H. Huxley, 6 March 1881). Erasmus Alvey Darwin had died on 26 August 1881. In 1878, Rich had declared his intention of bequeathing some valuable property to CD, and had agreed to CD’s settling this on his children (see Correspondence vol. 26, letter from Anthony Rich, 10 December 1878). Rich had already bequeathed his house Chappell Croft in Heene, Worthing, to Huxley (see letter from Anthony Rich, 1 March 1881 and n. 7). It is unclear whether he intended to leave an additional property to Huxley, but there was no mention of this when Rich’s bequests were described in the Pall Mall Gazette, 12 May 1891, p. 6. On 2 September 1881, Huxley had given an address, ‘The rise and progress of palaeontology’, in the exhibition at the British Association for the Advancement of Science meeting in York (Report of the 51st Meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, held at York (1881): xxxii). A summary of Huxley’s discourse was published in The Times, 3 September 1881, p. 7, and a longer version appeared in Nature, 8 September 1881, pp. 452–5.

From R. F. Cooke   10 September 1881 50A, Albemarle Street, London. W. Sepr. 10 1881 My dear Sir We have remaining about 270 copies of the Movements of Plants.1 Perhaps the best course wd. be to work off 250 more copies & then break up the type.2 If you think so, have you any corrections you wd. like to make previously. Yours faithfully | Rob.t Cooke Cha.s Darwin Esq I send you by post an early copy of Worms, for yr approval.3 Keep it quiet. You need not return it. The price we propose is 9/DAR 171: 517

September 1881 1 2 3

395

Movement in plants had been published on 6 November 1880; 2000 copies were printed in 1880 (Freeman 1977). In the event, a third thousand was printed in 1882 (Freeman 1977). Earthworms was not published until 10 October 1881 (Freeman 1977).

To Hyacinth Hooker   10 September [1881]1 Down Beckenham Sept. 10th My dear Lady Hooker. Very many thanks for the newspaper, which has amused us & perplexes us who the author could have been. What difficult French the gentleman writes & some of the expressions no one in this house could translate.—2 I am very glad that York answered so brilliantly.—3 Yours faithfully & obliged | Charles Darwin The paper shall be forwarded tomorrow— Pieces of the Past Auction (dealers) (11 October 1984, lot 103) 1 2 3

The year is established by the mourning border (Erasmus Alvey Darwin had died on 26 August 1881) and the reference to York (see n. 3, below). Neither the newspaper nor the subject of the article has been identified. Joseph Dalton Hooker had served as president of the Geography section at the British Association for the Advancement of Science Meeting in York between 31 August and 7 September 1881 (Report of the 51st Meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, held at York (1881), Transactions of the sections, pp. 727–38).

From Frank Hurndall   10 September 1881 1, Ashfield, | Wavertree. | nr Liverpool Septr 10th 1881 Sir/ I take the liberty of addressing you upon the subject of a frog, found in a seam of coal; thinking it may interest you to hear it, should you not already be aware of the incident, for it is alleged that such reptiles cannot live without food or air. Some years ago a frog, measuring about 112 inches long, was found, alive, in a lump of coal, taken from a colliery in South Wales, & upon examination was found to have a mark denoting where its mouth shd. be which was closed, & was in appearance similar to a healed cut upon the human body, but was otherwise, to all appearance perfectly, formed— It was, subsequently, placed in a glass bottle & hermetically sealed up but died a short time afterwards. The cause of death not being discovered.1 It was a mystery to all who saw it, as to how, & for how long, it had lived, having no natural means of taking food, & the depth it was found at, made it doubtful, as to its obtaining air: hence it was generally supposed, it had lived without either.2—a

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September 1881

statement which if it could be proved, would be of interest to you, perhaps, as well as to other naturalists Trusting you will pardon the liberty I take in addressing you, & hoping the incident may interest you. | I am, Sir, | Yr. Obedient Servant | Frank Hurndall Professor Darwin. DAR 201: 16 1

2

The live frog discovered in a lump of coal in Monmouthshire, Wales, had been exhibited at the 1862 International Exhibition in London. Frank Buckland, in common with many other men of science, had poured scorn on the idea that frogs and toads found entombed in this way were as old as the rocks in which they were discovered (‘The frog in the block of coal’, The Times, 16 September 1862, p. 7). William Erasmus Darwin had discussed the 1862 debate about the longevity of encased frogs with CD (see Correspondence vol. 24, Supplement, letter from W. E. Darwin, [5 October 1862] and n. 5). This was just one of several discoveries purporting to show that frogs and toads could survive for long periods encased in rock, despite William Buckland’s experiments, carried out in the 1820s, which showed that toads could not survive entombment for more than a year. See Gordon 1894, p. 89.

To Fritz Müller   10 September 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Sept. 10th 1881 My dear Sir Your account of the Pandanus & of Oxalis sepium has interested me so much, that I could not resist sending your account to Nature.—1 You write English so well that your letter might have been printed verbatim; but 2 or 3 trifling alterations seemed to improve the English, without altering the sense.— Many thanks for the seeds, & about the leaves not being wetted when immersed.2 I have from your seeds one fine healthy young plant of Schizolobium, with its first true leaf beginning to expand, so that I shall be able to experimentise on the leaves myself.— I am sorry to say that the tuber of Heteranthera, though treated with the utmost care, showed no signs of life, & Hedychium never arrived.3 It is too much trouble, with too little chance of success, for you to think of sending me living plants. I have begun crossing heterostyled plants, & selected Linum grandiflorum; but I believe all my labour will be thrown away as in our wretched climate the pods will I fear rot.4 When the winter comes I will put my notes together on the use of the waxy secretion, or bloom, on leaves, fruit &c, & on the movements of the leaves & see what I can make of the subject; but I am somewhat doubtful whether my results will be of much worth.5 Perhaps you may remember that I described in “Insectivorous plants” a really curious phenomenon which I called the aggregation of the protoplasm in the cells of the tentacles. None of the great German Botanists will admit that the moving masses are composed of protoplasm; though it is astonishing to me that anyone could watch the movements & doubt its nature. But these doubts have led me to observe analogous facts, & I hope to succeed in proving my case.6

September 1881

397

I often feel rather ashamed of myself, for asking for so many things from you, & for taking up so much of your valuable time; but I can assure you that I feel grateful. Believe me, my dear Sir, | Yours very sincerely Ch. Darwin The British Library (Loan MS 10 no : 54) 1 2 3

4

5

6

See letter from Fritz Müller, 9 August 1881 and n. 6; part of the letter was published in Nature, 15 September 1881, p. 459 (see letter to Nature, [before 15 September 1881]). See letter from Fritz Müller, 9 August 1881 and n. 3. Müller had sent seeds of an unnamed species of Dalbergia and promised to send seeds of Coccocypselum. See letter from Fritz Müller, 9 August 1881 and nn. 8 and 9. Müller had sent seeds of Schizolobium parahyba (Brazilian firetree); CD’s notes on movement in the leaflets, dated 12 and 13 September 1881, are in DAR 209.12: 174. CD had received seeds of Heteranthera reniformis (kidneyleaf mudplantain) from Müller in April 1881 (see letter to Fritz Müller, 12 April 1881). The summer of 1881 was cold and wet, interfering with CD’s experiments; his notes on plants of Linum grandiflorum fertilised between 18 July and 1 August 1881, with additional notes made on 20 and 31 March 1882 for seeds germinated the following year, are in DAR 67: 88. CD’s notes on bloom (the epicuticular waxy coating on leaves and other plant parts), dated from 1873 to 1881, are in DAR 66–8; notes made in 1881 are in DAR 67: 66–110. Most of CD’s experiments in 1881 focused on the protective function of bloom and leaf movement. CD never published on the subject, but Francis Darwin published a paper on bloom and the distribution of stomata or breathing pores on leaves (F. Darwin 1886). See Insectivorous plants, pp. 38–65; CD observed the phenomenon in Drosera rotundifolia (common or round-leaved sundew). Ferdinand Julius Cohn, in an essay review of the book (Cohn 1876, pp. 454–5), was sceptical of the protoplasmic nature of the aggregated material, referring instead to the aggregation of particles in the red cell sap (see also Correspondence vol. 23, letter from F. J. Cohn, 28 August 1875). CD’s further experimental notes on aggregation, dated between August and December 1881, are in DAR 52: F13–98, and DAR 62: 3–108.

To W. M. Hacon   11 September 1881 Sept 11— 1881— My dear Sir Owing to my accession of property, from my late brother, I shd. be much obliged if you wd make me a new will.—1 Perhaps you have copies of my present will & codicils; if not & you will inform me by telegraph or letter I will immediately send you either the attested or duplicate copies. I am very anxious that there shd be no delay in my new will being made & signed.— I wish all the old provisions to stand; with the following exception, namely that all my property be divided amongst my children in the proportion of 12 to my sons & 7 to my daughters. For instance if my property were to return only 74 thousand pound, each of my 5 sons wd receive 12,000£ & each of my 2 daughters 7000£. As all my children are now above 21, the clause about minors, I suppose, is superfluous— Since my will was made, stock to be estimated at 5000£ has been settled on the wife of my son Horace; & there is an additional 5000£ settled on her of which I pay interest, but no property was transferred into her Trustees hands..2 The codicil about the pictures &c & books to stand.—3 Had I better sign my new will in duplicate & deposit the 2  copies in different places, or is this a superfluous caution?

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September 1881

I also wish to leave two legacies, each of 1000£ (free of Duty) to Sir J. D. Hooker & Professor H. T. Huxley,4 “as a slight memorial of my life-long affection & respect for them.’ I shd be much obliged if you would send the new will by Post as soon as you, so that I may read it over, & then I will request you to send a Clerk who together with my Butler5 might serve as witnesses; for I have no [other], whom I should like to ask ADraft DAR 202: 61 1 2 3 4 5

Erasmus Alvey Darwin had died on 26 August 1881; he had bequeathed half his personal estate and all his real property to CD (see letter from G. H. Darwin, 28 August 1881). For the details of the marriage settlement between Horace Darwin and Ida Farrer, see Correspondence vol. 27, letter from W. M. Hacon, 7 November 1879. For the codicil to CD’s will, see the letter from W. E. Darwin, 6 January 1881 and n. 12. CD inadvertently transposed Thomas Henry Huxley’s initials. William Jackson.

To Francisco de Arruda Furtado   12 September 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Sept. 12th 1881 Dear Sir Sir J. Hooker writes to me that he shall be very glad to see the mountain plants which you have collected, & will give you the names of them, if you wish it.1 The parcel shd. be directed to “Sir J. Hooker Royal Gardens Kew London.—” Sir J.  Hooker tells me one very interesting fact, which is well worth your investigating, namely that “huge trunks of Cypresses (Cupressus) have been found there (he does not say in which island) “buried in the ground; yet the Cypress is extinct in the islands”. He thinks that the remains of other plants might be found in the same sites, & this wd. be very interesting & a good description of the place where the Cypress-trunks have been found is much wanted.2 The experiment may be a foolish one, but I shd. get some of the earth from the same bed, far from the surface or the side of any little cliff, & keep this earth damp in a warm place, & most carefully covered by a bell-glass, & observe whether any plants sprung up; for I believe, contrary to the opinion of the best botanists, that seeds buried deep in the ground sometimes, retain their vitality for a long time.— I wrote to you a few weeks ago.—3 Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin P.S. Sir J. Hooker speaks in another part of his letter, of the case of the Cypress trunks being a wonderfully interesting one.

September 1881

399

Historical Archive of the Museums of the University of Lisbon (PT/MUL/FAF/C/01/0022) 1 2 3

See letter from J. D. Hooker, 7 September 1881. See letter from J. D. Hooker, 7 September 1881. CD possibly refers to his comments about investigating the dispersal and viability of seeds in his letter to Francisco de Arruda Furtado, 3 and 6 July 1881.

From John Harmer   12 September 1881 Wick, near Arundel, Sept 12th. ’81. Chas Darwin Esq. F.R.S. Dear Sir, In passing through Arundel park a few days ago I observed the accompanying beetle hauling off a large worm about 6 inches in length & not having noticed any thing of the kind before I carried him home to satisfy myself whether such was his food or whether his appetite would be affected by captivity.1 He has since disposed of the fluids of two more which he cuts up in a very business like manner. Thinking it just possible there might be an element of interest in the circumstance I have ventured to transmit it and the animal to you & hope, if there be not, that you will excuse the liberty of Sir, | Your obedt servt | John Harmer DAR 166: 104 1

Harmer was a photographer in Leominster (Lyminster), Sussex, and had previously worked in Lewisham, Kent; Arundel Park is an old deer park in the South Downs, West Sussex, and is about a mile and a half from Lyminster. Several species of larger ground beetles and rove beetles are predators of earthworms.

From G. H. Haydon   12 September 1881 Bethlem Royal Hospital. | London. S.E. Sept 12th. 1881 Sir, Referring to a quotation from a letter of yours inserted in the Evening Standard of the 5th inst I beg you will not consider me intrusive in sending some genuine Hudson’s Bay Mosquitoes sent me at my request a year or two ago, by my son, from Moose Factory—1 Let the minuteness of my offering plead for me in taking up a minute of your valuable time— Your obedient Servant | Geo H Haydon Darwin | &c &c &c DAR 166: 124

400 1

September 1881

The London Evening Standard almost certainly carried the same letter that appeared in many newspapers, most prominently in The Times, 5 September 1881, p. 10, titled ‘Mr. Darwin on mosquitoes’ (see letter to Stephen Price, 1 September [1881]). Haydon’s son Walton Haydon was a surgeon with the Hudson’s Bay Company, at Moose Factory, Ontario, Canada; in 1881, he also made a collection of natural history specimens from the area, which was acquired by the United States National Museum (see Preble 1902, p. 27).

From T. H. Huxley   12 September 1881 Grasmere, Westmoreland Sep 21. 1881. My dear Darwin I am heartily glad to hear of your accession of fortune; but I wish you would ‘take the goods the Gods provide you’ like a reasonable man; instead of immediately casting about to despoil yourself in favour of a friend, like a generous man, as I see you have been doing—1 I am very glad you have told me all about the matter so that I may speak freely in return   I quite enter into your feelings & should act in the same way under like circumstances at least I hope I should, for the grasping avarice with which I have been credited lately leaves room for doubt— At the same time if you will put yourself in my place, you will feel that the notion that I or my belongings should in any way profit at the expense of you or yours—must be altogether repellent to me; and that I can but wish that Mr Rich should stand to his guns & in spite of your rendered persuasions leave the provisions of his will untouched—2 If there are any ‘residuary’ crumbs left, as you hint, I shall not quarrel with them if they come my way; otherwise it is my earnest wish that the status quo should remain unchanged— And the kindest thing you can do for me is to use your influence with Mr Rich in this sense— Polly—that sagacious urhund3—would howl at me if I came among you laden with the spoils of the clan Darwin—and we should feel worse fortune hunters than ever on our next visit to Heene—4 You will find the York address in ‘Nature’.5 It seemed to go down very well— which I was glad of as I mean to retire from this line of business. These addresses take so much out of one— The wife sends her love & says she is going to write to Mrs. Darwin. She has been up Helvellyn & if the Athletic sports were not over I should expect her to enter for them!6 Ever | Yours very truly | T. H. Huxley Imperial College of Science, Technology and Medicine Archives (Huxley 9: 215) 1

2

See the letter to T. H. Huxley, 9 September 1881, concerning bequests to CD from Erasmus Alvey Darwin and Anthony Rich. The proverb ‘take the goods the gods provide’ is an exhortation to enjoy good fortune or advantageous circumstances. Rich had intimated that he might make further changes to his will in favour of Huxley (see letter to T. H. Huxley, 9 September 1881 and n. 4).

September 1881 3

4 5

6

401

Polly was a rough-haired fox terrier, originally Henrietta Emma Litchfield’s dog (Freeman 1978). Huxley used the term ‘urhund’ to mean primal dog; his sketch of the ‘Ur-hund (Polly)’ was published in Emma Darwin (1915) 2: 199. Rich had already stated his intention of bequeathing his home Chappell Croft in Heene, Worthing, to Huxley (see letter from Anthony Rich, 1 March 1881 and n. 7). In his letter of 9 September 1881, CD had asked whether Huxley’s discourse, ‘The rise and progress of palaeontology’, presented at the British Association for the Advancement of Science meeting in York, was going to be published in Nature; it appeared in the issue for 8 September 1881, pp. 452–5. Helvellyn is the third highest peak in the Lake District, where Henrietta Anne Huxley and T. H. Huxley were on holiday. An article in The Times titled ‘Athletic sports’ provided coverage of the championship meeting of the Amateur Athletic Association held in Birmingham in July 1881, at which there were international competitors and about 14,000 spectators (The Times, 18 July 1881, p. 6).

To W. E. Darwin   13 September [1881]1 My dear old William.— I am extremely obliged to you for all the great trouble which you took about my money affairs.2 You must have been worked almost to death. After much deliberation with your mother I have decided on the 12 to 7 scale, & have sent instructions to Hacon for a new will.—3 I have decided to divide amongst you all at once, all that I receive from Erasmus, except the Lincoln Land & the Q. A. St. House.—4 You & George will find it not a little difficult to make the division of all the property.—5 George is here & seems rather unusually well. His & Horace’s paper at York on the movements of the level of the ground was a great success, & I have been much interested by reading it in proof.—6 I am reading a book, which I think you wd. like, viz Judds new work on Volcanos which seems to me admirably good, spirited short & clear.—7 I hope that you & Sara will enjoy yourselves, but all people who go to foreign parts are poor benighted creatures.—8 Give my best love to Sara.— | your affectionate Father | C. Darwin Sept 13th | Down.— DAR 210.6: 182 1 2

3

4

5

The year is established by the reference to CD’s new will. William’s letter concerning the value of CD’s estate has not been found. After receiving a substantial bequest from Erasmus Alvey Darwin, CD had asked William to revalue his estate (see letter to G. H. Darwin, 8 September [1881]). See letter to W. M. Hacon, 11 September 1881. William Mackmurdo Hacon was CD’s solicitor. In a letter dated 13 September 1881, Emma Darwin reported to Henrietta Emma Litchfield that CD had finished ‘settling about his money matters’, and declared that they were ‘enormously rich’ (DAR 219.9: 270). Erasmus Alvey Darwin had died on 26 August 1881; he had bequeathed half his personal estate and all his real property to CD (see letter from G. H. Darwin, 28 August 1881). Erasmus had lived at 6 Queen Anne Street in London and had property in Lincoln. William and George Howard Darwin were Erasmus Alvey Darwin’s executors (see letter from G. H. Darwin, 28 August 1881).

402 6

7 8

September 1881

George Howard Darwin and Horace Darwin had attended the meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science in York as members of the committee appointed for the measurement of the lunar disturbance of gravity; the report, which was ‘written in the name of G. H. Darwin merely for the sake of verbal convenience’, was published in the Report of the 51st Meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, held at York (G. H. Darwin 1881c). John Wesley Judd stated in the preface to his book that his aim was to write about volcanoes from a new standpoint by focusing on investigations that had thrown fresh light upon the subject (Judd 1881). William and Sara Darwin were on the Continent; in a letter dated 14 September [1881], Emma Darwin thanked Sara for her postcard from Rheims (DAR 219.1: 147).

From W. M. Hacon   13 September 1881 18, Fenchurch Street, | London. | E. C. 13th September 1881 My dear Sir I am in receipt of your letter of the 11th Instant.1 And I will prepare and send for your approval a draft of your intended new will in conformity with the instructions contained in your letter. I have drafts of your will and codicils of the dates mentioned in the accompanying memorandum.2 And if these are the will and codicils referred to, in your letter, and with reference to which your instructions are given I need not trouble you to send me the originals or copies. I recommend you to execute the new will in duplicate. The expence of the duplicate is inconsiderable. And the security it affords is very desirable. No time shall be lost in the preparation and despatch to you of the draft. And I am | My dear Sir | Yours sincerely | Wm. M Hacon Charles R. Darwin Esqre | Down | Beckenham | Kent DAR 166: 27 1 2

See letter to W. M. Hacon, 11 September 1881. Hacon's memorandum has not been found.

From George King   13 September 1881 Botanical Garden | Calcutta 13 Sept 1881 My Dear Sir, As you may possibly not have seen a good specimen of the pitchers of Dischidia Rafflesiana Wall, and as I think they may interest you, I have taken the liberty to send * you a very good one which was sent to this garden some time ago from Eastern Bengal.1 The specimen is in a jar of spirit safely cased in a soldered tin box, over which there is a wooden cover: So I hope it may reach you safely I have never had an opportunity of seeing this curious plant in a wild state. On several occasions living plants have been sent to the Garden, but although poor John

September 1881

403

Scott and myself did all we knew to get them to live, we never succeeded in keeping one alive more than a few weeks.2 I have therefore had no opportunity of making any observations on the use of the pitchers to the plant and to the ants which (in this garden at least) always infested them. Wallich figures the plant in his Pl. Asiat. Rariores and, by book post, I send you a copy of his figure, while I herewith enclose an extract from his description—3 I am sorry I can now add nothing to the latter, but someday I may have the good fortune to observe the plant growing wild: Believe me to be | Yrs sincerely | George King *by Overland parcel post DAR 169: 23 1

2 3

King was superintendent of the Royal Botanic Garden, Calcutta (Kolkata). Dischidia rafflesiana (a synonym of D. major) was first described by Nathaniel Wallich (see n. 3, below). It later became known as the ant plant because ants nest in its hollow leaves. John Scott had been the curator of the Calcutta Botanic Garden until 1879. Wallich had illustrated and described Dischidia rafflesiana in Plantae Asiaticae rariores (Wallich 1830–2, 2: 35–6 and plate 142). See plate on p. 406. The figure and extract sent by King has not been found.

From J. B. Innes   14 September 1881 Milton Brodie | Forres— 14th. Sept. 1881— Dear Darwin, The cultivation of bees continues among my amusements. Wasps are their enemies and therefore are waged war against. This year I caught quite an unusual number of queens. It is a curious fact that they will readily go into bottles of syrup placed among the bee hives, which the bees, though the contents are the same that they are fed on, very rarely enter. I don’t know how they acquired this wisdom, as this was the first year I followed the plan so the information could hardly have been traditionally conveyed. Some of the Queen wasps, which are the only ones who survive the winter, commenced to make nests in empty bee-hives, and I observed that the several cells which constitute their foundations were, so far as I could see, perfect hexagons and as well arranged as those of a commenced comb in a hive. This sent me to the “Origin of species”, and it seems to me that this regularity of construction cannot be accounted for in the same way as the work of the bee, as it is the labour of a solitary insect, which does all the early work alone.1 What a sad harvest it has been in the South! I never heard of a year when the weather was so persistently different in England and Scotland.2 We had unusually cold weather all the time the wave of heat passed over you. In consequence our crops, now being cut, are very late, and the appearance of the Skies is not encouraging, but we should not be ill off if it came fine and warm now.

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I hope you enjoyed and benefited by your sojourn at the lakes.3 With all our very kindest regards to you and your party | Believe me | Faithfully yours | J Brodie Innes DAR 167: 39 1

2

3

CD described the cell-making instincts of hive-bees in Origin, pp. 224–35, noting the collective way that bees formed the cells of the comb (ibid., pp. 228–30). His account remained substantially the same in subsequent editions of Origin. Innes supposed that queen wasps made their nests alone. Neither he or CD was aware that the principle of nest building by wasps was the same as with hive bees. Either several queen wasps work collectively to build a nest, after which the dominant queen subjugates the others and lays her eggs, or a single queen constructs a few cells in which she lays eggs to produce new worker wasps that then take over the building of the nest. From June to September 1881, Scotland experienced snow and frost, which killed off large numbers of young grouse and delayed the harvest, while the south of England had very hot weather (‘Weather in history 1850–1899’, https://premium.weatherweb.net/weather-in-history-1850-to-1899-ad/ (accessed 24 June 2020)). The Darwins had holidayed in Patterdale in the Lake District between 3 June and 4 July 1881 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)).

To Nature   [before 15 September 1881]1 [Down.] Leaves Injured at Night by Free Radiation Fritz Müller, in a letter to me from Sta. Catharina in Brazil, dated August 9, supports the view which I have advanced with respect to leaves placing themselves in a vertical position at night, during their so-called sleep, in order to escape being chilled and injured by radiation into the open sky.2 He says: “We have had last week some rather cold nights (2° to 3° C. at sunrise), and these have given me a new confirmation of your view on the meaning of the nyctitropic movements of plants. Near my house there are some Pandanus trees, about a dozen years old; the youngest terminal leaves stand upright, whereas the older ones are bent down so as to expose their upper surfaces to the sky. These young leaves, though of course the most tender, are still as fresh and green as before; on the contrary, the older ones have suffered from the cold, and have become quite yellowish. Again, the leaves of Oxalis sepium were observed by me to sleep in a very imperfect manner during the summer, even after the most sunny days; but now, in winter, every leaflet hangs down in a perpendicular position during the whole night.” It is a new fact to me that leaves should sleep in a more or less perfect manner at different seasons of the year.3 Charles Darwin Nature, 15 September 1881, p. 459 1 2

The date is established by the date of publication of this letter in Nature. See letter from Fritz Müller, 9 and 10 August 1881.

September 1881 3

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In Movement in plants, p. 560, CD had concluded that the purpose of nyctitropic (sleep) movement was to protect the leaf blade from damage caused by radiant heat loss from leaves. This damage occurs on cold calm nights when the plant surfaces become colder than the air above them. Pandanus is the genus of screw pine or pandan palm; its branches produce crowns of sword-shaped leaves. For Oxalis sepium, see the letter from Fritz Müller, 9 August 1881 and n. 2.

To J. B. Innes   15 September 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Sept. 15th 1881 My dear Innes The case of the bees not entering the bottles seems very curious, & I will mention it to Lubbock, who is by far the best judge & observer of the minds of insects now living in the world.1 Wasps have been as extraordinarily rare here, as they appear to have been common with you.— The criticism about the hexagons made by queen wasps is a very good one:2 I well remember thinking over this case, & how I wriggled out of the difficulty, I cannot remember. I do not believe that I was so dishonest as not to notice it: at least if I did do so, it was momentary forgetfulness, as I collected wasps & hornets’ nests & studied the different kinds of nests in the B. Museum, & knew well that the Queen commenced her comb, all by herself.—3 There is really not a scrap of news to tell you. Poor Mrs Parslow is dead & she is a great loss to the village, as she was wonderfully kind to any sick & poor person.—4 I go on working in my usual manner & do what I can. I have occasionally attended for many years to the habits of worms, & next month a little book on them by me will be published, & as some parts may possibly interest you (for you ought to have been a regular naturalist) I will send you a copy as soon as it is published.—5 My brother, Erasmus, whom you may in old times have seen here, has lately died; & I am glad to say that his last illness was very short & without any severe suffering.6 Farewell my dear Innes | yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin I see that I have forgotten to take black-edged paper. Cleveland Health Sciences Library (Robert M. Stecher collection) 1

2

3 4 5 6

See letter from J. B. Innes, 14 September 1881. John Lubbock, CD’s neighbour, had published articles on the intelligence of bees and wasps in the 1870s, and in 1888 he published The senses, instincts, and intelligence of animals, with special reference to insects (Lubbock 1874–7 and Lubbock 1888). CD had attributed the hexagonal shape of bees’ cells to the communal building process in a beehive (Origin, pp. 224–35). Innes based his criticism on the supposition that since only queen wasps survived the winter they built their nests alone (see letter from J. B. Innes, 14 September 1881 and n. 1). George Robert Waterhouse of the British Museum had sent CD information on wasps’ cells in 1858 (see Correspondence vol. 7, letter from G. R. Waterhouse, 17 April 1858). Eliza Parslow was the wife of Joseph Parslow, who had been the Darwins’ butler until 1875. The Parslows lived in Down village. Earthworms was published on 10 October 1881 (Freeman 1977); Innes’s name is on CD’s presentation list (see Appendix IV). Erasmus Alvey Darwin had died on 26 August 1881.

Dischidia rafflesiana. Wallich 1830–2, 2: pl. 142. By permission of the Syndics of Cambridge University Library.

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To the Darwin children   16 September 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Sept. 16. 1881.— (Circular for my children.) It seems to me adviseable that you all should know, as far as may be, what property you will have after your mother & my deaths. After due deliberation it seems to me fit not to give sons & daughters equal shares. My father left his property as 12 for Boys to 6 for girls, & this was approved of by Mr Salt, a very sagacious solicitor.1 Your grandfather J.  Wedgwood, left as 12  Boys to 8  girls, & this is the scale adopted by Mr. Norman.—2 I have taken an intermediate scale of 12  to 7. Your mother’s property is divided equally between boys & girls, & so has been your Aunt Catherine’s.3 William4 estimates my own property (including Erasmus’ share, & Land)5 at £282,000 excluding £35,000 trust. According to the scale of 12 to 7, & including your mothers property & that from Aunt Catherine, each of my sons will have about £53,000, & each daughter about £34,000. The current prices, on which my property has been valued by William yield between 312 & 334 per cent. Lastly I have resolved to divide at once Erasmus’ property in accordance with the above scale of 12 to 7. This property, (excluding the land near Lincoln & the house in Q. Anne St, which I keep for myself)6 is valued by William at £76,250. I shall continue to divide the overplus of my income as before, but on the scale of 12 to 7.7 I shall however, probably give away more for scientific purposes, so that a less sum will probably be divided amongst you.— Charles Darwin DAR 210.6: 183 1

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4 5 6 7

Robert Waring Darwin’s estate was inherited by his two sons, CD and Erasmus Alvey Darwin, and his four daughters, Marianne Parker, Susan Elizabeth Darwin, Caroline Wedgwood, and Catherine Darwin. Thomas Salt was a solicitor in Shrewsbury. Josiah Wedgwood II left his estate to his four sons, Josiah Wedgwood III, Hensleigh Wedgwood, Henry Allen Wedgwood, and Francis Wedgwood, and his three surviving daughters, Emma Darwin, Elizabeth Wedgwood, and Charlotte Langton. Mr Norman was probably George Warde Norman. Catherine Langton (née Darwin), in her will, dated 9 January 1866, left her dividends to her husband, Charles Langton, and asked that the remainder of her property be sold in order to pay for bequests to her family, friends, and servants. William Erasmus Darwin. Erasmus Alvey Darwin, who died on 26 August 1881, had bequeathed half his personal estate and all his real property to CD (see letter from G. H. Darwin, 28 August 1881). Six Queen Anne Street was Erasmus’s London home; he also had land in Lincoln (see letter from G. H. Darwin, [7 September 1881]). CD had previously divided his overplus so that each of his daughters received two-thirds of the amount allotted to each of his sons (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter to the Darwin children, 21 February 1879).

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September 1881

From John Price   17 September 1881 My Dear Darwin I have to thank you for a very kind letter.1 If time served (to you or me) I could amuse you with many forgotten passages in our juvenile life. But, the 4 barrel discharge, Septr 1 “telum imbelle sine ictu”, near Frankwell, you surely never forgot?!2 My Son & Daur. made an attempt to call on you from Wallington lately;3 &, after being out 4 hours, & in 7 difft trains, never got within 5 or 6 miles, & nearly missed their dinner! They thot Down was the name of your house! I shd. not be surprised if you know no more of the route than they did! Pray remember me to Wedgwood; I ought to have written to condole with him, as he must be one of the many who will miss dear old Raz sorely4 “Multis ille bonis” &c which I hope you keep up.5 Poor Nathan Hubbersty is, I fear, in a very poor way, confined to bed, & his Wife all but blind: he & you had a troublesome journey, after you left me to die at my old home, as seemed likely; Ffestiniog, I think, puzzled you.6 I was, & am, preserved, præter spem, for some purpose; & am now working to show up the unfitness of the Revised Test for national acceptance.7 James Hildyard, in The Rock, is “perfectly astonished” at 24 men for 10 years working to so little purpose.8 I have a touch in Public Opinn Septr 3.9 Your young ones may have time to see what Old Price has to say. Yours affecty | John Price Chester | Sepr 17 | 1881 DAR 174: 76 1 2

3 4 5 6

7

8

See letter to John Price, 3 September [1881]. CD had confessed that his memory for ‘small past events’ was poor (letter to John Price, 3 September [1881]). Telumque imbelle sine ictu / coniecit: and he threw a feeble spear to no effect (Latin). Price was quoting from Virgil’s Aeneid 2: 544–5, to signify that the four-barrel discharge had little force. Frankwell in Shrewsbury was the site of CD’s childhood home, The Mount, as well as Shrewsbury School at the time it was attended by Price, CD, and Erasmus Alvey Darwin. (The school did not move to its present location until 1882.) Elis Price and Mary Elizabeth Price. Wallington is in Surrey. Hensleigh Wedgwood and his wife, Frances Emma Elizabeth Wedgwood, were particularly close to Erasmus Alvey Darwin. Multis ille bonis flebilis occidit: he fell lamented by many good men (Latin). Price was quoting from Horace’s Odes 1: 24. CD had toured North Wales with Nathan Hubbersty in mid-June 1826 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (DAR 158)). Price had hoped to join them, but was so severely ill that he had to return to his parental home in Wales to be nursed by his mother (see Correspondence vol. 1, letter from John Price, [July 1826]). Hubbersty died in October 1881; his wife was Eliza Caroline Hubbersty. Ffestiniog is a village in North Wales. Praeter spem: contrary to expectation (Latin). A revised version of the New Testament was published in 1881. It had been commissioned by the Church of England convocation at Canterbury in 1870, with the aim of adapting the King James version of the Bible to the ‘present state of the English language’ and the ‘present standard of Biblical scholarship’; the committee working on the revision was international and inter-denominational (Hall 1881, pp. 80, 89). James Hildyard had expressed this view in a letter published in the Rock: a Church of England Family Newspaper, 2 September 1881, p. 618. He signed the letter ‘Ingoldsby’, the name of his college living in Lincolnshire (ODNB). The English New Testament Company consisted of thirty clergymen, though some died and one resigned during the course of the work (Hall 1881, pp. 84–6).

September 1881 9

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A letter by John Price headed ‘Remarks on St. James’s general epistle, as revised A.D. 1881’, was published in Public Opinion, 3 September 1881, p. 299.

To J. D. Hooker   18 September [1881]1 Down Beckenham Sept. 18th My dear Hooker. Frank has searched the bank for Herminium, but it is quite out of all possibility to find such plants amidst the surrounding vegetation. It is not easy to see them even when in full flower. We could get plants for the Comte next summer.—2 I have written to Senr. Furtado to send his mountain plants from St. Michele in the Azores to you & have asked him whether he wants a list of the names.— I have told him about the buried cypresses, of which I had never heard.—3 You must be fearfully busy with your right-hand man away.4 Ever yours | Ch. Darwin DAR 95: 536–7 1 2

3 4

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from J. D. Hooker, 7 September 1881. Francis Darwin was searching ‘Orchis Bank’ (the Darwin family name for Downe Bank) for the tiny Herminium monorchis (musk orchid) to send to Louis-Philippe-Albert d’Orléans, comte de Paris (see letter from J. D. Hooker. 7 September 1881). See letter to Francisco de Arruda Furtado, 12 September 1881. William Turner Thiselton-Dyer, the assistant director of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, was on holiday (see letter from J. D. Hooker, 7 September 1881).

To John Lubbock   [18 September 1881]1 [Down.] Sunday evening My dear L. Your address has made me think over what have been the great steps in Geology during the last 50 years, & there can be no harm in telling you my impression.2 But it is very odd that I cannot remember what you have said on Geology.— I suppose that the classification of the Silurian & Cambrian formations must be considered as greatest or most important step; for I well remember when all these older rocks were called gray-wacke, & nobody dreamed of classing them; & now we have 3  azoic formations pretty well made out beneath the Cambrian!3 But the most striking step has been the discovery of the Glacial period: you are too young to remember the prodigious effect this produced about the year 1840(?) on all our minds.4 Elie de Beaumont never believed in it to the day of his death!5 The study of the glacial deposits led to the study of the superficial drift, which was formerly never studied & called Diluvium, as I well remember.—6 The study under the microscope of rock sections is another not inconsiderable step.7 So again the making out of Cleavage & the foliation of the Metamorphic rocks—8 But I will not run on, having now

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eased my mind. Pray do not waste even one minute in acknowledging my horrid scrawls.— Ever yours | Ch. Darwin I enjoyed seeing you all this evening, but I was not allowed by my wife to stop & say good bye.— DAR 261.7: 11 (EH 88205936) 1

2 3

4

5 6 7 8

The date is established by the allusion to Lubbock’s presidential address at the 1881 meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science (see n. 2, below), and by a reference in a letter from Emma Darwin to H. E. Litchfield, 20 September [1881]: ‘Sir John came on Sunday chiefly to consult F. upon a speech he had to make at University College on the opening of the Medical Class’ (DAR 219.9: 271). The Sunday before 20 September was 18 September. F.: father, i.e. CD. Lubbock had sent CD a copy of his presidential address to the British Association, which included a summary of advances in geology over the past fifty years (see Lubbock 1881a, pp. 16–20). Lubbock credited Adam Sedgwick and Roderick Impey Murchison with establishing the Cambrian, Silurian, and Devonian strata; he also mentioned that new divisions had been proposed for preCambrian strata by Henry Hicks (see H. Hicks 1880 and Lubbock 1881a, p. 17). Lubbock cited an 1837 paper by Louis Agassiz as the first contribution to glacial theory (see L. Agassiz 1837 and Lubbock 1881a, p. 18). Agassiz published further papers outlining his theory in 1840 (see especially L. Agassiz 1840). Léonce Elie de Beaumont. In his address, Lubbock briefly mentioned the study of drift beds by Joseph Prestwich (see Prestwich 1862a, 1862b, and Lubbock 1881a, p. 17). Lubbock discussed the work of Henry Clifton Sorby in laying the foundation of microscopic petrography in Lubbock 1881a, p. 18. On investigations into the causes of cleavage, see Lubbock 1881a, pp. 17–18.

From W. M. Hacon   20 September 1881 18, Fenchurch Street, | London, | E. C. 20th September 1881 My dear Sir I now send, for your approval, a draft of your intended new will.1 And I hope you will not have much trouble in seeing that it is such as will carry out your wishes. To ths each of your five sons 12 of your residuary estate are given; and to each of your 74 7 ths 2 two daughters 74 . Your married daughters share is given to the trustees of her marriage-settlement: and it will practically be retained by the executors & trustees of the will;—as they are also the trustees of the settlement.3 The retention will be upon the trusts of the settlement as to after-acquired property, which differ slightly from the trusts of the £5000 debenture stock which you put into the settlement, in respect of your daughter having power by will to dispose of the after-acquired property in default of issue of the marriage.4 The trusts as to this property have this peculiarity that your daughter has an absolute disposal of £3000 only as if she were single—when i.e. after £10000 (inclusive of the £5000 debenture stock) shall have come into settlement. Your other daughters5 share is given upon the same trusts as those contained in the old will.

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If any of your children should die before you, the Will Act would make the gift of the will in his or her favour operate as if he or she had survived you.6 And as your children are now all of age I think that the provisions of the will act are preferable to those of your old will which made the gifts to your children operate in their childrens favour if your children should die in your lifetime leaving issue. The reference of the present will to your own married settlement is taken verbatim from the old will. And I think I need not trouble you to give me information as to the power of appointment executed by the will. In effect the will appoints a sum of £10000 in the same shares amongst your children as your general estate is bequeathed. I shall be glad to give any further explanations respecting the draft: and to make any alterations you may desire. And I am | My dear Sir | Yours very truly | Wm. M Hacon Charles R. Darwin Esq. | Down | Beckenham | Kent DAR 166: 28 1

2 3 4 5 6

CD had decided to make a new will after inheriting property from Erasmus Alvey Darwin (see letter to W. M. Hacon, 11 September 1881). The draft was returned to Hacon on 22 September (letter from W. M. Hacon, 23 September 1881). CD’s surviving children were William Erasmus Darwin, Henrietta Emma Litchfield, George Howard Darwin, Elizabeth Darwin, Francis Darwin, Leonard Darwin, and Horace Darwin. William and George Darwin were CD’s executors and trustees for their sister Henrietta Litchfield. CD had settled £5000 of debenture stock in the North Eastern Railway Company on Henrietta as part of her marriage settlement (CD’s Investment book (Down House MS), p. 134). Elizabeth Darwin. The Wills Act of 1837 stated: ‘where any Person being a Child or other Issue of the Testator to whom any Real or Personal Estate shall be devised or bequeathed for any Estate or Interest not determinable at or before the Death of such Person shall die in the Lifetime of the Testator leaving Issue, and any such Issue of such Person shall be living at the Time of the Death of the Testator, such Devise or Bequest shall not lapse, but shall take effect as if the Death of such Person had happened immediately after the Death of the Testator, unless a contrary Intention shall appear by the Will’.

To Frank Hurndall   20 September 1881 Down, Beckenham, Kent. Sept. 20, 1881. Private. Dear Sir Many statements have been published of frogs and toads having been found in completely closed holes in rock, timber, coal, &c.  but they are quite incredible.1 No animal can live without oxygen and food. Dr. Buckland many years ago tried experiments, but all his buried specimens died.2 The most probable explanation which has been suggested is that the animal crawls into holes whilst very small and cannot escape, but feeds on any insects which may crawl in. As for the mouth of the frog being closed in the case referred to by you, no naturalist would credit it

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for a moment, unless the animal had been carefully dissected by an experienced anatomist. Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Chas. Darwin Copy DAR 145: 146 1 2

See letter from Frank Hurndall, 10 September 1881. For William Buckland’s experiments, carried out in the 1820s, which showed that toads could not survive entombment for more than a year, see Gordon 1894, p. 89.

From J. B. Innes   20 September 1881 Milton Brodie 20 Septr. 1881— My dear Darwin, It was awfully kind in you to write me such a nice long letter. In re wasps, I assure you I did not intend a savage criticism, but to tell a small fact, which I thought might possibly be new to you.1 If you had observed it I am sure you would walk straight and not “wriggle out of it”. I told some folk at our Bishops2 lately I was quite positive that if you met with, and had verified, any facts, which upset the Darwinian theory you would not rest till you published them. All the same I have full faith in the facts as observed by you, but do not yet accept the inferences. Returning to wasps, I do not think you have a commenced nest, before an egg is hatched, and I have packed one up, and am going to take it to the post office today or tomorrow, as a safer conveyance than the bag of the post runner. I am doubtful if it will reach you any more than pulvis exigua,3 but I have done my best in this way— The nest is glued on to a card and put into a cap box;4 the card is fastened with thread to the bottom of the box and cotton wool put about it; the top of the nest is nearly level with the top of the box and the commenced cells in the hollow   So when you take off the lid and gently lift the cotton in little bits you will see what you will see; and if indeed it is preserved you can take it out of the box by cutting the strings at the bottom. Wasps are most clever architects, but by no means substantial builders— It is odd that since the Queen season, about June, there have been hardly any wasps here. At that time, round my bee hives, I caught above a hundred queens, but lately have seen none attacking the ripe fruit either under glass or on the walls. The only persecution of them was about the hives, and as they stand in one corner of a walled garden of two acres it seems unlikely that nearly all in the garden, much more in the neighbourhood, should have fallen victims. I rather think something in the season has prevented their usual breeding. Curious that this should be the case with you, who have been over hot, and with us, who have been unusually cold.5 I shall be much interested in the Earth worms, especially as you will send me a copy, which I shall prize.6 Dr. Gordon, a naturalist neighbour, told me the other day that you had found they had much more sense, ?brains, than they had credit

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for.7 I wish I knew a little of Natural history. A lady friend sometimes stealthily uses them for a bait, in defiance of all sporting rules, when Salmon refuse to rise to her fly; and having been caught flagrante delicto, is now met with question when she sends home a 20lb one “did you use the Queen of Sheba”? by which name her ignoble lure has come to be designated, as on the occasion of her first conviction she suggested that as the fortunate fly—8 I saw a notice of your Brother’s death, and regretted it for your sake.9 I am glad to hear he was spared severe suffering   I well remember seeing him at your house, long long ago on a cold day, and think it was he who said that if he had to live in Downe he should sit in room with a German stove, wear a fur cloak and never go out. It is well for Parslow that before he lost his good wife his son should have married comfortably.10 Will you remember me to him, and assure him of our sympathy in his loss. The wife and Jack11 unite with me in kindest regards | Believe me My dear Darwin | Faithfully Yours J Brodie Innes DAR 167: 40 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

9 10

11

See letter to J. B. Innes, 15 September 1881 and n. 2. Innes was general licentiate of the diocese of Moray, Ross and Caithness, one of the dioceses of the Scottish Episcopal Church. He was also chaplain to the bishop, Robert Eden (Bertie 2000, p. 188). Pulvis exigua: fine dust (Latin). A cap box was carried by those going grouse shooting to hold the copper caps they used in their guns (The shooter’s handbook (Edinburgh: Adam and Charles Black, 1842), p. 137). See letter from J. B. Innes, 14 September 1881 and n. 2. CD had promised to send Innes a copy of Earthworms when it was published in October (see letter to J. B. Innes, 15 September 1881 and n. 5). George Gordon was a clergyman in Morayshire, with interests in geology and botany; he had corresponded with CD about orchids in 1860 and 1861 (see Correspondence vols 8 and 9). It was considered unsporting for anglers to use live bait rather than artificial flies when salmon fishing. The artificial flies recommended for Scottish rivers bore names such as ‘The Silver Doctor’, ‘The Candlestick Maker’, ‘The Duke of Sutherland’, ‘The Purple King’ (see ‘List of salmon flies’ in Francis 1876, pp. 333–91). The invented ‘Queen of Sheba’ to refer to an earthworm used as bait was in keeping with such fanciful names. Erasmus Alvey Darwin had died on 26 August 1881; the announcement of his death appeared in The Times, 30 August 1881, p. 1. Eliza Parslow, Joseph Parslow’s wife, had recently died (see letter to J. B. Innes, 15 September 1881). The Parslows’ son Arthur Parslow had married Mary Ann Westwood on 27 April 1881 (London Church of England parish registers P84/JS/011 (Ancestry.com, accessed 29 June 2020)). Eliza Mary Brodie Innes and John William Brodie Innes.

From S. B. J. Skertchly   20 September 1881 Hunstanton | King’s Lynn Sept 20. 81. Dear Mr. Darwin— Will you kindly allow me to use the testimonial enclosed, or grant me another, under the following circumstances?1

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September 1881

A year ago I met with a sad accident while at work, in which my son was killed and I so injured that I am compelled to resign my appointment, and shall certainly be unable to do any work for some years to come, even if I ever quite recover.2 The Treasury will grant me a pension, but it is so small that even if commuted would not cover the expenses I have already incurred. But if my application is backed up by testimony from independent sources they will—so Sir. H. Cole3 assures me—grant me an adequate sum. The matter is of vital importance to me as I am now quite cut off from all sources of income. I am grieved to ask you to take this trouble, but if you will kindly accede to my request I shall be more than grateful. You need only send a post card with the word ‘yes’ or ‘no’, respecting the testimonial enclosed, unless you care to dictate another. I would indeed spare you even this trouble were the matter less pressing. Ever Yours obediently | Sydney B. J. Skertchly C. Darwin Esqr F.R.S. DAR 177: 179 1

2

3

Skertchly had asked CD for a testimonial, probably in support of an application for the chair of biology at the University of Otago, New Zealand (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter to [Otago University], [16 February 1880]). It is unclear whether this or a different testimonial written by CD was enclosed with Skertchly’s letter. Skertchly had been an assistant geologist with the British Geological Survey; he retired from that post in 1881 following an accident in which he probably sustained an eye injury (Vincent 2017, p. 402). Skertchly’s son Cyril Edwin Kemp Skertchly was 7 years old when he died in the accident. Henry Cole.

To Caroline Wedgwood   20 September [1881]1 Down. Sept. 20, My dear Caroline I have been deeply interested by your letter, but first for business.2 There will be no difficulty in your share being divided at once between your three daughters, as George tells me; so that I have told him, unless he hears to the contrary from you, that it is to be thus divided.3 It will, however, be impossible to make any division for some time. The present investments will be divided as far as this is possible, but some will have to be sold for cash to equalise the shares. My share is to be divided amongst my children, as you propose for yours.4 With respect to investments I am now a bad adviser, as for 2  years I have divided (and shall continue to do) the overplus of my income amongst my children. Consequently I have thought nothing about investments. I will, however tell you what I can; but William would give better advice, when he returns home in about a month’s time.5 He has been valuing my property to guide me in making a new will,

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and he says that at present prices fairly good securities pay only from 312 to 334 per cent. The N. S. Wales 5 per cent Bonds (of which I hold 10,000) will be paid off in 1888 or 1889; and this is an objection to buying them; nor do I know at what price they can now be purchased. I bought them long ago at about £105. If I had to invest I should go into “Metropolitan Consolidated Stock” of the City of London; but I believe it pays only or barely 312 per cent. I hold £6000 of this stock. Your bankers would tell you at once the price of any stock. I am not sure that I should not go into the ordinary Government 3 per cent. Stock; though this now pays only 3 per cent. I should be tempted by its security and facility of purchase or sale. My father6 used to say that every one ought to hold some of this stock. I wish that I could have given fuller and better advice. I am extremely glad that the miniature is like my mother; for it shows a most sweet expression; and I was afraid that it might have been flattered.7 I value it much and so will my children. I grieve that I can remember hardly anything about my mother, except her black velvet gown and her work table and the death scene and talking to you of Marianne afterwards and you crying so much.8 It is strange that I cannot remember her face considering my age. I think my forgetfulness may be partly accounted for by none of you being able to endure speaking about so dreadful a loss.9 I cannot remember riding behind her; nor about guns or thunder. What you tell me is very pathetic and I am deeply glad to have heard it. I shall be glad to look again on her face in the miniature; but pray keep it as long as you like. If you wish it, I will return it to you again, after I have seen it and you may keep it for as long as you live; as it is necessarily more precious to you than to me. But I do not offer to give it, as I like the feeling of seeing it again, if I survive you. I remember well that you always acted like a mother to me and Catherine.10 You affectionate brother Charles Darwin. I should like to have written more, but visitors are coming and I must not tire myself.11 Your letter is very valuable to me. (My black-edged paper is rather small, so that I have written on this).12 Copy DAR 153: 5 1 2 3

4 5 6

The year is established by the references to the distribution of Erasmus Alvey Darwin’s estate (see n. 3, below). Caroline’s letter has not been found. Erasmus Alvey Darwin had bequeathed one-sixth of his personal estate to his sister Caroline Wedgwood; she evidently wished her share to go to her daughters Sophy Wedgwood, Lucy Caroline Harrison, and Margaret Susan Vaughan Williams. George Howard Darwin was one of Erasmus’s executors. See letter to the Darwin children, 16 September 1881. William Erasmus Darwin was travelling on the Continent with his wife, Sara Darwin (see letter to W. E. Darwin, 13 September [1881] and n. 8). Robert Waring Darwin.

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8 9 10 11

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CD and Caroline’s mother, Susannah Darwin, had died when he was 8 years old and Caroline was 16. CD presumably inherited the miniature from Erasmus Alvey Darwin. See plate on p. 417. It is now in the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge. Marianne Darwin (later Marianne Parker) was CD’s eldest sister; she was 19 when her mother died. In 1876, CD had written about his mother in a very similar way in his ‘Recollections of the development of my mind and character’ (‘Recollections’, p. 356). CD’s sister Catherine was just a year older than him. Emma Darwin reported that Francis Balfour and ‘a sensible German’, who had lived in Ischia for several years and been at the Naples Zoological Station, had visited Down House on 20 September 1881 (letter from Emma Darwin to H. E. Litchfield, 21 September [1881] (DAR 219.9: 272)). Black-bordered paper was used during mourning.

To J. B. Innes   22 September [1881]1 Down Sept 22nd. My dear Innes The wasp’s nest has arrived safe, except part of the outer walls, & was wonderfully well packed.2 The cells are not half such disagreeable objects, as I expected to see them; as the outer walls, when not in contact with any other cell, are distinctly rounded or curved; & the extreme bases or bottoms of the cells are also rounded. If a queen wasp were to make a single cell in the shape of a hexagon, the fact wd. have been an odious one in my eyes.3 I believe that she builds up several cells at the same time & makes straight walls between the adjoining cells;; & these intersecting plates between 6 surrounding cylinders produces the hexagon.— But the subject has gone out of my head, & I cannot spare time to force it into my old worn-out brains. Very many thanks for your most kind letter | Ever yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin Cleveland Health Sciences Library (Robert M. Stecher collection) 1 2 3

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from J.  B.  Innes, 20 September 1881. See letter from J. B. Innes, 20 September 1881. In Origin, pp. 224–35, CD had described the collective way in which bees began to form cells by making hemispherical scrapes in the wax, then building straight walls at the intersections of the hemispheres, resulting in a hexagonal shape. Neither CD nor Innes was aware that the principle of nest building by wasps was the same as with hive bees. Either several queen wasps work collectively to build a nest, after which the dominant queen subjugates the others and lays her eggs, or a single queen constructs a few cells in which she lays eggs to produce new worker wasps that then take over the building of the nest.

From William Nation   22 September 1881 Lima, September 22, 1881. Dear Sir, On the enclosed paper, I have marked down, in the order they were laid, the eggs of a pair of tame Cow-birds.1 Being acquainted with the “instincts” of the Molothrus, from the writings of

Portrait miniature of Susannah Wedgwood, mother of Charles Darwin. By Peter Paillou, the younger. Bottom right: back view. Original dimensions: 70mm x 60mm. © The Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge.

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Wilson and yourself, I was highly pleased to find, on my arrival, (1850   the eggs and young of a “parasite” in the vicinity of Lima.2 I left Lima for the interior, but on my return in 1860, I commenced to collect and rear a great many of these birds. It would afford me great pleasure (and I am greatly disappointed in not being able to do so) to speak you of the facts, of this and other Peruvian birds, which I have collected under the guidance of your writings; to thank you for the many pleasant hours you have given me in showing me the mysteries of nature. The facts which I have collected may be briefly stated as follows:— The Purple Cow-bird—(Molothrus purpurascens) is a nearly allied form of M. sericeus; and ranks among the most beautiful birds of Peru.3 It is a resident species in Western Peru. It is (especially the female) a very shy and timid bird. It lays its eggs in the nests of the Sparrow (Zonotrichia peliata), Starling (Sturnella bellicosa), and, Pipit (Anthus chii) only.4 The eggs of the Sparrow (in size and colour) are very much like the eggs of the Molothrus, the eggs of the Starling are larger and somewhat different in colour, but the eggs of the Pipit are very different both in size and colour. Generally one egg of the Molothrus is found in a nest; but I have found as many as six. The young Molothrus does not always eject its foster-brothers; I have seen a young Molothrus nearly fully feathered in a nest with two young Starlings. I have also found two young of the Molothrus nearly fully feathered in the nest of a starling, but in this instance, the young starlings had been ejected from the nest. The pair of Molothrus whose eggs I have marked down, are six years old. The female began to lay when she was two years old; and has laid, the number of eggs on the paper, every year. It is remarkable that the six first eggs are laid at intervals of four days. This no doubt is the number of eggs which the progenitor of the Molothrus used to lay when it made its nest. The other six eggs belong to the second nest. A near ally of the Molothrus (Icterus) lays six eggs.5 I find that the Sturnella always lay three eggs. In the nest—without exception— two birds are females. In the Genus Molothrus it is the reverse. of three young birds I have invariably found two of them to be males. The seed enclosed was taken from the stomach of a bird shot in the Andes near the Rimac. It is a Chilean bird and I have ascertained that it migrates every year to Peru. The seed is a Lupinus.6 I believe birds play a greater part in the distribution of plants than it is even supposed. I have no space to give a list of Peruvian birds in which I have found seed, or the names of plants which these birds eat. I am Dear Sir, Your very truly William Nation Dr. Darwin | &c &c

September 1881

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[Enclosure]

DAR 172: 5 1 2

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Two species of cowbird are found in Peru, the shiny cowbird, Molothrus bonariensis, which is fairly common, and the giant cowbird, M. oryzivorus, which is uncommon but widespread in western Peru. CD had described the nest parasitism of Molothrus niger (a synonym of M. bonariensis) in Journal of researches (1860), pp. 52–3. Alexander Wilson had described the habits of the North American cow bunting (Emberiza pecoris, a synonym of Molothrus ater, the brown-headed cowbird) in A. Wilson 1808–14, 2: 145–62. Molothrus purpurascens and M. sericeus are synonyms of M. bonariensis. In Journal of researches (1860), p. 52, CD mentioned that one of the birds in whose nest eggs of Molothrus had been found was Zonotrichia matutina, referred to here by Nation as Z. pileata (both names are synonyms of Z. capensis, the rufous-collared sparrow). Sturnella bellicosa is a synonym of Leistes bellicosus (Peruvian meadowlark). Anthus chii is a synonym of A. lutescens (yellowish pipit); CD mentioned this species in Birds, p. 85. The genera Molothrus and Icterus are in the family Icteridae, New World blackbirds and orioles. The Rimac is a river in western Peru. Lupinus is the genus of lupin.

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From Herbert Spencer   22 September 1881 38 Queen’s Gardens | Bayswater, W. Sep. 22/ 81 Dear Mr. Darwin, I inclose you a circular which tells its own story.1 I have long been wanting to make a move of the kind indicated, and have at length taken this step. Remembering the direction of your sympathies in the Jamaica business, I am inclined to hope you will join us.2 At present, as you see, the action taken is altogether private and but a few names have been obtained. When more public action is taken we shall, I have no doubt, present an imposing front. Truly yours | Herbert Spencer DAR 202: 122 1

2

The circular has not been found. Spencer hoped to set up an Anti-Aggression League to curb the aggressive tendencies of colonial powers; he had drawn up the circular outlining his plans on 16 June 1881 (see Duncan 1908, p. 221). In 1866, Spencer had asked CD to support the Jamaica Committee, which had called for the criminal prosecution of the colonial governor Edward John Eyre for his actions in suppressing an uprising by the ex-slave population of Jamaica (see Correspondence vol. 14, letter from Herbert Spencer, 2 November 1866). CD subscribed £10 to the committee (see ibid., letter to J. D. Hooker, 20 November [1866] and n. 8).

To Herbert Spencer   [after 22 September 1881]1 [Down.] My dear Mr Spencer, Although I agree wholly or almost wholly with the object of your league, yet I do not like joining such a body, until seeing how it works, more especially as I could never attend its meetings, & shd never be able to converse with any of its members.2 I do not feel that I have knowledge sufficient to form a good judgment on any political subjects. I remain, my dear Mr Spencer | yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin ADraftS DAR 202: 122v 1 2

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from Herbert Spencer, 22 September 1881. Spencer had asked CD to join his Anti-Aggression League (see letter from Herbert Spencer, 22 September 1881 and n. 2).

From W. M. Hacon   23 September 1881 18, Fenchurch Street, | London, | E. C. 23rd September 1881 My dear Sir I have received your letter of yesterday with the draft of your intended new will—and two copies are being made for your execution.1

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The clerical error of £1000 being written for £10000 has been corrected.2 My letter to you of the 24th Dec.r 1878 mentioned that Mr Rich’s intended desire or bequest to you might lapse or fail in the event of your pre-deceasing.—3 Nothing can be done by your will to prevent or guard against such a lapse. But Mr Rich has probably done all that is practicable, in regard to the possible lapse, by his will. The provision for Mrs Litchfields having an absolute power over £3000, in her lifetime, by an endorsement operating “inter vivos” is contained in her settlement. Your will does nothing in regard to this power beyond giving to the trustees as part of the funds bequeathed to them the £3000, over what the power will be exercisable.4 Excepting this sum of £3000, no part of the capital of the funds given to your daughters can be disposed of, by either of them during their lives.—5 They will have power to dispose of their fortunes by will,—except as to the sum of £ 5000 put into settlement by you upon Mrs. Litchfields marriage for her benefit. The will will be ready to be brought to you for execution on any day you may fix in next week. And if for any reason you would prefer it, I shall be happy to bring it myself. I have a managing clerk (Mr. G.  Morris) who has attended you on two occasions & who knows the way.6 I think that it will be better that the old will & codicils should be burnt as soon as the new will shall have been executed. I am | My dear Sir | Yours sincerely | Wm M Hacon Charles R. Darwin Esqre DAR 166: 29 1 2 3

4

5 6

CD’s letter has not been found. See letter from W. M. Hacon, 20 September 1881. See Correspondence vol. 26, letter from W. M. Hacon, 24 December 1878. In 1878, Anthony Rich had declared his intention of bequeathing some valuable property to CD, and had agreed to CD’s settling this on his children (see Correspondence vol. 26, letter from Anthony Rich, 10 December 1878). For Henrietta Emma Litchfield’s position with respect to CD’s will, see the letter from W. M. Hacon, 20 September 1881. The term ‘inter vivos’ in a legal context describes a gift made in a donor’s lifetime as opposed to a legacy (OED). CD’s second daughter was Elizabeth Darwin. George Horton Morris had visited CD at Down in relation to Horace Darwin’s marriage settlement (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter from W. M. Hacon, 31 December 1879).

From H. N. Moseley   24 September 1881 University of London, | Burlington Gardens. W. Sep 24. 81 Dear Mr Darwin I am a candidate for the professorship at Oxford rendered vacant by the death of Prof Rolleston and am collecting testimonials with a view to printing them.1 I should be extremely obliged if you would write me one should you feel so disposed testifying to the value of my original work and general ability.2 The chair at present as far as I understand covers the whole of animal biology. After an indefinite time a chair of physiology will be created in the University and

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then the professorship will become one of human and comparative anatomy, on the death of Prof Westwood the anatomy of invertebrata will be relegated to another separate chair and the Linacre professorship for which I am a candidate will become one of human and vertebrate anatomy only.3 Although most of my published work refers to invertebrates only this is more the result of accident than of my special inclination and caused by what was thrown in my way during the Challenger Expedition.4 I collected turtle and penguin embryos whales &c on the Expedition meaning to work at them but my hands were full of corals &c and these passed to others. During my medical studies I worked a good deal at human anatomy. My only opponents are as far as I know Cunningham assistant to Prof Turner at Edinburgh and Watso of Owens College.5 A testimonial from you would of course be of the highest value to me. Hoping you will excuse my troubling you in this matter which is of the greatest importance to me I remain | yours truly | H N Moseley. DAR 202: 114 1 2

3

4 5

George Rolleston had been Linacre Professor of anatomy and physiology at Oxford University; he died on 16 June 1881 (ODNB). CD had been sufficiently impressed by Moseley to act as one of the signatories to his successful nomination for fellowship of the Royal Society of London (see Correspondence vol. 24, letter from George Rolleston, 26 December 1876 and n. 2). Moseley’s application was successful and he was appointed Linacre Professor of human and comparative anatomy; a new chair of physiology was created at the same time (ODNB). John Obadiah Westwood was Hope Professor of zoology at Oxford; he did not die until 1893. Moseley was a member of the scientific staff on HMS Challenger during its scientific expedition around the world, 1872–6. His observations were published in H. N. Moseley 1879. Daniel John Cunningham, William Turner, and Morison Watson.

To H. N. Moseley   25 September 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Sept. 25th 1881 r My dear M. Moseley I earnestly hope that you may be elected Linacre Professor at Oxford, for from my knowledge of your several works & from personal acquaintance with you, I am convinced that no other Zoologist in Grt Britain, who is competent to be a candidate, is so well fitted for the place & so likely to advance natural science in Oxford.1 I remain, Yours very sincerely | Charles Darwin To | H. N. Moseley F.R.S. Christie’s, London (dealers) (online 31 October – 8 November 2018, lot 15)

September 1881 1

423

Moseley had asked CD to provide a testimonial in support of his application to succeed George Rolleston as Linacre Professor of anatomy and physiology at Oxford University (see letter from H. N. Moseley, 24 September 1881).

From W. M. Hacon   26 September 1881 18, Fenchurch Street, | London, | E. C. 26th Septr 1881 (Monday) My dear Sir I have received your note of Saturday.1 And Mr Morris will bring the will for your execution by the train, leaving Cannon Street at 1o.52′.2 And he will be with you at about half past 3, tomorrow (Tuesday). I am | My dear Sir | Yours sincerely | Wm. M Hacon Charles R. Darwin Esq | Down | Beckenham | Kent DAR 166: 30 1 2

CD’s note of 24 September 1881 has not been found. George Horton Morris was Hacon’s managing clerk (see letter from W. M. Hacon, 23 September 1881).

From E. B. Aveling   27 September [1881] Handed in at the Circus Road St Johns Wood Received here at [illeg] .M. From | Edward Aveling | Laboratory | 13 Newman St Oxford St. W1 To | Charles Darwin | Down | Beckenham Doctor Ludwig Buckner Germany is in London could he have Honor of Interview Wednes-day or Thurs-day at hour most convenient to you leaves Friday2 Pardon Abruptness and Boldness of request Telegram Date stamp: SP 27 | 81 DAR 159: 134 1

2

After losing his lectureship in comparative anatomy at the London Hospital in June 1881 (ODNB), Aveling continued to teach in the Hall of Science school he had begun in 1879 on behalf of the National Secular Society; his science classes were given at his own ‘Practical Science Laboratory’ at 13 Newman Street (Royle ed. 1976, p. 120; Royle 1980, pp. 317–18). The visit took place on Wednesday 28 September; after a family lunch, CD, Francis Darwin, Aveling, and Büchner retired to smoke in CD’s study when, as Aveling later reported in a pamphlet on CD’s religious views, the conversation turned to religion (Aveling 1883). Büchner also later recalled that CD defended his position as an agnostic ‘with some warmth’ in opposition to Aveling and Büchner’s atheistical views (Büchner 1901, p. 147). Büchner had been involved in controversies over materialism and anticlericalism in Germany; Aveling had published English translations of his work (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter from E. B. Aveling, 12 October 1880). The visit confirmed Emma Darwin’s worst fears; in a letter to George Howard Darwin on 28 October 1881 she had stated, ‘Herr Büchner is coming today to luncheon—& let us hope that he talks English & will refrain from airing his very

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strong religious opinions—’ (DAR 210.3: 22). The other visitors at lunch were house guests, Camilla Pattrick and her husband, Reginald Saint Pattrick, vicar of Sellinge, Kent, who, according to Emma Darwin, was interested in science, but ‘so languid’ that he was ‘hard work’ (ibid.).

From B. W. Savile   27 September 1881 Shillingford Rectory. | Exeter. Sept. 27th. 1881 Dear Sir— Having obtained your address through my son in law Cap.t Bogle R.E.—a brother officer of yr. son now quartered at Chatham,1 I venture on the liberty of asking you a question, not out of idle curiosity, but with a sincere desire to understand the doctrine of Evolution, about which I have read much during the last few years— Though it seems to me difficult to reconcile “Evolution” with the Mosaic record of man being a separate act of Creative power—I do not think that it necessarily involves what are commonly called “Infidel” principles— I have learnt by the experience of many years study how differently sincere men interpret various passages of Scripture; and I think how often we misunderstand one another from not endevouring clearly to ascertain what each one really means. This difficulty has long presented itself to my mind— How life born of an egg, can evolve life born of a mammal? If you could at your leisure favour me with a solution of this difficulty, you will oblige, Dear Sir, | Yours faithfully | B. W. Savile | Rector of Shillingford Charles Darwin Esq DAR 177: 42 1

John Du Terreau Bogle and Leonard Darwin served in the Royal Engineers at Chatham, Kent. Bogle had married Savile’s daughter Blanche Eleanora Bourchier in 1869 (BMD (Marriage index)).

From A. G. More   28 September 1881 Science and Art Museum, Dublin, | Science and Art Department, Leinster House, | Kildare Street, Natural History | Department. Sept 28th. 1881. My dear Sir If you still remember my name, I once had the honour of corresponding with you from the Isle of Wight at the time when I was beginning the study of Natural History—and I made a few observations at your request upon British Orchids1 Since that time Natural History has become my profession, and I have been for the last fifteen years employed in this Museum as Assistant Curator, always in the hope of succeeding some day to the post of Curator which is now vacant through the death of my chief, Dr Carte2

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During the 15 years I have resided in Dublin I have especially occupied myself with the Natural History of Ireland and (with the late Dr. Moore) am the Author of the “Cybele Hibernica”.3 I have also published on the Natural History in general of the Isle of Wight on the Distribution of British Birds4 and other papers, which I can scarcely suppose have come under your notice—but I still venture to hope that, as a former correspondent I may be allowed to ask the favour of a few lines from you, such as I might forward together with my other testimonials to the Department of Science and Art, in whose hands the appointment lies—5 May I hope that I have not taken too great a liberty in venturing to trouble you in this matter. I think I should perhaps add that my introduction to you was given by the late Mr. H. C. Watson6—and I remain dear Sir | Yrs very truly | A. G. More To Charles Darwin Esq F.R.S. | etc etc. DAR 202: 113 1

2

3 4

5 6

CD exchanged several letters with More about orchids between 1860 and 1862 (see Correspondence vols. 8, 9, 10). His last request for information from More was made in 1869 (see Correspondence vol. 17, letter to A. G. More, 24 June 1869). More had served as assistant curator in the Natural History Department of the Science and Art Museum, Dublin, since 1867. Alexander Carte, who had been director of the department from 1851, died on 25 September 1881 (Dictionary of Irish biography to 2002). David Moore and More’s Contributions towards a Cybele Hibernica was published in 1866 (D. Moore and More 1866). More published Outlines of the natural history of the Isle of Wight (More 1860). His work on the distribution of Britain’s breeding birds, based on a pioneer survey he organised by means of a questionnaire, appeared in More 1865 (see Moffat ed. 1898, pp. 134–42, 170, 173–6). From 1878, the Dublin Science and Art Museum had come under the jurisdiction of the Department of Science and Art, South Kensington, London (Moffat ed. 1898, p. 267). In his first letter to More, CD mentioned that Hewett Cottrell Watson had given him More’s address (see Correspondence vol. 8, letter to A. G. More, 24 June [1860]).

To C. V. Riley   28 September 1881 Down. Septr. 28. 1881. My dear Mr Riley. I must write half a dozen lines to say, how much interested I have been by your “Further Notes” on Pronuba. which you were so kind as to send me.—1 I had read the various criticisms, & though I did not know what answer could be made yet I felt full confidence in your result, & now I see that I was right.—2 What an inaccurate man Mr Meehan is!3 His Epitaph ought to be “He retarded natural science in the U.  States as much as any one man advanced it”— I see that he is to report on Vegetable Physiology on the next meeting of your association.4 If you make any further observation on Pronuba—it would I think be well worth while for you to observe whether the moth can or does occasionally bring pollen from one plant

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to the stigma of a distinct one for I have shown that the Cross-fertilisation of the flowers on the same plant does very little good; &, if I am not mistaken you believe that Pronuba gathers pollen from the same flower which she fertilises— What interesting & beautiful observations you have made on the metamorphoses of the grass-hopper destroying insects—!5 My dear Sir | Yours sincerely. | Ch. Darwin. Copy DAR 147: 303 1

2 3

4

5

The copy of Riley’s ‘Further notes on the pollination of Yucca and on Pronuba and Prodoxus’ (Riley 1880) is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. CD had thought Riley’s earlier paper (Riley 1873) on the behaviour of the yucca moth Pronuba yuccasella (a synonym of Tegeticula yuccasella) ‘the most wonderful case of fertilisation ever published’ (see Correspondence vol. 22, letter to J. D. Hooker, 7 [April 1874]). For critics of Riley’s work, see Sheppard and Oliver 2004, pp. 38–42. At the 1879 meeting of the American Association for the Advancement of Science, Thomas Meehan had argued that although he had seen the yucca moth in abundance when Yucca angustifolia was in flower, the plant never produced fruit unless artificially fertilised; he therefore concluded that Riley’s observations were incorrect (Meehan 1879). Riley 1880, pp. 628–39, responds to Meehan’s criticism. In August 1881, at the Cincinnati meeting of the American Association for the Advancement of Science, Meehan was invited to deliver a lecture to the biological section at the meeting in Montreal in 1882 (Proceedings of the American Association for the Advancement of Science 30 (1881): 386). Meehan’s Montreal address, titled ‘Variations in nature: a contribution to the doctrine of evolution and the theory of natural selection’, related his own views of evolution and natural selection to those of CD, for whom the ‘whole world’ was ‘in mourning’ (Meehan 1882, p. 438). Riley was one of three entomologists who made up the United States Entomological Commission, which had been instructed to investigate the grasshopper problem; the first annual report of the commission included Riley’s investigation of the locust mite (Trombidium locustarum, a synonym of Eutrombidium locustarum), which differs so much in infancy and maturity that these forms were thought to belong to distinct genera. (Riley himself confused the anterior and posterior ends of the larval form, mistaking the mouth for the anus.) In its mature form, the mite devours the eggs that locusts lay underground; in the larval form, the mites attach themselves to locusts (usually under the wing) and suck the nutrients out of them (First annual report of the United States Entomological Commission for the year 1877, relating to the Rocky Mountain locust (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1878), pp. 306–13).

To H. T. Stainton   28 September 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Sept. 28th 1881 My dear Sir It was very kind of you to send me the Dahlia flower, which is curious & pretty; but analogous cases have been occasionally observed. Mr Bree, who half-a century ago often wrote in Hort. & Nat. Hist. Journals, says that a Dahlia “bore two different kinds of self-coloured flowers, as well as a third kind which partook of both colours beautifully intermixed”.—1 I could add other cases of such bud-variation.— My dear Sir | Yours very faithfully | Charles Darwin Natural History Museum, Library and Archives (L MSS DAR A/27) 1

William Thomas Bree’s observation in reference to a variety of Georgina (a synonym of Dahlia), published in the Gardener’s Magazine 8 (1832): 94, was quoted by CD in Variation 1: 385.

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To A. G. More   [after 28 September 1881]1 [Down.] My dear Sir. I well remember your K.  assis about Orchids; but as I am not personally acquainted with you & as I cannot remember to have read any of your works, it would be dishonest in me to give you any testimonial about the Curatorship, not that I have the least reason to suppose that you could not fill the post well.2 I am sorry that I cannot accede to your request & remain | Yrs truly | Ch Darwin ADraftS DAR 202: 113v 1 2

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from A. G. More 28 September 1881. More was applying for the curatorship of the Natural History Department of the Science and Art Museum, Dublin, and had asked CD to write a testimonial in support of his application (see letter from A. G. More, 28 September 1881).

From B. J. Sulivan   29 September 1881 Bournemouth Sept. 29/81. My dear Darwin The white muscat grape has again changed to dark purple this year; but there is one difference from last year; then all were of full size and all coloured.1 This year at least one third of each branch have remained small, not much larger than currants—and the colour has not touched them; while all that have grown to full size are fast becoming purple as they approach to ripening. I cannot understand why a portion should apparently be left very small because they were not to be coloured. We made the acquaintance this summer at Buxton of your cousins at “Fern”, and of their son Cap.t D who was so long at home through smashing his knee cap on the Flagship at Malta. It was a sad thing for him when in the best position for promotion; before we left he went out to join “Cruiser” at Malta; and though still on two sticks he was quite well enough for Commanding a small vessel.2 So much less work than Commander of a large ship, doing all the work of a 1st. Lieut. My daughter’s lameness was much better for Buxton. My wife walks no better, but the Dr. did not hold out much hopes of its removing her stiffness.3 He would not let me try the waters, and unfortunately I got a cough there for three weeks which tried my shaky head much, and which had not quite left me till lately. We returned home a month since after a month at Newcastle and in E Yorkshire after leaving Buxton. I had promised my wife’s sister at Brighton to go there about this time, where I should have seen Mellersh who lives near them.4 and I had planned going over for a day by train to see you as I did from Lewes; but I am not well enough to leave now, as I feel a little of the old weakness in right arm and leg, through my head not

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having been well. and I have been ordered to avoid all exerting work at present such as taking part in meetings &c. Mr. Langton is pretty well, but I think he has looked weaker and older since last winter.5 I heard from Usborne last week.6 he is still busy with his small steam Boat Company, going to launch his last new boat this week; and he says that as he has now brought his Company to paying a large dividend, and cannot improve any more on the boats, he is going to give up being manager; as he finds he must do less work. He says he is 72   I thought he was my age. The Beagle seems to have promoted Longevity; for out of our small number it is wonderfull that eight are still alive—above 70—and what is still more strange that out of at least 30 officers in Ships in each Commission 1823–6—1826–9—only three myself—Usborne—& Hamond7—being in both Commissions—there are only 5 of us alive of the first Comn. and 4 of the second " 3 of each being Beagle’s also; yet several of our party went through different wars—& Usborne with a ball through his body more than 40 years since.8 It is indeed a cause for much thankfulness when one looks back on it all. I told Hooker about the grapes: he thought it a very curious case; so I have just sent him a few of both large and small.9 With our kind regards to Mrs. D and all your party Believe me | yours most sincerely | B. J. Sulivan DAR 177: 315 1 2

3

4

5 6 7 8

9

See Correspondence vol. 28, letter from B. J. Sulivan, 16 November 1880. Reginald and Mary Anne Darwin lived at ‘Fern’ in Buxton, Derbyshire. Their son Sacheverel Charles Darwin was in the Royal Navy; he was commander of HMS Cruiser, the training ship for ordinary seamen in the Mediterranean, from 1 August 1881 (Navy list). HMS Alexandra was the flagship stationed at Malta, the headquarters of the Mediterranean fleet (ibid.). It is unclear to which daughter Sulivan refers. In June 1879, he had reported that his two unmarried daughters, Sophia Henrietta Sulivan and Frances Emma Georgina Sulivan, and his wife, Sophia Sulivan, suffered from leg problems (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter from B. J. Sulivan, 9 June 1879). Sulivan’s sister-in-law Charlotte Kerr lived in Hove, which adjoins Brighton. Arthur Mellersh, who had served on HMS Beagle, had moved to Brighton for the sake of his daughter’s health (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter from B. J. Sulivan, 2 January [1880]). Both Charles Langton and Sulivan lived in Bournemouth. Alexander Burns Usborne, who had served on the Beagle, had retired from the navy in 1868. Robert Nicholas Hamond. HMS Beagle had been commissioned for two hydrographic surveys of the coast of South America; the first from 1826 to 1830 and the second from 1831 to 1836. Usborne had been accidentally shot by a shipmate in January 1836 when surveying a possible river mouth or fresh-water inlet in Roebuck Bay on the west coast of Australia; he was treated by the ship’s doctor, Benjamin Bynoe, and returned to surveying after two months, but was sent back to England in May when the Beagle reached Sydney (family account; http://www.usbornefamilytree.com/ alexandershot.htm, accessed 18 June 2020). Joseph Dalton Hooker was director of the Royal Botanic Gardens at Kew. Sulivan had told Hooker about the grapes in a letter of 22 August 1881, mentioning that he had written to CD the previous year (see n. 1, above), and that CD had stated that it was a very good case of ‘the pollen of a dark grape causing the white one to go back to the original colour of the wild grape’; Sulivan wrote to Hooker again on 28 September 1881, sending him samples of the grapes and commenting that although they had changed colour, they retained the flavour of the white muscat (Royal Botanic Gardens Kew, Directors’ Correspondence, vol. 102, English Letters SME–SYE, 1855–1900, ff. 269 and 270).

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From B. W. Savile   30 September 1881 Shillingford Rectory Exeter. Sept. 30th. 1881 Dear Sir— I beg to thank you for your courteous and speedy reply to the question I ventured to ask you; and regret much at having to trouble you a second time, through not having made my question as distinct and clear as I ought to have done.1 I agree with you in thinking there is “no difficulty” about the doctrine of Evolution so far as my question extended for the reasons you have justly given— What I should have added—where the difficulty appears to me to begin, is this. “Admitting the ovule of a mammal to be of the same sort at first and undistinguishable from the ovule of an egg bearing animal—how could the first of the mammal species be nourished, if its immediate progenitor was a non-mammal”? I think this is the difficulty wh. I should be glad to have solved; but knowing how valuable is yr. time, I cannot expect you to favour me with a reply unless you can do so in the briefest compass possible which will be duly appreciated by Dear Sir, | yours very faithfully | B. W. Savile DAR 177: 43 1

CD’s reply to the letter from B. W. Savile, 27 September 1881, has not been found; Savile had asked, ‘How life born of an egg, can evolve life born of a mammal?’

To B. J. Sulivan   30 September [1881]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Sept. 30th— My dear Sulivan Your grape case is a mystery, quite beyond my comprehension.—2 I am very sorry to hear a somewhat poor account of your health; but I earnestly hope that with rest you may get up to your former standard.— Whenever you feel strong enough, I very much hope that you will come here & stay & sleep, & not pay us a mere call. We are generally at home, & though I cannot stand much conversation or amusement of any kind, yet I shd. enjoy seeing you again very much indeed. It is wonderful what you tell me about the survival of so many of the old Beagles, & I always like much to hear any news of them. Poor FitzRoy what a lamentable end was his.—3 I have no news to tell you of myself. I feel very old, but am able to go on working a little at Natural History, but do not suppose that I shall be able to do much more of any interest to naturalists. We suffered lately a heavy loss in the death of my brother.4 My dear Sulivan | Your old friend | Charles Darwin Sulivan family (private collection)

430 1 2 3

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October 1881

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from B. J. Sulivan, 29 September 1881. See letter from B. J. Sulivan, 29 September 1881 and n. 1. In his letter of 29 September 1881, Sulivan had discussed the longevity of those who had been on the Beagle voyage. The captain, Robert FitzRoy, had committed suicide in 1865 (see Correspondence vol. 13, letter to J. D. Hooker, 4 May [1865]). Erasmus Alvey Darwin had died on 26 August 1881.

From Julius Wiesner1   1 October 1881 Wien | IX. Tükenstr. 3 am 1ten. October 1881 Hochverehrter Herr Mit diesen Zeilen erlaube ich mir unter Ihrer Adresse ein Buch abzusenden, welches ich unter dem Titel: “Das Bewegungsvermögen der Pflanzen. Eine kritische Studie über das gleichnamige Werk von Charles Darwin, nebst neuen Untersuchungen” eben herausgab.2 Die Aufgabe, welche dies kleine Werk lösen will, ist durch den Titel genügend gekennzeichnet. Ich nehme mir nun die Freiheit Ihnen, hochverehrter Herr, dieses kleine Buch zu unterbreiten. Wohl befinde ich mich in einigen Theilen desselben im Widerspruche mit Ihnen, doch darf ich wohl unter der Voraussetzung, dass nur die Erforschung der Wahrheit mich zu dieser Arbeit antrieb, auf eine freundliche Aufnahme dieser Schrift von Ihrer Seite rechnen. Wenn ich in der Dedication auf dem Ihnen übersendeten Exemplare sagte, dass ich wohl in getreuer Opposition, aber in unwandelbarer Verehrung Ihnen dieses Werk darbringe, so bitte ich diess nicht etwa als eine leere Schmeichelei, sondern als den Ausdruck meiner innersten Gefühle aufzunehmen.3 Ich hoffe auch, dass die Form, in welche ich mein Buch gekleidet, hierfür Zeugniss ablegen wird. Sollte ich vielleicht einzelne Fragen der Pflanzenphysiologie in meinem kleinen Werke glücklich gelöst haben, so verdanke ich dies nur den Impulsen, welche ich durch Ihr an wichtigen Beobachtungen so reichen und so viele geistvolle Ansichten zum Ausdruck bringenden Werke “the power of movement.—” empfing.4 Ich werde mich unter allen Umständen sehr geehrt fühlen, wenn Sie, hochverehrter Herr, sei es brieflich, sei es in anderer Form Ihre Zustimmung oder Ihre Bedenken über die Resultate meiner Untersuchungen äussern wollten. Ich bitte Sie, hochverehrter Herr, den Ausdruck der aufrichtigsten Hochachtung und dankbarsten Verehrung entgegenzunehmen | von Ihrem | ergebensten | J. Wiesner DAR 181: 98 1 2

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. The title translates as: ‘The power of movement in plants. A critical study of the work of the same name by Charles Darwin, together with new investigations’ (Wiesner 1881).

October 1881 3

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The handwritten dedication reads: ‘Dem grossen Forscher, Herrn Charles Darwin in getreuer Opposition aber in unwandelbarer Verehrung | der Verfasser’ (To the great researcher, Mr Charles Darwin in faithful opposition though in unalterable veneration | the author). Movement in plants.

From Peter Beveridge   3 October 1881 The Green Hill | French Island | Hastings Western Port Bay | Victoria | Australia Octr. 3d 1881 Dear Sir I may promise that I pounce upon every scrap emanating from your pen, that I can get a hold of, with the greatest avidity, unfortunately however, from my isolated position less of such nutritive pabulum falls to my share than I could wish, but for all that I am grateful for even the small measure thereof that is meted to me, therefore I scarcely care to complain. My reason for inflicting this screed upon you is, because I saw an extract from a paper of yours in Nature the other day, on the subject of Inheritance, which does not agree with my experience and observation, as I shall endeavour to make plain to you.1 Of course I do not for a moment mean to put my crude observations against your well considered and mature dicta, but merely present them on the chance of your noting some point which from lack of opportunity you have hitherto failed to grasp. The first point that I shall do my self the pleasure to draw your attention to, concerns sheep. When I was a boy of fourteen my father2 sent me to a sheep station of his, to assist a brother of mine3 in the management thereof. This station was in a mountainous part of the country and the ground all over the run was well littered with logs, charred black by bush fires. Having had the quaint preachings of the Patriach Jacob well ingrained, by constant bible readings, I of course thought that the progeny of the flocks must truly be parti colored to a considerable extent, by reason of the black logs, judge then of my surprise, when at lambing time, not a single lamb came, either black or spotted. During all the years my father owned that station, he never had a black sheep. So Jacobs dodge in the matter of the peeled wands did not hold good on my fathers Dean Station.4 This fact gave me much food for thought in as much as I could not understand, why the black logs did not effect the progeny during the moment of their conception, as Jacobs rods did the progeny of Labans sheep. The next matter which I shall bring under your notice bears entirely on the question of inheritance, it is as follows. My late father and my self have for the period of forty consecutive years, branded our herds on the same part of each beast, and cut the same shaped piece out of the same side ear, and still, we have never had a calf calved, either branded or earmarked The next matter with which I shall trouble you came under my observation, whilst prosecuting Ethnological researches.

Julius Wiesner. ©English Heritage Trust. From the collections of Down House (EH 88202652), reproduced by permission. Image by Cambridge University Library.

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When I first went to the Lower Murray river, in 1845 I saw an aboriginal woman with one leg completely withered from the foot to the hip joint, she was born with this malformation, when I first saw her, she would be about eighteen years of age, I knew that woman for thirty years, and during that time, she had sons and daughters, and grandchildren also and every one of these came into the world perfect in every limb. Thus in two instances as you will perceive that have come prominently under my observation heredity has failed to obtain in the very smallest degree. The interest I take in physiology is the apology I make for this intrusion I am | Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Peter Beveridge DAR 160: 179 1 2 3 4

See letter to Nature, 13 July [1881]. CD had reported cases of the inheritance of an injury sent to him by Irving Prescott Bishop, an American science teacher. Andrew Beveridge (1796–1872). Andrew Beveridge (1822–46). Beveridge alludes to the biblical account of Jacob’s placing speckled rods (‘peeled wands’) before white sheep so that the offspring would be speckled (see Gen. 30:37–9). Jacob’s motivation was to get fair payment from his father-in-law, Laban, for the many years he had worked to build up the flock. Dean Station was at Wandong; Beveridge and two of his brothers lived there until 1868 (Aust. dict. biog.).

From R. F. Cooke   3 October 1881 50A, Albemarle Street, London. W. Octr. 3 1881 My dear Sir I hope to send you the copies of your new volume done up for transmission Abroad, tomorrow or next day & to distribute the presentation copies for friends towards the end of the week.1 I hear of a mysterious copy of the work having been seen in the hands of a reviewer & I tremble in case a premature notice may appear before our copies go out to the Press generally.2 Yours faithfully | Rob.t Cooke Cha.s Darwin Esq DAR 171: 518 1 2

For CD’s presentation list for Earthworms, see Appendix IV. Earthworms was published on 10 October 1881 (Freeman 1977).

To Julius Wiesner   4 October 1881 Down, Beckenham, Kent Oct: 4th. 1881 My dear Sir I thank you sincerely for your very kind letter, and for the present of your new work. My son Francis, if he had been at home, would have likewise sent his thanks.1

434

October 1881

I will immediately begin to read your book, and when I have finished it, will write again. But I read German so very slowly, that your book will take me a considerable time, for I cannot read for more than half-an-hour each day. I have, also, been working too hard lately and with very little success, so that I am going to leave home for a time and try to forget science.2 I quite expect that you will find some gross errors in my work, for you are a very much more skilful and profound experimentalist than I am. Although I always am endeavouring to be cautious and to mistrust myself, yet I know well how apt I am to make blunders. Physiology, both animal and vegetable, is so difficult a subject that it seems to me to progress chiefly by the elimination or correction of ever recurring mistakes. I hope that you will not have upset my fundamental notion that various classes of movement result from the modification of a universally present movement of cirumnutation.3 I am very glad that you will again discuss the view of the turgescence of the cells being the cause of the movement of parts. I adopted De Vries’ views as seeming to me the most probable, but of late I have felt more doubts on this head.4 Thanking you again heartily for your kind note I remain with much respect | My dear Sir | Yours very faithfully | Charles Darwin Copy DAR 148: 357 1

2 3 4

See letter from Julius Wiesner, 1 October 1881. Wiesner had sent CD a copy of his book Das Bewegungsvermögen der Pflanzen. Eine kritische Studie über das gleichnamige Werk von Charles Darwin, nebst neuen Untersuchungen (The power of movement in plants. A critical study of the work of the same name by Charles Darwin, together with new investigations; Wiesner 1881). Francis Darwin had assisted CD on Movement in plants. CD was next away from home when the Darwins visited Horace Darwin in Cambridge from 20 to 27 October 1881. See Movement in plants, pp. 570–3. In Movement in plants, p. 2, CD had referred to Hugo de Vries’s paper, ‘Ueber die inneren Vorgänge bei den Wachsthumskrümmungen mehrzelliger Organe’ (On the internal processes of the growth curvature of multicellular organs; Vries 1879), in which the relationship between growth, movement, and turgescence was investigated.

To R. F. Cooke   5 October 1881 Down, Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station, | Orpington. S.E.R.) Oct. 5, 1881 My dear Sir I am glad that the Book will soon be published, and I am very much obliged to you for sending me the copies ready to be addressed abroad.1 I know of only one copy, either in proofs or clean sheets, which has been sent out, viz. one to Mr. Romanes, who was writing on an allied subject and wished much to see a copy.2 He often writes Reviews for Nature, but I should not have supposed that he would have written one on Worms. He probably knew no more than I did that it

October 1881

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was incorrect to publish a Review prematurely. If he had asked me or mentioned his intention, which he has not done, I should probably have consented without a moment’s thought. I wish that I had known enough and I would have cautioned Mr. Romanes; but as I have said, it never occurred to me that he would review the book; and it is merely a conjecture at present.3 You will find (I believe) in my list of presentation copies “Prof. Asa Gray, Kew”; but I believe he has returned to America so please send me his copy here to Down.4 I fear that the book will not excite much attention; so do not be disappointed if the sale is small. With many thanks for all your kindnesses. | Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin Copy DAR 143: 295 1 2

3 4

See letter from R. F. Cooke, 3 October 1881. Earthworms was published on 10 October 1881 (Freeman 1977). See letter from G. J. Romanes, 4 September [1881] and n. 8. Besides receiving pages of Earthworms, George John Romanes had commented on an early version of a chapter of Earthworms that related to his own research on animal intelligence (see letter from G. J. Romanes, 7 March 1881). Romanes wrote an essay review of Earthworms in Nature, 13 October 1881 (G. J. Romanes 1881b). Asa Gray left Kew, where he had been staying with Joseph Dalton Hooker, on 22 October 1881 (see letter from J. D. Hooker, [23 October 1881]).

From William Graham   5 October 1881 61 Coleshill St. Eaton Sq. S.W. Oct 5th. 1881. Dear Sir I am a Candidate for the new Chair of Logic, Mental & Moral Science, and Political Economy at University College, Liverpool.1 Would you have any objection to my making use of the enclosed extracts from your letter of July 5th. relative to my book, in the character of a testimonial?2 I have express testimonials from Professor Bain, Mr. Lecky, & Mr. Froude referring mainly to my last book; and Herbert Spencer allows me to use a letter from him〈.〉3 If therefore you would kindly all〈ow〉 me to use part of yours in like manner I should feel greatly obliged. I feel some hesitation in troubling you, as my friend Dr. Moore of St. Bartholomews Hospital has informed me that you have been suffering from a severe family bereavement;4 Perhaps, to spare you the trouble of writing, if I do not hear to the contrary, I may assume you have no objection to complying with my request faithfully yours | William Graham Charles Darwin Esq | &c. DAR 165: 85 1

Graham’s candidacy was unsuccessful; the first professor of logic, mental and moral philosophy, and political economy was John MacCunn.

436 2 3 4

October 1881

The enclosure has not been found, but see the letter to William Graham, 3 July 1881. Alexander Bain, William Edward Hartpole Lecky, and James Anthony Froude. Norman Moore was a friend of CD’s son Francis Darwin (ODNB s.v. Moore, Sir Norman). CD’s brother, Erasmus Alvey Darwin, had died on 26 August 1881.

To ?   5 October 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Oct 5. 1881 My dear Sir I am very much obliged for your kind & courteous note.1 Writing is so laborious to me & loses so much time, that during many years I have resolved never to write in periodicals, & I am sorry to say that I cannot break my resolution, as it wd. make my declining the next time that I am asked; much more difficult.—2 Believe me my dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin Rick Northwood (private collection) 1 2

The note has not been found and the correspondent has not been identified. The periodical has not been identified; CD used similar wording in declining an invitation to write for Kosmos (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter to Ernst Krause, 27 May 1879).

To G. H. Darwin   6 [October 1881]1 Down 6th My dear George— I have despatched your note to Mr. Patterson & am very much obliged to you for arranging everything.—2 I am sorry to hear of the Proof-sheets.—3 I am weary with working with the microscope, so no more.—4 I believe William5 will sleep here this one night— Here is a horrid bother   there is scarlet-fever at Aberdovy & there are doubts about Bernard going there6 Farewell | C. Darwin DAR 210.1: 110 1 2

3

4

5

The month and year are established by the mention of the outbreak of scarlet fever in Aberdovey (Aberdyfi), Wales (see n. 6, below). William Benjamin Paterson was a solicitor in practice at 25 Lincoln’s Inn Fields (Post Office London directory). George Darwin was Erasmus Alvey Darwin’s executor; Paterson was the London agent dealing with the estate (see letter to G. H. Darwin, [28 August 1881] and n. 2). George’s note to Paterson has not been found. Possibly these were proofs of the report made by George on 6 September on behalf of the committee for the measurement of the lunar disturbance of gravity; the full report was published in the Report of the 51st Meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, held at York (1881): 93–126 (see letters from G. H. Darwin, 28 August 1881 and [7 September 1881]). CD had begun to work on aggregation of protoplasm in plant tissues in August 1881. At this time, he was focusing on chlorophyll, and his notes on aggregation of chlorophyll in Dionaea (Venus fly trap), dated between 8 and 12 October 1881, are in DAR 52: F73–83. William Erasmus Darwin.

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The news of the outbreak of scarlet fever had been sent in a telegram from Bernard Darwin’s maternal grandmother, Mary Anne Ruck; in the end only Francis Darwin made the trip to see the Ruck family and Bernard Darwin remained at Down (letter from Emma Darwin to G. H. Darwin, [11 October 1881] (DAR 210.3: 25)).

From J. S. Billings   7 October 1881 7, Brook Street, | Grosvenor Square. W. Oct 7th/81. Dear Mr Darwin. Will you kindly permit me to recall my name to your memory by the pamphlet on the production of a particular form of septisaemia by certain salivas, a copy of which I send herewith.1 I promised you this in the very pleasant five minutes which I spent with you at Sir James Pagets on the first day of the Medical Congress.2 Since then I have been in Russia, and on my return find that the pamphlet (which I had sent for) has arrived. I had the pleasure of dining last night with Drs Lauder Brunton and Norman Moore and we talked much of you.3 It is due to their encouragement that I venture to ask whether I could come out to see you next Sunday Afternoon. Dr W. M. Ord.4 with whom I am staying— the Dean of St Thomas’s Hospital Medical School,— is also very desirous of meeting you and would I think come with me upon very small encouragement. If this proposed invasion will be convenient to you will you kindly send a line to me to that effect. With the greatest respect | Very Sincerely Yours | J S Billings. Chas Darwin DAR 202: 15 CD note:5 2.30 Charing X 3.19ʹ Orping 4o at Down. Return

8o.28ʹ 9.6 leaving 8o 20ʹ Bromley

4o 12 Victoria 4.37ʹ Bromley 10o 25ʹ a.m [‘Br’ del] How abt 12.— leaving here about 2° 45. 1

Billings sent a paper by his colleague, George Miller Sternberg, titled A fatal form of septicaemia in the rabbit produced by the subcutaneous injection of human saliva (Sternberg 1881). CD’s copy is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL.

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October 1881

CD had attended a luncheon hosted by James Paget at the seventh International Medical Congress in London on 3 August 1881 (see letter to W. E. Darwin, 4 August [1881] and n. 4). Thomas Lauder Brunton and Norman Moore were friends of CD. William Miller Ord. CD’s notes are for his reply of 8 [October 1881]; a separate page with the draft reply is in DAR 202: 15.

From R. F. Cooke   7 October 1881 50A, Albemarle Street, London. W. Octr. 7 1881 My dear Sir It may interest you to learn that we have now subscribed your new work to the Booksellers & the result is, that we propose to print off 500 more copies.1 With the copies sent to you & your friends & to the Reviews, which come to 100, we have sold about 1200 besides.2 Have you therefore any corrections to make in the type? We dont propose to print off more, because you may by & bye, receive some suggestions or corrections from your friends. We printed as you know 1000 & the type is standing.3 Yours faithfully | Rob.t Cooke Cha.s Darwin Esq DAR 171: 519 1

2 3

In the event, there were four further printings of Earthworms in 1881; the fourth and fifth thousand had errata corrections made (Freeman 1977). CD also added some new material to the fifth thousand (see, for example, letter from J. F. Simpson, 8 November 1881 and n. 2). For CD’s presentation list for Earthworms, see Appendix IV. John Murray usually kept the type of CD’s books standing in case CD wanted to make corrections in later print runs (see, for example, Correspondence vol. 28, letter from R. F. Cooke, 10 November 1880).

From W. E. Darwin   [7 October 1881]1 6. Queen Anne St | Cavendish Sqre Friday My dear Father. Will you please send me the 2 valuations of your property to Cambridge tomorrow.2 I cannot help fearing I have made some mistake, & I should like to cheque it with George.— It would be very disagreeable to me, if I have made a mistake in the total the daughters will have and so have guided you in the ratio in which you leave your property. I think I am right in taking Mother’s settlement money as being divided equally among all.3 This is one of the points which I wish to check Your affect son | W. E. Darwin Cornford Family Papers (DAR 275: 104)

October 1881 1 2

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439

The date is established by the mention of William Erasmus Darwin’s forthcoming trip to Cambridge (see n. 2, below). In 1881, 7 October fell on a Friday. CD had asked William to calculate the value of his property including the bequest from Erasmus Alvey Darwin (letter to G. H. Darwin, 8 September [1881]). William had done the calculations quickly before leaving on a trip to the Continent and evidently was worried that he had made a mistake. He intended to see George Howard Darwin in Cambridge; William and Sara Darwin travelled there on 8 October (letter from Emma Darwin to H. E. Litchfield, [9 October 1881] (DAR 219.9: 275)). This is the money settled on Emma Darwin as part of her marriage settlement (see Correspondence vol. 2, letter from Josiah Wedgwood II and Emma Wedgwood to R. W. Darwin, 15 November 1838).

From H. N. Moseley   7 October 1881 University of London, | Burlington Gardens. W. Oct 7. 81. My dear Mr Darwin A thousand thanks for your new book.1 It is very kind of you to have sent me a copy. I have only been able to get twenty minutes at it as yet but am delighted. The big Ceylon worm is an old friend of mine. I got it hunted for me by a coolie trained by Dr. Thwaites.2 He only got me two after a whole days labour for the ground was dry at the time. He brought back one egg with each specimen and told me the worm always keeps its single egg at the bottom of its burrow and guards it till hatched. The

egg is as far as I remember as large as this

flask shaped   the capsule

being transparent and chitinous. and the young worm in the only broken one of the two was fully formed coiled inside. Both the old one and egg are at Oxford in the museum   I mean to have described them long ago but did not somehow.3 A similar huge worm is common in New South Wales. And I got a specimen through one of the residents, which is amongst the Challenger collection.4 He sent for it from some swampy land of his up country and told me it made mounds as big as mole hills. Its head is as large as this but it was broken and I could not tell how long but at least a yard I think. I rather think it is described as Megascolex. It is Peritrichous.5 I dare say you know all about both. Again thanking you for the pleasure you have given me. | yours truly H N Moseley. DAR 171: 260 1 2 3

Moseley’s name is on CD’s presentation list for Earthworms (see Appendix IV). George Henry Kendrick Thwaites. See Earthworms, p. 128. The earthworm was probably Megascolex caeruleus, first described by Robert Templeton as measuring between 20 and 40 inches long (Templeton 1844, p. 89). The illustration is reproduced at 1:1 scale.

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Two very large species of earthworm occur in New South Wales, Australia: Notoscolex grandis and Digaster lumbricoides, both in the family Megascolecidae. No record of earthworms collected by Moseley on the HMS Challenger expedition has been identified. The genera Megascolex and Notoscolex are characterised by a row of small spines or setae surrounding each body segment. The illustration is reproduced at 1:1 scale.

To B. W. Savile   [before 8 October 1881]1 [Such, however, was not the case with Mr. Darwin.2 When I subsequently ventured to put the similar question to the master, he at once most kindly favoured me with the following reply, which I give in his own words, in order to avoid anything like a misstatement of his views:— After speaking of there being “some gradation in perfection with mammals in the mammery glands,” and the custom of the young in the Echidna (of the crab family), and the Ornithoptera (of the butterfly species) “to suck off the surface of its skin, to secrete milk, for there is no nipple,” Mr. Darwin added: ‘In the case of certain fish the ova are hatched in a marsupal sack on the surface of the stomach of the male, and the young when hatched feed on the mucus secreted from the skin lining the sack; and here as I believe, we see what might be the commencement of a simple mammery gland as in Echidna, &c. This is of course only an hypothesis. The exact steps in the evolutionary process could be discovered only by the observation of animals which became extinct during the earliest part of the secondary period.”3] Incomplete Record n.s. 1 (1882): 149 1 2

3

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from B. W. Savile,10 October 1881, in which Savile stated that his reply was delayed because he had been away for two days. These letter fragments are from an article published by Savile in the Record, an Anglican newspaper, after CD’s death. In the article, Savile reported that before writing to CD he had asked John Tyndall ‘how could the first of the mammal species be nourished, if its immediate progenitor was a nonmammal’. Tyndall did not reply. Although Savile was claimed to be quoting CD’s words, he clearly had no understanding of the animals to which CD referred. The Echidna is not a genus of crabs, but an egg-laying mammal of the order Monotremata, known as a spiny anteater. Ornithoptera is a butterfly genus, but it is more likely that CD wrote Ornithorhynchus (duck-billed platypus), the only other living mammal that lays eggs. In Origin 6th ed., pp. 189–90, CD had used the example of Ornithorhynchus anatinus, which had a rudimentary breast but no nipple, to discuss the origin of mammary glands. He had also referred to the fish Hippocampus, which develops its young in a marsupial sack after their emergence from eggs (ibid., p. 189).

To J. S. Billings   8 [October 1881]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Saturday 8th r Dear D. Billings I shall be most happy to see you here, if you think it worth while to undertake so troublesome a journey.2 There are very few trains on a Sunday to Orpington St, (4 miles from this house) starting from Charing cross; & perhaps it wd be more convenient for you to come viâ Bromley, starting from Victoria Stn; though Bromley

October 1881

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is 6 miles from this house— You could come here to luncheon leaving Victoria St at 10° 25′ Am & arriving here about 12° & you could return, leaving here about 2° 45′.— Or you could come to dinner here (I cannot offer a bed as my house is full with visitors), leaving Charing Cross at 2° 30′—Orpington at 3°19′ Down at about 4° &; you could return after dinner leaving this house at 8° 20′, which is very early. Should Dr. Ord feel inclined to come I hope that he will be so good as to accompany you.3 I am bound to tell you that my health is weak, & that I am quite incapable of talking long with anyone, as it generally brings on giddiness, so I trust that you will not think me inhospitable, if after talking for 12 or 34 of an hour, I am compelled to leave you for a time— I trust that this note will be delivered tonight— Pray believe me | Yours very faithfully | Ch. Darwin National Library of Medicine, Bethesda (History of Medicine Division, Modern Manuscripts Collection) 1 2 3

The month and year are established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from J. S. Billings, 7 October 1881. See letter from J. S. Billings, 7 October 1881. While in England, Billings was staying with William Miller Ord.

From R. F. Cooke   8 October 1881 Albemarle S.t Oct. 8. 1881 We have made up our number to 1300 & shall perhaps have to print off 1000 extra.1 What about the German Edition.? We have the Electros of the woodcuts all ready here2 R C. ApcS DAR 171: 520 1 2

On further printings of Earthworms, see the letter from R. F. Cooke, 7 October 1881 and n. 1. The German translation of Earthworms was published in 1882 (Carus trans. 1882). John Murray usually supplied foreign publishers with electrotypes of the illustrations (see, for example, Correspondence vol. 28, letter from R. F. Cooke, 19 October 1880).

To G. S. Ffinden   8 October 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) October 8th 1881 My dear Sir I have the pleasure to send a cheque for £11.5s.0d, for the subscriptions, as below, of the several members of my family1 Yours very faithfully | Ch— Darwin

442

October 1881 C. Darwin F. D. G D. L. D. Miss D.

5 . 5 . 02 3 1 1 13 £11 " 5 . 0

John Wilson (dealer) (catalogue 63, 1988) 1 2

3

On 8 October 1881, CD recorded a payment of £11 5s. to ‘Ffinden’ in his Account books–banking account (Down House MS). The payment was for the Coal and Clothing Club (see n. 2, below). The Down Coal and Clothing Club was a local charity that supplied parishioners with cheap coal and clothes in exchange for regular savings; Ffinden, the vicar of Down, ran the club. On 8 October 1881, CD recorded a payment of £5 5s. to the ‘Coal Club’ in his Account books–classed accounts (Down House MS). Francis Darwin, George Howard Darwin, Leonard Darwin, and Elizabeth Darwin.

From W. M. Hacon to Leonard Darwin   8 October 1881 18. Fenchurch Street, London | E.C. 8th. October 1881 My dear Sir I now send you a draft of the proposed conveyance from Mr Sydney Sales to your Father. It includes the 3r.16p of land, describing it as part of property left to Mr S. Sales by his Fathers will and by reference to a plan to be drawn on the deed.1 I have obtained an office copy of the will. I presume that you will hand the draft to Mr S. Sales. And enquiry may then be made of him whether he is married,— and, if so, whether he was married prior or subsequently to 1834. His answers may affect the question whether his widow (if any) will be entitled to “dower”.2 He should also be asked whether, on the occasion of her marriage, or at any time he has executed any settlement, which includes the property now sold.— In a less degree, it may be desirable to learn whether Mr W. Sales, the vendors father, bought this land or acquired it by devise or descent. In the latter alternative I should wish to alter the covenants in the intended conveyance, so as to make them extend to acts of the testator or ancestor from whom the property came.— I should also be glad, if it were practicable to get Mr S. Sales to enter into an engagement (covenant) for the production of the title deeds, relating to the purchased property, & probably in his possession. Your Father’s having the means of compelling the production of the title deeds might affect the selling value of the pieces of land, as part of his property.

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But I can conceive that it may not be practicable to induce Mr S Sales to enter into a covenant for the production,— or to furnish or enable us to make the necessary detailed list of the deeds which must be appended to any such covenant. I have assumed that there is no chance of these pieces of land being comprized in any mortgage. But if there is any doubt as to this, it should be somehow removed. I am | My dear Sir | Yours truly | Wm. M Hacon L. Darwin Esqr | care of | Charles R Darwin Esqr | Down | Beckenham | Kent DAR 166: 31 1

2

Sales’s father, William Sales, had died in 1880. The Sales family owned land adjacent to CD’s property; this transaction was for a strip of field beyond the Down House orchard that was used to construct an asphalt tennis court (Freeman 1978 s.v. Sales, Sydney; letter from Emma Darwin to Horace Darwin, [September 1881] (DAR 258: 603), and letter from Emma Darwin to H. E. Litchfield, 13 September 1881 (DAR 219.9: 270)). Three rods and sixteen perches is just under an acre. CD had bought another strip of land from William Sales in 1844 to provide access to the house (see Correspondence vol. 2, letter to Susan Darwin, [8 December 1843] and n. 3). The Dower Act of 1834 had restricted the rights of widows in their husbands’ property. Sales’s wife Jane had died in 1865.

From A. W. Buckland   9 October 1881 106 Guildford Street | Russell Square London W.6. Octr. 9th./81. Dear Sir, A circumstance came to my notice last year which I felt would be of great interest to you, & which I have delayed communicating to you hoping to be able to send, with the communication, one or more of the eggs to which I shall refer. I must tell you that my informant was a carpenter, living in Bath, apparently an honest straightforward man not likely to wish to practice deception, even if he knew how— He said he had a favourite hen which was accustomed to come in & perch on his knee as he sat at breakfast.— One day she came in as usual, when an alarum clock which stood in the kitchen, being out of order went off at the wrong time. This unwonted noise greatly frightened the hen, who was ready to fly through the window— No further notice was taken of this at the time, but a few days afterward the hen began laying eggs each marked with the face of the clock, my informant said the two first were so distinct that it was easy to distinguish the time, 20 minutes to ten, upon them, but unfortunately they were put with other eggs & accidentally sold, the woman who bought them sending to ask whether they knew that two of the eggs she bought had a clock face upon them, but they were eaten & destroyed.1 Altogether seven of these eggs were laid, the impression growing more & more indistinct, after which it entirely disappeared   the third fourth & fifth were purchased

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as curiosities   the sixth & seventh are still retained by the owner & I have seen them, the round upon each is distinct but the figures are imperfect, consisting simply of marks slightly raised from a flattened disk & apparently just cracked   I know figures of different kinds can be made on eggs by means of acids but I do not believe the marks on the eggs I have described could be thus produced— The subject was noticed in a local paper at the time, now three or four years ago, & then it was allowed to drop, it came to my knowledge accidentally last year, & I waited, hoping that I might procure the third or fourth of these curious eggs to send you, but I have heard nothing further from the man about them, so conclude he has been unable to get them for me. If however you express a wish to see them, I will still do my best to obtain one or more of them for you, as it appears to me a subject worthy of investigation by a naturalist so persevering & so competent as yourself. Once since I have seen a figure somewhat similar, on an egg served for breakfast in a country house, & which had most certainly not been tampered with. In this case however the mark could not be accounted for, it appeared to me to resemble the wheel of a threshing machine which had been used in the barn, but of this I could not be sure. In both cases there was a flattened disk not upon but to the side of the round part of the egg with marks raised in a circle upon it— Should you care to enquire further into this subject I shall be most happy to do my best to obtain such information as you may desire, or to put you in direct communication with the owner of the eggs which would perhaps be better   If on the contrary my wonder is no wonder after all, but a matter easily accounted for by your superior knowledge, I trust you will pardon me for having occupied your valuable time needlessly, meanwhile believe me always | Yours most respectfully | (Miss) A W Buckland. | Member of the Anthropological Institute &c— DAR 201: 7 1

CD had expressed scepticism about the effects of maternal imagination on unborn offspring in Variation 2: 263–4, and continued to do so in Variation 2d ed. 2: 251–2. For the belief in the power of maternal imagination, see Huet 1993. For a twentieth-century photograph of an egg with a clock face, see ‘Laying eggs on time’, Guide to Nature 8 (1915–16): 185.

From Francis Galton   9 October 1881 42 Rutland Gate Oct 9/81 My dear Darwin Pray accept my best thanks for the Worm book, which I have read, as I read all your works, with the greatest interest—& instruction.1 I wish the worms were not such disagreable creatures to handle & keep by one, otherwise they would become popular pets, owing to your book. and many persons would try to make out more concerning their strange intelligence. Once again very best thanks, & believe me Ever sincerely yours | Francis Galton

October 1881

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DAR 105: A108 1

Galton’s name is on CD’s presentation list for Earthworms (see Appendix IV).

From J. M. Herbert   9 October 1881 Rocklands | Ross. | Kerne Bridge Station | Telegrams to Ross 9 Oc.t 1881. My dear Darwin, Yesterday’s Post brought me a Copy of your Book on Earth Worms from the Publisher, with a label “From the Author”.1 Very many thanks for your kindness in directing it to be sent to me—you could not have sent me a more acceptable gift—and valuing it as I do for its intrinsic interest, I value it still more as a memorial of our old friendship—2 I felt that I ought to write to you a few words of condolence, when some weeks back I saw the announcement of your family sorrow; for I well knew how closely attached you & your brother were to each other—and the arrival of the Book seemed to reproach me for my neglect.3 I am sure he will long be missed & sorrowed for by his intimate friends; for he always seemed to me the kindest, the gentlest, and the most courteous of men— Few alas, of our common Cambridge friends survive. But I can report well to you of Whitley, with whom I spent 4 pleasant days at his Northumberland Parsonage, in the last week in September.4 With my kind regards to Mrs. Darwin,— | believe me, my dear old friend | always yrs | J. M. Herbert C. Darwin Esq DAR 166: 188 1 2 3 4

Herbert’s name is on CD’s presentation list for Earthworms (see Appendix IV). Herbert had been one of CD’s close friends during their undergraduate days at Cambridge University. See Correspondence vol. 1. Erasmus Alvey Darwin had died on 26 August 1881; the announcement of his death appeared in The Times, 30 August 1881, p. 1. Charles Thomas Whitley, who had been a fellow student of CD’s at Shrewsbury School and Cambridge University, was vicar of Bedlington, Northumberland, about twelve miles north of Newcastle (Alum. Cantab.).

From W. C. McIntosh   9 October 1881 Murthly. | N.B. 9 Oct 81. My dear Sir, I have just received your kind present of your new volume on the Formation of Vegetable Mould through the action of worms—for which I send sincere thanks.1 I shall read it most carefully on my return from Univr work in Edinr., & shall write

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October 1881

you about any points that occur to me. The subject is very interesting & suggestive, &—in your hand—will be exhaustively dealt with. We raised £1450 in connection with the Extension-scheme (Perth Museum), & more will come in!. I shall send you a Catalogue of the Vertebrates2 With many thanks for your kind remembrance. | Yours very truly | W. McIntosh. DAR 171: 14 1 2

McIntosh’s name is on CD’s presentation list for Earthworms (see Appendix IV). McIntosh was one of the main supporters of the extension plan for the Perth Museum through the Perth Literary and Antiquarian Society. A notice about subscriptions for the extension had appeared in Nature, 7 July 1881, p. 226. For more on the extension and the competing Perthshire Museum of Natural History that opened in 1881, see Finnegan 2009, pp. 80–2.

From H. N. Moseley   9 October 1881 University of London, | Burlington Gardens. W. Sunday. Oct 9. 81 Dear Mr Darwin I hope you will excuse my troubling you with another letter especially as I fear the last I wrote which was very hurried was scarcely presentable.1 On p 238 of your book which I have just read through with the greatest delight, you refer casually to “Meteoric Dust”.2 You may perhaps care to glance over the first article in the enclosed “Naturforscher” on this subject which is written to prove that the dust in question need not be of meteoric origin at all but on the other hand is as far as can yet be made out always nearly related in its mineral consituents to the rocks of the district where it occurs.3 I have never believed in the cosmic dust which Murray of the Challenger believes he has found in deep sea mud.4 The matter is one of so great interest that I thought you might like to read what von Lasaulx has to say about it. Will you kindly send me back leaflet as I bind the Naturforscher. Yours truly | H. N. Moseley. There is a misprint on p. 134 at bottom 1.9 of an inch for .195 DAR 171: 261 1 2 3

4

See letter from H. N. Moseley, 7 October 1881. In Earthworms, p. 238, CD had noted that, based on observations in Arctic snow fields, meteoric dust was continually falling. The enclosure, a copy of the weekly publication Der Naturforscher. Wochenblatt zur Verbreitung der Fortschritte in den Naturwissenschaften (The Naturalist. Weekly Paper for the Dissemination of Advances in Natural Sciences), has not been found, but was evidently the issue for 11 June 1881 (ibid., 14 (1881): 225–32). This issue contained an article, ‘Ueber den Ursprung des atmosphärischen Stauben’ (ibid., pp. 225– 6), which summarised a paper by Arnold von Lasaulx, ‘Ueber sogenannten kosmischen Staub’ (On so-called cosmic dust; Lasaulx 1880). John Murray (1841–1914) had been the naturalist to the Challenger expedition (ODNB). In his paper ‘On the distribution of volcanic debris over the floor of the ocean’ (Murray 1878, p. 261), Murray had concluded that minute spherules of iron and other magnetic particles probably had a cosmic origin.

October 1881 5

447

The error in Earthworms, p. 134, was noted in an errata slip added to the third printing, but the correction was itself in error; the error was corrected in the text of the fourth printing (Freeman 1977).

To A. W. Buckland   10 October [1881]1 Down Beckenham Octer. 10th. Dear Madam It is extremely kind in you to have taken so much trouble in narrating the case of the eggs.2 But the statement is indeed quite incredible. If I were to see one of the eggs with the numbers on it, I should simply conclude that they had been artificially done in some manner, which I could not fathom. But is, perhaps, more probable that some slight affection round the oviduct caused a circular mark, and the imagination of the owners filled in the figures. I have seen petrifactions which by illiterate persons were considered strikingly like various objects; whereas there was no real close resemblance. Even in the case of the human species, physiologists do not believe that the imagination of the Mother can affect the infant. The brother of the famous John Hunter, who had charge of a very large lying-in-hospital had every woman questioned before her confinement, whether anything had greatly affected her mind, and her answer was written down, and out of several thousand cases in no one instance did any mark on the child correspond with what the mother had previously said.3 Hunter told my father4 this in the last century. I beg leave to remain, Dear Madam, | Yours faithfully and much obliged | Charles Darwin Copy DAR 143: 176 1 2 3 4

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from A. W. Buckland, 9 October 1881. See letter from A. W. Buckland, 9 October 1881. John Hunter’s brother was William Hunter. CD’s father was Robert Waring Darwin.

From Archibald Geikie   10 October 1881 Edinburgh 10th. Octr. 1881 Dear Mr. Darwin I have to offer you my sincere thanks for the copy of your volume on “Vegetable Mould” which has just reached me, and which I shall at once read.1 Since you wrote to me on the subject of the action of the Earth-worm in 1871 I have watched the operations of the animal with keen interest and have convinced myself of its importance in such a humid country as ours.2 A recent journey through the western territories of N. America has suggested to me that without in any way undervaluing the action of the earth-worm, we are apt to

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October 1881

neglect too much the growth of soil by wind-transport.3 The enormous extent of the superficial disintegration of rocks in a dry climate with a daily range of temperature often exceeding 70o. astonished me and raised in my mind the question whether on a minor scale the same phenomena and the associated denudation & transport by wind might not have more geological importance here than we have supposed. Yours very truly | Arch Geikie DAR 165: 26 1 2 3

Geikie’s name is on CD’s presentation list for Earthworms (see Appendix IV). See Correspondence vol. 19, letter to Archibald Geikie, 27 December [1871]. CD had written after reading a paper by Geikie on modern denudation (A. Geikie 1868). Geikie had travelled in the western United States in 1879; he described some of the highlights of that visit in his autobiography (A. Geikie 1924, pp. 175–84).

From James Geikie   10 October 1881 Lochgreen | Birnam N. B. 10th. Oct. 81 My dear Sir Pray accept my best thanks for your very kind present of your new work on the Formation of Vegetable Mould etc. which I have read with I need hardly say the greatest interest.1 No one will any longer undervalue the “earth-worm” as a potent geological agent. Henceforward this lowly, organized worker will occupy an honourable place in all geological manuals and text-books. Reading your book has reminded me of some incomplete observations of my own on certain marks of ancient cultivation which are very conspicuous in the upper reaches of many valleys on the Scotch side of the Cheviot Hills. The hillslopes are there very distinctly marked with broad horizontal terraces which are evidently the work of man’s hand, and are connected with ancient ramps, ditches, and standing-stones in their neighbourhood. The terraces are made up of the loose surface-wash etc. of the hill-sides scraped together and spread out, and are covered with only an inch or two of soil. I should think that they would form a very interesting subject of study—apropos of the travelling-downward of soil upon grassy slopes. Should any of your sons think of visiting that country it would give me the greatest pleasure to afford them every information as to the places where the terraces are best seen. I have never met with any detailed description of them, and have always intended spending a few holidays in making a thorough exploration of them. But the Summers come and go, and that work still remains to be done. Had your work appeared earlier I should not have left the Cheviots without first having intersected & examined the terraces in many places.2 Again thanking you for your kind present & for the instruction I have received | Believe me | Yours respectfully | James Geikie DAR 165: 33 1

Geikie’s name is on CD’s presentation list for Earthworms (see Appendix IV).

October 1881 2

449

Geikie had written on the geology of the Cheviot Hills in 1876 ( J. Geikie 1876).

From Victor Hensen1   10 October 1881 Kiel d. 10ten October | 1881. Hochgeehrter Herr! Freundlichsten Dank sage ich Ihnen für Ihr Werk: The formation of vegetable mould.2 Ich habe dasselbe, wie Sie sich denken können mit grösstem Interesse gelesen und sehr viel daraus gelernt. Es wird, wie ich glaube, nicht leicht sein, die Wichtigkeit der Würmer zu genügender Anerkennung zu bringen, obgleich zum Beispiel die agriculturchemischen Analÿsen der Ackererden sehr wenig Werth haben, wenn die Function der Würmer dabei ausser Acht gelassen wird. Ich bitte um Entschuldigung, dass ich seiner Zeit Ihre früheren Arbeiten nicht berücksichtigt habe, dieselben waren mir aber leider gänzlich entgangen. In Bezug auf die Annahme, dass die Regenwürmer Erde als Nahrung aufnehmen bin ich noch nicht genügend überzeugt, es bedarf dafür, wie ich glaube, noch eines direkten Beweises.3 Ich fühle mich noch unsicher in Bezug auf die Frage ob sie lebende oder todte Wurzeln in der Erde anfressen, und nur weil sie in der Tiefe des Bodens entschieden nicht den dort liegenden Wurzeln nachgehen, sondern nur ein grades Rohr mit Lagerstätte bauen, bezweifle ich, dass sie Wurzeln annagen obgleich ich nicht verstehe, weshalb sie dies nicht thun. Neu war mir dass die Thiere ihre Röhren mit Steinen zudecken, es wird ohne Zweifel auch hier ähnlich sein und werde ich einmal darauf achten.4 Indem ich Ihnen nochmals für Ihr anregendes Werk zu danken mir erlaube | bin ich verehrtester Herr | hochachtungsvoll | Ihr ergebenster Victor Hensen. | (not: Von H.)5 DAR 166: 146 1 2 3

4 5

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. Hensen’s name is on CD’s presentation list for Earthworms (see Appendix IV). In Earthworms, pp. 108–9, CD had cited Hensen’s paper ‘Die Thätigkeit des Regenwurms (Lumbricus terrestris L.) für die Fruchtbarkeit des Erdbodens’ (The action of earthworms (Lumbricus terrestris L.) for the fertility of topsoil; Hensen 1877), in which Hensen expressed his doubt that worms could subsist on vegetable mould. See Earthworms, pp. 60–4. In Earthworms, CD several times referred to Hensen as Von Hensen.

From J. W. Judd   10 October 1881 Hurstleigh, | Kew, 10th. Octr. 1881 My dear Sir, I am greatly indebted to you for the copy of your new and most interesting book, which you were so good as to send to me.1 It is indeed a most beautiful development

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of your former observations on this subject.2 The geological bearings of the question are of the very greatest importance. In reading the book, I noticed a very obvious misprint, of which I send you a note, in case it has not already been pointed out; As no doubt fresh editions will soon be required. It is on page 134, where 1.9 is printed for .19—3 There is one ground on which all your friends must rejoice at the appearance of this book—namely in the evidence which it affords of your good health and vigour, permitting of the pursuit of so many out-of-door enquiries Believe me to remain, | Yours very faithfully, | John W. Judd Charles Darwin Esq L.L.D, F.R.S. DAR 168: 88 1 2 3

Judd’s name is on CD’s presentation list for Earthworms (see Appendix IV). CD’s first paper on the action of worms, published in 1837, was ‘Formation of mould’. The same error had been pointed out by Henry Nottidge Moseley in his letter to CD of 9 October 1881. CD later informed his German translator of the error (letter to J. V. Carus, 2 November 1881); in the English edition, the correction was made in the printing of the fourth thousand.

From B. W. Savile   10 October 1881 Shillingford Rectory Exeter. Oct. 10th. 1881. Dear Sir— Absence from home during two days has prevented from acknowledging before today, as I now do, the safe receipt of your Second Letter—1 And I beg to render you my sincere thanks for yr. kindness in replying to my questions, by which I am enabled to understand, better than I did before, the hypothesis of the doctrine of Evolution. I beg to remain, Dear Sir, | Yours faithfully | B. W. Savile C. Darwin Esq DAR 177: 44 1

See letter to B. W. Savile, [before 8 October 1881].

To Peter Price    [after 10 October 1881?]1 worms certainly do work at a depth of four or five feet from the surface, but only when the earth is damp, and the state of the pier could not be attributed to their action if the soil was dry.2 Incomplete Western Mail, 6 April 1883, p. 4

October 1881 1 2

451

The date is conjectured from the publication date of Earthworms, 10 October 1881 (Freeman 1977). CD’s statement was quoted by Price in a talk, ‘The delapidation of one of the nave piers of Llandaff Cathedral through the action of earthworms’, given at a meeting of the Cardiff Naturalists’ Society and reported in the Western Mail, 6 April 1883, p. 4. No other record of the talk has been found. Based on CD’s remark, Price concluded that ‘as the cathedral was in ruins, and exposed to rains for years, and the pier in question was 450 or 500 years old, the theory was a tenable one’ (ibid.).

To T. L. Brunton   11 October 1881 Down | Beckenham Kent Oct 11th./81 My dear Dr. Brunton I thank you much for so kindly sending me a whole collection of your writings— I feel altogether unworthy of them, excepting in so far as the subjects which you discuss yourself interest me, notwithstanding my ignorance1 Believe me | yours very faithfully | Ch. Darwin I have just published a little book wh. I fear will hardly interest you, but I will send a copy by this post—2 Copy DAR 143: 170 1

2

There is an article written by Brunton and a colleague, Joseph Fayrer, in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL (Brunton and Fayrer 1873–4), but CD had received it in 1874 (see Correspondence vol. 22, letter from Joseph Fayrer, 25 June 1874). No other work by Brunton has been found in the Darwin Libraries at CUL or Down. CD sent a copy of Earthworms, which was published on 10 October 1881 (Freeman 1977).

From W. M. Hacon to Leonard Darwin   11 October 1881 18. Fenchurch Street, | London. | E.C. 11th October 1881 My dear Sir I have your letter telegram of yesterday.1 I think that the searches for incumbrances may be made,— and that the purchase may be completed, in three days,— say by the end of the present week.2 I assume that the seller is respectable and that his statements are deemed reliable. And it is, in my opinion, practically prudent not to insert any covenant for the production of title deeds, nor to make any alteration in the deed. The declaration to tax dower of any widow of your Father is formal but correct. The deed will, I hope, be sent to you ready for execution on Friday. And I will send with it instructions as to its formal execution & attestation. I think that you will be able to do all that is requisite: but I shall be glad to send a clerk to obtain Mr S Sales execution & to attest it,—at any time or place,—if you should prefer that course.

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October 1881

I have no title deeds here relating to your Fathers property. I am | My dear Sir | Yours truly | Wm. M Hacon L. Darwin Esqre. | Brompton Barracks | Chatham DAR 166: 32 1

2

No telegram from Leonard Darwin to Hacon has been found and Leonard denied having sent one (see letter from Leonard Darwin, 12 October [1881]). They had been in communication about a possible land purchase by CD (see n. 2, below). Hacon was handling CD’s purchase from Sydney Sales of a strip of land adjacent to Down House (see letter from W. M. Hacon to Leonard Darwin, 8 October 1881).

From E. R. Lankester   11 October 1881 [Mr. Lankester had written Oct. 11th, 1881, to thank Mr. Darwin for the present of the Earthworm book.1 He asks whether Darwin knows of “any experiments on the influence of sea-water on earthworms. I have assumed that it is fatal to them. But there is a littoral species (Pontodrilus of Perrier)2 found at Marseilles.” Lankester adds, “It is a great pleasure and source of pride to me to see my drawing of the earthworm’s alimentary canal figuring in your pages.”3] Incomplete ML 2: 215 1 2

3

Lankester’s name is on CD’s presentation list for Earthworms (see Appendix IV). The genus Pontodrilus had been erected in 1874 by Edmond Perrier, who renamed Lumbricus littoralis as its type species (Perrier 1874). Perrier later wrote the preface to the French edition of Earthworms (Lévêque trans. 1882, pp. ix–xxviii). Lankester’s diagram of the alimentary canal of Lumbricus appeared in Earthworms, p. 18. It was taken from Lankester’s article ‘The anatomy of the earthworm’, published in the Quarterly Journal of Microscopical Science (Lankester 1864–5).

From Julius Wiesner1   11 October 1881 Wien, Türkenstrasse 3 11. Oct. 81 Hochverehrter Herr Ich bin Ihnen, hochverehrter Herr, zu doppeltem Danke verpflichtet: erstlich für die so überaus liebenswürdigen Zeilen, durch die Sie mich erfreuten, sodann für Ihr neuestes Werk: “The formation of vegetable mould, etc.”2 Ich kann Ihrer mich so ehrenden Zusage, mir nach der Lectüre meines Buches über das “Bewegungs vermögen” Ihr Urtheil darüber mitzutheilen nur mit grösster Dankbarkeit gedenken und bitte nochmals dort, wo ich geirrt haben sollte, um Ihre Nachsicht, und dort, wo ich zu anderen Resultaten kam als Sie, mein Herr, überzeugt zu sein, dass nur das reine Streben nach Wahrheit mich dabei leitete.3 Was Ihr neues Werk anbelangt, so kann ich Ihnen nur in schwachen Worten meine grösste Bewunderung aussprechen, über die Hingabe, mit der Sie die

October 1881

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Naturwissenschaften befördern, und über die Jugendkraft Ihres Geistes, die in der Wissenschaft ihres gleichen sucht. Ich und mit mir Tausende, auch in meinem Vaterlande, wünschen sehnlichst, dass die Kraft Ihres grossen Geistes uns noch lange, lange erhalten bleiben möge Ich muss jetzt für ein volles Jahr fast jeder wissenschaftlichen Thätigkeit entsagen, da ich für das laufende Studienjahr zum Decan der philosophischen Facultæt unserer Universitæt gewählt wurde und jetzt den grössten Theil meiner Zeit den Amtsgeschäften zuwenden muss, und deshalb auch nur mit Unterbrechung werde Ihr neuestes Werk lesen können.4 Mit der Wiederholung meines besten Dankes und mit dem Ausdrucke unwandelbarer Verehrung | Ihr treu ergebener | J. Wiesner DAR 181: 99 1 2 3 4

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. See letter to Julius Wiesner, 4 October 1881. Wiesner’s name is on CD’s presentation list for Earthworms (see Appendix IV). See letter to Julius Wiesner, 4 October 1881; CD had promised to read Wiesner 1881. Wiesner was professor of the anatomy and physiology of plants at the University of Vienna.

From Leonard Darwin   12 October [1881]1 Brompton Barracks, | Chatham. Oct. 12 Dear Father I shall be home on Saturday and can do anything that is wanted about the land. I never sent a telegram to Hacon, and do not understand the first 3 lines of the letter.2 Would it not be as well to send a message to Mr Laslett to ask him to be at Down on Saturday next at 5. p.m.? I could then talk about the wall.3 Your affec son | L Darwin DAR 186: 36 1 2

3

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from W. M. Hacon to Leonard Darwin, 8 October 1881. William Mackmurdo Hacon and Leonard had been corresponding about CD’s purchase from Sydney Sales of a strip of land adjacent to Down House (see letter from W. M. Hacon to Leonard Darwin, 11 October 1881). Isaac Withers Laslett was a local builder; as part of the redevelopment of the newly acquired land, the Darwins intended to construct a wall to screen some cottages from view (letter from Emma Darwin to H. E. Litchfield, 13 September 1881 (DAR 219.9: 270)).

To Lawson Tait   12 October 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Oct 12th 1881 My dear Sir I owe so much to Birmingham for the very great honours which it has conferred on me, chiefly, as I believe, through you, that I greatly desire to do what you request.

454

October 1881

But in truth I cannot   During my whole life I have never tried to write, excepting when my mind is full of some subject, & then I can only give the facts & draw inferences—1 I am old & cannot change my habits & I have been accustomed to work for many months or years on a subject before writing on it. I always admire & sometimes envy men, like Huxley,2 whose minds seem crammed with new ideas, which they can pour out on the shortest notice. But I am not one of those fortunate individuals. Less than a week ago I was asked by a man, whom I wished to oblige, to do something analogous, & was forced to refuse.3 I can assure you that it causes me much regret not to do what you ask, but I feel it impossible. I could almost as easily get up & harangue a public meeting on some subject My dear Sir | Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin American Philosophical Society (Mss.B.D25.) 1

2 3

No letter from Tait containing a request for CD to contribute an article has been found. In 1880, CD had been made the first honorary member of the Birmingham Philosophical Society; in addition, the Midland Union of Scientific and Literary Societies had resolved to offer a ‘Charles Darwin prize’ and medal for original work on local topics (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter from H. W. Crosskey, 28 February 1880, and letter from Lawson Tait, 15 July [1880] and n. 2). Thomas Henry Huxley. See letter to ?, 5 October 1881 and n. 2.

From W. E. Darwin   [13 October 1881]1 L. H. Place Thursday My dear Father, I return the valuations; we have looked at it again, and it is quite right as to the calculations.2 I think as regards the division of the Trust money I should have reckoned that your £10,000 would be divided in the proportion of 7. to 12. This would reduce the daughters shares by about £450.3 There is one thing that will reduce Bessy’s share below Henrietta’s, namely that Henrietta’s Trust fund of £5000 N. E Stock will be reckoned at £5000 while it is really worth £5700—4 Please do not reply We had a very pleasant visit at Cambridge, but I am afraid household matters were worrying Ida rather.5 We find Aunt Caroline very well and full of talk.6 There is one clerical error in your circular about the division of your property. You say that the total is £282,000 including the Trust fund; it should be excluding the Trust fund.7 Goodbye dear Father | Your affect son | W. E. Darwin I hope all bothers like that of Mrs Pearce you will hand over to us & decline to look at.8 I was very sorry to miss Mother & Bessy Cornford Family Papers (DAR 275: 103)

October 1881 1

2

3

4 5 6 7 8

455

The date is established by 13 October 1881 being the only Thursday between William going to Cambridge on 8 October 1881 (see letter from W. E. Darwin, [7 October 1881] and n. 2) and his letter of 20 October 1881, when he writes from home. William had asked for the two valuations of CD’s property in his letter of [7 October 1881]. He had calculated CD’s financial status in September prior to CD’s making a new will (see letter to G. H. Darwin, 8 September [1881]), but later, worried that he might have made a mistake, asked George Howard Darwin to help him check the calculations (see letter from W. E. Darwin, [7 October 1881]). William was looking at a later version of CD’s circular to his children concerning their future inheritance (see n. 7, below). This version has not been found, but for the earlier draft, see the letter to the Darwin children, 16 September 1881. Elizabeth Darwin and Henrietta Emma Litchfield. According to CD’s Investment book (Down House MS), p. 134, CD settled £5000 of North Eastern Railway debenture stock on Henrietta on her marriage. William and Sara Darwin had visited Horace and Ida Darwin in Cambridge. Ida was eight months pregnant. Caroline Wedgwood; William’s letter was written from her home, Leith Hill Place in Surrey. This had been correctly stated in the earlier draft of CD’s circular for his children (see letter to the Darwin children, 16 September 1881). Elizabeth Pearce was Erasmus Alvey Darwin’s housekeeper at the time of his death; she was having difficulty in finding work (letter from Emma Darwin to H. E. Litchfield, 2 October [1881] (DAR 219.9: 273)). Pearce had also been a servant at Down House and kept in touch with the Darwins. On 13 September 1881, Emma Darwin wrote in a letter to Henrietta Litchfield, ‘Mrs Pearce is come & I must go & do a bit of friendship’ (DAR 219.9: 270). The bother relating to Pearce probably related to her estranged husband, James Pearce (see letter from G. H. Darwin, 15 October 1881 and n. 6). On 7 January 1882, CD recorded a payment of £26 under the heading ‘Annuity for year by George to Bessy Pearce’ in his Account books–banking account (Down House MS).

To E. R. Lankester   13 October [1881]1 Down Oct. 13. My dear Dr. Lankester I have been much pleased and interested by your note.2 I never actually tried sea-water, but I was very fond of angling when a boy, and as I could not bear to see the worms wriggling on the hook, I dipped them always first in salt water, and this killed them very quickly. I remember, though not very distinctly, seeing several earth-worms dead on the beach close to where a little brook entered, and I assumed that they had been brought down by the brook, killed by the sea-water and cast on shore. With your skill and great knowledge, I have no doubt that you will make out much new about the anatomy of worms, whenever you take up the subject again—3 Believe me, | Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin Frank is in N. Wales.4 Copy DAR 146: 33 1 2 3

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from E. R. Lankester, 11 October 1881. See letter from E. R. Lankester, 11 October 1881 and n. 2; Lankester mentioned a species of worm resistant to salt water. Lankester did not publish further on worm anatomy; his earlier work on the subject was Lankester 1864–5.

456 4

October 1881

Francis Darwin was visiting his deceased wife’s family (letter from Emma Darwin to H. E. Litchfield, [9 October 1881] (DAR 219.9: 275)).

From Anthony Rich   13 October 1881 Chappell Croft, | Heene, Worthing. Octr. 13— 1881. My dear Mr Darwin, When you see my hand writing you will have guessed at once that it comes to thank you for your book upon the action of Earthworms, which I finished reading through last night with manifold pleasure & instruction.1 How many things I have learnt from it, previously rather seen than observed or understood!— During these damp mornings the entire surface of my lawn is literally studded with castings, flat circular saucers, and open holes, but few inches from one another—the widest not more than a foot,—mostly from one to four inches apart. Each one of these, I suppose, represents a worm and its burrow. You prove that worms bring up much earth from considerable depths below; but these castings are evidently of the same mould as the surface of the ground; and therefore will have been all collected from the top near the opening of the burrows, swallowed, lubricated in the intestines, brought up again and discharged, from the mouth, I conclude, just over the burrow. As such a prodigious number of worms thus live so close to one another, must they not have a certain number of underground chambers where they live in families together, and produce their offspring? The young ones must be born underground, and each one make a fresh burrow for himself from below upwards— As far as I have ever been able to see no worm that gets completely out of his hole on to the surface of the ground ever gets back into it again, or into any other burrow. Do they ever go into the earth head downwards and tail upwards? or remain there in that position? If the enormous numbers of worms who live on my lawn took their castings largely from excavations much below the surface, instead of near it, the level of the lawn must, one should think, subside partially here and there; but I cannot make out positively whether mine does so or not.— I was about to ask you some things about the “ridges on hill sides”,2 which I have so frequently observed about the south downs and elsewhere, but my conscience orders me to spare you any such infliction; at least for the present. Now I hope to have some agreeable news about yourself—that you are enjoying rest and health after your last labours, undisturbed by any outward influence— ill-conditioned books, meetings, speeches, or politics. By the bye I dare say you read Ld. Derby’s article in the XIX. Century for this month.3 It left somehow a sort of depressing impression upon me. I do not see the advantage, after the Land Bill has been passed, of setting out in stately form all the arguments which an able intellect can suggest against the chance of its working successfully. But to be sure the lord of 63,000, acres cannot be expected to remain entirely free from all feudal influences. Still that sort of writing, like Ld Salisbury’s speeches, seems to afford great aids to Mr. Parnell.—4

October 1881

457

Please to present my Compliments to Mrs. Darwin, and believe me to be | Very sincerely yours | Anthony Rich. DAR 176: 152 1 2 3

4

Rich’s name is on CD’s presentation list for Earthworms (see Appendix IV). In Earthworms, pp. 278–83, CD had discussed the appearance of ledges of earth on steep hill-sides. In his article in Nineteenth Century (Derby 1881, pp. 492–3), Edward Henry Stanley, fifteenth earl of Derby, had warned that it was too soon to think that the problem of Ireland had been solved and stated that the Land Act, which attempted to resolve the relations between tenants and landlords in Ireland, marked the beginning of a struggle, not the end of one. For more on the act and government policy on the surrounding issues at this time, see Comerford 2016. Robert Arthur Talbot Gascoyne-Cecil, third marquess of Salisbury, was Conservative leader in the House of Lords (ODNB). Charles Stewart Parnell was leader of the Irish Parliamentary Party; he had been arrested on 13 October for attending demonstrations of the Land League in support of Irish tenant rights and against the provisions of the Land Act (ibid.).

From R. F. Cooke   14 October 1881 50, Albemarle Street, | W. Octr. 14. 1881 My dear Sir We have sent a copy of Worms to Annals of Natural History, but I did not know that Mr Dallas edited it.1 We did send a copy to the “Popular Science Review” which has Mr Dallas’ name on the cover as Editor, so he will have 2 copies.2 We hope to get the Reprint ready by next Wednesday.3 Yours faithfully | Rob.t Cooke Cha.s Darwin Esq DAR 171: 521 1

2 3

William Sweetland Dallas was one of four editors of Annals and Magazine of Natural History. An unsigned essay review of Earthworms appeared in the December 1881 issue of the journal, probably written by Dallas ([Dallas] 1881). The Popular Science Review was a quarterly publication; the final issue was published in October 1881. Dallas had been the editor since 1877. See letter from R. F. Cooke, 7 October 1881 and n. 1.

From Emma Darwin to G. H. Darwin   [14 October 1881]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S. E. R. Friday My dear George I think the Litches will come home on the 19th or 20th & I think Hen would be very sorry not to see things in statu quo in order that she might fix on something of the furniture & she cd not judge when crowded for sale if she wished it.2 I went up on Tuesday & marked a good many things. You will find a mark on the leather chair

458

October 1881

you wished for, in case F. should fancy it, but he does not, so you had better mark it— Aunt F. wishes for the little low what-not not the stool w. leather he used to put books & papers on by the sofa & the little pocket Milton.3 Bessy Pearce4 has chosen a very small easy chair in the back drawing room. We do not wish for any kitchen utensils; but the linen & blankets & all the crockery & glass had better be sent & no doubt a Taylor’s Van wd be the best; & you must engage the same vehicle to carry up some beds & things from here that we wish to send up to the sale.5 I think all the Candlesticks &c that are not chosen might be sent here. F. & I quite agree with your notion of the gravestone. F’s notion of the inscription is a little different from yours see over.6 Sacred to the Memory or In Memory of E. A. D. born . . . . &c at Shrewsbury died . . . . &c in London t F. is rather for leaving out “Of No 6 Queen Anne S.” Your wrist is very tedious & provoking. Our visit to Cam. feels very near—7 I suppose you will not come down here on Monday— Yours dear G | E. D At F. & F. & I have been so rejoicing in Parnells arrest—8 DAR 210.3: 24 1 2

3 4 5 6 7 8

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from G. H. Darwin, 15 October 1881. The Friday before 15 October was 14 October. Following the death of Erasmus Alvey Darwin, George was organising the sale by auction of the contents of Erasmus’s former home at 6 Queen Anne Street, London. Henrietta Emma and Richard Buckley Litchfield were travelling in Italy (letter from Emma Darwin to H. E. Litchfield, 2 October [1881] (DAR 219.9: 273)). F.: father, i.e. CD. Aunt F.: Frances Emma Elizabeth Wedgwood. The particular edition of John Milton’s works has not been identified. Elizabeth Pearce. An entry in CD’s Account book–cash accounts (Down House MS) records a payment of £16 11s. 3d. to ‘Taylors removing Furniture’ on 18 November 1881; the firm has not been further identified. No earlier correspondence about the inscription for Erasmus Alvey’s gravestone has been found, but see the letter from G. H. Darwin, 15 October 1881. The Darwins visited Cambridge from 20 to 27 October 1881 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). The Irish politician Charles Stewart Parnell had been arrested on 13 October for attending demonstrations of the Land League in support of Irish tenant rights and against the provisions of the Land Act (ODNB).

From W. M. Hacon to Leonard Darwin   14 October 1881 18, Fenchurch Street, | London. | E.C. 14th October 1881 My dear Sir I send you enclosed, the engrossment of the Conveyance from Mr. Sydney Sales to Mr. Darwin—1

October 1881

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The day of the month should be written in words, at the commencement of the engrossment, before the deed is executed. Mr S. Sales should execute the Conveyance by writing his name opposite the seal at the foot of the deed, where his initials are written in pencil; and placing his finger on the seal, and saying aloud, “I deliver this as my act and deed.”— These formalities should be gone through in the presence of a witness, who should write his name, address, and description, underneath the form of attestation written outside on the deed— Mr. S. Sales should also sign his name underneath the receipt endorsed on the deed, in the presence of the same witness, who should write his name beneath the word “Witness”, under the receipt. You will be a very fit witness— I am | My dear Sir | Yours truly | Wm. M Hacon Leonard Darwin Esqre. | Brompton Barracks | Chatham DAR 166: 33 1

The enclosed deed has not been found. It was for a piece of land adjacent to the Down House orchard that CD was purchasing from Sydney Sales in order to construct a tennis court. See letter from W. M. Hacon to Leonard Darwin, 11 October 1881).

To G. J. Romanes   14 October [1881]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Oct 14th My dear Romanes I have just read the splendid review of the Worm book in Nature.2 I have been much pleased by it; but at the same time you so overestimate the value of what I do, that you make me feel ashamed of myself & wish to be worthy of such praise. I cannot think how you can endure to spend so much time over another’s work, when you have yourself so much in hand. I feel so worn out that I do not suppose I shall ever again give Reviewers trouble. I hope that your opus magnum is progressing well; & when we meet later in the Autumn, I shall be anxious to hear about it.3 In a few days time we are going to visit Horace in Cambridge for a week, to see if that will refresh me.4 Pray give my kind remembrances to Mrs. Romanes5 & I hope you are all well | Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin American Philosophical Society (Mss.B.D25.598) 1 2 3

4 5

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from G.  J.  Romanes, 16 October 1881. Romanes’s review of Earthworms appeared in Nature, 13 October 1881 (G. J. Romanes 1881b). Romanes was working on two books dealing with cognitive powers in animals. The first, Animal intelligence (G.  J.  Romanes 1882), was published in 1882. The second, Mental evolution in animals (G. J. Romanes 1883a), was published in 1883. The Darwins visited Cambridge, staying at the home of their son Horace Darwin from 20 to 27 October 1881 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). Ethel Romanes.

460

October 1881

From C. E. Södling   14 October 1881 V. Consulado de España Westerwik, Sweden 14 X 81. Hon. Sir! In my youth as a boy (I’m now past 62) it appeared for my mind: that the creation has gone just the very same way as you has proved before the world to be the case.— But never I could expect the worthy Asses of having such a fine musical ear, viz. as your description, about those in Buenos Ayres— —though I’ve been there during seven years.1 Being scarcely an amateur in natural history, after a very limited study of anatomy, I love and admire it—and as a natural consequence you’ll receive the same kind of feelings. In those of your works which has come under my eyes, I never saw any thing mentioned about a monstrous shape of woman, whose likeness I inclose. One may consider her as the world famous “Darwin’s lost link” .... If, as easily may be the case I’m mistaking of it not being mentioned, it may be pardoned.2 I got yesterday a letter from my friend and your admirer, Dr A.  W.  Malm in Gotenburg. He is as generally in good spirit and health, having recently been nominated “Professor”.3 As I have no kind of vanity to come in contact with celebrated men and get their autographs &c &c, there is no need of giving me any answer. If you should happen to have “The Atheneum” 1856, Jan. 19, you might se something about me.—4 One thing I can’t resist saying: I’d give one year of my life for one hours conversation with you.— Most respectfully and | With admiration Yours truly | C. E. Södling Ch. Darwin, Professor &c &c DAR 177: 216 1

2 3 4

Södling refers to an anecdote mentioned by CD in his description of Juan Manuel de Rosas. Rosas kept two buffoons, one of whom repeatedly asked to hear a certain piece of music, until he was severely punished by Rosas (see Journal of researches (1860), p. 74). The image of the woman has not been found. For more on the Victorian idea of a ‘missing link’, see Beer 1996, pp. 115–48. August Wilhelm Malm became professor of natural history at Gothenburg in 1881 (SBL). An article in the Athenæum, 19 January 1856, p. 75, discussed Södling’s evidence for the traces of ancient Scandinavians in South America (Howitt 1856).

From G. H. Darwin   15 October 1881 Trin. Coll. Camb. Oct 15. 81 My dear Father, Will you please read the enclosed.1 I think it wd. fairly meet the various views if the inscription ran

October 1881

461

In Memory of Erasmus Alvey Darwin eldest son of Robert Waring Darwin M.D, F.R.S. born 29 Dec 1804 at Shrewsbury died 26 Aug. 1881 in London The inscription to be on upper part of slab leaving room for others. The estate shd. not bear the whole expense. W. suggests your paying 12 & that seems reasonable I think.2 Slab to be of red granite with bevelled edge. If this meets your views please write to 6  Qu. A.3 & I will get an estimate on Monday or Tuesday. I will not come to Down on Monday as Mother suggests.4 I shall go & get information about Taylor’s vans for moving furniture & see the cost of transport to Down & delivery of returned goods—probably at the Auction room where they will have to be sold. I will consult the house agents as to proper method of selling.5 Mrs. Pearces case is perplexing. I think we shall have to chance the husband turning up.6 Wm. went to see Herries but has not written as to what they have done, & so I don’t know when your dividend warrants can be paid.7 I shd. hope before Xmas. We can do nothing until the transfers are all made. The damage done by the gale is tremendous— 15 fine trees down in the Johnian gardens alone.8 We hav’nt suffered nearly so much I have begun to make some way with my exam. work & shall get thro’ somehow.9 We shall have weekly meetings to squabble over questions from now until January. I shall probably be back in Camb.  on Wedn. Horace10 must have had a nasty tossing today. I am going to spend Sunday with Marlborough Pryor at Stevenage & on to town on Monday   Ive not read more than 12 the Worms yet11 Your affec son. | G. H. Darwin They want me to be Sec. of the R. Ast. Soc. but I don’t think I cd. stand that.12 DAR 210.2: 95 1 2 3 4 5

6

7

The enclosure has not been found. George and William Erasmus Darwin were the executors of Erasmus Alvey Darwin’s will. For CD’s suggested wording of the inscription, see the letter from Emma Darwin to G. H. Darwin, [14 October 1881]. Six Queen Anne Street, London, was Erasmus’s former home. See letter from Emma Darwin to G. H. Darwin, [14 October 1881]. See letter from Emma Darwin to G. H. Darwin, [14 October 1881] and n. 5. The agents were Gillow & Co. of Oxford Street and the auction of household goods took place on 7 December 1881 (Standard, 6 December 1881). Elizabeth Pearce had been Erasmus’s housekeeper at the time of his death and was having difficulty finding work (letter from Emma Darwin to H. E. Litchfield, 2 October [1881] (DAR 219.9: 273)). Her estranged husband was James Pearce. William Darwin had arranged a temporary executors’ account at the banking firm of Herries, Farquhar, Chapman & Co. (letter from G. H. Darwin, 28 August 1881, and n. 10).

462 8

9 10 11 12

October 1881

The gardens of St John’s College, Cambridge, neighbour those of Trinity College. A report of the damage caused by the gale that struck Great Britain on 14 October 1881 was published in The Times, 15 October 1881, p. 5. George had been appointed an additional examiner for the mathematical tripos in the University of Cambridge (Cambridge University Reporter, 24 May 1881, p. 589). Horace Darwin. Marlborough Robert Pryor lived at Weston Park, Stevenage. Earthworms had been published on 10 October 1881 (Freeman 1977); George’s name is on CD’s presentation list for the volume (see Appendix IV). George had been a fellow of the Royal Astronomical Society since November 1879; he served on the society’s council from 1881 to 1885 (Monthly Notices of the Royal Astronomical Society 73 (1913): 204–10).

From Henry Johnson   15 October [1881]1 S.t Mary Church | Devon. Oct 15. My dear Darwin, Last night arrived here a beautiful new work on vegetable earth & mould by my dear old Friend yourself.2 I shall read it with very very great pleasure. And I have no doubt it is like every thing from the same Author very clever. The Book has been wandering all over the country for want of my proper address. Mary & I have left Shrewsbury & Ludlow & have come into Devonshire3   You will perceive I think from my writing that my hand is not as steady as it used to be. But I am truly glad & happy to receive even one line from you. And I thank you with all my heart for the copy you have sent me of your new book. I look forward with much pleasure to reading it. I hope you are well & all your belongings. Believe me | dear Darwin | your very sincere Friend & well wisher— Henry Johnson DAR 168: 72 1 2 3

The year is established by the reference to Earthworms, which was published in 1881 (see n. 2, below). Johnson’s name is on CD’s presentation list for Earthworms (see Appendix IV). Johnson and his daughter, Mary Johnson, were living in Burnham, Somerset, when the 1881 census was taken, but had moved on to Devon some time after that (Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/2417/102/29)).

From Hugo de Vries   15 October 1881 Amsterdam 15 Oct 81. Dear Sir I have been very much interested by your Volume on the formation of vegetable mould through the action of worms, which you had the great kindness of sending me.1 I had often observed the freqent occurrence of these worms and their castings, and was acquainted with an account of von Hensen’s paper,2 but had not the least

October 1881

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suspicion of the prominent part, worms have taken in the formation of the vegetable mould, as I learn from your observations. After reading the first chapters of your book, I have been attending to the habits of worms, and had the good fortune of repeating some of your interesting observations, but it seems that time and wheather are not now favourable to these experiments. For some time I have been studying the causes of the variations of plants, as described in your Treatise on the variations of animals and plants under domestication,3 and have endeavoured to collect some more facts on this theme. In your Origin of Species you have promised a Volume on the variations of animals and plants in the wild state and I very much hope that some day you will have the kindness of fulfilling this promise and of making us acquainted with the results of your investigations on this most interesting subject.4 I have always been especially interested in your hypothesis of Pangenesis, and have collected a series of facts in favour of it, but I am sure, that your promised publications will contain much more evidence on all such points, as I would for many years be able to collect.5 With many thanks for your kind present. | Yours sincerely | Hugo de Vries. DAR 180: 26 1 2

3 4 5

De Vries’s name is on CD’s presentation list for Earthworms (see Appendix IV). CD had cited Victor Hensen’s paper ‘Die Thätigkeit des Regenwurms (Lumbricus terrestris L.) für die Fruchtbarkeit des Erdbodens’ (The action of earthworms (Lumbricus terrestris L.) for the fertility of topsoil; Hensen 1877) in Earthworms, pp. 108–9. Variation. CD had, in fact, promised a volume on ‘the variability of organic beings in a state of nature’ in Variation 1: 4; he modified this promise in Variation 2d ed. 1: 4, with the phrase ‘if time and health permit’. For CD’s provisional hypothesis of pangenesis, a theory about heredity, see Variation 2: 357–404.

From G. H. Darwin   [after 15 October 1881]1 Dear Father If you approve of the (sent by post) inscrip. will you send it over to Ffinden with the accompanying note & then forward it to W. E. D at Southampton.2 Ffinden’s answer had better be sent on to Wm..— My work really begins on Thursday morning.3 yours affec | G. H. Darwin DAR 210.2: 96 1 2

3

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from G. H. Darwin, 15 October 1881. See letter from G. H. Darwin, 15 October 1881. The inscription was for the gravestone of Erasmus Alvey Darwin, who was buried in the churchyard in Downe; George Sketchley Ffinden was vicar of the parish. George and William Erasmus Darwin were the executors of Erasmus’s will. George had been appointed an additional examiner for the mathematical tripos in the University of Cambridge (Cambridge University Reporter, 24 May 1881, p. 589).

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October 1881

From Francisco de Arruda Furtado1   16 October 1881 Ile St. Michel (Açores) 16 Octobre 1881 Mr. Charles Darwin Monsieur Il est inutile de vous dire que l’honneur que vous venez de me faire en me faisant l’offre obligeante de l’ouvrage de Mr.  Wallace ne s’effacera jamais de mon cœur: vous savez quels sont les sentiments de vive gratitude dont je vous prie d’agréer l’expression.2 Ce sont des pages admirables que je lis avec la plus grande attention, qui me seront de la plus grande utilité et que je serais peut être condamné à ne jamais lire, si l’humanité ne possédait des vrais cœurs de savant … C’est aussi avec la plus profonde reconnaissance que je vous remercie d’avoir bien voulu écrire à Sir J. Hooker à propos de mes herborisations, et les conseils dont vous me jugez digne et que je placerais toujours devant mes yeux.3 Je prends la liberté d’écrire à Sir J. Hooker en lui priant d’accepter l’expressions de mes sentiments respectueux et l’offre très humble de mes faibles services, et en lui annonçant l’envoi des plantes. Je parle à Sir J.  Hooker au sujet des troncs de Cupressus, et je vous remercie vos instructions détaillées et bienveillantes à cet égard, que je tacherais de mettre en pratique.4 Je crois avoir suffisament compris les bases de l’investigation et je suis heureux de pouvoir bien saisir toute l’importance du fait si on venait à découvrir quelque évidence positive; donc j’espère que mes recherches ne seront tout à fait infructueuses. La saison des migrations ornithologiques approche; je serais vraiment heureux de pouvoir constater quelque fait interessant de transport de mollusques terr., &5 En attendant toute occasion de pouvoir vous prouver que j’ai profité de vos conseils, je vous prie, Monsieur, d’agréer la nouvelle assurance de mon respect le plus profond, de mon éternelle gratitude. Arruda Furtado ADraftS Historical Archive of the Museums of the University of Lisbon (PT/MUL/FAF/C/01/0032) 1 2 3

4

5

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. See letter to Francisco de Arruda Furtado, 2 September 1881 and n. 1. CD had sent a copy of Alfred Russel Wallace’s Geographical distribution (Wallace 1876). See letter to J. D. Hooker, 3 and 4 September [1881], letter from J. D. Hooker, 7 September 1881, and letter to Francisco de Arruda Furtado, 12 September 1881. Joseph Dalton Hooker agreed to name the plants in Arruda Furtado’s collection and also discussed the fact that huge trunks of cypresses had been found on one of the islands, although the cypress (genus Cupressus) was extinct there. Arruda Furtado wrote to Hooker on 16 October 1881, sending plants that were identified for him in a letter from William Turner Thiselton-Dyer of 19 December 1881 (for the letters, see Constância ed. 2002, pp. 145–6, 150–3). Arruda Furtado also informed Hooker that the cypress trunks were found on São Miguel in the valley of the Seven Cities and in the valley of Furnas. For Arruda Furtado’s work on the transport of land molluscs, see the letter from Francisco de Arruda Furtado, 13 June 1881 and n. 4.

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From G. J. Romanes   16 October 1881 Garvock, Bridge of Earn, Perthshire: October 16, 1881. My dear Mr. Darwin,— If I did not know you so well, I should think that you are guilty of what our nurse calls ‘mock modesty.’ At least I know that if I, or anybody else, had written the book which I reviewed, your judgment would have been the first to endorse all I have said. I never allow personal friendship to influence what I say in reviews; and if I am so uniformly stupid as to ‘over-estimate the value of all you do,’ it is at any rate some consolation to know that my stupidity is so universally shared by all the men of my generation. But your letters are to me always psychological studies, and especially so when, as in this one, you seem without irony intentionally grim to refer to my work in juxtaposition with your own.1 The proof-sheets are coming in, and I suppose the book will be out in a month or two. I do not know why they are so slow in setting up the type. But, as I said once before, this book will not be so good (or so little bad) as the one that is to follow.2 Ewart and I have been working at the Echinoderms again, and at last have found the internal nervous plexus. Also tried poisons, and proved still further the locomotor function of the pedicellariæ.3 I observed a curious thing about anemones.4 If a piece of food is placed in a pool or tank where a number are closed, in a few minutes they all expand: clearly they smell the food. I am deeply sorry to hear that you feel ‘worn out,’ but cannot imagine that the reviewers have done with you yet. The vivisection fight does not promise well. Like yourself, most of the champions do not like the idea.5 G. J. Romanes. E. D. Romanes 1896, pp. 127–8 1 2 3

4 5

See letter to G. J. Romanes, 14 October [1881]. CD had referred to Romanes’s review of Earthworms (G. J. Romanes 1881b) as ‘splendid’. Romanes was correcting proof-sheets of Animal intelligence (G.  J.  Romanes 1882) while preparing a second work, Mental evolution in animals (G. J. Romanes 1883a). Romanes and James Cossar Ewart had already published ‘Observations on the locomotor system of Echinodermata’ (G. J. Romanes and Ewart 1881). Romanes published his further observations, including the research on poisons, in ‘Observations on the physiology of Echinodermata’ (G. J. Romanes 1883b). Sea anemones (order Actiniaria) are related to jellyfish and corals; their tentacles, armed with stinging cells, expand to catch passing prey. Vivisection had been suggested as a ‘symposium-like’ topic in the monthly magazine Nineteenth Century and CD had been asked by Romanes to contribute (see letter from G. J. Romanes, 31 August 1881 and nn. 2 and 4). CD declined and also objected to the term ‘symposium’, since strictly speaking it referred to a drinking party (see letter to G. J. Romanes, 2 September 1881 and n. 3).

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From M. C. Stanley   16 October 1881 Knowsley, | Prescot. 16 Oct /81. Dear Mr Darwin I am much obliged & greatly flattered by your kind thought of me. I have read your book with the greatest interest.1 You said once, laughing,—that you were finding that “Worms” could revolutionise the world;— you have succeeded in proving the greatness of their power. I wonder how you fared at Down in the gale of Friday! We felt here as if we might be swept away.2 Seventy trees came down in an hour, people could not keep their feet. The storm was preceded by some minutes perhaps 14 hour of perfect stillness— unusual stillness at 5. a.m. on Friday; the watchmen & others described “the roar as coming from the S.W for 3 or 4 minutes & then the wind burst in a hurricane”. I hear of great havoc at Holwood.3 Will you give my kindest regards to Mrs Darwin & believe me | Yrs very sincerely | M C Derby. DAR 162: 171 1 2

3

Stanley received a copy of Earthworms. A report of the damage caused by the gale that struck Great Britain on 14 October 1881 was published in The Times, 15 October 1881, p. 5. The effects of the storm were worse further north, and while the effects were severe in Liverpool, near to where Stanley lived, no serious damage was reported near CD’s home in Kent. Holwood estate, near Keston, Kent, was a few miles north of CD’s home at Down.

From T. L. Brunton   17 October 1881 50, Welbeck Street, | Cavendish Square, | London.W. Octr. 17th. 1881 r My dear M. Darwin On my return to town last night I found your very kind letter and present awaiting me and for them both I return you my best thanks.1 I regretted so much that I was unable to obtain a complete set of my papers, especially as I thought that some of those which I had not would have been of more interest but they have been published in various journals & magazines and I cannot collect them— I have been trying in vain for a long time to get a complete set to bind for reference.2 Your work on the formation of mould will be read with great pleasure by my wife3 and me during our holiday at Sandown and by it you will repeat the benefit which you conferred on her as well as on many others, by your works. For besides the modification of the whole current of human thought which it produced throughout the world your Origin of Species4 sent little wavelets of pleasure to many a one & saved my wife from ennui during a dreary fortnight at Malaga. With renewed thanks | Believe me gratefully yours | T Lauder Brunton DAR 160: 345

October 1881 1 2 3 4

467

See letter to T. L. Brunton, 11 October 1881 and n. 2. CD sent a copy of Earthworms. See letter to T. L. Brunton, 11 October 1881 and n. 1. Louisa Jane Brunton. Origin.

From R. B. Carter   17 October 1881 69, Wimpole Street, | Cavendish Square. W. october 17th, 1881. sir, i cannot doubt that you often receive applications for counsel or help in matters relating to your special work, and i have been told that you treat them indulgently. i can only hope that you will extend indulgence to me. at the approaching ‘health congress’ at brighton, i have undertaken to give an address upon ‘eyesight;’ and the fraction of the very large subject which i have selected relates to the duty of handing down unimpaired to posterity the organs which we have received from our progenitors.1 i am desirous to introduce a necessarily very brief outline of the probable course of development of the eye by selection; and i shall be very grateful to you if you will assist me in choosing the best examples of probable stages of the process, or the best illustrations of its course. if you would kindly allow me to have an interview with you on the subject, i will come down any afternoon that you may appoint; and, as i have heard that it fatigues you to talk for more than a short time, i will be careful not to trespass upon you unduly. i must beg you to accept my apologies for troubling you, and i am, sir, | faithfully yours, | R Brudenell Carter charles darwin esq., f.r.s. TLS DAR 161: 51 1

The Brighton Health Congress was held from 13 to 17 December 1881. Carter delivered the final evening address to working men and women on eyesight; the text was published in the Transactions of the Congress (see Carter 1881).

From J. H. Chamberlain   17 October 1881 53, Ann Street, | Birmingham, October 17th 1881 My dear Sir, I have just read with great interest your book upon Earth Worms.1 I am not a Naturalist but only an Architect—but it occurs to me that perhaps the leaf lining to the upper part of the worm’s burrow—may protect the sides against the rapid withdrawal of the worm into the interior of the burrow. Of course with others I have seen this withdrawal hundreds of times but have never noticed if the burrow was leaf lined at that time.

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October 1881

All I know is “architecturally” that the rapid withdrawal of the body would be likely to injure the sides of the burrow and bring portions of them away, unless they are strengthened by some lining of some kind. I should not expect such lining to be continued, beyond the part affected by the rapid withdrawal. I looked yesterday at several burrows & pulled out the leaves from the entrance— they were all I believe without exception drawn in by the tips.2 Excuse my troubling you, with this & believe me to be, faithfully yours | John Henry Chamberlain DAR 161: 130 1 2

Earthworms. For CD’s observations on the part of the leaf grasped by worms when drawing different leaves into their burrows, see Earthworms, pp. 64–77.

To Francis Darwin   17 October 1881 Down, Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Oct 17th 1881 My dear Frank I have not written before, because you said you wanted to forget Science, & I had nothing else to tell you.— I will now report progress.— I have read about 80 pages of Wiesner.1 It is an excellent book, but he vivisects me in the most gracious terms, but most effectively.— I wish that the confounded book had never been published.— I think that he proves (by the way he found most of our facts true, but my explanations wrong) that the transmission of heliotropism to the lower part of the stem is a mistake. He maintains that the weight of the upper part, which bends first, compresses one side & stretches the opposite side & this leads to growth of the same kind as heliotropic growth.2 I think it can hardly be the weight, but that the tensions are transmitted. He gives a beautiful experiment to prove the above.3 By Jove, I felt like Charles Lamb, when he hissed his own play.—4 His animus is against Light acting as a “reiz” or stimulus; but I am not yet inclined to give this up.5 He says my experiment with the seedlings at different distances from the lamp, not bending at all proportionally to the amount of light received, can be easily explained on physical laws; but unfortunately I cannot translate.6 The worst of all is (though I have not yet come to that of the book) that he strenuously denies that all growing parts circumnutate. I shall be anxious if he names the plants for you to test them under the microscope with your new dodge.—7 Confound the book, but there never was a more gracious controversialist.— I have gone on trying about aggregation of chlorophyll; but no more evidence, except in Dionæa, in which it takes place in a very conspicuous manner.—8 I have wasted much time over this, but my time is worth nothing. I have now begun again on roots of Euphorbia.9 By the way I am much pleased by my recent success in cutting sections, which success depends on my placing one finger on the razor & pressing it down while I slice.

October 1881

469

I have had a letter this morning from F. Müller with a most extraordinary case of Crotolaria (Leguminosæ) the leaves of which sleep in an endlessly diversified manner, so that no two leaves on a young plant occupy the same position.10 This depends chiefly on all of those that can see the setting sun turning their faces to it & retaining this position all night. He is going to publish an account of this plant in Kosmos.11 Good Bye dear old fellow. I hope that you will get well rested. We start on Thursday for Cambridge.12 Your affect Father | C. Darwin Leonard comes to night to settle & pay for the Land & arrange with Laslett about the wall.13 Fanny Hensleigh & her maids are astonished at Bernard’s goodness.14 DAR 211: 86 1

2 3

4 5 6 7

8 9 10 11 12 13 14

Francis was in Wales, visiting his deceased wife’s family (letter from Emma Darwin to H. E. Litchfield, [9 October 1881] (DAR 219.9: 275)). CD was reading Julius Wiesner’s Das Bewegungsvermögen der Pflanzen (The power of movement in plants; Wiesner 1881). See Wiesner 1881, pp. 70–1. See Wiesner 1881, pp. 66–70; in his experiment, he used a rotating apparatus so that the stem of a seedling moved like the hands of a suspended pocket-watch while the same side of the stem was exposed to light. CD refers to Charles Lamb’s experience while attending the only performance of his play Mr. H. on 10 December 1806 (for more on the event, see Kendall 1971, p. 86). See Wiesner 1881, p. 72. Wiesner argued that heliotropic bending was not a stimulus-response phenomenon, but rather a stress phenomenon caused by uneven growth. See Wiesner 1881, pp. 47–50. See Wiesner 1881, pp. 157–202. Francis’s ‘dodge’ probably involved one of the new microscopic techniques that he had learned the previous summer while working in the laboratory of Anton de Bary (see, for example, letter from Francis Darwin, 17 June 1881). CD’s notes on aggregation of chlorophyll in Dionaea (Venus fly trap), dated between 8 and 12 October 1881, are in DAR 52: F73–83. CD’s notes on aggregation in roots of Euphorbia peplus (petty spurge), dated between 12 August and 5 November 1881, are in DAR 62: 6–11. See letter from Fritz Müller, 6, 7, and 9 September 1881 and n. 2. Crotalaria is the genus of rattlebox (misspelled by CD as Crotolaria). Müller’s article on Crotalaria cajanaefolia (a synonym of C. cajanifolia) appeared in Kosmos, December 1881 (F. Müller 1881c). The Darwins visited Cambridge from 20 to 27 October 1881 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). See letter from Leonard Darwin, 12 October [1881] and n. 3; Isaac Withers Laslett was a local builder. Frances Emma Elizabeth Wedgwood visited the Darwins from 6 to 17 October 1881 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). Bernard Darwin, Francis’s son, was supposed to have accompanied his father to Wales, but at the last minute was not taken because his grandmother Mary Anne Ruck telegraphed to say there were reports of scarlet fever in the village (letter from Emma Darwin to H. E. Litchfield, [9 October 1881] (DAR 219.9: 275)).

From G. H. Darwin   [18 October 1881]1 New University Club, | St. James’s Street, S.W. Tuesday Dear Father The valuation of the house was erroneous   it shd. have been £2500. The house agents think they will be able to get a license from the landlord to have an auction in

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October 1881

the house. I am leaving it all to them to do the best for you they can, tho’ of course they will communicate before accepting any offer definitely.2 I shall indeed I must defer making final arrangements about moving furniture until I know definitely all that various relatives will want to take3 I have ordered a gravestone.4 The old rubbish among the books sorted out & I will send a list before proceeding to sell. Yours affec | G H Darwin I have made several paymts for you DAR 210.2: 97 1 2

3 4

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from Emma Darwin to G. H. Darwin, [14 October 1881]. The Tuesday after 14 October was 18 October. CD had inherited 6 Queen Anne Street, London, from his brother, Erasmus Alvey Darwin; George was one of his uncle’s executors and was arranging an auction of the contents (see letter from Emma Darwin to G. H. Darwin, [14 October 1881]). CD recorded receipt of £177 19s. 2d. from ‘Mr Gillow sale of Furniture at Q Anne St’ on 26 December 1881 (CD’s Account books–banking account (Down House MS)). The house was leased from the Portland Estate (https://www.ucl.ac.uk/bartlett/ architecture/sites/bartlett/files/chapter11_mansfield_street.pdf p. 15) and the agents were Gillow & Co. of Oxford Street (see (see letter from G. H. Darwin, 15 October 1881 and n. 5). See letter from Emma Darwin to G. H. Darwin, [14 October 1881]. The gravestone was for E. A. Darwin (see letter from G. H. Darwin, 15 October 1881).

To L. C. Harrison   18 October [1881]1 Down. Oct 18th My dear Lucy I am very sorry but I really can think of no suggestion to send to Mrs. Forsyth.2 It is difficult to observe anything new & requires much patience. I believe that the observer must first himself or herself become interested on the point or subject. The best plan is to read, think & speculate, & then some suggestion or doubt will occur, which can be determined or verified only by observation. I can do nothing but send these common-places. Your affect. Uncle | Ch. Darwin Academy of Natural Sciences of Drexel University, Philadelphia 1 2

The year is established by an annotation, ‘1881’, in an unknown hand Mrs Forsyth may be Anne Noel Forsyth.

From W. R. S. Ralston   18 October 1881 8 | Alfred Place | Bedford Square Oct 18 1881 My dear Mr Darwin You will figure tomorrow in Punch.1 The artist, Linley Sambourne, begs me to express to you his feelings of deep respect. And he will send you a proof—2 Yours in great haste | And with the most sincere respect | W R S Ralston

October 1881

471

DAR 176: 7 1 2

The caricature of CD appeared in Punch, 22 October 1881, p. 190 (Fancy portraits no. 54); it was evidently released a few days before the date on the issue. See plate on p. 472. The proof copy sent by Linley Sambourne is in DAR 251: 1823.

To Hugo de Vries   [18 October 1881]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S. E. R. My dear Sir I am delighted to hear that you intend working on the causes of variation.—2 It is a grand subject, & if I were not so old, I would take it up experimentally. But I am nearly worn out, & will not attempt writing on any difficult & complex subject again.— I fear that I have fallen into many mistakes in my work on the Power of movement in Plants, & this ought to be a caution to me.—3 With hearty thanks for your kind letter & good wishes for your success in all your scientific undertakings I remain | yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin Artis Library (De Vries 8) 1 2 3

The date is established by an annotation at the top of the letter in an unknown hand and by the relationship between this letter and the letter from Hugo de Vries, 15 October 1881. See letter from Hugo de Vries, 15 October 1881. CD had been reading a book that critiqued the results of experiments in Movement in plants (Wiesner 1881). See letter to Francis Darwin, 17 October 1881.

From A. R. Wallace   18 October 1881 Nutwood Cottage, Frith Hill, Godalming. Octr. 18th. 1881 My dear Darwin I have delayed writing to thank you for your book on Worms till I had been able to read it, which I have now done with great pleasure and profit, since it has cleared up many obscure points as to the apparent sinking or burying of objects on the surface & the universal covering up of old buildings.1 I have hitherto looked upon them chiefly from the gardener’s point of view—as a nuisance, but I shall now tolerate their presence in view of their utility & importance.2 A friend here to whom I am going to lend your book tells me that an agriculturist who had been in West Australia—near Swan River—told him many years ago of the hopelessness of farming there—illustrating the poverty and dryness of the soil by saying—“there are no worms in the ground”. I do not see that you refer to the formation of leaf-mould by the mere decay of leaves &c. In favourable places many inches or even feet of this is formed—I presume without the agency of worms. If so would it not take part in the formation of all mould? & also the decay of the roots of grasses & of all annual plants,—or do you suppose that all these are devoured by worms? In reading the book I have not noticed a single erratum.

Linley Sambournes caricature of Charles Darwin. Punch, 22 October 1881, p. 190. By permission of the Syndics of Cambridge University Library.

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I enclose you a copy of two letters to the “Mark Lane Express” written at the request of the Editor, & which will show you the direction in which I am now working and in which I hope to do a little good.3 Believe me | Yours very faithfully | Alfred R. Wallace. Charles Darwin Esq. DAR 106: B156–7 1 2

3

Wallace’s name is on CD’s presentation list for Earthworms (see Appendix IV). Many gardeners at this time were sceptical about the role of worms in enriching soil and often regarded them as pests (see, for example, Correspondence vol. 17, letter from D. T. Fish to Gardeners’ Chronicle, 8 May 1869). The Mark Lane Express was a London-based weekly agricultural journal that advocated the rights of the tenant-farmer; the editor was William Edwin Bear. Wallace evidently sent copies of two letters he wrote to the paper on the subject of land nationalisation, published on 3 and 10 October 1881, pp. 1351, 1383; CD’s copies have not been found. For more on Wallace’s advocacy of land nationalisation, see C. H. Smith et al. 2019, pp. 238–53.

From R. S. Pattrick   19 October 1881 Bideford Oct 19. 1881 Dear Mr. Darwin— Thank you very much for your kindness in sending me a copy of your book.1 It came the day before Camilla and I left Sellinge for Devonshire which must be my excuse for not thanking you for it before.2 The worms in our garden pull the leaves of the Horse Chestnuts into their holes till the lawn looks like a stubble field. An old man who was working for us said he supposed it was their Moosement (Amusement) Believe me, with many thanks, | Yrs very truly | R S. Pattrick I have just seen the picture in Punch3 DAR 174: 30 1 2 3

Pattrick’s name is on CD’s presentation list for Earthworms (see Appendix IV). Camilla Pattrick had been the Darwin family’s governess before marrying Pattrick, who was the vicar of Sellinge. A caricature of CD appeared in Punch (see letter from W. R. S. Ralston, 18 October 1881 and n. 1).

From W. E. Darwin   20 October [1881]1 Basset Oct 20th My dear Father, In writing to Mother I had intended asking her to thank you for the copy of the “Worms” which I was very glad to find here.2 I am now well into it and am very much interested, and I think Sara will enjoy reading it, though she is Mother’s daughter in her love of science.3

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October 1881

I was very glad to hear that Hooker found it so interesting.4 We have a British Assoc: Meeting tomorrow to try & squeeze more money out of the Hampshire Hogs; we have £1000 and want £2000.5 But we mean to carry it through successfully somehow. I hope you will enjoy your visit.6 | I am dear Father | Your affect son | W E Darwin Cornford Family Papers (DAR 275: 94) 1 2 3 4 5

6

The year is established by the reference to Earthworms, which was published on 10 October 1881 (Freeman 1977). William’s name is on CD’s presentation list for Earthworms (see Appendix IV). Sara Darwin was William’s wife. No letter from CD mentioning Joseph Dalton Hooker’s opinion of Earthworms has been found. The reference to Hampshire Hogs alludes to the fact that the 1882 meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science was to be held at Southampton; the people of Hampshire had been referred to as ‘Hampshire Hogs’ since the late eighteenth century, on account of the prevalence of boars in the county (Amanda Moore, 2012, ‘What is a Hampshire hog?’, https://www.hampshirehistory.com/what-is-a-hampshire-hog/ (accessed 15 June 2021)). William, a local banker, was probably involved with fundraising for the event. The Darwins visited Cambridge from 20 to 27 October 1881 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II).

From J. F. Galbraith   20 October 1881 Nelsonville, Manitoba, October 20th, 1881. Charles Darwin, M.A., F.R.S., Sir: Merely premising that, as you will doubtless readily discover, my knowledge of scientific matters is of the most superficial character, I beg to submit for your perusal the following account of what appeared to me to be a remarkable incident in natural history; and I am sure you will appreciate the spirit in which this communication is written, even though the subject-matter proves, as it probably will, to be of not the slightest scientific value. I have read and tried to comprehend, to the best of my limited understanding, your work on the “Origin of Species”,1 as also works of a similar character by other eminent naturalists, but I failed to discover anything that seemed to me at all analogous to what I will now proceed to relate as briefly as possible: Two years ago, I placed a barrel containing wheat in my poultry house, and let it remain there all winter, but as the fowls could not conveniently reach the grain when the barrel was half emptied, it was my custom at those times to refill it. Hence the grain in the under half of the barrel remained unchanged during the winter. The barrel itself was an ordinary spirit barrel, but had been used for a couple of years prior to the time I speak of, as a water barrel. In March, a leak in the roof permitted the snow-water to run through, and into the barrel, the 〈grain〉 thus becoming saturated, but to this I paid no attention. In May I had occasion to

October 1881

475

empty the barrel, and then found that a considerable portion of the unchanged wheat had become very much damaged. I also observed that quite a number of grains had sprouted, and had taken root in the small accumulation of dust at the bung hole and around the circumference of the bottom of the barrel. These grains adhered to their position. As the wood of the barrel was much shrunken through lack of moisture, I placed it beside the well, and filled it with water, intending to let it remain so for a few days only, but being called away from home for a week or two, it remained as I had placed it,—in the open sun it so chanced,—until my return, when I was somewhat surprised to find the water in the barrel alive with small white worms. An examination revealed the, to 〈me,〉 astounding fact that these worms had proceede〈d〉 from the grains of wheat. At the time of putting the water in the barrel, the sprouts on most of the wheat grains were about an inch long. These sprouts were now developed into tails, and the little worms, where the wheat grains happened to be thickly clustered, were knotted together by these tails in the most remarkable manner. The roots of the plants had developed into perfect legs, four in number, located in a bunch just back of the head. The eyes being black, were perfectly distinct on the white body. Each worm was about a quarter of an inch long, and had the power of contracting and extending its body to a considerable degree. I observed the worms in every stage of developmen〈t〉, and purposely let the barrel remain as it was for a month or two, when it was accidentally upset, and my investigation thus abruptly closed. I have been induced to make this communication from having pondered you〈r〉 admission (Origin of Species, 425) that plants and animals may possibly have sprung from one original form.2 I feel I owe you an apology for having intruded, I dare say very foolishly, on your time and attention, | Believe me, Very Respectfully yours, | J. F. Galbraith DAR 165: 3 1 2

Origin. Based on the page number given, Galbraith appears to refer to the fourth printing of Origin US ed. (see Freeman 1977).

From R. B. Carter   21 October 1881 69, Wimpole Street, | Cavendish Square. W. october 21st, 1881. dear sir, i beg leave to offer you my best thanks for your kind replies to my letter, and especially for the mention of balfour’s work, with which i was not previously acquainted.1 i think i have sufficient material for the mere glance at the subject which will be possible within the limits of a lecture.2 in your book on worms, you quote hoffmeister as saying that ‘scolopenders’ are their bitterest enemies.3 i do not know what hoffmeister means by

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October 1881

‘scolopender’, the real meaning of the word being somewhat vague and generic; but some years ago i was standing, in the middle of a hot summer day, on a piece of grass at the back of my house in nottingham, and i saw a large earthworm come out of its burrow near my feet, and make off with all speed. the sight was sufficiently unusual to attract my attention, and the worm was speedily followed by a black articulate insect, about two inches long, with many legs, a sort of small centipede.4 this overtook the worm, and seized it near its tail, holding on with such tenacity that the most energetic writhings of the worm failed to detach it. at this stage of the proceedings i intervened with some chloroform, and killed the assailant. i found that it was furnished with two sharp spines, jointed to the two sides of its head, and that it had struck these completely through the worm, from side to side.5 i gave the insect to the natural history society of nottingham, and it is probably in a bottle in their collection to this day.6 i do not think i had ever seen one like it before, so it cannot be very common. i do not know whether this will possess the slightest interest for you, but it seemed worth while to write it down. with renewed thanks, i am, dear sir, | very faithfully yours, | R Brudenell Carter charles darwin esq. f.r.s. TLS DAR 161: 52 1

2 3

4

5 6

CD’s letters have not been found, but see the letter from R. B. Carter, 17 October 1881. Francis Maitland Balfour was a lecturer on animal morphology at Cambridge; his research focused on uncovering ancestral relationships through comparative embryology. CD had probably referred Carter to the section in Balfour’s Treatise on comparative embryology that dealt with organs of vision (Balfour 1880–1, 2: 387–421). See letter from R.  B.  Carter, 17  October  1881 and n. 1. Carter was preparing his address for the Brighton Health Congress in December. See Earthworms, p. 62. CD had referred to Werner Hoffmeister’s Die bis jetzt bekannten Arten aus der Familie der Regenwürmer (The presently known species from the family of earthworms; Hoffmeister 1845, p. 17). The centipede genus Scolopendra formerly included many species now classified within other genera; it is now reserved for very large, mostly tropical species. The majority of centipedes found in Britain are much shorter than the animal Carter describes, and usually range from yellowish to dark orange in colour; the stone centipede (Lithobius forficatus, formerly 3 Scolopendra forficatus) is dark brown and does prey on earthworms, but is typically only 3cm (1 16inches) at the longest. Carter describes the first pair of modified legs, the forcipules, which are not true mouthparts, but which are used to grasp prey and inject venom. Carter had lived in Nottingham from the late 1850s to the early 1860s (Plarr 1930).

From Francis Darwin    [21 October 1881]1 Friday My dear Father I am very sorry to hear about Wiesner   I read that experiment about transmission of heliotropism just before I went away, I’m afraid it is horribly conclusive;2 I didnt say anything about it to you as I thought possibly you might get stuck before you got

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there. Nature has sent me the book to review; I want to know what you think about it doing it, it might be an opportunity of saying anything we want to say about it; but I am rather inclined to refuse, anyhow I can’t do it for a long time, that is if I write a review signed with my name.3 I might write rather a short notice anonymously without so much care as a signed article would want. I will see what the untranslateable bit about the seedlings at different distances is. That sounds an extraordinary case of F. Müller4 I suppose you got the Pinguicula5 I have sent off a salmon which I killed yesterday & which is in better condition than the first one. I had fished all day and only got a 3 pound grilse & then killed this one just as I was obliged to rush off for the train. Yr affec son | F. D DAR 274.1: 69 1 2 3 4 5

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letters to Francis Darwin, 17 October 1881 and 22 [October 1881]. In 1881, the Friday before 22 October was 21 October. See letter to Francis Darwin, 17 October 1881 and n. 5. CD was reading Julius Wiesner’s book (Wiesner 1881), which challenged CD’s explanation of heliotropism in Movement in plants. In the event, Francis did not write a typical review of Wiesner 1881, but rather a detailed reply to specific criticisms made in the book (F. Darwin 1882). Fritz Müller. See letter to Francis Darwin, 17 October 1881. Pinguicula is the genus of butterwort.

From Francisco de Arruda Furtado1   22 October 1881 Ile St. Michel (Açores) 22 Octobre 1881 Mr. Charles Darwin | Monsieur Je vous ai déjà écrit par ce paquebot mais je vous écris de nouveau pour vous annoncer l’envoi d’une petite découverte dont je ne suis pas en mesure de apprécier la valeur.2 J’ai remarqué ces œufs de l’orthoptère très commun dans nos cuisines et que nous appellons barata, déposés sur le visage et le corps de deux statuettes en craie.3 Ce qui m’a frappé c’est que ses cotés libres étaient recouverts de craie (comme j’espère qu’ils vous arriveront) sans doute machée et appliquée avec soin sur toute la surface libre par les mandibules de l’animal. Si cela est une chose intéressante liée aux faits éloquents de l’instinct, si le procédé employé par l’insecte est probablement pour dérober le germe de sa progéniture à des yeux ravageurs, pour lui donner plus de prise ou pour eviter les effets pernicieux de la lumière; voilà des questions que j’ai l’honneur de soumettre respectueusement à votre considération, s’il ne s’agit d’un fait peut être connu de tous les naturalistes et sans importance. Je suis peut être bien indiscret en vous causant toutes ces dérangements, aussi, j’éspère que vous serez indulgent pour moi et je vous prie d’agréer, &c. A. Furtado ADraftS Historical Archive of the Museums of the University of Lisbon (PT/MUL/FAF/C/01/0036)

478 1 2 3

October 1881

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. See letter from Francisco de Arruda Furtado, 16 October 1881. Barata: cockroach (Portuguese). Cockroaches were formerly classified within the order Orthoptera (grasshoppers, locusts, and crickets), but are now placed within the order Blattodea (cockroaches and termites). They typically lay a single egg case (ootheca) containing several individual eggs, which may be glued to a surface like a wall.

From James Croll   22 October 1881 43 Claremont Road, | Alexandra Park, | Manchester, Oct. 22. 1881. My dear Sir, I have just received the copy of your most interesting volume which you have so kindly sent me.1 The subject is new and important Please to accept my best thanks for the gift. You will be glad to learn that I am much improved in health of late. Sleep has completely returned. I am at present on my way to winter in some warm and sheltered place in the South of England, where I can live cheaply2 I am | Yours sincerely— | James Croll Charles Darwin | LLD., FRS. &c— DAR 161: 267 1 2

Croll’s name is on CD’s presentation list for Earthworms (see Appendix IV). For more on Croll’s health, see the letter from Archibald Geikie, 22 June 1881 and n. 1.

To Francis Darwin   22 [October 1881]1 66 Hills Road Saturday 22d My dear Frank If you did not dislike the job, I think it wd. be a very good thing for you to review Wiesner. But you wd. have to read his book very carefully & consult his greater work on Heliotropism, which I think we have.2 I have now read 34 of his book. It is a great comfort that he has repeated almost all our experiments & finds our statements correct, but it is almost laughable how different an interpretation he puts on every single case. Without intending it he is unfair in some cases, by ignoring many experiments & selecting only certain ones from which to deduce his results. This is conspicuously the case with respect to the sensitiveness of the tip to contact, which he says he has repeated 100 times & always with our result.3 But his explanation seems to me ludicrous, & this is due to his ignoring all my many trials with gum water & with bits of card on opposite sides. You will be enabled well to discuss diaheliotropism; his explanation of which, as far as I can understand it, seems to me ludicrous.4 His book seems to me really a model of the spirit in which everyone ought to write controversially.—

October 1881

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I give up the ghost about cutting off tips of radicles; but it is a wonderful fact that slight relaxation of power of growth shd entirely check geotropism. If you can see young & vigorously growing fir-trees—measure whether upper lateral horizontally growing shoots are ever as long as the leader.— I will explain why this is important.5 I shall be able to point out various points in which I differ from him; but you will of course have to judge for yourself entirely so as to write conscientiously, if you agree to review the book.— Yours affec | C. Darwin I wonder whether he had previously come to the conclusion that pressure & extension plays so important a part in apparently simple heliotropic curvatures, or whether he was led to this conclusion by our book.6 I forgot to thank about Pinguicola— experiment quite failed7 DAR 211: 87 1 2

3 4 5

6 7

The month and year are established by the address. The Darwins stayed with their son Horace and his wife, Ida Darwin, in Cambridge from 20 to 27 October 1881 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). See letter from Francis Darwin, [21 October 1881] and n. 3. Francis was thinking of reviewing Wiesner 1881. The other work by Julius Wiesner was ‘Die heliotropischen Erscheinungen im Pflanzenreiche’ (Heliotropic phenomena in the plant world; Wiesner 1878–80). CD had read an abstract of the work in 1878 and later cited it in Movement in plants, p. 12 (see Correspondence vol. 26, letter to Francis Darwin, 17 July [1878]). See Wiesner 1881, p. 141. See Wiesner 1881, pp. 107–29; Wiesner concluded that the phenomenon was a combination of negative geotropism (movement in opposition to gravity) and apheliotropism (movement away from light). CD’s notes on the effects of removing the leader or lateral shoots or both in the spruce fir (Picea nordmania) and silver fir (Abies pectinata, a synonym of A. alba), dated between 14 July 1879 and 26 January 1880, are in DAR 209: 6. See Movement in plants, pp. 489–91. Francis had sent a specimen of an unnamed species of Pinguicula (see letter from Francis Darwin, [21 October 1881] and n. 5); no experimental notes around this time on Pinguicula have been identified.

To J. D. Hooker   22 October 1881 66 Hills Road | Cambridge Oct 22d. 1881. (Home on 27th.) My dear Hooker We are staying for a week with Horace here in Cambridge, as I much wanted a change & rest.1 Now I am going to bother you or Dyer, if the latter has returned. I sadly want the plants in enclosed list.2 I tried to get a Papaw but failed from Veitch, where I got Nepenthes Dionæa & some other plants.3 I am investigating the action of Carbonate of Ammonia, on chlorophyll, which makes me want the plants in my list.4 I have incidentally, observed one point in Euphorbia, which has astonished me, viz that in the fine fibrous roots of Euphorbia, the alternate rows of cells in these roots must differ physiologically, though not in external appearance, as their contents after the action of Carbonate of Ammonia differ most conspicuously.5

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October 1881

(Now for another subject: Dr. King writes that he has dispatched a very fine specimen of Dischidia Rafflesiana in spirits to me, & he sends a drawing & extract from Wallich.— What an extraordinary case it seems to be: from what Dr. King says & the drawings it looks as if the plant manufactured little pitchers of manurewater, so that its roots might be nourished by the contents.—6 Now I have not, of course, histological knowledge enough to undertake the examination of the minute structure of these pitchers, & do you know of any one with knowledge enough who wd like to undertake the work: always supposing that the work has not already been done. If no one else wd do so, perhaps Frank would; but he likes physiological work, more than morphological work.—7 Please observe that we return home on Thursday 27th, so that if you can send me any plants, they ought not to be despatched before that day.— Ever my dear Hooker | Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin P.S. | Wiesner of Vienna has just published a book, vivisecting me in the most courteous, but awful manner, about the “Power of Movement in Plants”.—8 Thank Heaven he admits almost all my facts, after retrying all my experiments; but gives widely different interpretations of the facts.— I think he proves me wrong in several cases, but I am convinced that he is utterly erroneous & fanciful in other explanations. No man was ever vivisected in so sweet a manner before, as I am in this book.— Pray give my kind farewell to Asa Gray & I thank him for the card received just as we were leaving home.—9 [Enclosure] (Young Papaw tree, (but with roots) (Sarracenia— a single leaf or pitcher wd. do, if not old & sent damp in tin-box.— Or I could return plant.—) (Drosophyllum— a very small plant wd suffice & I could return it.) (Any one or 2 or 3 Euphorbiaceous plants, except Euphorbia & Phyllanthus both of which I possess.— I fear that Pointsettia hardly differs from Euphorbia, otherwise this wd. do for one: I bought seeds of Pointsettia, but not one germinated.10 DAR 95: 538–41 1 2

3

4

The Darwins visited Cambridge from 20 to 27 October 1881, staying with their son Horace Darwin and his wife, Ida (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). William Turner Thiselton-Dyer and his wife, Harriet Anne, had gone on a six-week holiday to the continent on 7 September 1881 (see letter from J. D. Hooker, 7 September 1881, and letter from J. D. Hooker, [23 October 1881]). The papaw or papaya, as it is more commonly known now, is Carica papaya. Veitch & Sons was a nursery firm often used by CD; they carried many exotic plants at their Chelsea branch (Shephard 2003). Nepenthes is a genus of tropical pitcher-plants sometimes referred to as monkey cup; Dionaea is Venus fly trap, a native of eastern North America. CD’s notes on the action of carbonate of ammonia (ammonium carbonate; (NH4)2CO3) on chlorophyll, dated between 31 August and November 1881, are in DAR 52: F22–98. The results of these experiments were published in the Journal of the Linnean Society of London (‘Action of carbonate of ammonia on chlorophyll’).

October 1881 5

6

7

8

9 10

481

CD’s notes on the absorption of carbonate of ammonia by roots of Euphorbia peplus (petty spurge) and E. myrsinites (myrtle spurge), dated from 28 July to 14 November 1881, are in DAR 62: 2–5, 36–41. Notes on E. ornithopus (bird’s foot euphorbia) and E. rhipsaloides (a synonym of E. tirucalli, Indiantree spurge), dated from 24 to 29 December 1881, are in DAR 62: 42–3. The results of these experiments were published in ‘Action of carbonate of ammonia on roots’. See letter from George King, 13 September 1881 and n. 1. Nathaniel Wallich had illustrated and described Dischidia rafflesiana (a synonym of D. major) in Plantae Asiaticae rariores (Wallich 1830–2, 2: 35–6 and plate 142). See plate on p. 406. Francis Darwin added a note on Dischidia rafflesiana to Insectivorous plants 2d ed., pp. 366–7 n. Francis discussed various theories about the function of the ‘pitchers’, but concluded that their use could not be considered definitely settled. One of the most comprehensive studies of the pitchers of Dischidia rafflesiana was Melchior Treub’s ‘Sur les urnes du Dischidia Rafflesiana Wall’ (Treub 1883), in which all of the previous literature on the nature and function of the pitchers was reviewed. Francis Darwin referred to this work in his note for Insectivorous plants 2d ed. Julius Wiesner had sent CD a copy of his book Das Bewegungsvermögen der Pflanzen. Eine kritische Studie über das gleichnamige Werk von Charles Darwin, nebst neuen Untersuchungen (The power of movement in plants. A critical study of the work of the same name by Charles Darwin, together with new investigations; Wiesner 1881). For a discussion of some of Wiesner’s criticisms, see the letter to Francis Darwin, 22 [October 1881]. Asa Gray left Kew on 22 October 1881 (see letter from J. D. Hooker, [23 October 1881]). The card has not been found. Sarracenia is the genus of trumpet pitchers native to North America. Drosophyllum is the monotypic genus of Portuguese sundew or dewy pine. Euphorbia is the genus of spurges; Phyllanthus is the genus of leaf flower. Both genera were in the family Euphorbiaceae, but more recently Phyllanthus has been placed in the family Phyllanthaceae. Poinsettia is now an unaccepted genus whose former species are all placed in Euphorbia.

To Fritz Müller   22 October 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) [66 Hills Road, Cambridge.] Oct 22d. 1881 My dear Sir I must write a few words to thank you for the seeds & for your letter of Sept 6th..1 The case of the Crotalaria is most remarkable in many ways, & I am extremely glad that you have sent an account of this plant to Kosmos.2 I am writing this note in Cambridge, where I have come to stay with one of my sons & get a little rest, of which I stood in much need.3 I saw F. Balfour last night. I am now reading his Comparative Embryology, which seems to me a wonderful book. I hope that you received the copy which he sent you through me.4 I read lately your most interesting paper on Atyoidea in Kosmos.5 With all good wishes & thanks | Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin I sent you a copy the other day of my little book on Earth-worms,—a subject of no importance but which has long interested me.—6 The British Library (Loan MS 10 no 55) 1

See letter from Fritz Müller, 6, 7, and 9 September 1881. Müller had sent seeds of Oxalis sepium (see letter from Fritz Müller, 9 and 10 August 1881 and n. 2).

482 2

3 4

5

6

October 1881

In his letter of 6, 7, and 9 September 1881, Müller had described the nyctitropic movements of Crotalaria cajanaefolia (a synonym of C. cajanifolia, chipilin). Müller’s article on Crotalaria cajanaefolia appeared in Kosmos, December 1881 (F. Müller 1881c). The Darwins visited Cambridge, staying with their son Horace Darwin and his wife, Ida, from 20 to 27 October 1881 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). CD had received two copies of Balfour 1880–1 and arranged with Balfour to send the spare copy to Müller as a gift from Balfour (see letter to F. M. Balfour, 6 July 1881, and letter from F. M. Balfour, 10 July 1881). Müller’s paper was ‘Atyoida Potimirim, eine schlammfressende Süsswassergarneele’ (Atyoida Potimirim, a mud-eating freshwater shrimp; F. Müller 1881a). Atyoida potimirim is a synonym of Potimirim potimirim, the tiny or neon shrimp. Müller’s name is on CD’s presentation list for Earthworms (see Appendix IV).

From J. D. Hooker   [23 October 1881]1 Joldwynds, | Dorking. | Rail & Tel. | Gomshall, | S.E.R. Sunday Dear old friend I take shame to myself for not having earlier thanked you for the diet of Worms— which I have read through with great interest.—2 I must own I had always looked on worms as amongst the most helpless & unintelligent members of the creation; & am amazed to find that they have a domestic life & public duties! I shall now respect them, even in our garden pots; & regard them as something better than food for fishes.— I am interested in observing how they shun some soils at Kew apparently from the want of vegetable matter in them. We are here staying for the Sunday with Mr. Bowman & his pleasant family.3 I have been very busy for the last 6 weeks owing to Dyer & my daughter being on the continent:— They returned last week:—4 I have been busy too negotiating for the purchase of a plot of land near Sunningdale whereon to build a “Tusculum”.—& am on the point of closing with an offer of 6 acres of “Bagshot sand”, including a hill of 300 ft commanding superb views, & in a country of Scotch fir & heather.— Another year I shall hope to be able to build a cottage; an awful undertaking for me.5 The situation, 112 miles from the station, from which I can reach Kew in 1 to 112 hours, will be very convenient.— As to work, the Genera Plantarum engrosses all my spare time— I have been 3  years nearly at the Palms & am finishing these at last.— There will be near 120 genera! many very imperfectly known— when the Gen. Plant. is off my hands I shall be a happy man—I hope—6 The Grays left yesterday.7 Ever affy yrs | J D Hooker DAR 104: 164–5 1 2

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from J.  D.  Hooker, 27 October 1881. The Sunday before 27 October 1881 was 23 October. Hooker’s name is on CD’s presentation list for Earthworms (see Appendix IV). Hooker’s joking reference to the book as ‘the diet of Worms’ is an allusion to the imperial diet or assembly held at Worms in the Holy Roman Empire in 1521, which resulted in the excommunication of Martin Luther from the Roman Catholic Church.

October 1881 3 4

5

6

7

483

Hooker and his wife Hyacinth Hooker were guests of William Bowman, whose house, Joldwynds, was designed by Philip Speakman Webb and completed in 1875 (ODNB s.v. Webb, Philip Speakman). Hooker’s son-in-law, William Turner Thiselton-Dyer, and his daughter Harriet Anne Thiselton-Dyer had gone on a six-week holiday to the continent on 7 September 1881 (see letter from J. D. Hooker, 7 September 1881). Tusculum was a Roman city, known for having many patrician country villas; the site was a comfortable distance from Rome. Sunningdale in Berkshire is located on land that is the western part of a geological formation known as the Bagshot beds, a series of Eocene sands and clays. Hooker built his retirement home, ‘The Camp’, there. Genera plantarum (Bentham and Hooker 1862–83) was a systematic work undertaken by Hooker and George Bentham in 1860 (see Stearn 1956). Hooker was working on palms (Palmae, a synonym of Arecaceae); see Bentham and Hooker 1862–83, 3 (part II): 870–948. Asa and Jane Loring Gray had been staying at Kew since their return from a visit to the Continent, part of which had been in company with the Hookers (see letter from J. D. Hooker, 24 February [1881] and n. 3).

From Edward Fry   24 October 1881 Failand House. | Long Ashton, | N.r Bristol. Stations | Railway—Portbury. | Telegraph—Pill 24 Oct 1881 Sir, I need not I presume apologize for calling your attention to a fact about worms. On my lawn here there stand two large mulberry trees, both of which shed their fruit in considerable quantities on the grass—1 The worms use these fallen mulberries to stop the mouth of their burrows with.—2 The fruit is so to speak worked into the cast—the heap being thrown up around & at the side of the mulberry. Whether the worms draw the mulberries to their holes or only use them as stoppers when they hit them by accident (as under one of the trees they would often do) I do not know.—and as the mulberries are nearly over, can hardly ascertain this year. Your obed Servt | Edw: Fry Charles Darwin Esq LLD &c. &c DAR 164: 219 1 2

The genus of mulberrry is Morus. CD had discussed the variety of things used by worms to plug their holes in Earthworms, pp. 58–64.

To George King   24 October 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. [66 Hills Road, Cambridge.] October 24. 1881. My dear Sir Although the specimen of the Dischidia has not yet arrived, I will not delay any longer thanking you for your letter of September  13th. & the drawing.1 The case seems to be an extraordinary one, and it would appear as if the plants manufactured little buckets of manure-water for its own roots! Unless you could prevent the access

484

October 1881

of ants or other insects & filled the pitchers with pure water, it would be very difficult to make out the use of the parts. I have not histological knowledge enough to undertake the dissection of so precious a specimen; but I will write to Hooker to enquire whether he knows of any one capable of the work. It would be interesting to learn whether there are any nectar-seating glands in the upper part, & absorbent glands or structures (perhaps like those within the bladder of Uricularia)2 in the lower part. I despatched about a week ago a copy of my book on earth-worms, on which subject you gave me such invaluable aid.—3 I hope that the book may interest you in some slight degree, though obviously of no great importance.— With many thanks | Believe me | Yours very faithfully | Ch. Darwin If I cannot find a capable man my son Francis or I myself will examine the microscopical structure of the pitchers4 Copy DAR 146: 19 1 2 3

4

See letter from George King, 13 September 1881 and n. 3. King had sent a copy of a figure and description of Dischidia rafflesiana (a synonym of D. major). CD discussed the structure and function of the bladders of Utricularia (bladderwort) in Insectivorous plants, pp. 397–424. King’s name is on CD’s presentation list for Earthworms (see Appendix IV). King had sent CD worm-castings from South India in 1872 and from the south of France in 1873 (see Correspondence vols. 20 and 21). CD cited King in Earthworms, pp. 5 and passim. Although no record has been found of any examination carried out by Francis Darwin, Francis added a note on Dischidia rafflesiana, citing published studies of the pitchers, to Insectivorous plants 2d ed., pp. 366–7 n.

From Wilhelm Pfeffer1   24 October 1881 Tübingen d 24 October 1881 Hochgeehrter Herr! Sie würden mich verpflichten wenn Sie mir mittheilen wollten, ob Sie,—wie ich glaube gehört zu haben—mit ausgedehnten Untersuchungen über die durch Stoss und Contact veranlassten Bewegungen (Mimosa, Staubfäden der Cynareen, u.s.w) beschäftigt sind.2 In diesem Falle möchte ich nämlich nicht, wie ich andernfalls beabsichtige, dieses Thema zum Gegenstand erneuter und ausgedehnter Untersuchungen machen. Den 2 Band meiner Physiologie hoffe ich in nicht ferner Zeit Ihnen übersenden zu können.3 Das Erscheinen ist durch Einstellung des Druckes während einer Ferienreise etwas verzögert worden. Die durch Ihre Untersuchungen so wesentlich geförderte Kenntniss der Bewegungsvorgänge musste ich, der Tendenz meines Buches gemäss, in erster Linie von physiologischer Seite behandeln und musste desshalb mehr beiläufig auf die biologische Bedeutung hinweisen.4 Dieses hat naturgemäss auf Anordnung und Darstellung Einfluss gehabt und herbeigeführt, dass manches in einem anderen Gewand als in Ihrem Buche erscheint. In einzelnen Fällen habe ich mich jedoch

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auch in principieller Hinsicht den von Ihren vertretenen Auffassungen nicht anzuschliessen vermocht, indess halte ich die Differenzen, die ich hier nicht weiter namhaft machen will, kaum so tiefgreifend als es dem Leser villeicht auf den ersten Blick scheinen wird. Bei dieser Gelegenheit darf ich mir wohl die Bemerkung erlauben, dass Sie einigemal in früheren Arbeiten von mir vertretene Ansichten nicht in meinem Sinne auffassten. Während ich die zur mechanischen Ausführung dienenden Mittel behandelte, habe ich villeicht und begreiflicherweise nicht an jeder Stelle besonders bemerkt, dass die äusseren Ursachen eben nur die Bedeutung durch specifische Receptivität ermöglichten auslösender Wirkungen haben, anders als solche Reizursachen habe ich aber Licht, Contact u.sw.  nie angesehen und wiederholt dieses direkt bemerkt. So habe ich u.a. auch nicht (wie Sie in Ihrem Buche über Bewegungsvermögen p.  407  Anmkg. sagen) von einer Nachwirkung des Lichtes gesprochen, sondern nur von einer Nachwirkung der vorausgegangen Bewegungen und sogar wiederholt betont, dass die thatsächlich ausgeführten Bewegungen maassgebend für die Nachwirkungsbewegungen seien.5 In diesem Sinne bestreiten Sie ja selbst die Nachwirkungen nicht, denen sich, ohne scharfe Grenze, die Erblichkeit anschliesst, wenn nämlich die einst inducirten Vorgänge über längere Zeiträume ausgedehnt werden. Einliegend erlaube ich Ihnen meine Photographie zu senden und soll es mich sehr freuen, wenn Sie dieselbe als kleines Zeichen meiner höchsten Verehrung annehmen wollen6 Mit ausgezeichneter Hochachtung | Ihr | ergebener | Prof. Dr W. Pfeffer [Contemporary translation] Tübingen Oct 24. 1881. Highly honoured Sir. I should be much obliged if you would tell me whether (as I think I have heard) you are occupied with further researches concerning the movements caused by pushing and contact (Stoss und Contact) (Mimosa, stamens of ....…? &c.) As, in this case I should not, as I otherwise intend, make this subject (Thema) the object of renewed and extended researches. The second volume of my physiology I hope before long to send you. Its appearance has been somewhat delayed through the stopping of the printing during my vacation tour. The knowledge of the movement processes, (Bewegungsvorgänge) so essentially furthered by your researches, I have been obliged, in accordance with the tendency of my book, to treat, in the first place, from the physiological side, and have been obliged therefore to point out more parenthetically the biological significance. This has naturally had an influence on arrangement and mode of presentation, (Darstellung) and has caused many/some things to appear in a different dress from what they had in your book. There are however a few cases in which, in some important respects, I have not been able to fall in with the views maintained by you; I consider, however,

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October 1881

that the differences/divergencies (which I will not here indicate particularly) are hardly so far reaching as perhaps at the first glance will appear to the reader. May I be allowed to take this opportunity of remarking that you have occasionally in your former works not understood in my sense the views maintained by me. While I was treating of the means which serve for (the) mechanical accomplishment, I have perhaps—not unnaturally—failed specially to state in every place that external causes have only the significance of (auslösender???) activity made possible in consequence of specific Receptivity. I have never looked upon light, contact &c but as such irritant causes, & this I have repeatedly directly stated. For instance I did not (as you say in your book on the Power of Movement page 407) speak of the after working (Nachwirkung) of Light, but only of an after working of the preceding movements, and have even repeatedly insisted that the actually carried out movements determine the after working movements. In this sense you yourself do not deny the after workings (Nachwirkung) and with this, without sharp boundaries, in heritability (die Erblichkeit) fits in,— that is if the once induced proceedings/Vorgänge? are extended over longer periods. I venture to enclose my photograph, & I should be glad if you wd. receive it as a mark of my highest veneration— I am &c &c Prof. Dr. W. Pfeffer. DAR 174: 38, 38/1 1 2

3

4

5 6

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. The contemporary translation was made by Camilla Pattrick (see letter to Francis Darwin, 28 [October 1881] and n. 8). Mimosa is the genus of sensitive plants; most of CD’s experiments for Movement in plants were performed on M. pudica (shame plant), whose leaves are sensitive to mechanical irritation. The Cynareae are a tribe of the daisy family (Asteraceae, formerly Compositae); in some species, the stamens are irritable along the whole of the filament (see Pfeffer 1873, pp. 80–158). The second volume of Pflanzenphysiologie. Ein Handbuch des Stoffwechsels und Kraftwechsels in der Pflanze (Plant physiology: a handbook of metabolism and energy exchange in plants; Pfeffer 1881) was published by the end of the year. CD had received the first volume in July 1881 (see letter to Francis Darwin, 8 July 1881). In Pfeffer 1881, Pfeffer focused on the mechanics of plant metabolism, including gas and water exchange, photosynthesis, and cell construction and differentiation. In Movement in plants, CD had focused more on the adaptive value of movement, as well as the physiological processes. See Movement in plants, pp. 407–8 n. For Pfeffer’s statement about the after-effects of movement, see Pfeffer 1875, p. 45. Pfeffer’s photograph has not been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL.

To G. H. Darwin   [before 25 October 1881]1 [66 Hills Road, Cambridge.] George Ask Lord R.  whether gas-men in testing light, exclude the diffused light; for I suppose that they cannot always make the trials in the same room, & therefore with exactly the same amount of diffused light—2 AL DAR 210.1: 115

October 1881 1 2

487

The date is established by the relationship between this note and the letter to Julius Wiesner, 25 October 1881. John William Strutt was the third Baron Rayleigh. In recent experiments on the response of plants to light, Julius Wiesner had claimed that the intensity of light was not proportional to the distance of the plant from the source (see Wiesner 1881, p. 78); George suggested that the presence of diffused light might account for Wiesner’s results (see letter to Julius Wiesner, 25 October 1881).

From R. F. Cooke   25 October 1881 Albemarle S.t Octr. 25/81 We have exhausted the 2nd 1000 & are now printing the 3rd. & they will be gone before we can say “Jack Robinson”, so pray send into Clowes, any corrections if you have found errors.1 RC ApcS DAR 171: 522 1

There is an errata slip inserted before p. [i] in the third thousand of Earthworms (Freeman 1977). William Clowes & Sons were printers to John Murray, CD’s publisher.

To J. B. Dancer   25 October [1881] From Mr. C. Darwin, Down, Beckenham. [66 Hills Road, Cambridge.] Oct 25th Dear Sir— If you ever see a copy of my book, you will find that I have profited by your interesting notice.—1 I beg leave to thank you for your note2 Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin ApcS Postmark: OC 25 81 Harry Ransom Center, The University of Texas at Austin (John Benjamin Dancer MS 1052 1.3) 1 2

In Earthworms, p. 146, CD cited Dancer’s paper ‘On the transfer of subsoil to the surface by the agency of worms’ (Dancer 1877). The note from Dancer has not been found.

From Karl Möbius1   25 October 1881 Kiel, d. 25 Okt. 1881. Hochverehrter Herr Darwin! Ihre neue Schrift: “The Formation of vegetable mould through the action of Worms” habe ich mit grossem Interesse gelesen. Empfangen Sie für die reichen

488

October 1881

Belehrungen, welche ich daraus geschöpft habe, und für die Aufmerksamkeit, die Sie mir durch die freundliche Übersendung einer Copie derselben erwiesen haben, meinen wärmsten Dank.2 Ihr | hochachtungsvoll | ergebener | K. Möbius. DAR 171: 200 1 2

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. Möbius’s name is on CD’s presentation list for Earthworms (see Appendix IV).

To Julius Wiesner   25 October 1881 Down, Beckenham, Kent [66 Hills Road, Cambridge.] Oct: 25th. 1881 My dear Sir, I have now finished your book, and have understood the whole except a very few passages.1 In the first place, let me thank you cordially, for the manner in which you have everywhere treated me. You have shown how a man may differ from another in the most decided manner, and yet express his difference with the most perfect courtesy. Not a few English and German naturalists might learn a useful lesson from your example; for the coarse language often used by scientific men towards each other does no good, and only degrades science. I have been profoundly interested by your book, and some of your experiments are so beautiful, that I actually felt pleasure while being vivisected. It would take up too much space to discuss all the important topics in your book. I fear that you have quite upset the interpretation which I have given of the effects of cutting off the tips of horizontally extended roots, and of those laterally exposed to moisture; but I cannot persuade myself that the horizontal position of lateral branches and roots is due simply to their lessened power of growth.2 Nor when I think of my experiments with the cotyledons of Phalaris can I give up the belief of the transmission of some stimulus due to light from the upper to the lower part.3 At p. 60 you have misunderstood my meaning, when you say that I believe that the effects from light are transmitted to a part which is not itself heliotropic. I never considered whether or not the short part beneath the ground was heliotropic; but I believe that with young seedlings the part which bends near, but above the ground is heliotropic; and I believe so from this part bending only moderately when the light is oblique and bending rectangularly when the light is horizontal. Nevertheless the bending of this lower part, as I conclude from my experiments with opaque caps, is influenced by the action of light on the upper part.4 My opinion, however, on the above and many other points signifies very little, for I have no doubt that your book will convince most botanists that I am wrong in all the points on which we differ. Independently of the question of transmission, my mind is so full of facts leading me to believe that light, gravity &c, act not in a direct manner on growth, but as stimuli, that I am quite unable to modify my judgment on this head. I could

October 1881

489

not understand the passage at p.  78, until I consulted my son George, who is a mathematician. He supposes that your objection is founded on the diffused light from the lamp illuminating both sides of the object and not being reduced with increasing distance in the same ratio as the direct light; but he doubts whether this necessary correction will account for the very little difference in the heliotropic curvature of the plants in the successive pots.5 With respect to the sensitiveness of the tips of roots to contact, I cannot admit your view until it is proved that I am in error about bits of card attached by liquid gum causing movement; whereas no movement was caused if the card remained separated from the tip by a layer of the liquid gum.6 The fact also of thicker and thinner bits of card attached on opposite sides of the same root by shellac, causing movement in one direction has to be explained. You often speak of the tip having been injured; but externally there was no sign of injury; and when the tip was plainly injured, the extreme part became curved towards the injured side. I can no more believe that the tip was injured by the bits of card, at least when attached by gum-water, than that the glands of Drosera are injured by a particle of thread or hair placed on it, or that the human tongue when it feels any such object.7 About the most important subject in my book; namely circumnutation, I can only say that I feel utterly bewildered at the difference in our conclusions; but I could not fully understand some parts which my son Francis will be able to translate to me when he returns home.8 The greater part of your book is beautifully clear. Finally, I wish that I had enough strength and spirit to commence a fresh set of experiments and publish the results with a full recantation of my errors when convinced of them; but I am too old for such an undertaking, nor do I suppose that I shall be able to do much, or any more original work. I imagine that I see one possible source of error in your beautiful experiment of a plant rotating and exposed to a lateral light.9 With high respect and with sincere thanks for the kind manner in which you have treated me and my mistakes, I remain | My dear Sir | Yours sincerely | Charles Darwin P.S.— I am very sorry to hear that you will not be able to attend to Botany during the next year, but your distinguished pupils will no doubt be able to go on working.10 Copy DAR 148: 358 1

2

3 4

See letter to Julius Wiesner, 4 October 1881. Wiesner had written a critical response to Movement in plants, in which he described several of his own experiments whose results were opposed to CD’s, as well as giving different interpretations of some of CD’s results (see Wiesner 1881). For CD’s initial impressions of the book, see the letter to Francis Darwin, 17 October 1881. See Wiesner 1881, pp. 92–107. Wiesner had accounted for both the horizontal position of roots and the lack of heliotropic movement in shoots by the lessened power of growth after the tips were cut off. See Movement in plants, pp. 468–75, for CD’s experiments covering the tips of the cotyledons of Phalaris canariensis (canary-grass). See Wiesner 1881, p. 59, and n. 3, above.

490 5

6 7 8

9 10

October 1881

George Howard Darwin. In Wiesner 1881, p. 78, Wiesner had noted that CD did not find the intensity of light or time of exposure to be proportional to the heliotropic effect (see Movement in plants, p. 458). Wiesner argued that the effect could be explained in simple physical terms, claiming that light intensity was not proportionally related to distance from the source because the difference in the amount of light on the shaded and illuminated sides of the plants was not proportional. See Movement in plants, pp. 155–8. See Wiesner 1881, pp. 144–7. Wiesner, in opposition to CD, found that circumnutation was a movement resulting from a combination of geotropic and heliotropic movements, and therefore only secondary (see Wiesner 1881, pp. 203–5). Francis Darwin was in Wales, visiting his deceased wife’s family (letter from Emma Darwin to H. E. Litchfield, [9 October 1881] (DAR 219.9: 275)). See Wiesner 1881, pp. 68–71. See letter from Julius Wiesner, 11 October 1881. Wiesner had been elected dean of the philosophical faculty at the University of Vienna for the academic year.

To R. F. Cooke   [after 25 October 1881?]1 Down, Beckenham, Kent | (Railway Station, Orpington S.E.R.) My dear Sir I have no corrections. I am extremely pleased at the sale of my book and utterly astonished.2 I declare that the publication of a book is nothing better or worse than a gambling transaction! and we are all gamblers! Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin Copy DAR 143: 296 1 2

The date is conjectured based on the possible relationship between this letter and the letter from R. F. Cooke, 25 October 1881. In his letter of 25 October 1881, Cooke had informed CD that a third printing of Earthworms was required and had asked whether CD had corrections.

From Joseph Plimsoll   26 October 1881 Exmouth, | 10 Montpelier Road Oct, 26. 1881 Dear Sir I wrote you, some years since—if you remember—on the most momentous of all topics: having been impelled, thereto, by a sincere and anxious solicitude, that you might become, through divine grace, a sharer in that greatest of all blessings, both in time and eternity—the salvation of the immortal soul.1 To that letter you replied, in a very courteous and gentlemanly manner—readily admitting the vast importance of the subject on which I had written you, and thanking me for my concern for, and interest in your eternal welfare and happiness—and for the ample manner in which I had brought it before your notice.2 My solicitude for your soul’s eternal salvation—did not end with that procedure on my part, and appreciative response on yours. For many years I have cherished a fervent desire for your rescue from everlasting destruction—through neglect of the great salvation so freely offered to

October 1881

491

all who believe in the Lord Jesus Christ, and consecrate their lives, their affections, their worship, and services to Him—as He is so fully revealed in “the glorious gospel of the blessed God”3—and for your becoming the possessor of everlasting life and happiness—as the result of your obedience to the precepts of that gospel—especially that cardinal mandate—“Believe in the Lord Jesus Christ, and thou shalt be saved”.4 That desire has moved me oftentimes to bear you in mind, when at a throne of grace, and to implore Him who sitteth on that throne, and who has at his sovereign disposal—life, and bliss, and glory, unceasing, in the world to come—and a meetness for that eternal felicity and exaltation, by the purifying influence on the human soul, of faith in the World’s Redeemer, in virtue of His self-sacrifice and death, on Calvary—his resurrection, ascension to the heavenly world, and intercession there on our behalf—as High Priest—Advocate—and the One great Mediator betwixt God and man.—to visit you—personally, individually—Charles Darwin—with His great salvation: to make you an heir of God, and a joint heir with Jesus Christ, his Son: to bestow on you the gift of repentance towards God, and faith in our Lord Jesus Christ: to sanctify you wholly, and to make you meet for the inheritance of the saints in light. As this may be the last time I shall ever write to you—drawing near to the close of my earthly pilgrimage, as I am—and in the possession of a hope that is full of immortality and eternal life, and looking daily and hourly, as I am, for the glorious appearance of our God and Saviour—when “He shall come to be glorified in His saints, and to be admired in all them that believe”5—I do most earnestly entreat you—to delay not the all-important work of seeking a personal interest in the great salvation accomplished for our race, on Calvary—but to “flee for refuge to the hope set before you in the Gospel:6 to cast yourself on the infinite mercy of God, through Christ—pleading the merits of His beloved Son: pleading also those exceeding great and precious promises contained in His holy word—“Come unto me, all ye who labour and are heavy laden—(who labour and are heavy laden, that is—with a deep sense of their sinfulness and obnoxiousness to divine condemnation, and wrath—of their lost, and perishing condition, and urgent need of an almighty and divine Saviour.) and I will give you rest”.7 “Whosoever will, let him come, and take of the water of life freely.”8 “God so loved the world, that He gave to it, His well-beloved Son,—that whosoever believeth in Him, might not perish, but have everlasting life”.9 “Turn ye—turn ye—for why will ye die!”10 “As I live, saith the Lord, I have no pleasure in the death of the sinner—but would have all men repent and believe, and be saved”—11 “Whosoever cometh unto me, I will in no wise cast out”.12 “How then shall we escape if we neglect so great salvation”13—the Holy Scriptures may well exclaim after such promises of pardon and salvation have been offered to believing sinners! Praying that the Almighty may give you grace to lay these all-important matters deeply to heart, and constrain you, by His holy Spirit— thus to lay hold on eternal life, and duly to avail yourself of the inestimable blessings thus offered you in the Gospel, I remain, dear Sir, | your sincere well-wisher— | J. Plimsoll. M.D DAR 201: 29

492 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13

October 1881

Plimsoll sent CD four letters in 1867 (see Correspondence vol. 15) and one on 5 October 1868 (Correspondence vol. 16). No letter from CD to Plimsoll has been found. 1 Timothy 1:11. Acts 16:31. 2 Thessalonians 1:10. The phrase is an allusion to Hebrews 6:18. Matthew 11:28. Revelation 22:17. John 3:16. This is the first line of a hymn composed by Josiah Hopkins in 1830, based on a verse from Ezekiel 33:11. Ezekiel 18:23. John 6:37. Hebrews 2:3–4.

To P. R. Head   27 October 1881 Down, Beckenham, Kent. Oct. 27, 1881 Dear Sir I thank you cordially for your great kindness in sending me the errata, which are just in time for the third thousand.1 How I could possibly have overlooked the gross and staring error on the mean of 4 angles, I cannot comprehend. The 1.9 for . 19 inch had been already corrected.2 With respect to “chevaux”, my wife and my good French Dictionary say it is right.3 In Haste | Yours faithfully and much obliged | Charles Darwin. Copy DAR 145: 7 1

2 3

The addressee has not been further identified. No letter from Head containing errata for Earthworms has been found. CD’s publisher had asked for any errata for the third printing (see letter from R. F. Cooke, 25 October 1881 and n. 1. The correction of 1.9 to .19 in Earthworms, p. 134, had been pointed out by Henry Nottidge Moseley in his letter to CD of 9 October 1881, and by John Wesley Judd in his letter of 10 October 1881. See Earthworms, p. 71; CD had written ‘chevaux de frise’, French for ‘Frisian horses’, a term used to refer to medieval spiked anti-cavalry obstacles.

From J. D. Hooker   27 October 1881 Royal Gardens Kew Oct 27/81. Dear Darwin The plants go tomorrow—all but the Euphorbiaceae anent which please let us know what sort of plants are wanted— There are no end of them, Herbs, Trees, Shrubs, evergreen, deciduous, succulents & thin leaved1 Dischidia Rafflesiana I have tried for 25 years to get for Kew— We had one little plant a year ago, that had life in it, but the Foreman would pot it on & killed it.2 I have seeds, just sown, but not yet germinated. You know of course Griffiths paper in Trans. Linn. Soc.3

October 1881

493

I have long wished to experiment on it, but never shall now— Why should not Frank?— I will try again for young plants from Sincapore. whither we have just sent a good man. The common species, D. Bengalensis, has no pitchers & grows like an ordinary plant.4 I send our only plants of Drosophyllum— we can get others so do not “agitate yourself ” about hurting it, & vivisect it at your sweet will.5 We go to Pitt Rivers from Saturday till Tuesday— I hate those big swell houses.6 Dyer returned last week. The Grays left Kew on Saturday & sailed yesterday.7 I have not seen the truculent Wiesner’s book.—8 & have a hopeless pile of literature to glance at on my table. The “intellectual activity” of the age is horrid. I am finishing up Palmae for Gen. Plant,—the most difficult job I ever undertook—& perhaps the most unsatisfactory9 Ever aff yrs | J D Hooker DAR 104: 170–1 1 2 3

4

5 6 7

8 9

For the plants requested by CD, see the letter to J. D. Hooker, 22 October 1881 enclosure and n. 10. George King had sent CD a specimen of Dischidia rafflesiana from the Royal Botanic Garden, Calcutta (Kolkata; see letter from George King, 13 September 1881). William Griffith’s paper, ‘On the structure of the ascidia and stomata of Dischidia rafflesiana Wall.’ (Griffith 1846), had been mentioned to CD by Hooker while CD was working on Insectivorous plants (see Correspondence vol. 23, letter from J. D. Hooker, 16 April 1875). Dischidia rafflesiana is a synonym of D. major. There is no evidence that Francis Darwin ever experimented on Dischidia rafflesiana (see letter to J. D. Hooker, 22 October 1881 and n. 7). Dischidia bengalensis, a native of India, has narrow succulent leaves. The plant collector mentioned has not been identified. Drosophyllum is the monotypic genus of Portuguese sundew or dewy pine. CD had asked for a small specimen and mentioned that he could return it (letter to J. D. Hooker, 22 October 1881). Augustus Henry Pitt-Rivers had a large estate, Rushmore, in Wiltshire. William Turner Thiselton-Dyer and his wife, Harriet Anne, had gone on a six-week holiday to the continent on 7 September 1881 (see letter from J. D. Hooker, 7 September 1881). Asa and Jane Loring Gray had been visiting the Hookers (see letter from J. D. Hooker, [23 October 1881] and n. 7). Julius Wiesner and Wiesner 1881. See letter to J. D. Hooker, 22 October 1881 and n. 8. Genera plantarum (Bentham and Hooker 1862–83) was a systematic work undertaken by Hooker and George Bentham in 1860 (see Stearn 1956). Hooker was working on palms (Palmae, a synonym of Arecaceae); see Bentham and Hooker 1862–83, 3 (part II): 870–948.

To Francis Darwin   28 [October 1881]1 Down. 28th My dear old Backy I am going to amuse myself by scribbling a bit de rebus scientificibus.2 I have thought that you might like to read Fritz Muller’s letter. He has sent me seeds— Shall I sow them? By the way I have found the seeds of Dalbergia, which I accused you of losing.3 I enclose letters from Hooker & Lawes about the Worms, which I have thought you might like to see: please keep them all..—4 I have had also an interesting letter from the D. of Argyll, but it is hardly worth taking off the spit.5 The worm book is selling well: I heard yesterday that the 3d thousand is printing off & Mr Cooke writes that “it is selling like Jack Robinson”.—6 We had a very pleasant visit in Cambridge, &

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October 1881

every body was most cordial to-wards me, but I saw too many persons & so was rather tired. Bernard was charming on our journey home & sat on my knee conversing, with an old lady, probably a grandmother, listening intently to every word he said.7 I have had a long letter from Pfeffer (with his photograph) which I have despatched to Camilla to translate; as we cd only make out that he wd. not go on working on the movements of plants., if I intended to do so!!!.—8 I had a very long talk with Vines (& liked him much). He is not inclined to trust much in Wiesner & says he is finical in his experiments & strongly inclined to oppose everyone. When I told him how I had been vivisected (& recommended him strongly to get Wiesners new book) I saw clearly that he was determined if possible to believe in us.9 I discussed with L. Raleigh, George & Horace how to retry some of our experiments, & if you are inclined to try some of them again, I can explain my notions.—10 I feel pretty sure that Wiesner 〈is〉 wrong in some cases. Some of his views seem to me mere words, such as leaves being at the same time heliotropic & apheliotropic.—11 By the way Vines was very much surprised at the behaviour of the roots of Euphorbia when exposed to C. of Ammonia.— He was astonished at the contents of the alternate rows of cells differing in their nature.— He evidently thought the subject worth pursuing. As far as I can yet make out the phenomenon has no connection with the milky juice.—12 Can you tell me where I can read about the vessels with milky juice? You told me about the tubes going up & down in a marvellous manner.13 I have written a very long & cordial letter to Wiesner.—14 Dr King of Calcutta says he has despatched a very good specimen in spirits of Dischidia Rafflesiana—which makes pitchers, which catch & drown many ants,, like a Nepenthes. It is a climbing plant like ivy & the strange fact is that it always sends roots from its own stem into its own pitchers into the putrid water.—15 I have written to Hooker to know whether he knows of anyone who wd be capable of well histo-logising the pitchers; but possibly you might like to undertake the job—16 What a splendid fisher-man you have become.— Your fish was capital eating17 Goodbye— I am tired | your affectionate Father | C. Darwin P.S. There has just arrived an Italian pamphlet for you by Dr. Solla “La Luce e le Piante”—18 Another letter from Dr Hooker who says why does not Frank undertake Dischidia? He says for years he has wished to see the plant alive, but no one can grow it here.— He has again written to Singapore.19 DAR 211: 88 1 2 3

4

The month and year are established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from J. D. Hooker, 27 October 1881. De rebus scientificibus: ‘on scientific things’ (Latin). See letter from Fritz Müller, 9 and 10 August 1881 and n. 2. Müller had sent seeds of Oxalis sepium with that letter, but CD had already sown some seeds by mid September 1881 (DAR 67: 93). It is unclear whether CD refers to that letter, or the letter from Fritz Müller, 6, 7, and 9 September 1881, which is the most recent extant letter but does not mention seeds, or to a now missing letter in which Müller may have enclosed other seeds. Dalbergia is a genus in the legume family (Fabaceae). CD may have sent the letter from J. D. Hooker, [23 October 1881], in which Hooker mentions reading Earthworms. No letter from John Bennet Lawes has been found, but Lawes was on CD’s presentation list for the book (see Appendix IV).

October 1881 5

6 7 8

9

10

11 12

13

14 15

16 17 18 19

495

No letter from George Douglas Campbell, eighth duke of Argyll, has been found, but he was also on CD’s presentation list for Earthworms (see Appendix IV). CD put letters unrelated to his current work on spits (Calendar 1: 2). See letter from R. F. Cooke, 25 October 1881. The Darwins and Francis’s son Bernard Darwin had visited Horace Darwin and his wife, Ida, in Cambridge from 20 to 27 October 1881 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). See letter from Wilhelm Pfeffer, 24 October 1881. Camilla Pattrick, a former governess with the Darwin family, had translated German works for CD before Francis became CD’s assistant. Francis was in Wales, visiting his deceased wife’s family (letter from Emma Darwin to H. E. Litchfield, [9 October 1881] (DAR 219.9: 275)). Sydney Howard Vines was a fellow of CD’s former Cambridge college, Christ’s. Like Francis, Vines had studied at Würzburg with Julius Sachs, and at Straßburg (Strasbourg) with Anton de Bary (ODNB). He was commenting on Julius Wiesner’s critique of Movement in plants (Wiesner 1881). John William Strutt, third Baron Rayleigh, was professor of experimental physics at Cambridge, and a friend of George Howard Darwin and Horace Darwin. In his book, Wiesner had been critical of some of CD’s experimental protocols, claiming the results in such cases were an artefact of the errors in CD’s methodology (see, for example, Wiesner 1881, pp. 158–62). See Wiesner 1881, pp. 57–9. CD had begun experimenting on the action of carbonate of ammonia (ammonium carbonate; (NH4)2CO3) on the roots of some species of Euphorbia, notably E. peplus (petty spurge) and E. myrsinites (myrtle spurge). Notes on these species, dated from 28 July to 14 November 1881, are in DAR 62: 2–5, 36–41. One observation that CD mentioned in his letter to J. D. Hooker, 22 October 1881, was that alternate rows of cells in the fibrous roots reacted differently to immersion in a solution of the chemical, even though they did not appear to differ in external appearance. CD reported his results in ‘Action of carbonate of ammonia on roots’. No letter from Francis discussing the laticiferous ducts in Euphorbia has been found. CD hypothesised that there might be a relation between the formation of granules in the cells of roots exposed to carbonate of ammonia and the presence of such vessels or ducts, but eventually concluded this was not the case (see ‘Action of carbonate of ammonia on roots’, p. 245). See letter to Julius Wiesner, 25 October 1881. See letter from George King, 13 September 1881 and n. 1. Dischidia rafflesiana (a synonym of D. major) is now known as the ant plant. Nepenthes is a large genus of tropical pitcher-plants. The observation about the roots growing in the pitchers of D. rafflesiana had been published in Griffith 1846, p. 388 (see letter from J. D. Hooker, 27 October 1881 and n. 3). See letter to J. D. Hooker, 22 October 1881, and letter from J. D. Hooker, 27 October 1881. Francis had sent home a salmon he caught while fishing in Wales (see letter from Francis Darwin, [21 October 1881]). There is a copy of Ruggero Felice Solla’s paper ‘La Luce e le piante’ (Light and plants; Solla 1880) in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. See letter from J. D. Hooker, 27 October 1881.

From E. L. Henn   28 October 1881 The Reform Club 28 Octr—1881. Dear Sir I have been reading this evening for the first time your new work on the formation of vegetable mould.1 At p.  28  you mention the belief as to worms leaving their burrows when the ground is beaten & made to tremble and you add that you have not found it to be the case. Curiously enough I witnessed this phenomenon about a fortnight ago; & was much struck with it as I had never seen it before. It was during the last great Storm;

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October 1881

when I was setting one of those square iron rabbit-traps called “the Keepers Friend” which you may see advertised in the “Field”.2 In setting the trap, I & a friend who was assisting me tramped about a good deal and in 2 or 3 minutes some 8 or 10 large worms from 4 to 5 inches long appeared about the trap & crawled about the grass. The spot where this occured was a boggy piece of grass near trees. I regret that I with the rest of the world was not as much interested in worms then as now, & I did not observe their movements closely; but I think that the worms had disappeared by the time our arrangements were complete. As to the mole theory it may be that the worm derives his instinct through some prehistoric race of ancestors but so far as I know the mole is a stranger in Ireland where this occurred.3 Faithfully yours | E. Lovett Henn. DAR 166: 142 1 2

3

Earthworms. Several types of rabbit trap with a square iron plate are illustrated in the advertising section of the Field, 22 October 1881, although none is identified specifically as ‘the Keepers Friend’. Henn probably refers to a storm that struck the British Isles on 14 October 1881 (see letter from M. C. Stanley, 16 October 1881 and n. 2). In Earthworms, p. 28, CD had noted the common saying that beating the ground caused worms to believe that they were being pursued by a mole. CD added Henn’s observation to later printings of Earthworms, referring only to ‘a gentleman’ as his source (Earthworms (fifth thousand), p. 28).

To William Preyer   28 October 1881 [Down.] Oct. 28. 1881 My dear Sir I thank you very sincerely for your kindness in sending me your grand work “Die Seele des Kindes”. How I wish that I could read German easily, for the subject interests me much and I have no doubt that your work is excellent.1 Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin Copy DAR 147: 271 1

Preyer sent CD a copy of Die Seele des Kindes. Beobachtungen über die geistige Entwickelung des Menschen in den ersten Lebensjahren (The mind of the child. Observations on the intellectual development of man in the first years of life; Preyer 1882). CD’s copy is in the Darwin Library–Down.

To B. J. Sulivan   28 October [1881]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Oct. 28th My dear Sulivan. I returned home last night & found your grapes in good condition & with a very pleasant muscat flavour. I am utterly incapable of offering any sort of explanation of the case.2 It was very kind of you to send them.

October 1881

497

I am much in arrear with letters, so farewell— | Yours ever sincerely | Ch. Darwin Sulivan family (private collection) 1 2

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from B. J. Sulivan, 29 September 1881. In his letter of 29 September 1881, Sulivan told CD he had sent samples of his two grape varieties to Joseph Dalton Hooker; he had evidently sent samples to CD at a later date. Sulivan first mentioned the grapes in November 1880, and CD had suggested that the change in colour might be an effect of direct action of the pollen on the mother plant and referred to Variation 2d ed. 1: 427–35 (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter to B. J. Sulivan, 17 November 1880 and n. 2).

From Fritz Müller1   29 October 1881 Blumenau, Sa. Catharina, Brazil, 29 Oktober 1881. Verehrter Herr! Vielen Dank für Ihren freundliche Brief vom 10. Septbr. und für die Nummer der “Nature”, die ich grade bekommen habe.2 Von den hybriden Samen von Lagerstroemia, von denen ich Ihnen neulich mittheilte, haben nur sieben gekeimt, und diese stammten alle von Blüten, welche mit grünem Pollen befruchtet waren. Von den aus gelbem Pollen hervorgegangenen schienen zwar einige gut zu sein, aber noch keiner hat bis heut gekeimt (sie waren gesäet am 11. Juni).3 Zu Anfang dieses Monats fanden hier mehrere sehr schwere Regenfälle statt, welche mir gute Gelegenheit boten, die Wirkungen solcher Regengüsse auf Pflanzen zu beobachten. Wo immer der Boden nicht dicht von Pflanzen bedeckt ist, prallen die Regentropfen von der Erde zurück in die Höhe, reissen kleine Erdtheilchen mit sich, und diese bleiben nun an den Stengeln und Blättern niedriger Pflanzen hängen und hüllen sie vollständig in eine Kruste ein, manchmal bis zu mehr als 25 cm Höhe. Manche kleinen Pflanzen werden niedergezogen und durch die Last der ihre Blätter bedeckenden Erde an den Boden festgeheftet; und manche gehen zu Grunde, besonders wenn heisse sonnige Tage auf den Regen folgen; und ich denke, dass alle Blätter, welche so dick von der Kruste eingehüllt sind, stark in ihren normalen Lebensäusserungen beeinträchtigt werden müssen. Nun ist es sehr merkwürdig zu sehen, dass zwischen jenen Pflanzen, welche über und über mit Schmutz bedeckt sind, die Blätter von Oxalis, Phyllanthus u. s. w. ganz trocken and rein erscheinen nach dem heftigsten Regen.—4 Natürlich ist die untere Seite der Blätter viel mehr der Gefahr ausgesetzt, in der beschriebenen Weise beschmutzt zu werden, als die obere, und es mag deshalb für niedrige Pflanzen besonders wichtig sein, dass ihre Unterseite durch eine Wachsabsonderung geschützt ist. Ich sende Ihnen trockene Blätter von drei Pflanzen, welche beim Untertauchen nur an der oberen Seite benetzt werden, während die untere durch einen Reif geschützt ist. Ich hoffe, Sie werden das an den trocknen Blättern sehen können. Es sind 1) eine Art Passiflora, welche freilich bisweilen hoch in Hecken hinauf klettert, für gewöhnlich aber es vorzieht zwischen niedrigen Kräutern an Wegrainen zu kriechen. Bei manchen anderen Passifloren, welche ich untersuchte, waren beide Seiten der Blätter geschützt; 2)

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eine niedrige Art von Alstroemeria, die selten über 20 cm hoch wird. Beide Seiten sind geschützt bei manchen andern Arten dieser Gattung; 3) eine Marantacee; bei manchen andern Arten jener Familie waren die Blätter beiderseits ungeschützt.5 Unter den neuen Pflanzen, die hier nach unserer letzten Ueberschwemmung erschienen sind, und die von den oberen Theilen des Itajahy-Flusses heruntergekommen sind (Arten von Cleome, Cuphea, Jussieua u.  s.  w.), befindet sich auch eine kleine Art von Anagallis, die ich vorher nie gesehen habe.6 Nun soll nach Endlicher’s gen. plant. keine Anagallis in Amerika einheimisch sein; und doch würde es ziemlich auffällig sein, wenn eine Art aus der alten Welt grade jetzt auf unserem überschwemmten Land erschiene. Die europäischen rothen und blauen Pimpinellen sind bei Desterro sehr häufig, wo sie ohne Zweifel, wie so viele andere europäische Unkräuter, aus Europa eingeschleppt worden sind. In Deutschland hatten alle Anagallis-Pflanzen, die ich gesehen habe, rothe oder blaue Blüten; aber bei Desterro habe ich wiederholt solche mit violetten Blumen angetroffen, welche offenbar aus der Kreuzung der rothen und blauen hervorgegangen sind....7 Incomplete Möller ed. 1915–21, 2: 419–20 1

2

3 4 5 6

7

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. According to Alfred Möller, all Fritz Müller’s letters to CD were written in English (see Möller ed. 1915–21, 2: 72 n.); most of them have not been found. Many of the letters were later sent by Francis Darwin to Möller, who translated them into German for his Fritz Müller: Werke, Briefe und Leben (Möller ed. 1915–21). Möller also found final drafts of some Müller letters among the Fritz Müller papers and included these in their original English form (ibid. 2: 72 n). Where the original English versions are missing, the published version, usually appearing in German translation, has been used. See letter to Fritz Müller, 10 September 1881. CD sent the 15 September 1881 issue of Nature; it contained part of the letter from Fritz Müller, 9 and 10 August 1881 (see letter to Nature, [before 15 September 1881]). Lagerstroemia is the genus of crape myrtle. See letters from Fritz Müller, 7 February 1881 and 28 February 1881. Müller was investigating the fertility of the two different types of pollen. Oxalis is the genus of wood sorrel; Phyllanthus is the genus of leaf flower. Passiflora is the genus of passionflower, Alstroemeria is the genus of lily of the Incas, and Marantaceae is the family of arrowroot. The Itajahy river is now known as the Itajaí Açu. Cleome is the genus of spider flower, Cuphea is the genus of waxweed, and Jussiaea (a synonym of Ludwigia) is the genus of seedbox and primrose-willow. Anagallis is the genus of pimpernel. Stephan Ladislaus Endlicher and Endlicher 1836–42. The scarlet pimpernel is Anagallis arvensis; the most common blue pimpernel is A. foemina (poorman’s weatherglass). Müller was evidently unaware of an indigenous species in Brazil, A. filiformis, which has violet flowers. Destêrro (now Florianópolis) is on Santa Catarina Island.

From Alfred Newton   29 October 1881 Magd. Coll. 29 Oct. 1881. My dear Mr. Darwin, I am indeed exceedingly grateful to you for your prompt attention to my request & for furnishing me with the references to Audubon’s story—which is as good for

October 1881

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its purpose in regard to a Night-Heron as the Goose—1 Dr. Brewer, whose personal acquaintance I made nearly 25 years ago, was, I believe, a perfectly honest man, & his statement fully deserves acceptance.2 Having got your letter before going to the Museum this afternoon I looked up the story as soon as I was there. Dr. Brewer unfortunately does not seem to say whether there was anything in the configuration of the locality which would tempt the bird always to move in a northerly direction. It may have been that the only exit practicable was by that way, in which case the bird would naturally have taken it. When one tries to ascribe or explain motives to actions one is very often in the wrong, and I suspect one is still more likely to err in regard to the lower animals concerning whose impulses we know so much less. It seems to me that we are always in danger of misinterpreting the object (if there is one) of their actions, and except in a very limited number of cases can never feel sure about it. This, however, I doubt not you have duly considered, and therefore I will say no more but that I am | Yours very truly | Alfred Newton I do hope that when you come here next time, you will give me the pleasure of seeing you in my rooms DAR 172: 53 1

2

The letter from CD to Newton has not been found; Newton’s request was probably made in person when CD was in Cambridge from 20 to 27 October 1881 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). John James Audubon’s story about the night-heron, as told to him by Thomas Mayo Brewer, is reported in Ornithological biography (Audubon 1831–[9], 5: 600–2. Brewer had reported that his tame bird, who could not fly, attempted to migrate in the autumn, but always went in a northerly direction. Brewer concluded that experience as well as instinct was required to determine the proper route. The nightheron was Ardea nycticorax (a synonym of N. nycticorax, the black-crowned night heron); it is a member of the family Ardeidae. Geese are members of the family Anatidae. On Newton’s meeting with Brewer in 1857, see Wollaston 1921, pp. 25–6.

To J. D. Hooker   30 October 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Oct 30th 81 My dear Hooker Very many thanks for your two notes. I am glad that you approve of the “Diet of Worms”.1 When in old days I used to tell you whatever I was doing, if you were at all interested, I always felt as most men do when their work is finally published.— I have also been very glad to hear the great news about your new villa.2 Alas this will make it more difficult than ever to see you here. Now about the plants: the Drosophyllum & Sarracenia arrived in perfect condition & they are such splendid specimens, that if they had been mine, I could not have endured to have lent them, if father, mother, wife & child had all supplicated me.— I must cut a wedge-like section of the earth in which Drosophyllum grows to get some of its roots,, but I hope this will not kill it; & cut off 2 or 3 leaves.3 With

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October 1881

respect to Euphorbiaceæ, I care not what the plants are, so that they belong to 3 or 4 very distinct genera; not Euphorbia or Phyllanthus.4 Small, youngish plants named & marked greenhouse or hothouse wd be best, as it is the roots which I have to examine. I spoke to Vines, about the case, & he knows nothing at all like it. Why the contents of the cells in the alternate rows in every rootlet on the whole plant shd. differ conspicuously, after certain reagents, passes my comprehension; so that the subject seems worth pursuing.5 I shall look to roots of Nettles & Box as somewhat allied to the Euphorbiaceæ.6 Farewell | C. Darwin Dr King says that he cannot keep the Dischidia alive in Calcutta!7 Please mark “to be returned” any at all valuable Euphorbiacaeous plant which is sent here, if I do not kill it. DAR 95: 542–3 1 2 3 4

5

6

7

See letters from J. D. Hooker, [23 October 1881] and 27 October 1881. Hooker had praised Earthworms, jokingly referring to it as the ‘diet of Worms’ (see letter from J. D. Hooker, [23 October 1881] and n. 2). Hooker had recently bought land in Sunningdale, Berkshire, where he planned to build a country home (see letter from J. D. Hooker, [23 October 1881] and n. 5). See letter to J. D. Hooker, 22 October 1881 and n. 10. Drosophyllum is the monotypic genus of Portuguese sundew or dewy pine. Sarracenia is the genus of trumpet pitchers native to North America. Hooker had asked CD to specify which plants of the family Euphorbiaceae he wanted (letter from J. D. Hooker, 27 October 1881). CD had already told Hooker he did not need plants of Euphorbia (the genus of spurges) or Phyllanthus (the genus of leaf flower; see letter to J. D. Hooker, 22 October 1881 and n. 10). CD had met with Sydney Howard Vines during his visit to Cambridge from 20 to 27 October 1881 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). For more on CD’s experiments on the action of carbonate of ammonia on the roots of some species of Euphorbia, see the letter to Francis Darwin, 28 [October 1881] and n. 12. Common nettle (Urtica dioica) is not related to the Euphorbiaceae, but CD probably intended spurge nettle (Cnidoscolus urens var. stimulosus). Common box is Buxus sempervirens; CD probably consulted Lindley 1853, in which Buxus is classified within the Euphorbiaceae, along with Cnidoscolus. See letter from George King, 13 September 1881. King had sent CD a copy of the figure and description of Dischidia rafflesiana (a synonym of D. major) by Nathaniel Wallich (Wallich 1830–2, 2: 35–6 and plate 142). See plate on p. 406.

From W. C. McIntosh   30 October 1881 Murthly. | N.B. 30th Oct. 1881. My dear Sir, As soon as I finished the Examinations (Nat. History) in the Edinr. University I perused your most suggestive work on the worms, & I now see how valuable it will be not only to the public—but to men of science, & especially to workers amongst the Annelida.1 So far as I see the ingenuity of the marine worms far surpasses that of the Lumbrici in regard to the powers of boring & the “finish” of their dwellings.2 The tubes formed by the marine annelids are not only complex but beautiful; just as their varied colours vie with those of the butterflies &c.

October 1881

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If you saw the marine annelids at work, you wd.  not doubt how easily the earthworm could reverse itself in its burrow.3 I quite agree with your views in regard to the part played by the Lumbrici.4 They likewise play a great part in making the humus on the surface of gravel—as here. I shall find your work of much service when I return to my favourite British Annelids. At present, as I daresay you know, I am busy with the ‘Challenger’ Annelida, & the work is serious. I shall have abt. 100 4to plates. Sixty are already engraved.5 Enclosed is a note which may be interesting to you. Kindly return it after perusal. Prof. Crum-Brown, F.R.S, is Prof. of Chemistry in the Edinr. University.6 Again thanking you for your valued gift—which I cherish much, Yours sincerely | W. McIntosh. Chas. Darwin, Esq.r of Down, | L.LD., F.R.S &c &c P.S. | The Edin. chair of Natural History will soon be vacant, and I shall probably once more try for it.7 DAR 171: 15 1 2 3 4

5 6 7

McIntosh’s name is on CD’s presentation list for Earthworms (see Appendix IV). McIntosh had published the first part of his monograph on British marine annelids in 1873 (McIntosh 1873–1922). Lumbricus is the genus of earthworms. Among the Annelida, many marine species in the class Polychaeta are boring or tube-dwelling. In Earthworms, p. 117, CD had noted that worms must be able to turn around in their burrows, adding that such a movement ‘would be a difficult feat’. In Earthworms, p. 313, CD had concluded, ‘It may be doubted whether there are many other animals which have played so important a part in the history of the world, as have these lowly organised creatures.’ McIntosh’s ‘Report on the Annelida Polychaeta collected by by H.M.S. Challenger, during the years 1873–1876’ (McIntosh 1885) was published in 1885; there were ninety-four plates. The enclosure has not been found. Alexander Crum Brown had been a professor of chemistry at Edinburgh since 1869 (ODNB). In the event, McIntosh became professor of natural history at St Andrews in 1882 (ODNB). CD wrote a testimonial for Edwin Ray Lankester for the professorship at Edinburgh (see letter to E. R. Lankester, 31 October 1881 and n. 1).

To Francisco de Arruda Furtado   31 October 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Oct 31. 1881 Dear Sir I am extremely glad that you think that you will find Wallace’s work useful.1 The egg-cases of Blatta, (as I suppose, for I am ignorant on the subject) with their white coating are curious. I scraped off some of the white matter & placed it in Acetic Acid. It effervesced, leaving a fine residue. I suppose, therefore, that it is some kind of cement or plaister. Are you sure that the place bearing the egg-case had not been white-washed, with cement or white-wash, after the egg-cases had been affixed by the insect?2

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October 1881

If you can observe again similar cases, I think that the fact would be worth publishing, as a good instance of skill in protection.— I can remember no such case. I have, as usual, many letters to write, so will say no more; except to wish you continued success— Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin Historical Archive of the Museums of the University of Lisbon (PT/MUL/FAF/C/01/0023) 1 2

See letter from Francisco de Arruda Furtado, 16 October 1881 and n. 2. CD had sent a copy of Alfred Russel Wallace’s Geographical distribution (Wallace 1876). See letter from Francisco de Arruda Furtado, 22 October 1881 and n. 3. Blatta is a genus of cockroaches. Arruda Furtado had written that the chalk covering the egg casing had been chewed and applied on the sides not attached to the wall. Chalk or lime containing calcium carbonate (CaCO3) reacts with acetic acid (CH3CO2H) to form carbonic acid (H2CO3) and calcium acetate (Ca(C2H3O2)2). The carbonic acid breaks down to water and carbon dioxide, which causes the effervescing.

To E. R. Lankester   31 October 1881 My dear Mr. Ray Lankester, As I understand that you are a candidate for the Chair of Natural History in Edinburgh, I beg permission to state that I have read with care and admiration, all, or very nearly all, your numerous publications.1 In them you show great powers of original research and of generalization. I have never heard you lecture, but your discussions and descriptions are all so remarkably clear that I can entertain no doubt that you would succeed excellently in making every subject intelligible to students. I therefore most earnestly wish that you may be elected to the Professorship; and in this case I am convinced that you will raise the Chair of Natural History in Edinburgh to great eminence. Permit me to add that I have always found you most willing and obliging in giving me any information which I required. With my best wishes for your success, | I remain, dear Mr. Lankester, | Yours very faithfully, | CHARLES DARWIN Down, Beckenham, Kent. | October 31st, 1881. Typed copy The Edinburgh chair of natural history, testimonials in favor of E. Ray Lankester, London [1881], p. 18 1

No letter from Lankester requesting a testimonial from CD has been found. Although Lankester was appointed to the professorship, he withdrew before taking up the position, explaining his decision in a letter to Nature, 27 April 1882, p. 607. The position was then filled by James Cossar Ewart.

From Edward Parfitt   31 October 1881 Devon & Exeter Institution Oct 31st. | 1881 Dear Sir I have just had the pleasure of reading your most instructive and excellent work on the “Formation of Vegetable Mould through the Action of Worms”.1 You will

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I hope pardon me for making one suggestion, at page 63. quoting Hoffmester as to the use of stopping up the holes to prevent the entrance of Scolopendra’s entering them2   Hoffmester must I think have forgotten that the Scolopendras are nocturnal animals as well as worms, and it is at night that the holes are open and not closed.3 The holes are closed in the day and not in the night, and so far as my observation go it is to prevent evaporation, that the holes are stopped up in the day time, as worms cannot work except at great expendidature of the glairy exhudation from their bodies in dry wether the stopping of the holes keep up a certain degree of humidity necessary to the well being of the worms, and reducing the mucous exhudation to a minimum. I have noticed worms in dry weather having been startled from their holes probably by a mole or the jarring of the ground, come out and get so thoroughly exhausted of the mucous that they have died before they could again make way into the ground. I am dear Sir | yours very truly | Edward Parfitt C. Darwin Esqr DAR 174: 15 CD annotations Top of letter: ‘(good)’ pencil End of letter: 0.45 1. 3 3.60 3)

8.15 6 2 60 120 15

3)

135

(45.

12 15 blue ink 1 2

3

Earthworms. See Earthworms, pp. 62–3. CD had referred to Werner Hoffmeister’s Die bis jetzt bekannten Arten aus der Familie der Regenwürmer (The presently known species from the family of earthworms; Hoffmeister 1845, p. 17). The centipede genus Scolopendra formerly included many species now classified within other genera; it is now reserved for very large, mostly tropical species. The vast majority of centipedes are nocturnal. CD amended later printings of Earthworms, noting, ‘It is not probable that the plugs or piles of stones serve to conceal the burrows from scolopendras, which, according to Hoffmeister, are the bitterest enemies of worms, or from the large species of Carabus which attack them ferociously, for these animals are nocturnal, and the burrows are opened at night’ (Earthworms (fifth thousand), pp. 62–3).

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November 1881

From W. E. Darwin   1 November 1881 Bank, Southampton, Nov. 1 1881 My dear Father, Will you please send me a list of your trust securities as I have none and G & I have become the Trustees thro’ Uncle Eras’s death.1 I hope your Cambridge Visit rested you2 How horridly cold it. Sara & I have both just finished “Worms”, and found it most interesting and amusing, Sara is quite eloquent over it.3 Geo. seems awfully busy. Your affect son | W. E. Darwin P.S. | When we get the dividend warrant now at Herries Co’s marked for payment shall they be sent to you or paid to your a/c at the Union Bk4 Cornford Family Papers (DAR 275: 95) 1

2 3 4

George Howard Darwin and William Erasmus Darwin were the executors of Erasmus Alvey Darwin’s will. Erasmus had died on 26 August 1881 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). Erasmus and CD had been co-trustees of Emma Darwin’s trust; George and William were evidently taking over Erasmus’s role as co-trustee. The Darwins were in Cambridge from 20 to 27 October 1881 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). Sara Darwin; William was on CD’s presentation list for Earthworms (see Appendix IV). Herries, Farquhar, Chapman & Co. were a banking firm at 16 St James’s Street, London (Post Office London directory 1878); they had been Erasmus’s bankers (Correspondence vol. 5, letter from E. A. Darwin, 26 April 1853). CD’s bank was the Union Bank, Charing Cross Branch, London.

From L. J. Jones   1 November [1881]1 102 Mount S.t | London, W. Nov 1st, Dear Sir. On page 165 of your recent work on Vegetable Mould the number of pounds ejected per square yard is given as 83.87. This is an obvious misprint, & I at first thought that the decimal point had slipped into the wrong place. The total however of 18.12 tons per acre gives, it seems to me 8.353 lbs per sq. yd. instead of 8.387.2 I am unable to arrive at quite the same total from the data given on the preceding page, as 1lb. 1312oz for 12 of 365 45 days = 7.477 lbs. per sq. yd.3 The deep interest with which I have read your book and the importance of accuracy in details of which it is so signal a proof must be my excuse for troubling you on a point which has probably attracted your attention long before this. t I remain | your obed. servant | Lawrence J Jones. DAR 168: 80

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CD annotation Top of letter: ‘Very important | Look to | original | notes’ blue crayon; ‘The tables will have to | be corrected’4 blue ink 1 2 3 4

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to L. J. Jones, 2 November 1881. The figure of 83.87 pounds per square yard was given in Earthworms, p. 165; this was corrected to 8.387 in the fourth thousand. 1 In Earthworms, p. 164, CD gave the weight of castings as 1lb 132oz. This remained unchanged in later printings. The annotations are for CD’s reply (letter to L. J. Jones, 2 November 1881).

To S. H. Vines   1 November 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) November 1. 1881 My dear Mr Vines As I know how busy you are it is a great shame to trouble you.— But you are so rich in chemical knowledge about plants, & I am so poor, that I appeal to your charity as a pauper.— My question is, do you know of any solid substance in the cells of plants which glycerine & water dissolves? But you will understand my perplexity better, if I give you the facts.— I mentioned to you that if a plant of Euphorbia peplus is gently dug up & the roots placed for a short time in a weak solution (1 to 10,000 of water suffices in 24 hr.) of Carbonate of Ammonia, the (generally) alternate longitudinal rows of cells in every rootlet, from the root-cap up to the very top of the root, (but not as far as I have yet seen in the green stem) become filled with translucent, brownish grains of matter.1 These rounded grains often cohere & even become confluent. Pure Phosphate & Nitrate of Ammonia produce (though more slowly) the same effect, as does pure Carbonate of Soda.2 Now if slices of root under a cover-glass are irrigated with glycerine & water, every one of the innumerable grains in the cells disappear after some hours.3 What am I to think of this? My son Frank, when he was at home, maintained that these cells must be modified milk or laticiferous tubes.4 But then, as far as I have yet seen, no such process of aggregation takes place in the stem.— Owing to my confounded ignorance I cannot find the milk tubes in the roots.— Forgive me for bothering you to such an extent; but I must mention that if the roots are dipped in boiling water, there is no deposition of matter, & Carbonate of Ammonia afterwards produces no effect. I shd. state that I now find that the granular matter is formed in the cells immediately beneath the thin epidermis, & in a few other cells near the vascular tissue. If the granules consisted of living protoplasm, (but I can see no trace of movement in them) then I shd. infer that the glycerine killed them & aggregation ceased with the diffusion of invisibly minute particles; for I have seen an analogous phenomenon in Drosera.5 If you can aid me, pray do so, & anyhow forgive me. Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin

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November 1881

It has just occurred to me that I may have put the slices of the stem of Euphorbia after immersion in C.  of Ammonia into glycerine & water, for the sake of transparency, & then if granules were formed they would have disappeared.— DAR 185: 75 1

2

3

4 5

CD had discussed his experiments on the root cells of Euphorbia (spurge) with Vines, including the effects of carbonate of ammonia (ammonium carbonate), when he was in Cambridge in late October (see letter to Francis Darwin, 28 [October 1881] and n. 12). CD’s use of other chemicals, such as phosphate of ammonia (ammonium phosphate), nitrate of ammonia (ammonium nitrate), and carbonate of soda (sodium carbonate) are described in experimental notes dated from August to November 1881 in DAR 62. In his published paper, ‘Action of carbonate of ammonia on roots’, pp. 241 and 258, CD remarked that these chemicals produced similar but less pronounced aggregation in the root cells. CD tried a number of chemicals, but found that only a mixture of glycerine (glycerol) and water, and a strong solution of caustic potash (potassium hydroxide), would dissolve the granules (‘Action of carbonate of ammonia on roots’, p. 242). See letter to Francis Darwin, 28 [October 1881] and n. 13. The experiments on roots of Drosera are described in ‘Action of carbonate of ammonia on roots’, pp. 247–8.

From F. B. Zincke   1 November 1881 Wherstead Vicarage. Ipswich. 1 Nov. 1881 Dear Sir Will you allow me to send you—which, however, you cannot need—something in confirmation of what you say of the depth to which objects, once on the surface of the earth, may in the course of ages be buried by the accumulation of worm casts?1 I am now engaged in quadruple digging an orchard, I mean to the depth of 4 feet. The upper 18 inches are of black garden mould. The next 18 of sandy loam. These 3 feet I reverse. The lower or fourth foot is of a hard ferruginous yellow clay. This I have to break up with a mattock. Last week on the surface of this indurated ‘pan’, as it is locally called, 3 feet from the surface, I found lying side by side, two singularly perfect celts: one of black, the other of gray flint.2 These probably had by some accident been dropped in prehistoric times on the surface of the soil, & had gradually, & before the soil came to be cultivated, been lowered beneath the reach of ploughs & spades by the worms that excavated the earth under them, & deposited it on the surface in the form of their casts. These two celts are not worn out tools which might have been thrown away as no longer of any use, but are as perfect as the day they were made, & might still be used for excavating a canoe. There are some ferruginous stains on the one of grey flint. Will you also excuse my presuming to offer what seems to an ignorant person like myself to support another point, which, too, is one that needs no support. If the climate of the earth had gone through no changes, we cd. hardly imagine such bulky forms as the polar bear, the reindeer, & the musk ox originating, or obtaining a footing in the polar regions. There seems, however, to be no difficulty in believing

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that they are modified & adapted survivals of forms which a temperate epoch had developed; & which have survived because their habits & constitution enabled them to find food under the lowered temperature to which they were afterwards, & have since been exposed. Pray, Sir, excuse this note, & believe me to be your most insignificant, but not least faithful disciple | F. Barham Zincke. DAR 184: 12 CD annotations 2.1 Will … disciple 3.2] crossed pencil End of letter: ‘*Has the [above del ‘Does’] carbonaceous matter been oxidised & disappeared from the lower 18 inches’3 pencil 1

2 3

CD had discussed the burial of objects on the surface of pasture-land in Earthworms, pp. 146–7; he included the information from Zincke in the printing of the fifth thousand of the first edition, pp. 146–8. Celts: flint implements with chisel-shaped edges. CD’s annotation is a note for his reply; see letter to F. B. Zincke, 3 November 1881.

To J. V. Carus   2 November 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Nov. 2d 1881 My dear Sir Two bad errata & a blunder have been discovered in my worm book1 p. 134, 3 lines from bottom, for 1·9 read ·19 p. 165 5 lines from top, for 83·87 read 8·387 p. 284 6 lines from bottom for (mean 1° 49′) read (mean 2° 45′) The book is selling largely in England.2 In Haste | Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin – Preußischer Kulturbesitz (Slg. Darmstaedter Lc 1859: Darwin, Charles, Bl. 193–194) 1

2

Carus was preparing the German translation of Earthworms (Carus trans. 1882). The corrections were made in the fourth thousand of the English edition. The correction on p. 284 was also given in an errata sheet inserted in the third thousand (see Freeman 1977). On the sale of Earthworms, see the letter from R. F. Cooke, 5 November 1881.

To L. J. Jones   2 November 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) November 2d. 1881. Dear Sir It is extremely kind in you to have taken the trouble of informing me of the error which you have discovered.1 As soon as more copies are printed off, I will hunt up

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my notes & endeavour to find out how the horrid error arose. It is just possible that the amount per square yard was 1 lb 1412 oz instead of 1 : 1312 oz. All the calculations were checked by some member of my family;2 but somehow I never escape blunders. Two others have been discovered, almost as bad as that which you have discovered, excepting that they are so flagrant they cd. deceive no one.3 Again thanking you, I remain, Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin American Philosophical Society (Mss.B.D25.599) 1 2 3

See letter from L. J. Jones, 1 November [1881] and n. 2. The correction appeared in the next printing (fifth thousand) of Earthworms, p. 165. See letter from L. J. Jones, 1 November [1881] and n. 3. The calculations had been done by George Howard Darwin (see Earthworms, p. 269). For the other corrections, see the letter to J. V. Carus, 2 November 1881.

To C.-F. Reinwald   2 November 1881 Down, Beckenham, Kent November 2, 1881 [“Three bad errata have been discovered in my book on Earth-worms …” Each change has been written out. “L. 134, 3 lines from bottom, for 1.9 read .19 …”1 In conclusion he discusses the book’s success. “The book is selling largely in England, but I fear that this is no indication for France …”]2 Ch. Darwin Incomplete3 David Schulson (dealer) (catalogue 43) 1 2 3

For a list of the errata in Earthworms, see the letter to J. V. Carus, 2 November 1881 and n. 1. The corrections were made in the fourth thousand of the English edition. Reinwald was publishing the French translation of Earthworms (Lévêque trans. 1882). On the sale of the English edition, see the letter from R. F. Cooke, 5 November 1881. The original letter is complete, but the number of pages is not indicated in the sale catalogue.

From W. B. Tegetmeier   2 November 1881 The Field. | 346, Strand, | London, W.C. Novr 2 1881 Dear Sir I take the liberty of sending you a slip containing a notice of your last volume, which our proprietors did me the honour of requesting me to write—1 I regret that the notice is not more worthy of the subject but the exigencies of time and space are not to be denied. Among the most pleasing recollections of my past life are those of the time when I had the honour and the pleasure of assisting you very slightly in the matter of

November 1881

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variation.—2 and it seems like the resuscitation of old and pleasant times to be again brought into connexion with your work in however distant a mode Believe me | Very faithfully | yours | W B Tegetmeier C Darwin Esq DAR 178: 85 1 2

Tegetmeier’s unsigned review of Earthworms appeared in the Field, 29 October 1881, p. 620; a copy is in CD’s scrapbook of reviews (DAR 226.1: 53). Tegetmeier was the pigeon and poultry editor for the journal. Tegetmeier had supplied CD with extensive information on domestic animals; he had also introduced CD to pigeon fanciers and advised on pigeon breeding (see, for example, Correspondence vols. 6 and 16).

From S. H. Vines   2 November [1881]1 Christs College | Cambridge Nov. 2. My dear Mr. Darwin I hasten to send you such information as I can with reference to the various substances which may be found in the cells of plants, though I fear I can tell you very little that will apply to this particular case—2 I cannot but think that the granules in question must be derived from the protoplasm, that is, that they must be proteids— If they consisted simply of coagulated latex they ought to be produced as well by pure water as by the dilute carbonate of ammonia—and they ought not to dissolve in water or in dilute glycerin— The question is, are they the result of the contraction of the parietal protoplasm, or are they due to the chemical change of some part of the protoplasm? Is the whole phenomenon a purely physical or a chemical one— In the first case the phenomenon would be simply what de Vries calls “plasmolysis”—that is a contraction of the “primordial utricle” under the influence of the salt,3—and the cell would, in this case, be readily restored to its normal condition by washing out the salt with water— In the second case, it might be assumed that a portion of the protoplasm becomes altered under the influence of the salt, so that it is now soluble in water or dilute glycerine— A substance of this kind is present in many aleurone-grains of seeds—and it appears to be closely allied with the peptones.4 If I understand you rightly you say that the substance dissolves in a mixture of glycerin & water— It would be well to ascertain if it disappears on treatment with water alone— I am very sorry that I can give you no more than these general indications but I will try and observe the thing myself and then I shall perhaps be able to make some suggestion which will be more valuable than anything that I have been able to say here— The great difficulty is to account for the limitation of the phenomenon to certain cells— If it occurred in all, it would doubtless be more easy to hazard some explanation which might suggest useful reagents. yours faithfully | Sydney H. Vines DAR 180: 6

510 1 2 3

4

November 1881

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to S.  H.  Vines, 1 November 1881. CD was studying the response of root cells of Euphorbia (spurge) to different chemicals (see letter to S. H. Vines, 1 November 1881). In his work on the mechanical expansion and contraction of cells, Hugo de Vries had defined plasmolysis as the shrinking of protoplasm from the cell wall (Vries 1877, p. 4; see also Correspondence vol. 26, letter to F. J. Cohn, 3 January 1878 and n. 4). The ‘primordial utricle’ was the protoplasm lining the inner side of the cell wall. The aleurone is a layer of cells coating the endosperm of seeds of grains and some dicotyledons. Peptones are water-soluble derivatives of proteins formed by partial hydrolysis.

From Charles Layton   3 November 1881 16 Little Britain (City) Novr. 3/81 Dear Sir I now enclose cheque on Union Bank for £23,16,9 in payment of above a/c from New York, a receipt will oblige1 Yours Respectfully | Charles Layton | Agent D. Appleton & Co To Charles Darwin Esq [Enclosure] Statement of sales of Climbing Plants to Aug 1st, 1881 by D. Appleton & Co. for account of Chas Darwin2 On hand last account, Printed since,

323 On hand this day, Given away,

255

Sold to date, Delivered, Orchids

68

419 sold

Different forms of flowers

419

460 sold

Cross Fertilization

386 33 438

176 1378

sold

22 151 25

460 176 1378

November 1881 Sold

68 Copies, $

33 " 22 " 25 " Origin of Species Feby 1/81. on hand. Aug 1. " Sold Expression of Emotions Feby 1/81 on hand Aug 1. " sold Descent of Man Feby 1/81 on hand Aug 1. " sold Insectivorous Plants Feby 1/81. on hand Aug 1. " sold

125 Rate, 75

1 $150 $2

511 10%

$

8.50

10% 10% 10%

5.78 3.30 5.

532 365 167 5% of $2

16.70

862 826 36 10% of $350

12.60

362 178 184 10% of $3. Forwd 279 237 42. 10% of $2

55.20 $107.08

8 40 $115 48

Stg value Exch 48444 £23.16.9 DAR 159: 110 1 2

The cheque was for sales of CD’s books in the US. CD’s bank was the Union Bank, Charing Cross Branch, London. The account statement is for Climbing plants US ed., Orchids 2d US ed., Forms of flowers US ed., Cross and self fertilisation US ed., Origin 3d US ed., Expression US ed., Descent 2d US ed., and Insectivorous plants US ed.

To W. B. Tegetmeier   3 November 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) November 3d 1881 My dear Sir Many thanks for the Review, which is a good, clear one & amply sufficient, & for your extremely kind note.1 I can assure you that I often look back with pleasure to the old days when I attended to pigeons, fowls &c &c, & when you gave me such valuable assistance. I not rarely regret that I have had so little strength that I have

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not been able to keep up old acquaintances & friendships, or go to shows & other places of public amusement & instruction.—2 Believe me, My dear Sir | Yours very faithfully | Charles Darwin Archives of the New York Botanical Garden (Charles Finney Cox Collection) 1 2

Tegetmeier had sent a copy of his review of Earthworms in the Field (see letter from W. B. Tegetmeier, 2 November 1881 and n. 1). See letter from W. B. Tegetmeier, 2 November 1881 and n. 2. CD had corresponded with a number of pigeon and poultry breeders and had attended their meetings and shows (see Correspondence vol. 6, J. A. Secord 1981, and J. A. Secord 1985).

To F. B. Zincke   3 November 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) November 3d. 1881 Dear Sir I am much obliged for your letter. The case of the celts on the pan is very curious, on account of the depth of 3 ft & more especially because the lower 18 inches is described by you as “sandy loam” & therefore as differing from the upper 18 inches of black mould. If the celts had been buried wholly by worms, I shd. have expected that the whole 3  ft would have consisted of black mould.1 This case leads to the enquiry whether the carbonaceous matter does not disappear at a depth at which no more vegetable matter is regularly added. The enquiry is new to me; but it seems possible as carbonaceous matter in the soil, if not too wet, can oxidise & disappear.— With respect to the large arctic mammals, anyone might maintain that large size was an advantage in retaining warmth, from the relatively small superficies, compared with smaller mammals. The number of whales, walrusses narwhals in the artic seas & of huge seals in the antarctic seas, may possibly be thus explained.— Again thanking you for your letter, I remain | Dear Sir | Yours faithfully Ch. Darwin American Philosophical Society (Mss.B.D25.) 1

See letter from F. B. Zincke, 1 November 1881 and nn. 1 and 2.

To J. D. Hooker   4 November [1881] Down, Nov 4th My dear Hooker, I received a few days ago a letter addressed in your hand-writing from Lima.— I cannot read the writers signature—1 Do you know it— If so just write it on the enclosed card.— C. Darwin He gives no address, besides Lima.

November 1881

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Endorsement: ‘/81’ DAR 95: 544 1

The correspondent from Lima was William Nation (see letter from William Nation, 22 September 1881; CD sent the letter to Nature, where it was published on 17 November 1881, p. 51 (see letter to Nature, 7 November [1881]).

From J. F. Simpson   4 November 1881 59 Norfolk Terrace | Bayswater London W. Nov 4. 1881 Dear Sir I have not at present read or even seen your book on “Worms” but have noticed various reviews. The one in a recent “Athenæum” was most interesting.1 My present intrusion I hope however will be excusable in what follows. I have a small patch of ground behind, & have noticed for some years how abundantly supplied it is with “worm life”. It has one feature which perchance has not been possible in your own grounds, as helping to a phase of observation,—e.g. it is surrounded by walls on 3 sides & partly on the 4th. This ‘enclosure’ of space has rendered one inference of their ways of life a particularly interesting one. It is this— that on a damp evening (let me add that there is a large tree in the enclosure at back which sheds its leaves abundantly, & also has its leaves largely inoculated by the tuberous formation of a certain grub) the activity of the worms on the ground in collecting knots or bunches of leaves together, & in drawing them, burrow-like, into the earth, the noise is such that I have often imagined that a mouse or a cat was jumping & skipping about. In fact such was my first idea, but upon bringing a lighted candle on the scene, I detected that it was merely the noise of the leaves being squeezed into the burrows. The strength & energy exhibited in this drawing in the leaves seemed marvellous. I could not help but conclude that it was the effect of organised aggregation, & that the worms thus indicated the instinct of combined mechanical energy. Some of the bunches of leaves seemed certainly beyond the power of being drawn in by a single worm,—the leaves perhaps numbering from 6  to a dozen, curled up & screwed at the points nearest the worm. They seem to ‘select’ the leaf apex of the leaf to draw in, leaving the stem sticking out of the ground.2 They seemed also to become quiescent, or beat a retreat when a light was brought. The chief point here which I have ventured to name, & which the wall enclosure has been favourable to observing, is—that of the noise & the combined power of organised aggregation which has been evident. Yesterday being so very wet, & the atmosphere this morning so very humid has partly brought this subject to mind & pen, & must be my apology for intruding these little observings. In fact, on going out into the ground this morning some interesting features seem displayed, & I may venture to enclose ‘specimens’ picked up, & in postscript give the data of such inferences they seem to warrant. One passage of your work which is noticed by the Athenæum is specially interesting. It is that of the inability of people generally to appreciate the effects of a recurring secondary or subordinate cause.3 When the truth—which you apparently lay stress

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upon—is more generally ‘credited’, in place of the common notion of separate units of ‘chance’ effects, then the power of truth upon practical life will be more real, & indicate the glories of that unity of Creation which speaks so abundantly of the mystery & marvellousness of the operations of a Divine Spirit, an “Essence” of Life which speaks of God, With every apology from an ‘Amateur’ observer | I would beg to remain | Yours very faithfully | J. F. Simpson To Dr C. Darwin F.R.S. | c/o J. Murray Esq Postscript 1) When the soil is poor, worms seem to abound too greatly, in fact, to over populate the area. 2) They seem to screw up in a ‘spiral’, the inner-cork end of bunches of leaves, drawing the same in, as if by a hook to the bunch,—the aggregated drawing-in seeming simultaneously operating with all the leaves affected. 3) As soon as disturbed, or the outside part of a leaf be touched, they leave go. 4) The excavation of burrow is very clearly done. A twig of a tree descended 1 in a burrowed hole perfectly free for over 32 inches this morning, after removing the “cork” of leaves. The clearly formed hole at the ground 3 level also shewed about 4 inch diameter. 5) As they draw in the leaves, they feed off them at same time, particularly seeming to select the tender part, & to eschew the chief woody fibres. (Specimen A) 6) They seem moreoever to shew delicacy of taste in choosing the succulent tuberous grub formations on the leaves, emptying them & leaving the husk remaining. A spider feeds off a fly by exhausting the corpus, but leaves the skin. (I believe this is right—it suggests an analogy between insect & worm instinct.) (See Specimen B) 7) The leaves fed off by worms seem immaterial,—lilac or other kinds being indifferent.— (See Specimen C) 8) It may be remarked that there is some thing singularly striking in noticing the rustling noise of the leaves being drawn-in, (as named in letter) when one’s attention is kept constantly attracted almost first on one side, then on another side, the wall enclosure rendering it so very plain in its acoustical sense. | &c With Compts & apologies, DAR 177: 167

November 1881

515

CD annotations 2.6 damp] underl red crayon 2.10 I have … idea, 2.11] scored red crayon 2.15 thus … energy.] scored red crayon 2.18 points … leaf apex] scored red crayon 1 2

3

The review of Earthworms appeared in the Athenæum, 15 October 1881, pp. 499–500; the author was Edwin Ray Lankester (City University of London archives, annotated copy of the Athenæum). In Earthworms, pp. 66–8, CD discussed the worms’ habit of drawing leaves into burrows by the apex or tip. He noted that worms sometimes lay in contact and crawled over each other (Earthworms, p. 35), but he did not describe them working together to draw in leaves. The review described CD’s method as the ‘summing-up of the effects of a continually recurrent cause. No matter how small the cause, Mr. Darwin has shown ... that the continuity of nature allows vast effects to result from their operation’ (Athenæum, 15 October 1881, p. 500).

To S. H. Vines   4 November 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Nov. 4th 1881. r My dear M Vines I am exceedingly obliged for your letter, but not a little ashamed of myself for troubling you in such a hurry. It is certain that glycerin & water does not destroy the granulations in the finest roots in the course of 24 hr. But it sometimes does & sometime does not cause their disappearance in thin slices from the upper part of root; & at present I am in utter perplexity.—1 If you are led to look at the finest rootlets (I use Hartnack no 8) after immersion in C. of Amonia (4 to 1000 is a good strength)2 for from 2 hr. to 24 hr., I think that the phenomenon is worth your seeing, & I shall be rewarded & no longer ashamed of having troubled you. I have now read Sachs on the milk-tubes & De Bary’s most wonderful account of the unarticulated milk tubes in his Vergleichende Anatomie from Schmalhausen.3 (I wish that I had read them sooner) I certainly saw in radicles of about 12 inch length of germinating seeds of Euphorbia myrsinites4 long tubes in same relation to position & not cells (for I showed them to Frank)5 with granular matter after C. of Ammonia, exactly like the granular matter in the cells. This leads me to believe that the rows of cells with granular brownish matter in the fine rootlets of mature plants are modified milk-tubes. But this conclusion is horribly opposed to what the great De Bary says, & I shake in my shoes when I read how many great Botanical physiologists & morphologists have worked on the milk-tubes, & how they differ.—6 I shall go on working for some little time on this subject, & probably send a very brief paper to Linn. Socy. calling attention to the power of certain salts on the contents of certain cells, & on the inference which seems to me probable.7 The general alternation in the contents of the cells was the point which struck me; but alternation is by no means invariable. I have often seen one row divide into 2, & I have seen 3 & once even 4 rows of cells all with granular matter. Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin DAR 185: 76

516 1

2 3

4 5 6 7

November 1881

See letter from S. H. Vines, 2 November [1881]. CD was studying the effects of applying various salt solutions, including carbonate of ammonia (ammonium carbonate), to the roots of some species of Euphorbia and other plants. CD owned a microscope made by Edmund Hartnack, a German microscope maker (see Correspondence vol. 21, letter from Francis Darwin, [before 26 June 1873]). The numbers refer to different objective lenses. Julius Sachs discussed milk tubes (Milchsaftgefässe: literally ‘milk sap vessels’) in Euphorbia and other genera in his Text-book of botany (Sachs 1875, pp. 109–16). In Vergleichende Anatomie der Vegetationsorgane der Phanerogamen und Farne (Comparative anatomy of the vegetative organs of phanerogams and ferns; Bary 1877, pp. 199, 205), Anton de Bary referred to the doctoral thesis on milk tubes in Euphorbia of the Russian botanist Ivan Fedorovich Schmalhausen (Schmalhausen 1877). Euphorbia myrsinites is myrtle spurge. Francis Darwin. Anton de Bary suggested that milk tubes were analogous to wood xylem vessels (see Bary 1877, p. 196). CD eventually published a paper on the subject in the Journal of the Linnean Society of London; he remarked, ‘I erroneously imagined that there was some relation between the deposition of granules in certain cells and the presence of laticiferous ducts, and consequently an undue number of plants with milky juice were selected for observation’ (see ‘Action of carbonate of ammonia on roots’, p. 245, and letter to Francis Darwin, 28 [October 1881] and n. 13).

From R. F. Cooke   5 November 1881 50A, Albemarle Street, | London, | W. Nov 5 1881. MEMORANDUM | From | Mr. MURRAY To | Chas Darwin Esq | Down. Our Trade Sale was yesterday1 & we have now sold 3500 Worms. !!! 117 Movements 180 Naturalist 600 Origin 320 Descent2 AMem DAR 171: 523 1 2

John Murray held an annual sale dinner in November for the book trade (Murray 1908–9, p. 540). The memorandum is in Cooke’s hand. The memorandum lists the sales figures for Earthworms, Movement in plants, Journal of researches (1870), Origin (1876), and Descent 2d ed.

From T. H. Farrer   5 November 1881 66 Hills Road | Cambridge 5 Nov/81 My dear Mr Darwin Effie brought me yesterday from Bryanston Square your book on worms,1 which I should have got & read long since, if I had not been very busily employed in unearthing and squashing the far more unworthy reptiles who are preaching Fair Trade.2 Indeed it is a shame to put them in comparison with your honest clients

November 1881

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whose dealings & transfers like all honest trading is good for themselves and does a lot of good to others at the same time, good which they do not think of.3 Abinger I see plays a much larger part than I had imagined.—4 that pleasant autumn fortnight has given a good big stone to the building.— You, like Leibnitz, will have to take as a motto the value of the apparently “Infinitely little”.5 It is strange to think of worms playing so large a part. We are having a very pleasant night & morning with the H’s on our way to my chief at Birmingham.6 She seems very well—though as to looks—!! It is impossible not to be anxious but everything seems as promising as possible.—7 H, has been showing me the shop about which he seems in excellent spirits.8 Think of its being suggested to him to devise a frame for pianos Believe me | Sincerely yours | T H Farrer DAR 164: 104 1 2

3 4

5 6 7 8

Farrer and his wife, Katherine Euphemia (Effie) Farrer, had a residence at 11 Bryanston Square, London. Farrer’s name appears on CD’s presentation list for Earthworms (see Appendix IV). Proponents of fair trade advocated selective use of tariffs; on debates over fair trade and free trade in 1881, see Biagini 1992, pp. 132–4. Farrer later wrote a detailed study of the issue and advocated free trade (see Farrer 1882). CD discussed the valuable role of worms in turning and enriching the soil (see Earthworms, pp. 312–13, 316). Farrer had provided CD with observations of worm activity at the remains of a Roman villa at Abinger, Surrey (see Earthworms, pp. 180–94; see also Correspondence, vol. 25, letter from T. H. Farrer, 23 September 1877, and Correspondence vol. 28, letter from T. H. Farrer, 9 October 1880). Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz had used the term infinitesimal to refer to imaginary infinitely small quantities in his development of the calculus (see Katz and Sherry 2012). The Farrers visited Horace and Ida Darwin in Cambridge. Farrer was permanent secretary of the Board of Trade; the president was the Birmingham industrialist and MP, Joseph Chamberlain. Ida Darwin was pregnant. The ‘shop’ was the Cambridge Scientific Instrument Company (see Cattermole and Wolfe 1987 pp. 12–22).

To R. F. Cooke   6 November 1881 Down, Beckenham, Kent | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R) Nov. 6, 1881. My dear Sir I am much pleased at the sale of my books.1 I suppose that you will have more of the Worm-book printed off, and I beg you to send me a set of sheets of the last reprint, as I must make a few more corrections and additions.2 I will, if possible, avoid breaking up many sheets. Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin Copy DAR 143: 297 1

See letter from R. F. Cooke, 5 November 1881.

518 2

November 1881

A third thousand of Earthworms was printed in early November with an errata slip but no resetting of the type (see Freeman 1977, p. 165). Several corrections were made in the fourth thousand (see letter to J. V. Carus, 2 November 1881 and n. 1). A fifth thousand was printed in early December with several additions (see letter from F. B. Zincke, 8 December 1881).

From A. E. Graves   6 November 1881 Rosbercon Castle | New Ross 6 Nov 81 Sir Your most interesting book on Worms1 has given me a desire to observe their habits & will I hope be an excuse for troubling you about what I have observed— A couple of weeks ago I noticed a worm of moderate size making its way across a large flag surrounded with grass at a side entrance of this house   Its course was straight until it came near to the end of the flag, when it turned its head & fore part to the right & at right angl to its course evidently to examine a hole which lay about an inch & a half at the right side of its course The hole is 112 inches square & 212 inches deep—& was cut in the flag for a scraper, which has been removed— It was filled with rain water to within an inch of the surface of the flag— The worm elongated its forepart & bent its head down in the hole till it reached the water which it seemed to taste—& after a short pause it drew its whole body down into the water & curled itself up round the inside of the hole— After a time it disappeared & on examining carefully I saw that there was some clay & sand at the bottom—(under the water) and into this it had worked its way out of sight— In about half an hour it was lifted up out of the hole & again set free— again it went into the water & also into the clay as before How long it remained there I unfortunately do not know—as when the hole was examined on a subsequent day the worm was gone It appeared to me that the worm tho’ without eyes had some means of observing external objects,— otherwise I do not see how it cd. have become aware of the existence of the hole which lay quite at one side of the track on which it was moving— There was no projection or any thing else to indicate the existence of the hole   It occurred to me that possibly its skin may be transparent enough to permit of its taking cognisance of objects near it.2 After half an hours immersion the worm was quite lively & went back into the hole again of its own free will— I do not at all expect you to take the trouble of sending me any reply but thought possibly a statement of what I had observed might be of use or interest to you I am Sir | Yours truly | A E Graves Cha.s Darwin Esq DAR 165: 91 1

Earthworms.

November 1881 2

519

CD discussed the responsiveness of worms to light under varying conditions, and concluded that they could distinguish between day and night, but that they lacked any power of vision (see Earthworms, pp. 19 –25).

To L. J. Jones   6 November 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Nov. 6th. 1881 Dear Sir Pray excuse me for troubling you with a few lines to explain how I fell into the horrid blunder about the amount of ejected earth per acre.1 I find in my notes a calculation on the assumption that the worms worked during 45 days & a second calculation on their having worked for only 40 days, & I concluded this latter period was probably more correct as the drought had lasted 2 or 3 weeks than 45 days, but forgot to alter the number of days. Once again thanking you & begging you to excuse me for troubling you, I remain, Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin P.S. | One of my sons, who is trustworthy, finds the relation between the weight for square yard & for acre correct, as I have given it.—2 American Philosophical Society (Mss.B.D25.600) 1 2

Jones had pointed out a mistake in Earthworms, p. 165. See letter from L. J. Jones, 1 November [1881], and letter to L. J. Jones, 2 November 1881 and n. 2. George Howard Darwin.

To John Lubbock   6 November 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Novr. 6th 1881 My dear Lubbock If I had written your address (but this requires a fearful stretch of imagination on my part), I shd. not alter what I had said about Hicks.1 You have the support of the Pres. Geolog. Soc,2 & I think that Hicks is more likely to be right than Bonney.3 The latter seems to me to belong to the class of objectors general. If Hicks shd. be hereafter proved to be wrong about his third formation, it would signify very little to you.— I forget whether you go as far as to support Ramsay about lakes as large as the Italian ones; if so, I would myself modify the passage a little, for these great lakes have always made me tremble for Ramsay, yet some of the American geologists support him about the still larger N.  American Lakes.4 I have always believed in the main in Ramsay’s views from the date of publication, & argued the point with Lyell.5 I am convinced that it is a very interesting step in geology, & that you were quite right to allude to it.— Ever yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin The British Library (Add MS 49645: 104–5)

520 1

2

3 4

5

November 1881

In comments on a draft of Lubbock’s presidential address to the British Association for the Advancement of Science, CD had alluded to the recent division of pre-Cambrian strata by Henry Hicks (see letter to John Lubbock, [18 September 1881] and n. 3). Hicks’s new classification scheme had been mentioned in Robert Etheridge’s presidential address to the Geological Society of London in April 1881 (Etheridge 1881, pp. 67–8). Lubbock referred to Hicks’s work and to Etheridge’s summary in the final version of his address (see Lubbock 1881a, p. 17). Thomas George Bonney. Andrew Crombie Ramsay had argued that many of the European and American lake-basins were originally formed by glacial excavation (see Ramsay 1862). Lubbock was largely supportive of Ramsay’s theory (see Lubbock 1881a, p. 22). CD was an early supporter of Ramsay’s theory (see Correspondence vol. 10, letter to Charles Lyell, 14 October [1862]), but had remained open to other explanations. Charles Lyell had argued that lakebasins were formed by gradual upheaval and subsidence, in combination with fluvial erosion (see C. Lyell 1865, pp. 168–74).

From Wilhelm Pfeffer1   6 November 1881 Tübingen 6 Nov. 1881 Geehrtester Herr! Zunächst meinen besten Dank für die Uebersendung Ihrer Photographie die ich mit besonderer Freude meinem Album einverleibt habe.2 Wiesner’s Werk habe ich sogleich nach Erscheinen studirt und bin allerdings’ vielfach nicht mit dessen Auffassung einverstanden, wie ich auch Wiesner mittheilte, der mich um meine Ansicht über sein Buch befragte.3 Für einen fundamentalen Fehler der leider vielfach in der Pflanzenphysiologie gemacht ist und von dem auch meine Erstlingsarbeiten nicht frei sind, halte ich, dass Wiesner die zur mechanischen Ausführung dienenden Vorgänge als unmittelbarste Folgen der von äussern Agentien erzielten Effecte ansieht, während doch thatsächlich dem Erfolge absolut nicht anzusehen ist, welche Kette von Prozessen jene mechanischen Ausführungsvorgänge mit der auslösenden Aktion von Licht, Contact u.s.w. (also mit der direkten Reizwirkung) verknüpft.4 Dutrochet war 1824 (in Recherches sur l. structure intime) in Richtigkeit der Auffassung weiter, als die meisten Botaniker es heute sind und es noch weniger sein würden, wenn nicht durch Ihre Arbeiten die Sensibilität der Pflanzen als ein der animalischen Receptivität analoger Vorgang schärfer hervorgetreten wäre.5 Auch Wiesner’s Deutungen billige ich vielfach nicht. Was speciell die Empfindlichkeit der Wurzelspitze gegen Contact anbelangt, kann ich nach eigenen Erfahrungen nur Ihnen beistimmen und die Versuche in denen die Spitze von zwei Seiten ungleich stark gereizt wird, schliessen die ohnedies gekünstelten Deutungen Wiesner’s aus.6 Ueber die Sensibilität der Wurzelspitze gegen Schwerkraft und Licht stehen mir nicht so ausgedehnte eigene Erfahrungen zu zu Gebote, doch scheint mir in diesen Fällen das Recht mindestens zum grösseren Theile auf Ihrer Seite zu liegen.7 Hinsichtlich der Verknüpfung dieser Receptionsbewegungen mit der Circumnutation weiche ich von Ihrer Auffassung ab.8 Für mich ist Wachsthumsfähigkeit das ursprünglich Gegebene und in der für die Pflanze zweckdienlichen Weise enstanden

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hieraus autonome (Nutations-) Bewegungen oder Receptionsbewegungen, die überhaupt hinsichtlich der auslösenden Ursache nur darin abweichen, dass in jenen der Anstoss durch im Entwicklungsgang der Pflanze sich einstellende Constellationen gegeben ist, während in den Receptionsbewegungen ein äusseres Agens die auslösende Ursache wird. Damit diese Erfolge hat muss ja aber jedenfalls die Receptivität in der für die Pflanze specifischen Weise erworben sein. Eine solche Erwerbung und damit eine entsprechende Reizbewegung fordern aber nicht, dass die Pflanze autonome Krümmungsbewegungen überhaupt ausbildete und thatsächlich schliesst ja zurücktretende Circumnutation eine besonders ausgebildete Fähigkeit zu Receptionsbewegungen nicht aus. Diese Auffassung habe ich auch im 2  Bande meiner Physiologie vertreten, den ich Ihnen hoffentlich in 3–4 Wochen übersenden kann.9 Die Schwierigkeiten des Verständnisses, welche eine fremde Sprache zu bereiten vermag, weiss ich recht wohl zu würdigen und leider bin ich selbst in der englischen Sprache zu schlecht beschlagen, um Ihnen diese Zeilen in Ihrer Muttersprache zukommen zu lassen. Auch begreife ich wohl, dass meine Darstellungen dem im Deutschen weniger Bewanderten Schwierigkeiten bereitet, besonders wohl, weil ich möglichst knapp zu schreiben pflege und so unvermeidlich zu Satzbildungen komme, in denen das Missverstehen eines einzelnen Wortes für Missverständniss des ganzen Sinnes entscheidend werden kann. Mir liegt es in der That auch durchaus fern Ihnen aus solchen Missverständnissen einen Vorwurf machen zu wollen und kein Mensch wird sich rühmen können, vom derartigen unbewussten Fehlern frei geblieben zu sein. Nachdem ich durch literarische Studien und meine Dienstpflichten einige Zeit an Ausführung grösserer Experimentaluntersuchungen freue ich mich solche nun wieder mit voller Kraft aufnehmen zu können. Glücklicherweise bin ich jetzt in der Lage ein Institut zur Verfügung zu haben, welches, was Räumlichkeiten, Apparate und Mittel anbelangt alles bietet, was man billigerweise verlangen kann. Vielleicht interessirt Sie zu erfahren, dass das Tübinger Institut, obgleich vor etwa 30 Jahren gebaut, doch immer noch so ziemlich das grösste speziell für Botanik bestimmte Gebäude Deutschland’s ist.10 Jedenfalls macht es H. v. Mohl alle Ehre schon damals so weit blickend die Bedürfnisse später Zeiten vorausgesehen zu haben, und es war mir in der That leicht durch einige bauliche Aenderungen das Institut den heutigen Anforderungen vollkommen anzupassen.11 Mit der Bitte mich Ihrem Herrn Sohn Francis12 bestens zu empfehlen verbleibe ich mit der grössten Hochachtung | Ihr ergebener | Dr W. Pfeffer [Contemporary translation] Tübingen. Nov 6. 1881. 1 Most honoured Sir! In the first place receive my thanks for sending me your photograph which I have placed in my Album with especial pleasure. 2 Wiesner’s book I studied as soon as it came out, and certainly I am unable in many respects to agree with his views, as indeed I have informed Wiesner who asked me for my opinion about his book.

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3 I consider it a fundamental error in Wiesner to suppose—(and it is an error which has been unfortunately made many times in Vegetable Physiology, & from wh. my own early works are not free) that the processes (Vorgänge) which tend to mechanical working (Ausführung) are direct results (Folgau) of effects (der Effecten) obtained by external agents—whereas, in reality, it is utterly impossible to see from the result (Erfolg) what chain of processes (Prozessen) connects those mechanical workings (Ausführungs Vorgänge) (or working processes) with the releasing (auslösenden) action of light, contact &c—that is, with direct stimulation. 4. Dutrochet was in 1824 nearer the truth than most of the Botanists are now; & they would have been less near than they are, had not the sensibility of plants been sharply marked out, by means of your works, as a process analogous to the receptivity of animals. 5. In many respects too I cannot approve Wiesner’s explanations. As to what specially concerns the sensibility of the root tip to contact, I can, from my own experience only agree with you, and the experiments in which the tip was unequally strongly irritated from two sides exclude the (in any case) artificial explanations of Wiesner. On the subject of the sensibility of the root tip to gravity and light, I have not the advantage of such extended experience of my own, but in these cases the truth seems to me to be on your side at least more (than on his) 6 With regard to the connection between “Receptions bewegungen” (induced movements??) and circumnutation I dissent from your view. In my opinion capacity of growth is the original property (of the plant), and from it arise, in the way most servicible to the Plant, autonomous/automatic (Nutatious) Movements, or (and?) Receptionsbewegungen. These two, with respect to the liberating cause, (auslösenden Ursache) differ only in this: that in the one the impulse is given by means of a “constellationem” (aggregation of conditions??) which come in as the plant develops; whilst in (the other), (the Receptionsbewegungen,) an external agency becomes the releasing cause. In order however that this (this what? this liberating cause?) may have results, receptivity must be acquired after the specific manner of the plant. Such an acquisition, together with a corresponding irritation-movement, does not however require that the Plant should especially develop curved movements, and in fact retrograde circumnutation does not exclude a specially developed capacity for “Receptionsbewegungen”. This view I have maintained in the second volume of my Physiology, which I hope to be able to send you in three or four weeks. 7. The difficulties in understanding, wh. a foreign language may occasion, I can well appreciate; and unfortunately I am myself too ill equipped in English to send these lines to you in your mother tongue. I can also well understand that my style—to one little conversant with German—may present difficulties,—especially because I try my best to condense, and thus am led to build up sentences in which the misunderstanding of a single word may become at last the misunderstanding of the whole sense. Assuredly it was far from my intention to reproach you with such a misunderstanding, and no one can boast of being free from unconscious errors of that kind. 8 After having been hindered by literary occupations and the duties of my office for some time from carrying out experimental researches on a larger scale, I am glad

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now again to be able to take up these with my full power. Fortunately I have now the direction of an “Institut” which, as far as regards space, Apparatus and appliances, affords everything that one could reasonably wish for. It may interest you to hear that the Tübingen “Institut”, although built more than 30 years ago, yet remains about the largest building specially intended for Botany in Germany. In any case it is much to the honour of H. v. Mohl that he should have been able to take so wide a view and see in advance the needs of later times; & it was easy for me, by means of some alterations, to adapt perfectly the “Institut” to the necessities of the present time. 9 With the request that you will give my kind regards to your son Francis, I remain, with the greatest respect, yrs truly | Dr. W. Pfeffer DAR 174: 39 1 2 3 4

5

6 7 8 9 10 11 12

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. The contemporary translation is by Camilla Pattrick (see letter to Camilla Pattrick, [after 6 November 1881]). No letter from CD enclosing a photograph has been found; Pfeffer had sent CD a photograph with his letter of 24 October 1881. Julius Wiesner’s recent book (Wiesner 1881) was critical of a number of CD’s explanations of plant movement in Movement in plants. CD had described the effect of light on plants as one of stimulus-response, in which a sensitive part sent a signal to another part, which then moved in response. In contrast, Wiesner believed light acted directly on all affected parts (see letter to Julius Wiesner, 25 October 1881; see also letter to Camilla Pattrick, [after 6 November 1881]). Henri Dutrochet, in his work on the anatomy and physiology of animals and plants, had maintained that there was no essential difference between plant and animal sensitivity (Dutrochet 1824, pp. 6–7). CD had compared the sensitivity of plants, especially the tip of the radicle, to that of animals in Movement in plants, pp. 543, 573). CD applied caustic, moisture, bits of card, and thin paper to opposite sides of the tip of the radicle (see Movement in plants, pp. 185, 195). On the sensitivity of the tip to light and gravity, see Movement in plants, pp. 567–8. In Movement in plants, pp. 546–8, CD had concluded that the modification of circumnutation led to the acquisition of many beneficial response movements. For Pfeffer’s views on the cause of plant movement, see Pfeffer 1881, 2: 180; he disagreed with CD’s view that circumnutation was the origin of tropic and nastic movements. Pfeffer had moved to University of Tübingen in 1878; on the botanical institute, see D. H. Campbell 1888. Hugo von Mohl had established a botanical laboratory at Tübingen. Francis Darwin.

From T. M. Reade   6 November 1881 Park Corner, | Blundellsands, | Liverpool Novr. 6 1881 My dear Sir— I have read your book on Mould & Earthworms with a wonderful amount of interest—1 It seems strange that the geological work done by worms should not have been realised before—but so it is with every discovery—so simple when explained!— My special object in writing is to mention that the blue underclay of the—peat- & forest-bed—shewn in the section in my paper “on the date of the last change of level in Lancashire” (copy of which I sent to you)2 is penetrated with rootlets to a depth of full 5 feet—of some plant and that if a clean section is cut horizontally with a

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knife innumerable tubes are seen generally 18 in diameter & quite circular-hollow, but lined with the skin of the rootlet now quite flabby— In a few cases there are grains of sand in the tubes but generally they are hollow— There are from 2 to 4 to the square inch— A vertical section cut clean with a knife intersects them at varying angles shewing that they to some extent twist about —Can any of these be worm burrows into which the rootlets have grown? Between the clay & the peat there is in places mould 6in thick in others hardly any— This mould must have been the work of worms— Unfortunately there are no stones nor the smallest gravel in the clay so we cannot observe the selection of particles— But what becomes of the argillaceous matter where worms burrow in clay? I am now engaged in engineering an outlet sewer 3 miles hence which gives a good section shewing the connection of the Forest Bed with the inland peat and at the point we have arrived now the peat being 5 feet thick there are no rootlets in the underclay the bottom part of the peat being almost entirely composed of water plants—the common flax preponderating—3 Unfortunately I am no botanist & none here seem to take an interest in the question— What can the rootlets be of ?— They are quite distinct from the tree rootlets & fibres— Yours sincerely | T. Mellard Reade Dr. Chas. Darwin FRS &c DAR 176: 32 1 2 3

Earthworms was published on 10 October 1881 (Freeman 1977). Reade 1881; the paper has not been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL. Common flax (Linum usitatissimum) is not a water plant, although it was traditionally soaked in bogs or streams to soften and separate the fibres.

To Camilla Pattrick   [after 6 November 1881]1 [Down.] It is of much importance to me to know what Pfeffer means in relation to Wiesners book who has just published a book vivisecting me in the most courteous manner.2 Wiesner looks at Light causing a plant to bend towards it as a direct effect, as much as the lengthening of a bar of iron by heat. I maintain that the light acts as a stimulus & merely tells the plant which way to bend.—3 I thought that Pfeffer was on Wiesner’s side, & I am sure that he was so formerly.— I have written this, because I thought that it would help Mr Patrick4 & yourself in understanding Pfeffers notoriously difficult (to Germans) style C. D. Incomplete American Philosophical Society (Mss.B.D25.602) 1

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from Wilhelm Pfeffer, 6 November 1881.

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CD enclosed the letter from Wilhelm Pfeffer, 6 November 1881, to be translated from the German; it contained remarks on Julius Wiesner’s critique of CD’s work on plant movement (Wiesner 1881). Pfeffer agreed with CD’s interpretation that the effect of light was one of stimulus-response. CD discussed his views on light as a stimulus to plant movement in his letter to Julius Wiesner, 25 October 1881; see also Movement in plants, pp. 565–7. Reginald Saint Pattrick.

From C. J. Breese   7 November 1881 1. Marquess Road, | Canonbury. N. 7th Novr. 1881 My dear Sir, Permit me to apologize for trespassing upon time so very importantly occupied as your own, and allow me to plead in excuse your known accessibility to humbler workers in Natural History, and the facts that I am an old FLS;1 and have, for some years past, been much engaged on the Annelida I enclose herewith an Abstract published in 1871 of a paper on the Earthworm read by me, and I would ask you, if in the course of any correspondence on the subject, you may have received information in regard to the question of luminosity exhibited by these animals, or if in your numerous observations and experiments the phenomenon has been frequently presented—2 I need hardly add that I shall highly esteem your kind reply, and if you care to have in extenso the portion of the paper relating to this point, it will be a great pleasure to me to furnish it, as indeed it would be any other items of interest to you— I am my dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Charles J Breese C Darwin Esq etc etc etc DAR 160: 289 1 2

Fellow of the Linnean Society. Breese had read a paper to the West Kent Natural History Society in 1871; a brief abstract was published in the Transactions of the West Kent Natural History Society for 1872. The abstract is summarised in Nature, 16 March 1893, p. 462, in a letter headed ‘Luminous earthworms’: ‘According to Breese the luminosity exists in the excreted glutinous material with which the outer skin of the animal is covered.’ Luminosity is not mentioned in Earthworms. CD had briefly discussed luminosity in glow-worms and other insects in Descent 1: 345; see also Correspondence vol. 16, letter to G. H. Lewes, 7 August [1868].

From Sarah Marshall   7 November 1881 92 Warwick Gardens | Kensington W. Nov 7. 1881. Honored Sir, You will pardon my troubling you with a scientific question. I should not dream of intruding on an instant of your valuable time had I not first tried to study out the matter & to question others.— Can you refer me to any book or authority or yourself throw light on the question of the reason the Bulimus decollatus being always broken at the apex as an adult mollusk.1

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I have found hundreds of them in hollows under the marble fragments of the Parthenon, on Mounts Pentelicus and Lykabetus, in many places in Asia Minor the Troad &c.2 The adult mollusk side by side with the delicate fragile unbroken young Bulimus d, and other mollusks much more fragile of many kinds. The abrasion of the apex in Unio, Trochus3 &c &c is apparently involuntary while in B.d. the same amount being broken in each specimen looks as voluntary as the self mutilation in the case of ants when they bite off their wings.4 Yours obediently | S. Marshall. DAR 171: 43 1

2 3 4

Bulimus decollatus is a synonym of Rumina decollata (the decollate snail), a land snail with a cone-shaped shell, the end of which is ground or chipped by rubbing against hard surfaces when the snail reaches maturity. Pentelicus is a mountain in Attica, Greece; Lycabettus is a hill in Athens. The Troad or Troada is the historical name of the Biga peninsula, which borders the Aegean Sea in modern Turkey. Unio is a genus of freshwater mussels. Trochus is a genus of sea snails; the shells have a conical spire. In most ant species only queens and males possess wings. The ants fly from their nests, swarm, and mate in order to create new colonies. After mating, males die and the queens pull off their own wings, using the remaining wing muscles as a source of nutrients for the new brood.

To Nature   7 November [1881]1 The Parasitic Habits of Molothrus2 In the “Origin of Species” I adopted the view maintained by some writers, that the cuckoo lays her eggs in others birds’ nests, owing to her habit of laying them at intervals of two or three days; for it could hardly fail to be disadvantageous to her, more especially as she has to migrate at a very early period, to have young birds of different ages and eggs all together in the same nest. Nevertheless this occurs with the non-parasitic North American cuckoo.3 If it had not been for this latter case, it might have been argued that the habit of the common cuckoo to lay her eggs at much longer intervals of time than do most other birds, was an adaptation to give her time to search for foster-parents. The Rhea or South American ostrich is believed likewise to lay her eggs at intervals of two or three days, and several hens deposit their eggs in the same nest on which the male sits; so that one hen may almost be said to be parasitic on another hen.4 These facts formerly made me very curious to learn how the several species of Molothrus, which are parasitic on other birds in very varying degrees, laid their eggs;5 and I have just received a letter from Mr. W. Nation, dated Lima, September 22, 1881, giving me information on this head. He says that he has there kept in confinement for a long time Molothrus perpurascens, and has likewise observed its habits in a state of nature.6 It is a resident species of Western Peru, and lays its eggs exclusively in the nests of a sparrow (Zonotrichia), starling (Sturnella bellicosa), and a pipit (Ænthus chii).7 He then proceeds: “The eggs of the sparrow are very much like those of the Molothrus in size and colour. The eggs of the starling are larger and somewhat different in colour; while the eggs of the pipit are very

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different both in size and colour. Generally one egg of the Molothrus is found in a nest, but I have found as many as six. The young Molothrus does not always eject its foster-brothers; for I have seen a young one nearly fully feathered in a nest with two young starlings. I have also found two young birds of the Molothrus nearly fully feathered in the nest of a starling; but in this instance the young starlings had been ejected from the nest.” He then states that he had long kept in confinement a male and female of this species of Molothrus, which are now six years old. The hen began to lay at the age of two years, and has laid each time six eggs, which is the number laid by Icterus, a near ally of Molothrus. The dates on which the eggs were laid this year are as follows:— February 1, 6, 11, 16, 21, and 26; so that there was an interval of exactly four clear days between the laying of each egg. Later in the season she laid six additional eggs, but at much longer intervals and irregularly, viz. on March 8, April 6 and 13, May 1, 16, and 21. These interesting facts, observed by Mr. Nation in relation to a bird so widely distinct from the cuckoo as is the Molothrus, strongly support the conclusion that there is some close connection between parasitism and the laying of eggs at considerable intervals of time. Mr.  Nation adds that in the genus Molothrus, out of every three young birds he has invariably found two to be males; whereas with Sturnella, which lays only three eggs, two of the young birds are, without any exception, females. Charles Darwin Down, Beckenham, Kent, November 7 Nature, 17 November 1881, p. 51 1 2 3

4 5 6 7

The year is established by the publication date of the letter in Nature. Molothrus is the genus of cowbirds, in the family Icteridae, New World blackbirds and orioles. CD had discussed Old World cuckoos of the genus Cuculus in Origin, pp. 216–18; he expanded the discussion in Origin 4th ed., pp. 261–2. North American cuckoos, formerly included in that genus, are now placed in the genus Coccyzus. CD discussed the American cuckoo in his posthumously published ‘big book’ on species, Natural selection, pp. 506–7. On the egg-laying habits of South American rhea (Rhea americana and Rhea darwinii) see Journal of researches, pp. 105–9, and Origin, p. 218. CD had described the nest parasitism of Molothrus niger (a synonym of M. bonariensis, the shiny cowbird) in Journal of researches (1860), pp. 52–3. See letter from William Nation, 22 September 1881. Molothrus purpurascens is a synonym of M. bonariensis, the shiny cowbird. Nation referred to Zonotrichia pileata (a synonym of Z. capensis, the rufous-collared sparrow). Sturnella bellicosa is a synonym of Leistes bellicosus (the Peruvian meadowlark). Anthus chii is a synonym of A. lutescens (the yellowish pipit).

To F. B. Zincke   7 November 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Nov 7th. 1881 Dear Sir I have heard this morning that a 4th thousand of my Earth-worm book must be printed off.—1 If you do not object, I shd. like to give on your authority the case of the Celt. But I do not understand whether you actually measured the thickness of the

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upper Dark vegetable mould & of the “Sandy loam”.2 I shd., also, like to hear a little more in detail the nature of this sandy loam & its colour.— If the vegetable mould & the sandy loam were both heated to redness, would they afterwards resemble each other? Were any number of stones or other objects besides the celts found on the surface of the pan? If you consent to allow me to publish the case, I fear that I must trouble you to give me the information soon, as Murray writes that 3500 copies are actually sold, & only 3000 as yet have been printed off.—3 I remain in haste | Dear Sir | Yours faithfully & obliged | Ch. Darwin P.  S. | I read some time ago with wonderful interest your account of French peasant-life in Auvergne.—4 Cleveland Health Sciences Library (Robert M. Stecher collection) 1 2 3 4

No letter about the new printing of Earthworms has been found; see, however, the letter from R. F. Cooke, 5 November 1881 and n. 2. See letter from F. B. Zincke, 1 November 1881 and n. 1. Zincke’s information was added to the fifth thousand, which was printed in early December (see letter from F. B. Zincke, 8 December 1881). John Murray. See letter from R. F. Cooke, 5 November 1881. Zincke 1878.

To T. M. Reade   8 November 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) November 8th 1881 My dear Sir I noticed your account of the pipes in the under-clay, but feel quite unable to express any opinion on the subject.1 It is certain that roots often run down worm-burrow, but I believe that roots can penetrate the ground to a great depth without such aid. I am much pleased that my book has at all interested you;2 it has been a complete surprise to me how many persons have cared for the subject.— I remain, my dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin University of Liverpool Library (TMR1.D.7.8) 1 2

See letter from T. M. Reade, 6 November 1881. Reade had found deep roots in clay, some of which were lined with mould, and wondered whether the roots had followed the path of worm burrows. Earthworms.

From J. F. Simpson   8 November 1881 59 Norfolk Terrace | Bayswater London W. Nov 8. 1881 Dear Sir Your letter is very kind in acknowledging my little “worm” observations.1 I hesitate somewhat at your quoting me as a worthy authority for an assertion which under your name will go forth so widely. The fact however is a most patent one

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& certainly I leave it to you to use as you wish, & if you do wish to honour your Amateur correspondent’s name as authority, please do so as modestly as possible.2 I might not be so sensitive on this point, if some other of my speculations on certain phenomena in other ways were seeming to commend themselves, but one’s humble observations may yet be true & yet fail of just that sufficiency of evidence which would enable to float them off, & from one ego, to thus tend to influence the mental differentiation & selection of other egos. On one point of your note let me add, that if worms do not work in concert of mechanical energy instinct they then (the only alternative I can make out) exhibit the the domestic aggregation instinct strongly, under which the “head” of the family pulls in a sufficiency of leaves to feed the burrow inhabitants, & hence, judging from the large bunches of leaves drawn in, that the “ablebodied” worm must be a relatively powerful fellow.3 That there are other interested members of the family waiting for food, I deemed proved a week or two back upon digging up some earth in connection with these drawn-in bunches of leaves, for, within the pod of earth at the base of the leaves, there was invariably quite a community of younger worms. If, as you think, there is no evidence of concerted energy, I cannot quite account for only a single leaf perhaps being drawn in at one place, whereas a dozen are found screwed into a burrow in another place. Also, the quickness with which they seem to eat away the leaf seems to show that there is more than a single worm at work. True, I have no doubt that only one worm comes out & gathers the surface leaves, but in guaging the apparent clear diameter of the burrow, 3 inches down (about), it shows a wider excavation or periphery than the mere circumference of the body of a single worm would warrant. It is very interesting to notice the stalwart fellow who comes “on search” to the surface, raising his head, & then lowering himself to the surface, he sweeps round the immediate locality in a wide radius which is not ungraceful in movement. As to the rustling of the leaves, it is really that of their angular impingings against each other in order to be squeezed into the hole. This really bespeaks much required power. We know of ourselves that a considerable amount of muscle-contraction is needed when we even crumple up a sheet of paper in our hands. Under my original surprise at the noise thus made by the worms operations I was in time, when bringing a light (i.e. a steady light, not a match, for the noise of striking a light is a disturbant) to see the leaves moving in being drawn in, apparently so automatically. I beg to apologise sending all my little observings, but, dear Sir, Believe me | yours sincerely | J. F. Simpson Dr. C Darwin FRS. P.S. | I judge that they overpopulate the ground when poor from this fact; i.e. that 3 or 4 years I have tried to grow from seed (not sods) a patch of grass that would last through the winter. Almost every year, the local gardener has said I should succeed with ‘this’ crop, & this ‘crop’, but not so. And this year it is the same. The little patch

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of ground is now thoro’ly honeycombed on the surface by worm ‘upheavals’ & ‘castings’. The disproportion of grass to the thick seed sowing has been evident. I can only surmise that part of the seeds gets carried down below, & that the little rootlings get torn by the worm burrowings crossing their paths, & also (as cold weather at once shrivels up the residue of grass tufts) that the innumerable worm channels perforating the upper surface, lets in too much cold air to whatever roots had promised to “survive”, & hence their decay & death &c. I hope I may say that I shall not fail, I think, to be greatly interested in your book, as soon as time &c, enables me to study it &c. J.F.S. DAR 177: 168 1 2 3

CD’s reply to the letter from J. F. Simpson, 4 November 1881, has not been found. CD added Simpson’s description of the extraordinary rustling noise made by worms in dragging leaves into burrows in the fifth thousand of the first edition of Earthworms, p. 58. See letter from J. F. Simpson, 4 November 1881 and n. 2.

From F. B. Zincke   8 November 1881 Wherstead Vicarage. Nr. Ipswich 8 Nov | 1881 Dear Sir— I shall only be to happy to find that you have done me the honour of referring to me in the 4th edition of your book on Worms.1 I enclose for your examination some of the surface garden soil, & some of the underlying loam, both burnt in the bowls of tobacco pipes. The measurements were taken carefully, because as I paid the man employed for digging 4 feet deep I visited him several times a day to see that he was acting up to his instructions, & I found that he did the work quite honestly. I dug to that depth that I might enlarge the sponge for holding moisture in dry seasons, because the interstices between the atom of broken up earth retain moisture, which wd. never penetrate at all solid indurated soil. The greater part of the rainfall in that case remaining near the surface to be avaporated, doing harm in wet weather, & not being stored up for dry weather. The blade & the handle of the spade the man was using were our measures. The blade was worn down to 10 inches, & we reached the hard ferruginous pan at somewhat less (4 inches) than 4 times the length of the blade. There were no more stones in the surface mould than a few that wd. have come there accidentally. As we cut through the loam there were enough to make it worth while picking them out to put on the road. There were chiefly rolled pieces of a hard sand stone, with a few flints. Among them we found some few pieces of tile & brick. The Romans lived about the spot, & in 1803 a pot of Roman coins, 2000 in number, was found about 400 yards off.2 The spot is indicated in the new Ordnance map. I

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now have six of these coins. The stones were found chiefly in the lower part of the loam— Among them I found a carved bone ornament. There were scarcely any stones in the ferruginous indurated pan. Thank you much for the approval you express of my papers on Peasant Life in Auvergne.3 With every sentiment of respect | I am yours most faithfully | F. Barham Zincke. DAR 184: 13 CD annotations 2.1 I enclose … pipes. 2.2] scored red crayon; ‘Differs very little, except much brighter red & a [‘shad’ del] little coarser.’ added ink 5.4 Among … brick.] scored red crayon, underl pencil 5.7 The stones … ornament. 5.8] underl pencil 5.9 ferruginous indurated pan.] double scored pencil 1

2 3

See letter to F. B. Zincke, 7 November 1881. The printing of the fourth thousand of the first edition of Earthworms contained an errata slip but no textual changes; CD added information from this letter and the letter from F. B. Zincke, 1 November 1881, to the fifth thousand (Earthworms, pp. 146–7), which was printed by 8 December 1881 (see letter from F. B. Zincke, 8 December 1881). The discovery of Roman coins in Wherstead was described in Zincke 1893, pp. 172–3. Zincke 1878 was published in two parts.

To Francis Darwin   9 November [1881]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Nov. 9th evening My dear Frank Your splendid fish (1412 lb.) arrived this morning.2 What a grand fisherman you are, it will spoil you for poor botany.— Your mother intends to keep a very small slice for us two solitary mortals, & send the rest from you & as caught by you to Mr Forrest & Teesdale.3 The house is awfully quiet without Abbadubbahs dear little voice.4 I enclose a letter from Pfeffer, which I cannot quite understand even with aid of Camilla’s translation.— I have of course refused his generous offer of not working.5 I thought that you wd.  perhaps like to read it. To day another letter, even more unintelligible, has arrived which has been despatched to Camilla.6 Your mother made out that he has corresponded with Wiesner about his book V. Darwin & he thinks he is wrong on the general view of light &c acting directly on plants; & this comes to our view.—7 I am driven almost frantic by the number of letters about worms; but amidst much rubbish there are some good facts & suggestions. So I have sent for clean sheets & shall make an amended edition. It is laughable the enthusiasm with which the book has been received. Murray has sold 3500 copies & only 3000 have been printed.8

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November 1881

I have been working very hard at Euphorbia roots, but make no good progress. If I were wise I shd. throw up the job; but I cannot endure to do this. Yesterday I examined radicles of germinating seeds of Euphorbia myrsinites, to which nothing had been done & was utterly confounded, by finding what I call aggregated matter in the tubes! I come to the conclusion that the whole case was a myth, so this morning I had fresh plant of E.  peplus dug up, & most carefully examined 2  rootlets, of which every cell was alike & beautifully transparent, & then added a few drops of C. of Ammonia, & in 3′ the alternate rows of exterior cells were clouded with brown granules.9 So the main fact is true enough.— My difficulty is that I cannot cut longitudinal sections of their roots between pith. I have seen what appears to me like short milk-tubes with both ends pointed in the midst of the tissue of the radicle, & then tubes sometimes appear to become divided by transverse partitions. If so the starting of milk-tubes is not confined to the embryo, as in De Bary’s most interesting account.10 There is nothing like patience, but I doubt much whether I shall make out much.— Anyhow my time does not now signify. The box with the Dischidia in spirits has come from Dr. King.—11 I have thought of 3 good experiments v. Wiesner,—two of which will be difficult. Goodbye.— I wish that I. could write 〈    〉12 AL DAR 211: 70, DAR 211: 89 1 2 3 4 5

6 7 8

9

10 11

12

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from Wilhelm Pfeffer, 6 November 1881. Francis had been salmon fishing in Wales (see letter from Francis Darwin, [21 October 1881]). George Edward Forrest and John Marmaduke Teesdale lived in Down. Bernard Darwin. CD enclosed the letter from Wilhelm Pfeffer, 24 October 1881; it had been translated from the German by Camilla Pattrick. Wilhelm Pfeffer said that he would do no further research on plant movement if CD was planning to continue work on the subject. CD had sent the letter from Wilhelm Pfeffer, 6 November 1881, to be translated (see letter to Camilla Pattrick, [after 6 November 1881]). Pfeffer had commented on Julius Wiesner’s recent book (Wiesner 1881), including his experiments on the response of plants to light (see letter from Wilhelm Pfeffer, 6 November 1881 and n. 4). Earthworms was published on 10 October 1881 (Freeman 1977); two additional printings of 1000 copies each had been ordered by John Murray (see letter from R. F. Cooke, 25 October 1881). Two further printings were made in 1881; the fifth thousand contained small additions (see letter to R. F. Cooke, 6 November 1881 and n. 2). CD had found differences in reaction to carbonate of ammonia in alternate rows of cells in the roots of Euphorbia myrsinites (myrtle spurge) and E. peplus (petty spurge). See letter to Francis Darwin, 28 [October 1881] and n. 12. His notes on the subject made on 9 November are in DAR 62: 25. Anton de Bary discussed milk-tubes in Euphorbia in Bary 1877 (see letter to S. H. Vines, 4 November 1881 and n. 3). CD had received a specimen of Dischidia rafflesiana, later known as the ant plant, from George King in Calcutta (see letter from George King, 13 September 1881, and letter to George King, 24 October 1881). Dischidia rafflesiana is a synonym of Dischidia major. See plate on p. 406. The letter is written on four sides of a standard sheet of folded notepaper, and on two sides of a torn loose sheet. The bottom of the loose sheet has been cut off, presumably to remove the signature, and the text cut off on the other side of the page (‘De Bary’s … I shall’) has been added in the margin by an unknown hand.

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To A. E. Graves   9 November 1881 Down 9 Nov ’81 Dear Sir I can give no sort of explanation of the fact which you have been so kind as to communicate to me— I cannot believe in any power of vision, and should feel more inclined to speculate on a capacity for distinguishing damp air arising from the water in the hole1 Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch Darwin AE Graves Esq Copy DAR 144: 347 1

See letter from A. E. Graves, 6 November 1881 and n. 2. CD discussed the sensitivity of worms to contact, including slight puffs of air, in Earthworms, p. 29.

From Edmund Mojsisovics von Mojsvár1   10 November 1881 III. Reisnerstrasse, 51 | Wien, 10. Nov. | 1881 Hochverehrtester Herr! Von meinen diesjährigen Reisen soeben nach Wien zurückgekehrt, finde ich hier Ihr neues schönes Buch über the formation of vegetable mould, welches Sie so gütig waren, mir zu senden.2 Indem ich Ihnen für diese freundliche, mich so ehrende Gabe aus vollem Herzen danke, bitte ich die Versicherung entgegenzunehmen, dass ich dieselbe stets als persönliche Erinnerung an den von mir so hochverehrten Verfasser hoch und theuer halten werde. Der höchst lehrreiche Inhalt beweist neuerdings, dass selbst die unscheinbarsten Gegenstände voll von Interesse sind, wenn man es versteht, sie in so meisterhafter Weise zu behandeln und nach allen Seiten so gründlich zu beleuchten. Mit grösster Hochachtung und Verehrung | Ihr | ergebenster | Dr. Edm. von Mojsisovics DAR 171: 228 1 2

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. Mojsisovics von Mojsvár’s name appears on CD’s presentation list for Earthworms (see Appendix IV).

To J. F. Galbraith   11 November 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) November 11 th. 1881 Dear Sir I thank you for your kindness in having written me so long a letter; but I can assure you that there is not a naturalist in the world who would credit that germinating

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seeds could be developed into animals of any kind— There was plenty of time & means for the indefinite multiplication of innumerable kinds of animals in the cask.—1 Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin Bonhams, New York (dealers) (21 September 2015) 1

Galbraith had found worms in a barrel of wheat (see letter from J. F. Galbraith, 20 October 1881).

To Archibald Geikie   11 November 1881 Down,| Beckenham, Kent. | ( Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) November 11th. 1881 My dear Sir I have been much interested by your account in Nature of the great “find” in the Lower Carboniferous strata. As so many Scorpions were found, one might hope for other terrestrial animals & plants, if some new places were searched by blasting away the overlying rocks.—1 But I daresay you would not think yourself justified in employing the officers of the Survey in such work.2 This leads me to make an offer,—& I hope & trust that you will not think that I am taking a liberty in doing so,—namely to subscribe £100 or £200, if you can find anyone whom you could trust to send, & if you think it worth while to make further search for the chance of fresh & greater palæontological treasures being discovered.— If my offer seems to you superfluous or presumptuous, pray forgive me & believe me, | My dear Sir | Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin DAR 185: 134 1

2

Geikie’s article ‘A recent “find” in British palæontology’ was published in Nature, 3 November 1881, pp. 1–3; it included a description of scorpion fossils found in shale deposits on the banks of the River Esk in Dumfriesshire, Scotland. Geikie was director of the Geological Survey of Scotland (ODNB).

From Julius Wiesner1   11 November 1881 Wien den 11. Nov. 1881 Hochverehrter Herr. Ich bitte es mir nicht als Undankbarkeit auszulegen, dass ich Ihren mir so werthvollen und so ausführlichen Brief erst heute beantworte.2 Aber die Last der Amtsgeschäfte als Decan einerseits, andererseits ein Krankheitsfall in meiner Familie, der nunmehr glücklich behoben ist, liessen mich nicht Zeit und Ruhe finden, Ihr inhaltsreiches Schreiben zu beantworten.3 Der Inhalt Ihres Briefes, worin Sie in einer für mich so ehrenvollen Weise unsere wissenschaftliche Discussion besprechen, hat mich durch die edle Art Ihrer

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Entgegnungen und durch die Art, wie Sie überall der Wahrheit die Ehre gaben, tief ergriffen, und wenn meine Verehrung für Sie, mein hochverehrter Herr, einer Steigerung überhaupt noch fähig wäre, so hätte Ihr Schreiben dies bewirkt. Für alle Ihre Bemerkungen sage ich Ihnen innigsten Dank, sowohl für die meiner Auffassungen zustimmenden, als auch für jene, womit Sie mir entgegnen. Was die letzteren anlangt, so müsste ich es auf das Lebhafteste bedauern, wenn ich Sie in dem wichtigen Punkte (p. 60 meiner Schrift) nämlich, dass der heliotropische Reiz sich auch auf heliotropisch nicht krümmungsfähige Theile fortpflanzen könne, missverstanden hätte. Ich habe die diesbezüglichen Versuche (Brassica; p. 409 Ihrer Schrift) nochmals durchgesehen und habe wieder den gleichen Sinn, wie bei der ersten Lectüre darin gefunden: dass nämlich der untere Theil des Hypocotyls sich nicht dem einseitigen Lichte zukrümmt, wenn nicht auch der obere beleuchtet wird.4 Der zweite Absatz, welcher auf die Brassica-Versuche Bezug hat, ist von mir so verstanden worden; diesen Sinn hat auch die betreffende Stelle der Übersetzung (Carus; p. 410–411).—5 Weiter muss ich mir erlauben zu bemerken, dass ich Ihre Auffassung: Heliotropismus etc.  seien Reizerscheinungen nicht perhorrescire. Ich habe mich in meinem Buche (p.  60) darüber ausgesprochen    Ich sagte dort: “Ich gehe auf eine principielle Prüfung der Frage nicht ein ....”6 Ich habe mich nur gegen die zur Begründung dieser Ansicht angefürten Argumente gewendet. Sehr werthvoll sind für mich Ihre Einwendungen gegen meine Auffassungen über die Bewegungen der Wurzelspitze; und ich werde gewiss, wie ich wieder zum Experimentiren komme, neue Versuche darüber anstellen.7 Was den sogenannten Hydrotropismus anlangt, so habe ich meine Auffassung nur als bedingt richtig gegeben und will gerne eingestehen, dass meine diesbezüglichen Versuche sehr schwach sind.8 Mit dieser Frage ist mein jetztiger Assistent, der talentvolle Dr Molisch beschäftigt.9 Erlauben Sie, dass ich Ihrer Meinung entgegentrete, dass die Botaniker und Physiologen meiner Auffassung mehr Gewicht beilegen werden als der Ihrigen. Die Folge wird gewiss lehren, dass bis zur völligen Klärung des Gegenstandes, die Fachmänner in zwei Parteien getheilt sein werden, je nach ihrer naturwissenschaftlichen Grundauffassung. Die “mechanische” Grundauffassung ist aber unter den Botanikern nicht so sehr verbreitet, dass ich nicht annehmen dürfte: diejenigen, welche Ihrer Ansicht in betreff des “Bewegungsvermögens” beipflichten werden, werden die grosse Mehrzahl bilden. Hoffentlich wird unsere Discussion dazu beitragen, der richtigen Erkenntniss einer wichtigen Erscheinungsgruppe um einige Schritte näher gekommen zu sein. Nehmen Sie, mein hochverehrter Herr, nochmals meinen innigsten Dank entgegen für die ausfürlichen und so gütigen Bemerkungen zu meiner Schrift, und halten Sie sich überzeugt von der unwandelbaren Verehrung und Dankbarkeit Ihres ergebensten | J. Wiesner DAR 261.11: 22 (EH 88206074)

536 1 2 3 4

5 6 7 8

9

November 1881

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. In his letter of 25 October 1881, CD had commented on Wiesner’s recent book (Wiesner 1881). See letter from Julius Wiesner, 11 October 1881. Wiesner had been elected dean of the philosophical faculty at the University of Vienna. CD discussed the effects of lateral light on hypocotyls in Brassica in Movement in plants, pp.  47–82. Wiesner had written that CD claimed that the light stimulus could act on organs that were not capable of bending heliotropically (see Wiesner 1881, p. 60). CD countered that he had made no claim about whether the parts referred to could bend, but only argued that the bending of the lower part was a response to a stimulus from the upper part (see letter to Julius Wiesner, 25 October 1881 and n. 3). The German translation of Movement in plants was by Julius Victor Carus (Carus trans. 1881). See Wiesner 1881, p. 60. See letter to Julius Wiesner, 25 October 1881 and n. 2. On hydrotropism, see Wiesner 1881, pp. 130–4. Wiesner had concluded that the tips of roots probably did not control hydrotropism, rather that cutting the tips weakened the roots, so that their ability to bend was affected. Hans Molisch later published the results of his investigation in ‘Untersuchungen über den Hydrotropismus’ (Molisch 1883).

To John Lubbock   12 November [1881]1 Down— Nov. 12th My dear Lubbock— I think that your sentence will do excellently about the Glacial Lakes.—2 I am very glad you thought about the Dimorphism of Butterflies—it seems to me well worth inserting.— I cannot clearly recall to mind about the Leptodora,—it seems to come in rather oddly after the Butterflies.3 Ever yours | C. Darwin Sotheby’s (dealers) (11 July 2017) 1 2

3

The year is established by the reference to Lubbock 1881a (see n. 2, below). CD was commenting on a text for the published version of Lubbock’s presidential address to the British Association for the Advancement of Science, which had met in York from 31 August to 7 September (Lubbock 1881a). He had previously commented on a draft of the address that Lubbock had sent in August (see letter to John Lubbock, 2 August 1881). On the formation of glacial lakes, see Lubbock 1881a, pp. 22–3. For the discussion of dimorphism in butterflies and two developmental forms of Leptodora (a genus of water fleas), see Lubbock 1881a, pp. 7–8.

To G. J. Romanes   12 November 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Nov. 12th 1881 My dear Romanes I must write to say how very much I admire your letter in the last “Nature”. I subscribe to every word that you say, & it could not be expressed more clearly or vigorously.— After the Dukes last letter & flourish about me, I thought it paltry not

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to say that I agreed with what you had said.1 But after writing 2 folio pages, I found I could not say what I wished to say without taking up too much space, & what I had written did not please me at all, so I tore it up, & now by all the Gods I rejoice that I did so, for you have put the case incomparably better that I had done or could do.— Moreover I hate controversy, & it wastes much time, at least with a man who like myself can work for only a short time in a day.— How in the world you get through all your work astonishes me!— Now do not make me feel guilty by answering this letter & losing some of your time.— You ought not to swear at Roux’s book which has led you into this controversy, for I am sure that your last letter was well worth writing—not that it will produce any effect on the Duke.2 Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin American Philosophical Society (Mss.B.D25.601) 1

2

Romanes and George Douglas Campbell, eighth duke of Argyll, had exchanged a series of letters in Nature (see Nature, 20 October 1881, p. 581, 27 October 1881, p. 604, 3 November 1881, pp. 6–7, and 10 November 1881, pp. 29–30). Campbell’s most recent letter defended the design argument, namely, that many ‘exquisite adaptations’ of nature were only explicable as the work of physical forces under the ‘direction and control of Mind’; Campbell added: ‘Mr Darwin’s theory of Natural Selection no more touches this argument than his hand could touch the fixed stars’ (Nature, 3 November 1881, pp. 6–7). Romanes drew a distinction between ‘scientific’ and ‘metaphysical teleology’, claiming that CD had shown ‘special adaptations’ to be the result of ‘physical causes’, and that theistic explanations (e.g., for the uniformity of nature), were ‘transcendental or extra-scientific’ (Nature, 10 November 1881, p. 30). The controversy with Campbell had been prompted by Romanes’s review of Wilhelm Roux’s Der Kampf der Theile im Organismus. Ein Beitrag zur Vervollständigung der mechanischen Zweckmässigkeitslehre (The struggle of the parts in the organism. A contribution to the completion of the mechanistic theory of fitness; Roux 1881). The review was published in Nature, 29 September 1881, pp. 505–6. It began with a brief summary of the argument from design, and claimed that CD had brought this argument to an abrupt end.

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   12 November [1881]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Novr. 12th My dear Dyer It was very good of you to write so long & interesting a letter, & you must have enjoyed a holiday from your never ending & always beginning labours.2 I have always watched with interest the Phylloxera & Vine case.3 Good Lord what would happen if some such pest attacked Wheat! With respect to Dischidia, Hooker suggested my son Frank, so I mentioned it to him (now in N. Wales & catching almost daily Salmon from 10  to 15  lb !!!) & he seemed to like the idea much.4 If he has not time, I will remember with thankfulness your suggestion. I read with interest Mr Gardiner’s paper on water-pores.5 Frank has become under De Bary a good hand at cutting sections & all natural science seems now to depend on section-cutting.6 I

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November 1881

am practising at this work, with very moderate success, & look at a man who can cut a really good section, as the greatest of human beings. N.B. I cut a pretty good one this morning, & did not I silently triumph?— I am very much obliged for your offer of plants; but Hooker sent me all that I want at present. I am rather in despair about my present work & change my views every day. The phenomenon is a very odd one, but whether I shall make anything of it, I am very doubtful.—7 I have a deal of work for Frank, whenever he has caught all the confounded salmons in the river.— I have signed with very great pleasure Mr Trimen’s certificate & he certainly well deserves to be elected.8 Pray remember me very kindly to Mrs Dyer & believe me Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin My worm-book has been received with almost laugable enthusiasm & 3500 copies have been sold!!!!!9 Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Thiselton-Dyer, W. T., Letters from Charles Darwin 1873–81: ff. 228–9) 1 2 3

4

5 6

7

8

9

The year is established by the reference to Earthworms. Thiselton-Dyer’s letter has not been found. He had been on a six-week holiday with his wife, Harriet Anne Thiselton-Dyer (letter from J. D. Hooker, [23 October 1881]). Grape phylloxera (Daktulosphaira vitifoliae) is a small sap-sucking insect native to North America; it was accidentally introduced in the mid nineteenth century to Europe, where it devastated grapevines. For CD’s interest in phylloxera, see Correspondence vol. 28, letter to James Caird, 24 March 1880, enclosure and n. 6. Joseph Dalton Hooker had suggested that Francis Darwin work on Dischidia rafflesiana (a synonym of D. major, later known as the ant plant) in his letter of 27 October 1881; see also letter to Francis Darwin, 28 [October 1881]. Francis had sent some of the fish he caught in Wales to Down (letter from Francis Darwin, [21 October 1881]). Walter Gardiner was still an undergraduate at University of Cambridge when he published his study on the development of water glands in the leaf of Saxifraga crustata (Gardiner 1881). Francis had worked with Anton de Bary in Straßburg (Strasbourg; see letter from Francis Darwin, 14 May 1881). Section cutting is a technique for making very thin slices of tissue for examination under a microscope. CD was studying the response of root cells of Euphorbia (spurge) and other species to different chemicals. For the plants CD requested, see the letters to J. D. Hooker, 22 October 1881 and 30 October 1881. See also letter to Francis Darwin, 9 November [1881] and n. 9. CD signed the certificate for Roland Trimen in November 1881; he was elected a fellow of Royal Society of London in 1883 (Royal Society archives: certificates of election and candidature for fellowship of the Royal Society, EC/1881/14). On the sale of Earthworms, see the letter from R. F. Cooke, 5 November 1881.

From J. C. Clutterbuck   13 November 1881 Long Wittenham Vicarage, | Abingdon. Nr. 13. 1881. Sir I read with much interest the notice of your remarks on Worms1 In or about the year 1833 I made an experiment with a view to improve a field of Sandy loam, by a uniform coat of Gault Clay.2 Since that time no manure except

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that from cattle has been put on the field. From time to time I have examined the soil and find a layer of Clay beneath now 312 inches with a certain degree of regularity all over the field   I send by this same post enclosed a specimen of the clay dug from the subsoil at 312 inches, deep— my Bailiff3 tells me that often in the morning, when he has seen the moles working he has very often seen the worms as in terror escaping to the surface before the movement of the moles under ground— I think these facts may interest you James C. Clutterbuck DAR 161: 181 CD annotation 2.7 he has very … under ground— 2.8] scored red crayon 1 2 3

Clutterbuck is evidently referring to one of the reviews of Earthworms; for a list of the reviews, see Appendix V. Gault clay is a stratum deposited across southern England during the lower Cretaceous period (OED). Probably Henry Lovegrove, a farm bailiff employed by the Clutterbuck family.

To Fritz Müller   13 November 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) November 13th 1881 My dear Sir I received a few days ago a small box (registered) containing dried flower-heads with brown seeds somewhat sculptured on their sides. There was no name, & I shd. be much obliged if some time you would tell me what these seeds are.1 I have planted them.— I sent you some time ago my little book on Earth-worms, which, though of no importance has been largely read in England.—2 I have little or nothing to tell you about myself. I have for a couple of months been observing the effect of Carbonate of Ammonia on Chlorophyll & on the roots of certain plants; but the subject is too difficult for me & I cannot understand the meaning of some strange facts which I have observed.3 The mere recording new facts is but dull work.— Prof. Wiesner has published a book, giving a different explanation to almost every fact which I have given in my Power of Movement in Plants.—4 I am glad to say that he admits that almost all my statements are true. I am convinced that many of his interpretations of the facts are wrong, & I am glad to hear that Professor Pfeffer is of the same opinion;5 but I believe that he is right & I wrong on some points. I have not the courage to retry all my experiments; but I hope to get my son Francis6 to try some fresh ones to test Wiesners explanations.— But I do not know why I have troubled you with all this.— My dear Sir | yours very sincerely | Charles Darwin The British Library (Loan MS 10 no 56)

540 1

2 3

4 5 6

November 1881

The seeds were probably Mimosa pudica (shame plant; see Correspondence vol. 30, letter from Fritz Müller, 1 January 1882). Müller’s most recent letter, of 29 October 1881, mentions sending leaves relevant to the study of bloom, but not seeds; however, it is incomplete. Müller’s name is on CD’s presentation list for Earthworms (see Appendix IV). On CD’s recent experiments on effects of carbonate of ammonia on roots in Euphorbia (spurge), see the letter to Francis Darwin, 28 [October 1881] and n. 12; on the action of carbonate of ammonia on chlorophyll, see the letter to J. D. Hooker, 22 October 1881 and n. 4. Julius Wiesner had written a critical response to Movement in plants (Wiesner 1881; see also letter from Julius Wiesner, 11 November 1881). Wilhelm Pfeffer had criticised Wiesner in his letter of 6 November 1881. Francis Darwin.

To Francis Darwin   14 November [1881]1 Nov. 14th My dear F. The enclosed letter from Pfeffer is so nice & interesting one that I have thought that you wd like to see it—2 Please keep it— I am glad that he rejects the monstrous notion of Wiesner that the bits of card injure the tip of the root, & that this causes hypertrophy in the whole lower part on the same side.—3 I think Pfeffer must have written “Constellation” for “Constitution”.4 I am as yet not at all inclined to yield about Heliotropism being modified circumnutation.—5 By aid of Potash I have seen milk-tubes magnificently in germinating seeds of Euphorbiæ.—6 Your affec Father | C. D DAR 211: 90 1 2 3 4 5 6

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from Wilhelm Pfeffer, 6 November 1881. CD enclosed the letter from Wilhelm Pfeffer, 6 November 1881; it contained remarks on Julius Wiesner’s study of plant movement (Wiesner 1881). See letter from Wilhelm Pfeffer, 6 November 1881 and n. 6. Pfeffer wrote ‘Constellationen’, meaning ‘combination of factors’. See letter from Wilhelm Pfeffer, 6 November 1881 and n. 9. CD was experimenting on the roots of Euphorbia (see letter to Francis Darwin, 9 November [1881] and n. 9). In a note dated 14 November, CD described the application of caustic potash (potassium hydroxide, KOH) to the roots of Euphorbia (DAR 62: 41).

From Archibald Geikie   14 November 1881 Geological Survey of Scotland | Edinburgh 14th Novr. 1881 My dear Sir Your letter of 11th. has just reached me and I hasten to thank you for your most generous offer of assistance in the exploration of the Eskdale beds.1 We have opened up the strata and thoroughly ransacked them as far as they can be reached without more extensive quarrying operations. But I propose to apply to

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the Duke of Buccleugh’s Agent for leave to open up more of the ground as soon as my Collectors are ready to return to the place.2 The work I think is quite within our duties in the Geological Survey and I shall not hesitate to employ my men. But if the operations should eventually seem getting beyond our power I shall very gladly avail myself of your liberality. I daresay the Royal Society would give us a small sum in aid if that were desirable. But I hope no such application will be needed. I may tell you that though from a wish not to forestall young Peach’s announcement, I did not allude to the discovery of other air breathers   we have found two specimens of amphibians, one of them about 2 inches and the other about 5 or 6 inches long.3 These are remarkably curious forms. They present lines of scutes along the back but none on the ventral surface. They shew interspinous processes like those of a fish. Their vertebrae are provided with a singular arrangement of wedge and slot— They had paddles which strikingly remind one of that of the Ichthyosaurus.4 They have not yet been worked out; so that probably other interesting details remain to be discovered. Besides the chitinous tests of scorpions there are not improbably remains of insects in the mass of compressed organic matter.5 But we have as yet been unable to recognize them. Since the perfect specimens of Scorpion were detected we have gone over our older collections and have recognized quite a number of true scorpion fragments among them. Knowing what to look for the collectors have gone to the ground & have obtained abundant scorpion remains from a number of different localities. I propose to institute a special search in some of the more promising lands. I shall let you know if we have any success. Meanwhile again thanking you for your liberal offer and the interest you have shewn in the investigation. Believe me to remain. Yours very truly | Arch Geikie Charles Darwin Esq | FRS. DAR 165: 27 1 2

3 4 5

See letter to Archibald Geikie, 11 November 1881 and n. 1. Scorpion fossils had been found in shale deposits on the banks of the River Esk in Dumfriesshire, Scotland. The duke of Buccleuch (Buccleugh is an older variant spelling) was Walter Francis Montagu-DouglasScott. The excavations had been undertaken by members of the Geological Survey of Scotland, of which Geikie was director. Benjamin Neeve Peach worked on the Geological Survey of Scotland and reported on some of the fossil fish found at Eskdale (see Nature, 3 November 1881, p. 2, and Peach 1881). Scutes are bony external plates or scales, as on the shell of a turtle. Ichthyosaurus is large extinct marine reptile from the early Jurassic period. The publication on the amphibians has not been found. Chitin is the primary structural material of insect and crustacean exoskeletons.

From J. P. Taylor   14 November 1881 Athenæum Club | Pall Mall S.W. 14th Nov | 1881— Dear Sir I have been reading with much interest your little Essay on Earth Worms.1

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November 1881

I agree in the main with most of your observations, though I cannot but feel that you have a little overestimated the value of your pets as agricultural laborers—2 It seems to me that in accounting for the formation of mould you have scarcely made sufficient allowance for the annual decay of vegetation, the deposit of dust carried by the winds, the deposit of mud carried by the waters, the disintegration of rocks & hard soil caused by changes of temperature, the droppings of animals & birds, the labours of dung beetles & of carrion beetles, & the works of moles & mice. However I am not writing this note with the view of playing the critic, but for the purpose of making you acquainted with one or two facts, which you may possibly deem of some slight interest— 1st. I observe that at p. 128 you cite Dr King as an authority for a worm which he saw in Ceylon “about two feet in length,” & you seem to regard that specimen as unusally large—3 Now, I had a worm some years ago which was 3 ft. 2 inch. long, & about the thickness of a gentleman’s umbrella stick— This creature had been brought from Ceylon by my friend Sir James Emerson Tennent & he told me that it had been found in the rich mud of one of the abandoned tanks. 2d at p. 14 you speak of the ‘number of dead worms which may sometimes be seen lying on the ground,’ & you then cite Mr Galton as having seen last March a vast quantity in Hyde Park—4 In support of this statement, if indeed it requires any, I may here add that four or five years ago, I noticed several hundred dead worms as I was walking down the Mall in St James’ Park. I could see that many of these had travelled several yards from their holes before they had died, as their tracts were plainly visible on the soft sand. I know not what had killed them, but as it had been raining for a day or two before, I imagined at the time that they had come to the surface to avoid the water which had run into their burrows, & that exposure to the air had been fatal to them. 3d. At p. 34 you cite Hoffmeister as an authority to prove that worms “pass the winter either singly or rolled up with others into a ball.”5 To this passage I can add as a note, that I have often, while digging in my father’s garden when a boy,6 turned up single worms that were obviously hybernating, & for that purpose had tied themselves up in a sort of lover’s knot. It used to amuse me as a boy to try to untie them without doing them any serious injury— I mention this fact, as I do not remember that I have ever seen the curious habit I have just mentioned alluded to by any naturalist. The public will probably ask, ere long, for a second edition of your book,7 & in that event a few pages respecting their generative qualities would be interesting— Are they oviparous or viviparous? Do they pair like birds? or live in promiscuous concubinage? In what ratio do they encrease & multiply, that is, how many are born at a birth, & how many births in a year? What is the period of gestation? & what is the average term of life? I will only further add that since your book has appeared I have been asked at least half a dozen times by intelligent & generally well informed persons of both sexes, whether a worm cut in half will unite again, or grow into two worms!

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All which teaches me that, as Naturalists, we have still much to learn. Apologising for inflicting this long letter on you, I remain | yrs faithfully | J Pitt Taylor Ch. Darwin Esqr | &c &c &c DAR 178: 55 CD annotations 7.3 Are they … a year? 7.5] scored pencil 7.8 whether … worms! 7.9] scored pencil 1 2 3

4 5 6 7

Earthworms was published on 10 October 1881 (Freeman 1977). CD had emphasised the role of worms in preparing the soil for agriculture (Earthworms, pp. 309–13). George King had sent CD observations of worms and worm-castings from Calcutta (Kolkata); his letters have not been found, but see Correspondence vol. 21, letters to George King, 18 February 1873 and 6 July 1873. Francis Galton sent the observations to CD in his letter of 7 March 1881. On the worms’ habit of rolling into balls during winter, CD cited the monograph on the family of earthworms by Werner Hoffmeister (Hoffmeister 1845). Taylor’s father was Thomas Taylor. No second edition of Earthworms was published; the final printing, with minor additions and corrections by Francis Darwin, was Earthworms (1882).

From Francis Darwin   [after 14 November 1881]1 My dear Father Many thanks for Pfeffers two letters; the first shows a very nice spirit but is very obscure; the second one I can understand nearly all of   I am extremely glad he believes in the sensitive tips.2 Also that he disagrees with Wiesner about the way external conditions act.3 I think he must have forgotten how impossible it is to discover from his works that he (Pfeffer) agrees with us. I have had a pleasant letter from Elfving wanting very much to know what we think of Wiesner. Elfving says he always felt doubtful about the sensitiveness of tips to gravity or of tips of cotyls to light. He thinks what Wiesner says about light generally is “pure bosh” and shows him to be as Sachs says “Ein Esel”4   I shall be very glad to get to work on the antiWiesner experiments. I send back the translation of Pfeffer No 2 & have the translation safe. I will send you Elfvings letter   I havn’t got it with me just now.5 I am rather astonished at Sir John’s letter as I never suggested to him as he says that the Feganites might rent it.6 They have evidently got on his soft side by offering £10 instead of £6. The fishing has been no good either floods or gales of wind up stream so that you cant throw a fly I shall certainly be back on the 26th or 27th. I wrote a letter to Bessy at Lurgan7 which I am afraid was too late   I thought she wouldn’t start in that gale.

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I think the pitcher with roots will be very nice to microscope8 I have had all my abstracts for the Jahresbericht translated by a German lady in London recommended by Williams & Norgate9 | Yr affec | F D Ubbadub is enough admired here to suit even you10 DAR 274.1: 68 1 2 3 4 5 6

7 8 9

10

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to Francis Darwin, 14 November [1881]. CD had sent the letters from Wilhelm Pfeffer, 24 October 1881 and 6 November 1881. Pfeffer had criticised Julius Wiesner’s recent work on plant movement (Wiesner 1881; see letter from Wilhelm Pfeffer, 6 November 1881 and nn. 3 and 4). Francis had met Fredrik Elfving in 1879 at the laboratory in Würzburg headed by Julius Sachs (see letter from Francis Darwin, 19 [May 1881] and n. 3). Ein Esel: a donkey or, figuratively, a fool or idiot (German). CD had the letter from Wilhelm Pfeffer, 6 November 1881, translated by Camilla Pattrick (see letter to Camilla Pattrick, [after 6 November 1881]). The letter from Elfving to Francis has not been found. The letter from John Lubbock has not been found. James William Condell Fegan was a non-conformist preacher who had evidently arranged to rent the the Reading Room in Down for services (see also Correspondence vol. 28, letter to J. W. C. Fegan, [before 25 February 1880]). No correspondence between Francis and Elizabeth Darwin has been found in the Darwin Archive– CUL. Lurgan is a town in Ireland. CD had suggested that Francis work on Dischidia rafflesiana (a synonym of D. major); ants nest in the pitchers and the plant gains nutrients from ant waste (see letter to Francis Darwin, 28 [October 1881]). Botanischer Jahresbericht was a review of botanical literature founded in 1874; abstracts of F. Darwin 1880a and F. Darwin 1881b appeared in the 1881 volume of the journal (see Botanischer Jahresbericht 9 (1881): 14–15, 24–5). Williams & Norgate was a London publisher and bookseller specialising in foreign scientific literature. The German translator has not been identified. Bernard Darwin had evidently joined his father in Wales; Francis had gone there to visit his deceased wife’s family in early October (see letter to Francis Darwin, 17 October 1881 and nn. 1 and 14).

From R. S. Bartleet   15 November 1881 The Shrubbery, | Redditch. Nov. 15. 81 Dear Sir, I have read with great interest your most interesting account of the earth worm and it’s beneficial operations on the face of the earth—1 May I venture to enquire whether you have given any study to that little insect the gnat—2 If so would you kindly inform me whether you have discovered the cause of numbers of them playing in the air by flying up and down over the same spot for hours, there being no apparent attraction or object— I may say that for 40 years I have noticed this operation in one particular spot between some evergreen bushes over a paved foot path leading to my house— However much you may disturb them or drive them away they will return to the same position— Again has it been ascertained on what they feed for altho fond of the juices of man but a very minute proportion can succeed in feeding in that way— Pray pardon the liberty I am taking in addressing you as a stranger, I feel sure that your

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sympathy with enquiring minds will induce you to accept my apology and if you happen ever to be in this neighbourhood it will afford me the greatest pleasure to see you and aid your researches in this district I am, Dear Sir, | Yours faithfully | R. S. Bartleet | J.P. & D.L. M.S.A.3 C. Darwin Esqr. &c. DAR 160: 52 1 2

3

Earthworms was published on 10 October 1881 (Freeman 1977). ‘Gnat’ is a general term for any of several families of small flying insect in the suborder Nematocera; in England, the common non-biting mosquito species Culex pipiens is often referred to as a gnat. CD had commented on gnats as members of the family Tipulidae (crane flies) in his letter to Stephen Price, 1 September [1881]. JP and DL: justice of the peace and deputy lieutenant. MSA: Member of the Society for the Encouragement of Arts, Manufactures and Commerce (now Royal Society of Arts).

To S. H. Vines   15 November 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) November 15. 1881 My dear Mr. Vines, I hope that you will excuse me troubling you once again about the roots of Euphorbia peplus.1 I can see my way a little & but a very little way clearer, for by examining the radicles of germinating seeds I have learnt the appearance of the milk-tubes, & beautiful objects they are. Now in the rootlets of mature plants of Euphorbia peplus these tubes are absent, & I remember that De Bary says that he could not succeed in seeing them in the finer roots of Euphorbia, but I must hunt up the passage.2 The usually alternate rows of cells with brown granular matter near the surface & those in the Endoderm, I imagine replace by their contents the contents of the true milk-tubes; though I must own that the contents are not chemically the same, as Caustic potash does not act on the aggregated granular masses in the milk-tubes, whereas it causes the disappearance of the granular matter which is precipitated by C. of Ammonia & other salts, in the cells.— If you ever look at the roots of E. peplus, I shd. very much like to hear what you think about them. With Euphorbia myrsinites,3 there are no regular rows of cells with granular matter after Ammonia, & only here & there one, or two or three cells in a row with the granular matter; & in the mature rootlets of this species only a few milk-tubes are present; but I must look to other species of Euphorbia.— I remain | Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin P.S. | I remember telling you about Wiesners vivisection of me, & I was pleased yesterday by receiving a letter from Pfeffer, who has been retrying some of my experiments & differs from Wiesner.4 But Pfeffer differs vehemently on other points from me; so I am in fine hot water. DAR 185: 77

546 1 2 3

4

November 1881

See letter to S. H. Vines, 4 November 1881. CD was studying the response of root cells of Euphorbia (spurge) to different chemicals. Euphorbia peplus is petty spurge. Anton de Bary discussed the milk tubes in Euphorbia and other plants in Bary 1877, pp. 191–209. See letter to S. H. Vines, 4 November 1881 and n. 6. Euphorbia myrsinites is myrtle spurge. On the different chemicals CD used to study aggregation, and the dissolving effect of caustic potash, see the letter to S.  H.  Vines, 1  November  1881 and nn. 2 and 3. Wilhelm Pfeffer’s letter of 6 November 1881 contained criticism of Julius Wiesner’s recent book (Wiesner 1881); however, Pfeffer disagreed with CD’s view that all movement was a form of modified circumnutation.

To J. P. Taylor   16 November 1881 Down, Beckenham, Kent, 16 November, 1881 […] Worms are hermaphrodites & pair, but it is not at all likely that the same individuals unite a second time.— They lay their eggs in capsules, in which the young are hatched: I do not know (but it probably is known) how many eggs & capsules the same worm lays & forms1 […] If you shd. ever read my book with care you will find that I have noticed the action of ants, beetles & moles—also about dust2 […] The ashes of plants are derived from the soil, & the carbonaceous matter oxidises & disappears in the course of time, except when the land is waterlogged & then peat is formed Incomplete3 Christie’s (dealers) (28 March 1984) 1

2

3

Taylor had sent CD comments and questions after reading Earthworms (see letter from J.  P.  Taylor, 14 November 1881). CD had not discussed earthworm reproduction and gave only a brief description of their anatomy (Earthworms, pp. 17–19). Earthworms lay eggs within a protective capsule or cocoon; the number of eggs varies among species, but most have one egg per cocoon. The cocoon is produced when the skin of the clitellum (saddle-like ring) sloughs off, capturing fertilised eggs and creating an egg sac. CD mentioned that earth was brought to the surface by ants and other burrowing insects, and by moles; he also noted that large amounts of dust were deposited by wind in dry countries, and by traffic on busy roads (see Earthworms, pp. 172, 175, 236–9). The original letter is complete, and according to the sale catalogue is three pages long.

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   16 November 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Nov. 16th. 1881. My dear Dyer Many thanks for your very kind note.—1 I am going to eat my words in my last note, for I shd. be particularly obliged (as soon as your foreman comes back) for any

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one, 2, 3, or 4 species of the genus Euphorbia.2 But they must not be precious plants, as I must kill them by turning them out of their pots to examine their roots.— I shd like a Poinsettia, if this genus is very close to Euphorbia.3 Also any species of Aslepiadæ; but I do not care much about these, as I have a large plant of Stephanotis & by cutting out a block of earth I daresay I shall find some young roots.4 The subject is by no means worth all the labour I am bestowing on it, but I cannot bear to be beaten. I fear that I shall kill the splendid specimen of Sarracenia, which Hooker sent:5 it is downright murder, but I cannot help it.— Ever yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin Parcels to be addressed “Live Plants” C. Darwin Orpington St. S. E. R. ly.— Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Darwin: Letters to Thiselton-Dyer, 1873–81: ff. 231–2) 1 2 3 4 5

Thiselton-Dyer’s letter has not been found. See letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 12 November [1881]. CD was studying the effects of the application of various chemical solutions to the root cells of some species of Euphorbia (spurge). Poinsettia is an unaccepted genus whose former species are all placed in Euphorbia. Stephanotis is a genus in the subfamily Asclepiadaceae (milkweed); the most common species is S. floribunda, Madagascar jasmine. Sarracenia is the genus of trumpet pitchers native to North America. CD had requested a plant from Joseph Dalton Hooker in his letter of 22 October 1881. CD was studying the effect of various chemicals on chlorophyll in Sarracenia; his notes are in DAR 52.

From G. H. Darwin   17 November 1881 Trin. Coll | Camb. Nov. 17. 81 Dear Father I have read enclosed agreement. Will you sign it without witness, & send it to Messrs. Paterson & Bloxam1 25 Lincolns Inn Field. W.C I shall go to London tomorrow or Sunday morng. & start to Glasgow on Sunday night. I hear that Challis is on the point of death—& may have died last night for all I know.2 I suppose a month from now will see me Professor or not. I wish it had’nt happened now that I have got so much on my shoulders. I think I have a good chance. The electors are

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Stokes Prof . Adams Cayley Thompson Trin Masters Ferrers Caius Swainson Chr. V. C. Porter Pet.3 st Cayley sails for America on 21 . dec., & I hope election may take place before then, as I am fairly sure of him. I may perhaps have to come back suddenly from Glasgow but I think not, as after sending out a notice of Candidature I shall have really have nothing to do & indeed the Prof. is hardly likely to be declared vacant within a week from now. The amateur theatricals have been going on this last week. They played the School for Scandal & the Lady Teazle was a piece of the very best acting I ever saw;4 everyone is quite astounded at a man acting a woman so well & he has the extra advantage of being a great beauty & not a more masculine voice than one sometimes hears in a woman. I shall not have to lecture (if I get it) until May or even next Oct.—& I shall prefer the latter as I shall want a great deal of preparation. Your affec. son | G H Darwin

}

rs

}

DAR 210.2: 98 1

2 3

4

The enclosure has not been found. William Benjamin Paterson and Francis Richard Turner Bloxam were the solicitors handling the estate of Erasmus Alvey Darwin (see letter from G. H. Darwin, [29 August 1881]). James Challis was Plumian Professor of astronomy and experimental philosophy at the University of Cambridge. George Gabriel Stokes, John Couch Adams, Arthur Cayley, William Hepworth Thompson (master of Trinity College), Norman Macleod Ferrers (master of Gonville and Caius College), Charles Anthony Swainson (master of Christ’s College), and James Porter (master of Peterhouse and vice-chancellor). The play was performed at the ADC theatre in Cambridge (Cambridge Independent Press, 5 November 1881, p. 8). Lady Teazle is one of the main characters in the School for scandal, a comedy by Richard Brinsley Sheridan, first performed in 1777 (ODNB). The part was played by John Robert Manners (Cambridge Review, 23 November 1881, p. 85).

To T. L. Brunton   19 November 1881 [Down.] Nov 19. 1881 Dear Dr Lauder Brunton I saw in some papers that there would probably be a subscription to pay Dr Ferriers legal expences in the late absurd & wicked prosecution. As I live so retired I might not hear of the subscription, and I should regret beyond measure not to have the pleasure and honour of showing my sympathy and admiration of Dr Ferriers researches1

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I know that you are his friend, as I once met him at your house, so I earnestly beg you to let me hear if there is any means of subscribing as I should much like to be an early subscriber   I am sure that you will forgive me for troubling you under these circumstances and I remain Yours very sincerely | Ch Darwin P.S I finished reading a few days ago the several physiological and medical papers which you were so kind as to send me. I was much interested by several of them,— especially by that on night-sweating and almost more by others on digestion.2 I have seldom been made to realise more vividly the wondrous complexity of our whole system. How any one of us keeps alive for a day is a marvel! Copy DAR 143: 171 1

2

On 3 November 1881, a summons was issued to David Ferrier for violating the 1876 Cruelty to Animals Act, which prohibited vivisection from being performed without a licence (see The Times, 4 November 1881, p. 12); he was the first physiologist to be prosecuted under the terms of the Act. On the subscription fund, see British Medical Journal, 19 November 1881, p. 834. For more on the controversy surrounding Ferrier’s experimental work, see Finn and Stark 2015. On CD’s earlier involvement in the vivisection debates, see Correspondence vol. 23, Appendix VI. Brunton had recently sent CD a collection of his papers; however, these have not been found (see letter to T. L. Brunton, 11 October 1881). For the paper on night-sweating, see Brunton 1879; for a collection of Brunton’s work on digestion, including a chronological list of his papers on the subject, see Brunton 1886.

From Adolphe Damseaux1   19 November 1881 Gembloux /Belgique/ ce 19 Nov. 81 Très honoré Monsieur, Excusez, je vous prie, la liberté bien grande que je prends de vous adresser ces lignes. Mais elles concernent un fait qui, je pense, vous intéressera et sur lequel je me permets, de demander un mot d’explication. A titre de membre et Secrétaire d’une commission d’enquête sur le houblon, instituée par le Gouvernement belge pour rechercher les causes du discrédit qui atteint les produits de cette culture depuis quelques années, j’ai été chargé de visiter les houblonnières de l’Allemagne de l’Angleterre, après avoir parcouru les nôtres. En Belgique, la contrée de Poperinghe (Flandre occidentale) produisait jusqu’en 18eSo. un houblon abondant, très aromatique, hautement apprécié de nos brasseurs et des brasseurs de Lille et Dunkerque2—mais depuis lors il s’est appauvri extrèmement, la lupuline a pour ainsi dire disparu. Or c’est depuis cette époque que les cultivateurs, en vue d’obtenir des cônes plus pesants parce qu’ils sont riches en semences, ont planté beaucoup de pieds mâles.3 Ne peut-on pas admettre que l’absence prolongée des mâles avait en pour effet de développer la lupuline dans la fleur, la production de la graine étant rendue impossible? Et d’autre part depuis 18eSo.  l’introduction excessive der pieds mâles n’a-t-elle pas pu avoir pour conséquence une réaction en faveur de la production de la graine et aux dépens de la lupuline? La sève affluerait maintenant plus abondamment vers les graines, but ultime de la fécondation et de la vie végétale.

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November 1881

Ou bien cette disparition de la lupuline serait-elle la conséquence d’un autre drangement dans le traitement de la plante. En effet jusqu’en 1872 on prenait les boutures de renouvellement des plantations au pied des souches, au printemps, comme ailleurs. Mais depuis lors, pour plus de commodité, on forme des boutures avec les jets minces qui apparaissent au pied des tiges en Juin. Ce procédé aurait-il pour résultat une dégénérescence de la plante au point de vue de la lupuline des cônes, car les tiges restent vigoureuses comme autrefois? Excusez de nouveau, très honoré Monsieur, ma liberté et ma prière d’obtenir un mot de réponse au sujet des points agités. | Votre respectueux serviteur, | A. Damseaux | Professeur de culture a l’Institut agricole de l’État. DAR 162: 37 1 2 3

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. Poperinghe (Poperinge), in the Belgian province of West Flanders, was the centre of the hop-growing region of Belgium, near the border with France. Lille and Dunkirk are French cities nearby. The common hop plant, Humulus lupulus (family Cannabaceae), is a dioecious perennial vine. Only female hop plants produce lupulin, an oleoresin that gives flavour and aroma to beer; unfertilised cones produce a greater quantity of lupulin (Almagauer et al. 2014).

To G. H. Darwin   19 November [1881]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Nov. 19th My dear George I am tremendously interested by your news, & am very glad that you are going to Sir W. T. & you can then talk over affair.2 Could you get him to write to those electors, such as Swainson & Dr Thompson of Trinity who can hardly judge of your claims,3—I mean of course if Sir W. knows them at all well.— If I were in your place, I wd. certainly return soon to Cambridge, for I believe that it is in human nature, if an elector was doubting between 2 men, the absent one wd. be apt to go to the wall.— I will sign & despatch the deed according to your instructions.—4 The Luggage came all safe yesterday—2 vans, each with 4 horses!5 The house is crammed with goods.— Your affect Father | C. Darwin DAR 210.1.: 111 1 2

3 4 5

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from G. H. Darwin, 17 November 1881. George was going to Glasgow to see William Thomson. George was considering whether to apply for the Plumian professorship of astronomy and experimental philosophy at Cambridge University. The position was currently held by James Challis, who was very ill (see letter from G. H. Darwin, 17 November 1881). Neither William Hepworth Thompson or Charles Anthony Swainson had backgrounds in mathematics or astronomy. See letter from G. H. Darwin, 17 November 1881 and n. 1. George was one of the executors of Erasmus Alvey Darwin’s will. The goods were from Erasmus Alvey Darwin’s house at 6 Queen Street, London.

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From W. R. Browne   [20–2] November [1881]1 38, Belgrave Road. S.W. Nov. 2〈rest of line missing〉 Dear Sir On Jan 〈    〉th last an informal conference was held at Lambe〈t〉h Palace of Scientific Men; the Archbishop of Canterbury was in the Chair, when it was resolved unanimously, “That it is desirable that those Scientific men who believe in the truths of Religion should take every opportunity of stating that belief; and that the following be appointed a Committee wi〈t〉h pow〈e〉r to add to their number, for the p〈u〉rpose of maintaining communication a〈mo〉ng those desirous of promoting this object:— His Grace the Archbishop of Canterbury 〈Prof〉or Stokes, Profor Bal〈fou〉r Stewart, Dr Sorby, Dr Gladstone, Profor Rollestone and Profer McKendrick, Hon. Sec. Mr Walter Browne”.2 The Committee have lately been able to take advantage of an offer kindly made to them by the proprietors of the “Contemporary Review”, who propose to publish a series of articles dealing with the present state of the various Sciences.3 It is proposed to consider how far the theories in each science, without any reference to Christianity, rest on fully proved & verified laws & how far on hypotheses, 〈co〉njectures more or less probable; in other words how far each science has advan〈ced〉 〈1 or 2 words〉 & assured of 〈  〉 bey〈ond〉 〈2 or 3 words〉 conclusions ma〈de〉 to 〈  〉 rather of speculation. I am 〈re〉quest〈ed by〉 the Committee to inqui〈re〉 wheth〈er y〉ou would kindly undert〈a〉ke to prep〈a〉re an article of this char〈a〉cter on the Science of Comparative Anatomy. The points which it is suggested, should be specially dealt with, are the evidence on the Theory of Evolution, but of course, much would be left to your own discretion in this matter. It is prop〈ose〉d that the series should comme〈n〉ce as early next year as possible and I m〈a〉y add that Dr Gladstone, Dr Sorby & Profor Balfour Stewart have already consented to take part in 〈this.〉 The 〈hon〉orarium for each 〈artic〉le wil〈l be〉 £1 〈per〉 page & the article sh〈ould〉 run 〈to〉 about twenty pages. It is hoped that the series may be subsequently published in a volume.4 Hoping for an early & favourable reply | I remain | Yours truly | Walter R Browne | Hon. Sec Chas. Darwin Esqr F.R.S. DAR 160: 334 CD annotation Top of letter: ‘Keep’ blue crayon 1 2

3 4

The date range is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to W. R. Browne, 23 November 1881; the second digit of the date has been destroyed by a hole in the page. Lambeth Palace was the London residence of the archbishop of Canterbury, Archibald Campbell Tait. The committee members were George Gabriel Stokes, Balfour Stewart, Henry Clifton Sorby, John Hall Gladstone, George Rolleston, and John Gray McKendrick. The Contemporary Review was owned by Samuel Morley, Francis Peek, and John Brown Paton; the editor was Alexander Stuart Strahan (see Wellesley index). The proposed series was not published in the Contemporary Review or as a separate volume.

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From G. H. Darwin   [20 November 1881]1 6 Q. A. St Sunday evening Dear Father, The last I heard of poor old Challis was that he had rallied a little.2 It is possible of course that my informant was wrong & that he may live some time longer. It is unpleasant waiting for a man’s death, but in this case I shd. have preferred his living on as you know altho’ it is no kindness to wish him to live as he is now. The house looks terribly desolate   There two or three little odds & ends which I shall remove3   Mrs. Pearce tells me you were amazed at the quantity of glass.4 If you really wish to get rid of some I cd. take a little as I often have to borrow a few glasses. But glass leaks away by breakages & I daresay it will all come in useful   I don’t think I shall have to return from Glasgow before Saturday or Sunday as I’m sure nothing can be done until the beginning of the week after even if he is dead now.5 Glaisher6 & a few friends know I shd. be a candidate & will talk which is really all that is necessary I send two things which are waiting Frk.7 & you here   Will write to Wesley as agent of Smithsonian Inst8 I leave at 9.15 tonight & breakfast at Glasgow Yours | G H Darwin DAR 210.2: 99 1 2

3 4 5 6 7 8

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to G. H. Darwin, 19 November [1881]. In 1881, the Sunday following 19 November was 20 November. George intended to apply for the position of Plumian Professor of astronomy and experimental philosophy at Cambridge University, in the event of James Challis’s death (see letter from G. H. Darwin, 17 November 1881). George was one of the executors of Erasmus Alvey Darwin’s will; the estate included the house and property at 6 Queen Anne Street, London (see letter from G. H. Darwin, [29 August 1881]). Elizabeth Pearce had been Erasmus’s housekeeper and had also been employed at Down House. George was going to Glasgow to meet with William Thomson (see letter to G. H. Darwin, 19 November [1881]). James Whitbread Lee Glaisher. Francis Darwin. William Wesley was the London agent of the Smithsonian Institution in Washington DC (see Correspondence vol. 19, letter from L. H. Morgan, 1 August 1871).

To K. M. Lyell   20 November 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Nov. 20— 1881 My dear Mrs Lyell Your most kind present arrived last night & I am greatly obliged for it.1 But as it never occurred to me that you would give me so large & valuable a work, I have ordered a copy, as I was very anxious to begin reading the memoirs of my old master, to whom I am so deeply indebted under a scientific point of view.2 The

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ordered copy has not yet arrived, but no doubt soon will, probably tomorrow, & it will be a sin to keep two copies in the house. You must know many persons to whom you would like to send a copy; & shall I not send you the one ordered, for you to transmit to whom you may think fit? Or if you like to send me a slip of paper to paste in, & give me any address, I will despatch the parcel by rail, as this may save you a little trouble.— The work appears very handsome, & again thanking you I remain | Dear Mrs. Lyell | Yours sincerely | Charles Darwin Kinnordy MS (private collection); sold at Sotheby’s (dealers) (9–10 July 2018, lot 375) 1 2

Life, letters and journals of Sir Charles Lyell, Bart. (K. M. Lyell ed. 1881). CD had been consulted about the selection of letters for the volumes; see Correspondence vol. 26, letter from J. D. Hooker, 18 March 1878. CD often noted the influence of Lyell’s Principles of geology on his early geological work and his species theory, as well as Lyell’s personal support and mentorship (see, for example, ‘Recollections’, pp. 387, 390–1, 399–401, 411–12; see also Sponsel 2018).

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   20 November [1881]1 From Mr. C. Darwin, Down, Beckenham. Nov. 20 The magnificent supply of Euphorbiæ arrived all safe last night, & I am very much obliged2 C. D. ApcS Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Darwin: Letters to Thiselton-Dyer, 1873–81: f. 230) 1 2

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 16 November 1881. CD had requested Euphorbia specimens in his letter to Thiselton-Dyer of 16 November 1881.

From Francisco de Arruda Furtado1    21 November 1881 Ile St. Michel (Açores) 21 Nov. 1881 Mr. Charles Darwin Monsieur Je me hâte de vous remercier la bienveillance avec laquelle vous avez accueilli ma petite découverte, et je suis très heureux d’apprendre que vous lui accordez une certaine valeur, en la jugeant digne d’être publiée.2 Maintenant je dois vous faire une histoire plus complète du fait. Les statuettes où l’insecte a déposé ses trois boites d’œufs étaient placées dans l’armoire vitrée d’une salle à manger. Elles ont été fabriquées à Paris avec une sorte de craie verdâtre et, faisant l’ornamentation de l’armoire il y a bon nombre d’années, on ne les a jamais

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enduit d’aucune peinture. Du reste, je suis parfaitement sûr que les œufs ont été déposés par l’insecte dans les 8 jours avant la découverte que j’en ai faite; avant ce temps là les statuettes étaient parfaitement netoyées quand on les a essuyé de la poussière. Prochainement je me ferais l’honneur de communiquer a Sir J.  Hooker3 les documents d’un fait important de botanique açoréenne. Il s’agit de nombreux exemplaires de belles empreintes de feuilles de Hedera, Persea et (Viburnum?) trouvées, dans un tuf, à Mosteiros sur la pointe N. O. de St. Michel.4 Je n’ai point trouvé aucun autre vestige fossile. J’avais l’espoir d’y trouver quelques graines ou quelques coquilles terr.; mais mes recherches ont été infructueuses. Le tuf et les couches supérieures, livrant passage à l’eau, l’humidité a tout pourri. Je ferais accompagner les empreintes d’un profil géologique du site, illustré de spécimens des différentes couches. Peut être ce sont là des effets de l’éruption de 7 cidades.5 Je prends la liberté de vous adresser un exemplaire de ces empreintes et quelques graines apportées sur nos plages par le gulf stream, de celles dont je vous ai parlé dans une précédente lettre.6 Une de ces graines à été jadis la tabatière d’un pêcheur.7 Peut-être cette application est-elle particulière aux açoreennes; ils ne s’en servent que pour le tabac en poudre sèche, et, quand il veulent en prendre une prise, ils secouent la graine sur le dos de la portion metacarpienne du pouce (point commode où il n’y l’odeur de poisson!) et ils y appliquent avidement la narine. Daignez agréer, Monsieur, la nouvelle assurance de mon humble et éternelle reconnaissance | Arruda Furtado. P.S. | Voici, Monsieur, un petit croquis du profil à empreintes:—8 Terre arable Terre blanche de pierre ponce 6,m 5 Pierre ponce mèlangée de pouzzolane 2,m 5 Tufs fossilifères Scories diverses 3m

Pouzolane calcinée Scories Ponces Scories

Chemin à 150 m. au dessus n. de la mer, et au sud de Pic de Mafra

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Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Directors’ Correspondence 181/39) CD annotations 3.1 Prochainement] scored blue crayon 3.10 ces empreintes et quelques graines 3.11] bar blue crayon between ‘empreintes’ & ‘et’ 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

8

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. See letter to Francisco de Arruda Furtado, 31 October 1881 and n. 2. On Arruda Furtado’s correspondence with Joseph Dalton Hooker, see Góis Marques and Menezes de Sequeira 2015. Hedera is a genus of ivy; Persea is a genus of evergreen trees in the laurel family (Lauraceae); Viburnum is a genus in the family Adoxaceae. Tuff is a type of rock made of volcanic ash. 7 cidades: 7 cities (Portuguese). Sete Cidades Massif is a volcanic complex in the western part of the island of São Miguel; the most recent eruption was in the fifteenth century (R. B. Moore 1990). See letter from Francisco de Arruda Furtado, 29 July 1881. The letter is accompanied by a note in an unknown hand that reads: ‘1 Snuff box of seed of Entada scandens    In the Museum are similar snuff boxes made from these seeds from Ceylon and from the Niger. There are also seeds thrown up at the Azores by the Gulf Stream | 2 The small seed is Caesalpinia Bonducella.’ Caesalpinia bonducella is a synonym of Guilandina bonduc, the grey nicker or nicker bean. Entada scandens is a synonym of E. gigas, known in the Azores as ‘fava de colom’; the seeds are dispersed by ocean currents and the plant is found from Central and South America to West and Central Africa, and India. Pico Mafra is on the island São Miguel. Pozzolan is a class of siliceous minerals. Scoria is highly vesicular, dark volcanic rock. The diagram is reproduced at eighty per cent of its original size.

From T. L. Brunton   21 November 1881 50, Welbeck Street, | Cavendish Square, | London.W. Novr. 21st. 1881 Dear Mr Darwin I thank you most sincerely for your kind letter and your offer of assistance to Dr. Ferrier1   There is at present no subscription list as the British Medical Association have taken up the case and ought to pay the expenses. Should these make such a call upon the funds of the Association as to interfere with its other objects the whole or part of the expenses will be paid by those who have subscribed to a guarantee fund. To this fund there are already a number of subscribers whose names are taken by Professor Gerald Yeo2 one of the secretaries of the Physiological Society.— They have not subscribed a definite sum but have simply fixed a maximum which they will subscribe if necessary on the understanding that only so much as is required shall be asked from each subscriber in proportion to his subscription. It is proposed to send by and by a list of the most prominent members of this guarantee fund to the Times & other papers and not only every scientific man but every member of the medical profession will rejoice to see your name in the list. Dr. Ferrier has been quite worn out by the worry of this prosecution or as it might well be called persecution & has gone down to Shanklin for a couple of days.3 He returns this afternoon and I have sent on your letter to await his arrival knowing as I do that it will be to him like cold water to a thirsty soul. I am greatly interested by your observations on worms which you so kindly sent me.4 The function of the calciferous glands excreting waste substance which is

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utilised in digestion is like that of the liver & gives another example of the circulation of certain substances from one organ of the body to another like the entero-hepatic & gastro-salivary.5 I could not help being much struck with the resemblance between the calciferous glands in worms & the tonsils in man. Their position is similar, they are supplied very richly with blood and they are very liable to the formation of calcareous concretions within them in worms & in man. The use of the tonsils in man is a puzzle. They are liable to enlargement and interfere with the development of the chest in children & to inflammation in adults. The only result of their excision seems to be the benefit of the individual by the removal of a nuisance. I have had charge of the throat department at S.t Bartholomew’s Hospital for several years and my experience of tonsils & their diseases led me to think that they must be a survival of some organ once useful perhaps but now rather injurious. I did not know how this survival had come about but perhaps the tonsils may yet do some good by aiding the search after the genealogy of man. Some people have thought that the concretions in human tonsils were of gouty origin but this is not the case as they do not consist of urates but are composed principally of phosphate and carbonate of lime.6 With best regards I remain | Yours very sincerely | T Lauder Brunton DAR 160: 346 1 2 3 4 5

6

David Ferrier. See letter to T. L. Brunton, 19 November 1881 and n. 1. Gerald Francis Yeo. Shanklin is a seaside village on the Isle of Wight. CD had sent a copy of Earthworms (see letter to T. L. Brunton, 11 October 1881). CD concluded that the main function of the calciferous glands was excretion, and that the secondary function was as aids to digestion; he compared the process to pancreatic secretion in higher animals (see Earthworms, pp. 50–5). Entero-hepatic refers to the secretion of substances from the liver to the gall bladder. Urates are salts derived from uric acid; urate crystals in the joints are the cause of gout.

From Frederick Capes   21 November 1881 80 Victoria Road | Clapham Common Nov. 21. 1881 Dear Sir, I venture to mention a fact which came under my notice lately, while staying at a Thames-side Inn, and which may possibly interest you. A young friend of mine, bent on fishing, (August) took a clean earthen pot, & having neither moss nor grass, put in it a handful of the first green weed he found in the kitchen garden. In half an hour or so he collected about 100 worms and brought them for me to look at. On taking out the weed I found, at the bottom, a clotted mass of worms all dead—not a single one showed sign of life. The intestines were emptied, & death had apparently been convulsive, for in most cases the anal rings

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were everted and distended. A glance revealed the cause. The weed was common spurge,1 crushed & damp, for the day was wet, but the main stems were little broken, so the amount of milky juice exuded must have been small in quantity. I, at once, got a few fresh worms, & a plant or two of spurge, and found that a single small drop placed on a worm seemed instantly to paralyze the rings behind the drop. Another touch or two was fatal in five or six minutes to most individuals, but some resisted longer. All, however, died. I carelessly forgot to examine the ground in order to ascertain whether burrows or casts existed where spurge grows in any plenty. My own little garden here has, unluckily, been carefully weeded. I ought to have satisfied myself on this point, and also to have ascertained whether spurge is ever used by worms. Probably the euphorbic poison is eliminated by decay, or internally it may be harmless to them, as the common scale insects2 sucks not only holly, bamboo, camellia, and orange, but the deadly oleander. Nerium juice3 I find by experiment is as fatal to worms as spurge juice, but in action it appears somewhat to differ. The operation of vegetable poisons on the leaf eating annelidae & molluscs would seem to afford many questions of interest. Begging you to excuse the liberty I have taken as a stranger (though a very old disciple) in writing to you, | I remain, Dr. Sir | Yr. very obed.t Ser.t | Fredk. Capes C. Darwin Esqr. LLD. F.RS. | Down | Bickley DAR 161: 44 1 2 3

Common spurge is Euphorbia peplus; the milky sap or latex is highly toxic and a skin irritant. Capes had evidently read Earthworms. Scale insects are sap-sucking bugs of the superfamily Coccoidea. Nerium oleander, the only species of the genus Nerium, contains compounds that are highly toxic to some animals.

From W. E. Darwin   21 November 1881 Bank, Southampton, Nov 21 1881 My Dear Father, At last I send you your Maryport & Carlisle dividend Warrant.1 I am slowly getting thro’ the Executorship2 & am now doing the tiresome work of passing the residuary a/c. I have written to the Lawyers about your succession duty on the house and land.3 It will be very jolly coming to you on the 3rd of December4 It is great news about Prof. Challis. I suppose Geo. is certain to succeed.5 Goodbye dear Father | Your affect son | W. E. Darwin I shall much like meeting Mr Graham6 Cornford Family Papers (DAR 275: 96)

558 1

2 3

4 5

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November 1881

Emma Darwin’s trust included shares in the Maryport & Carlisle railway company (CD’s Investment book (Down House MS), p. 124). Erasmus Alvey Darwin had been a co-trustee (see Correspondence vol. 5, letter from E. A. Darwin, 26 April 1853). William and George Howard Darwin were the executors of Erasmus’s will. CD had inherited Erasmus’s house in London and property in Lincoln (see letter to W. E. Darwin, 13 September [1881]). The lawyers handling the estate were George Moultrie Salt and his London agents, Paterson, Snow, & Bloxam (see letter from G. H. Darwin, [29 August 1881]). William and Sara Darwin came to Down on 3 December (letter from Emma Darwin to H. E. Litchfield, 4 December 1881 (DAR 219.9: 279)). George was planning to apply for the position of Plumian Professor of astronomy and experimental philosophy at Cambridge University, in the event of James Challis’s death (see letter from G. H. Darwin, 17 November 1881). William Graham visited the Darwins at Down on 3 December 1881; Joseph Dalton Hooker and Hyacinth Hooker were also present (letter from Emma Darwin to H. E. Litchfield, 4 December 1881 (DAR 219.9: 279)).

From George King   21 November 1881 Government Cinchona Plantation, Mungpoo, near Darjeeling, 21 Novem 1881. My dear Sir, I beg to offer you my best thanks for the copy of your delightful book on Earthworms which you were so kind as to send me.1 The reading of it has set me to observe worms here. And, as they may still be of interest to you, I am now collecting specimens of the kinds that occur in this part of the Himalaya (Sikkim). These I hope to despatch to you after I return to Calcutta (a week or two hence) as I have not the means of packing them properly here. I shall also send you a few notes about the specimens. I am delighted to find, from your kind letter of 21st October, just received, that the drawing of dischidia interested you so much. I am sure the specimen itself must interest you more, & I trust it reached you in good condition.2 I wish I could see Dischidia growing wild & so have an opportunity of observing its habits & those of the insects that frequent the pitchers. Poor J Scott & I did our best to keep alive a plant sent from Eastern Bengal to the Bot Garden Calcutta, but we utterly failed.3 Believe me to be | Yrs very sincerely | George King Charles Darwin Esq DAR 169: 24 1 2

3

Earthworms. See letter to George King, 24 October 1881 and n. 3. King evidently refers to CD’s letter of 24 October 1881; see also letter to J. D. Hooker, 22 October 1881. King had sent a figure and description of Dischidia rafflesiana (a synonym of D. major), as well as a specimen of the plant; see letter from George King, 13 September 1881 and n. 3. John Scott had been the curator of the Royal Botanic Garden, Calcutta (Kolkata) until 1879, when he had to leave India due to an illness from which he never recovered.

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From W. C. McIntosh   21 November 1881 Murthly. | N.B. 21 Nov. 1881. My dear Sir, Though I hear that you are favourable to the candidature of my friend Ray Lankester in the approaching candidature for the Chair of Nat. History in the University of Edinburgh, perhaps you may yet be able to permit me to have the enclosed revised.1 I need not say that I should esteem such most highly. Yours very faithfully, | W. C. McIntosh. Chas. Darwin Esq. | M.A., D.C.L., FRS DAR 202: 110 1

The enclosure has not been found. CD had already written a letter of support for Edwin Ray Lankester’s candidacy for the chair of natural history at Edinburgh University (see letter to E. R. Lankester, 31 October 1881).

From W. P. Snow   21 November 1881 Erith | Kent Nov 21—1881 Dear Sir, Though now aged—64—I occasionally ramble about the lanes and Byeways around me, studying and ever learning more of that Nature I love. I am about trying a revised and cheaper Edition of my Cruise in Tierra del Fuego &c, (issued by Longmans in 1857, 2 Vols) and, in looking over material, I find your valuable opinions on the natives etc. somewhat the reverse of mine.1 I still propose, and have submitted, (uselessly to our Governm.t though more favourably to Foreign Powers,) the establishment of a small Settlement and Harbor of Refuge etc. about Cape Horn. I enclose an Article I wrote on my Ocean Plans etc. in Chambers’ Journal last year.2 The specimens I collected in T. del Fuego I still retain, and the Holothuria3 from the Beagle Channel in 1855, looks as good as on the day I there collected it. I should be most happy to show it to yourself or anyone passing my way, or, if agreeable to you, will, some day, when the ground is hard for walking, pay my respects to you in person, and bring it, unless the visit of a stranger should be too intrusive. In my heavy literary labours, unaided, and much opposed by officials and the Missionary Society,4 my old days are far from easy, and it will be a question if I can ever bring to fruition and publication what I have for so many years laboured upon, but, if I do, a copy shall be sent.

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I do not forget a temporary aid you rendered a few years ago.—5 With esteem | yr. fthfl Servt | W. Parker Snow Chas: Darwin Esq DAR 177: 214 1

2 3 4

5

For Snow’s remarks on the natives of Tierra del Fuego, see Snow 1857, 1: 344–55; he regarded the people as generally peaceful and found no evidence that they practised cannibalism, as had been reported by the Beagle officers (see ibid., 1: 350). No later edition of Snow’s narrative has been found. For CD’s views, see Journal of researches, pp. 227–30, 234–43. Snow’s article ‘Ocean relief depots’ appeared in Chambers’s Journal of Popular Literature, Science and Arts, 27 November 1880, pp. 753–5. Holothuria is a genus of sea cucumbers. For differing accounts of the disagreement between Snow and the Patagonian Missionary Society, see Correspondence vol. 20, letter from B. J. Sulivan, 20 June 1872 and nn. 1 and 2, Patagonian Missionary Society 1857, and Snow 1858. CD may have given financial assistance to Snow (see Correspondence vol. 20, letter from B. J. Sulivan, 20 June 1872 and n. 5).

From Francis Darwin to George King   [after 21 November 1881]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Dear Sir, My father begs me to say that the beautiful specimens of Dischidia arrived safely and in good condition, & to thank you again for your kindness in sending them; I hope you will let me add my thanks also, as I am to have the pleasure of working at the material2 My father was much pleased to hear of your pleasure in reading the worm book3 Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Francis Darwin DAR 185: 113b 1 2 3

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from George King, 21 November 1881. King had sent a specimen of Dischidia rafflesiana (a synonym of D. major) from the Royal Botanic Garden, Calcutta (Kolkata) (see letter from George King, 13 September 1881). Earthworms. See letter from George King, 21 November 1881.

To W. C. McIntosh   [after 21 November 1881]1 [Down.] My dear Sir I am sorry to say that I have given so strong a testimonial to Dr. Ray L. & expressed so strong a wish for his success, that it would stultify me to give another.2 I assure you that it pains me to refuse your request; but it may be doubted whether a testimonial from me wd be of any value unless the electors are evolutionists, which is not very probable.— ADraft DAR 202: 110v

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The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from W. C. McIntosh, 21 November 1881. CD had written a letter of support for Edwin Ray Lankester’s candidacy for the chair of natural history at Edinburgh University (see letter to E. R. Lankester, 31 October 1881).

From Thomas Birkett   22 November 1881 5 Park Place | Weston. s. Mare Nov. 22. 1881 Dear Sir I read your work on ‘Worms’ with great interest.1 Just before I had been visiting a lady who was anxiously bent on improving a small grass plot some 60ft x 12ft enclosed with high walls in a town. She had consulted a gardener the foreman of one of the largest firms of *Nurserymen in the North of England2   He had told her “to destroy the worms for they eat the young tender roots of the grass”   I looked carefully to see if you wrote anything to confirm this statement, but find nothing to support it.3 I should esteem it a favour if you would inform me whether you have observed anything which leads you to infer that worms do eat the tender rootlets of the grass or the contrary. I should not have ventured to trouble you, except for the thought that you might be interested in learning that the worm is believed thus to destroy the grass. In consequence a diligent search was made for worms one night during a thaw last winter and on the small plot in question the servant gathered such a number that they were sent round to one or two houses as a wonder to behold. I asked how many there might be, and was told quite two quarts of them, the number to make up this quantity must have been very great. I have always pleaded that the worms improve the lawn if the castings are spread with a soft brush, I referred my friend to your book, the reply sent back concluded with—but there is no question that they eat the tender rootlets of the grass. Yours faithfully | Thos Birkett * Messrs. Little & Ballantine | Carlisle. DAR 160: 310 1 2 3

Earthworms. The nursery firm was Little and Ballantyne; the foreman has not been identified. CD remarked that worms were omnivorous; he observed that they fed largely on leaves, but noted their preference for animal matter (see Earthworms, pp. 36–44).

To T. L. Brunton   22 November 1881 Down. Beckenham Kent Nov. 22. 1881 My dear Dr Lauder Brunton Many thanks for your very kind & interesting letter— It seems strange that the glands shd have set you thinking of our tonsils.1 I write now to beg a favour. I do not in the least know what others have guaranteed in relation to Dr. Ferrier—2 Would 20 guineas be sufficient if not will you kindly take the trouble to have my name put down for 30 or 40 guineas as you may think best. If on the other hand no

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one else has guaranteed for as much as 20 guineas will you put me down for 10 or 15 guineas though I shd like to 20 best. You can understand that I do not wish to be conspicuous either by too little or too much, so I beg you to be so very kind as to act for me. I have a multitude of letters which I must answer so excuse haste. Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin Copy DAR 160: 351 1 2

See letter from T. L. Brunton, 21 November 1881. A fund was being established to aid physiologists who, like David Ferrier, might face prosecution for practising vivisection (see letter to T. L. Brunton, 19 November 1881 and n. 1, and letter from T. L. Brunton, 21 November 1881).

From G. H. Darwin   [22 November 1881]1 The University, | Glasgow. Tuesday Dear Father, I think Sir W. will back me by a letter to some of the electors, & that wd. be an enormous help.2 He approves of the draft letter which I have written. I suppose poor old C. is lingering on, by one’s not hearing of his death.3 I have had a lot of talk with Sir W. Today Preece comes for two nights to give a lecture in Glasgow4   I shall leave here probably on Saturday night. Your affec son | G H Darwin Mother’s5 cheque for carpet 20.1s to keep back as we are disputing as to whether it is yours or not. At first I thought not but I’ve change opinion now. My various papers amount to over 600 pp.! to my surprize DAR 210.2: 100 1 2

3 4 5

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to G. H. Darwin, 19 November [1881]. In 1881, the Tuesday following 19 November was 22 November. George had gone to Glasgow to visit William Thomson, and planned to discuss his possible candidature for the Plumian Professorship of astronomy and experimental philosophy at the University of Cambridge (see letter to G. H. Darwin, 19 November [1881]). For the list of electors, see the letter from G. H. Darwin, 17 November 1881. James Challis was Plumian Professor of astronomy and experimental philosophy; he died in December 1882 (ODNB). William Henry Preece gave a lecture titled ‘The age of electricity’ at Glasgow City Hall on 24 November 1881; Thomson presided (Glasgow Herald, 25 November 1881, p. 8). Emma Darwin.

To W. P. Snow   22 November 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Nov. 22d 1881 Dear Sir I hope that you may succeed in publishing a new edition of your Cruise to T. del Fuego.— You saw so much more of the natives than I did, that whenever we differ

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you probably are in the right. Indeed the success of the Missionary establishment there proves that I took a very erroneous view of the nature & capabilities of the Fuegians..—1 I have read with interest the striking account of the storm in Chambers Journal.—2 I have attended for so many years exclusively to Botany that I have forgotten what little I knew about animals, & I shd. not profit by inspecting your specimens of Holothuriæ.3 I am so old and my health is so indifferent that conversing with anyone fatigues me much: I will not, therefore ask you to take so long a walk for the mere chance of my being able to see you for five or ten minutes.— With my sympathy for your distresses & troubles, I remain | Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin National Museums Scotland, Chambers Street, Edinburgh 1

2 3

Snow had given a generally favourable account of the natives of Tierra del Fuego in his published narrative (Snow 1857; see letter from W. P. Snow, 21 November 1881 and n. 1). CD was regularly informed of the missionary activity in Patagonia by Bartholomew James Sulivan (see, for example, letter from B. J. Sulivan, 18 March 1881). Snow’s description of the storm was published in Chambers’s Journal, 12 February 1881, pp. 102–4. Snow had offered to show CD specimens that he had collected of Holothuria, a genus of sea cucumbers, from the Beagle Channel in 1855.

To S. H. Vines   22 November 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Nov. 22. 1881. Do not read this until you are at leisure. My dear Mr Vines I write just to say that the rows of cells with granular matter after C. of Ammonia are exhibited as well by the white & young rootlets of the common zonal Pelargonium, as by Euphorbia.1 There is a slight difference that 2, 3, 4 or 5 rows with granular matter often adjoin one other. There are, also, long cells & I think tubes with coarser granular matter round & amidst the vascular bundle. So I was altogether wrong in supposing that these rows of cells were indirectly connected with the laticiferous ducts. But I have observed a fact today & yesterday with the Pelargonium (whether it will hold with Euphorbia I do not yet know) which seems to me remarkable, viz that the root-hairs arise exclusively from the rows of cells which are not acted on by the C. of Ammonia & which do not contain the brownish granular matter.2 It appears,, therefore, that certain rows of cells with hairs act as absorbant, & that the adjoining rows act for elaborating or storing matter of some kind. This is to me is a new view of the structure & function of rootlets, & I shd. like to hear whether you know of anything of the kind. I traced 50 root-hairs to colourless cells & did not see one arising from the cells with granular matter; & this seemed sufficient evidence; but I must keep my eyes open for I am always blundering.— Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin

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My son Frank will return home from salmon-fishing in a few days3 & he will then make the salt-solution, which I will try, as you recommend, though I do not know object.—4 I work with No’ 8. of Hartnack, sometimes looking with next lower power.5 DAR 185: 78 1

2

3 4

5

See letter to S. H. Vines, 15 November 1881. CD was studying the effects of the application of various chemical solutions to the root cells of some species of Euphorbia (spurge). Pelargonium is a genus of perennials indigenous to temperate and tropical regions; P. zonale is native to southern Africa and is one of the parents of the widely cultivated Pelargonium x hortorum. CD’s notes on Pelargonium zonale dated 21 to 23 November 1881 are in DAR 62: 82–6. In his published paper, ‘Action of carbonate of ammonia on roots’, p. 250, CD noted that no root-hairs seemed to arise from cells containing granules. Francis Darwin had been salmon fishing in Wales (see letter to Francis Darwin, 9 November [1881]). Vines had originally suggested using water to dissolve the granules (see letter from S. H. Vines, 2 November [1881]). There may be a missing letter in which he suggested a ten per cent salt solution (see letter from S. H. Vines, 24 November [1881] and ‘Action of carbonate of ammonia on roots’, p. 242). CD owned a microscope made by Edmund Hartnack (see letter to S. H. Vines, 4 November 1881 and n. 2).

To W. R. Browne   23 November 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Nov. 23d 1881 Dear Sir I am much obliged for your courteous proposal; but I never write in periodicals, as I think that my time is better spent in endeavouring to do new work. Nor indeed have I nearly enough knowledge to attempt discussing the present state of our knowledge on comparative anatomy.1 Dear Sir | yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin John Wilson (dealer) (20 January 2010) 1

CD had been invited to contribute to a series of articles on ‘how far the theories in each science without any reference to Christianity’ rested on ‘fully proved & verified laws & how far on hypotheses’ (see letter from W. R. Browne, [20–2] November [1881]).

To Frederick Capes   23 November 1881 Down. | Beckenham. Kent. Novr. 23rd. 1881. Dear Sir. I thank you much for your letter which has interested me exceedingly—1 I happen to have been working lately on the structure of Euphorbia peplus. and was thus led to wonder what could be the use of the Marvellous Milk ducts & milky fluid—2 Indeed this is not known to any botanist, Now it seems to me not improbable

November 1881

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that it serves merely as a protection,—as I believe to be the case with the various Alkaloids & essential oils in so many plants— I hope before long to get time to try some experiments on worms & whenever I publish on Euphorbia will quote your statements, with any remarks which I may be able to add,— Again thanking you I remain— | Dear Sir. | Yours faithfully. | Ch. Darwin PS. My gardener3 declares that he killed as a boy a wart on his hand with the milk of some Spurge or Euphorbia!— Copy DAR 143: 204 1 2 3

See letter from Frederick Capes, 21 November 1881 and n. 1. Euphorbia peplus is common spurge. For CD’s recent work on the plant, see the letter to S. H. Vines, 15 November 1881. Henry Lettington.

To P. P. C. Hoek   23 November 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) November 23d 1881 Dear Sir I thank you cordially for the present of your magnificent work on the Pycnogonida.—1 The Plates seem to me quite admirable. I am delighted that you are going to undertake the Cirripedia.—2 With all good wishes & much respect | I remain, Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Charles Darwin Artis Library (P. P. C. Hoek Archive: Darwin correspondence) 1

2

Hoek wrote the report on specimens of Pycnogonida (sea spiders) that had been collected by HMS Challenger between 1873 and 1876 (Hoek 1881). CD’s copy is in the Darwin Library–Down. CD had been instrumental in Hoek’s being assigned to work on the specimens (see Correspondence vol. 25, letter from C. W. Thomson, 30 June 1877). Hoek 1883 and Hoek 1884.

To A. R. Wallace   23 November 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Nov— 23d 1881 My dear Wallace Mrs. Lyell has sent me a copy of Lyell’s Life;1 but as I did not in the least expect this, I have ordered a copy, which will arrive in a few days.— Accordingly I wrote to Mrs. Lyell, saying that no doubt there were many friends of Lyell, to whom she had found it impossible to send copies, & I asked her whom she would prefer that I shd. send my superfluous copy in her name, & she answered that she particularly wished it to go to you.—2 I write now to know whether the postal address is the best

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for a Railway parcel, as the book is too heavy for the post.— Please answer by return of Post.— I hope that you & all of yours are well & prosperous.— | In Haste to catch the postman | Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin Natural History Museum, Library and Archives (tipped into Alfred Russel Wallace’s copy of K. M. Lyell ed. 1881 (L ARW 28)) 1 2

Katharine Murray Lyell had edited Life, letters and journals of Sir Charles Lyell, Bart. (K. M. Lyell ed. 1881). See letter to K. M. Lyell, 20 November 1881; her reply has not been found.

To ?   23 November 18811 Down, Beckenham, Kent […] I have some copies of some of my books from the library of my late brother,2 & I have much pleasure in sending three of them […] They consist of the Descent of Man— Variation of Animals & Plants & my Journal of Researches3 […] Incomplete4 Charles Hamilton (dealer) (29 January 1970) 1 2 3 4

The date is supplied by the sale catalogue. Erasmus Alvey Darwin had died on 26 August 1881 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). Descent, Variation, and Journal of researches; it is not known which editions CD sent. The original letter is complete and according to the sale catalogue is one page long.

From C.-F. Reinwald   24 November 1881 15, Rue des Saints-Pères | Paris Nov 24th 1881 Dear Sir I duely received with many thanks your favor of Nov. 2d with the Errata for your book on Earthworms, the translation of which is in the ha〈n〉ds of the printers.1 Prof. Heckel’s translation of your Movement of Plants is on the point of being issued. Prof Heckel intends to give a preface to it, which I shall accept only if you have no objection to it.2 I hand you herewith the proof sheets of it and beg to let me know your intention. Our young french authors need to be nearly controlled! Waiting for your kind reply | I am, dear Sir, | yours most respectfully | C Reinwald To Ch. Darwin Esq Down DAR 176: 114 1

See letter to C.-F. Reinwald, 2 November 1881 and n. 1. Reinwald was publishing the French edition of Earthworms (Lévêque trans. 1882).

November 1881 2

567

Édouard Heckel’s French translation of Movement in plants (Heckel trans. 1882) included a preface in which he discussed some of his own research on plant movement.

From S. H. Vines   24 November [1881]1 Christs College— | Cambridge Nov. 24. My dear Mr. Darwin, I hope in a day or two to have an opportunity of seeing the granular cells in the roots, and to try to find out something of their meaning— Your observation that the root-hairs spring from cells which are not granular is very interesting and suggestive, & I will not fail to note this point—2 The point which I shall especially try to make out is as to whether or not this appearance is undoubtedly due to some difference between the various cells of the root whilst they are still alive— possibly it may be induced to some extent in the process of preparation— My suggestion that 10 per cent salt solution should be tried as a solvent, is based upon my experience of this reagent with regard to the aleurone-grains which the cells of seeds contain— most of these proteid grains dissolve to some extent in this fluid, and some of them completely—3 I hoped that possibly the granules in these root-cells might be found to be soluble in it also, and this would afford some clue as to their probable nature— They seem to belong to the protoplasm at any rate— yours faithfully | Sydney H. Vines. DAR 62: 1 CD annotations 2.3 proteid grains] underl red crayon 2.3 extent … completely— 2.4] underl red crayon 2.4 I hoped … any rate— 2.6] scored pencil 1 2 3

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to S.  H.  Vines, 22 November 1881. CD had observed granular matter in the root cells and rootlets of Euphorbia (spurge) and Pelargonium (see letter to S. H. Vines, 22 November 1881). See letter to S. H. Vines, 22 November 1881 and n. 4. The aleurone is a layer of cells coating the endosperm of seeds of grains and some dicotyledons with a persistent endosperm (see letter from S. H. Vines, 2 November [1881] and n. 4). A proteid was defined as a large group of compounds, also known as ‘albumineous’.

From Gustav Wegner   24 November 1881 Coeslin—Pomerania | North Germany 24th. November | 1881 One evening in the Spring of 1878 shortly before sunset and during a perfect calm I noticed that a wheat blossom suddenly bent towards another one and both pressed on each other in a quick thrabbing motion. This was repeated several times. All the

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surrounding blossoms remained quite motionles. This happened at first at a distance of one metre and afterwards of two thirds of a metre from me. In order not to interrupt those spontaneous movements by my breathing—I held my hand before my mouth whilst observing their last contact. The blossoms were opened like little bells— Soon after having made this observation I informed You of it by a Postcard written in German, but have received no answer.1 I have not the least doubt of the above fact and think it sufficiently important to informe You of it even now. Yours truly | G. Wegner | Geheimer Regierungsrath2 DAR 201: 41 1 2

The postcard from Wegner has not been found. Geheimer Regierungsrath: privy councillor.

To G. H. Darwin   25 November [1881]1 From Mr. C. Darwin, Down, Beckenham. Nov. 25th You said that you had been so busy lately that you had not read Nature— Be sure read p. 81 of last Nature—2 It is superb & has made me awfully proud. C. D. ApcS DAR 210.1: 112 1 2

The year is established by reference to Nature (see n. 2, below). George had been at Down from 11 to 13 November 1881 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242) and letter from Emma Darwin to George Howard Darwin, [16 November 1881] (DAR 210.3: 31)). The issue of Nature contained a lecture by Robert Stawell Ball praising George’s contribution to tidal theory: ‘The great theory itself is chiefly the work of one man. You are all familiar with the name he bears. The discoverer of tidal evolution is Mr G. H. Darwin, Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge’ (Nature, 24 November 1881, p. 81). See also letter to G. H. Darwin, 8 June [1881].

To J. V. Carus   26 November 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Nov. 26th 1881 My dear Sir I have introduced a few additions & made a few corrections to my book on Worms, in the 5th thousandth which is now printing. I send by this post the corrected proofsheets & few M.S additions, which I think are worth inserting. All the corrected passages are marked, so it will not take you much time to find the corresponding places—1 In Haste | My dear Sir | yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin – Preußischer Kulturbesitz (Slg. Darmstaedter Lc 1859: Darwin, Charles, Bl. 195–196)

November 1881 1

569

Carus was preparing the German translation of Earthworms (Carus trans. 1882). CD had previously sent a short list of corrections that were made to the fifth thousand of the English edition (letter to J. V. Carus, 2 November 1881). CD’s list of additions has not been found; in the German edition, a section of additions followed the main text (Carus trans. 1882, pp. 178–9).

From T. L. Brunton   27 November 1881 50 Welbeck St | London W Novr. 27th. 1881 My dear Mr Darwin I would have written before but the Science Defence & advancement Fund was in a chaotic condition and is only now taking form.1 You will see by the British Medical Journal which I send you that a number of the leaders of the medical profession have already subscribed.2 I could not get the complete list in time & so Sir Wm. Jenner’s name has been unfortunately omitted. No definite sums are attached to their names but I believe several are subscribing 100  guineas or did intend to do so    I shall probably be able to give you more definite information on Wednesday or perhaps before. When I ascertain what they intend to give under the new conditions viz that the subscriptions are not to be applied to Ferrier’s defence3 but to the defence of others who may be attacked and to a diffusion of knowledge regarding the nature & purposes of vivisection, I will let you know as it is quite possible that under these circumstances they may diminish their subscriptions. I did not write the notice in the British Medical nor did I ever see it otherwise I might have altered it in part. Do not trouble to return the British Medical. I will send you more information as soon as I have any thing definite to communicate. With best regards & thanks for your kind letter and assistance in this matter I remain | Yours very sincerely | T Lauder Brunton Chas. Darwin Esq LLD. FRS. DAR 160: 347 1 2

3

CD wished to contribute to a fund that was being established for the aid of physiologists who might face prosecution for practising vivisection (see letter to T. L. Brunton, 22 November 1881). The British Medical Journal, 26 November 1881, p. 877, listed a number of ‘eminent medical men’ who had subscribed to a fund for the ‘defence and promotion of science’, adding: ‘and, foremost among men of science was the illustrious Charles Darwin, who was amongst the first to volunteer any necessary aid’. The case against David Ferrier was eventually dismissed (see The Times, 19 November 1881, p. 10). See letter to T. L. Brunton, 19 November 1881 and n. 1.

From E. T. Crabbe   27 November 1881 8, Railway Approach | London Bridge, | S.E. Nov. 27, 1881. Sir/ I am the possessor of a very valuable manuscript poem of 1074  lines entitled “Materialism”, the composition, and entirely in the handwriting of, Erasmus

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Darwin, the poet.1 It consists of 118 quarto pages written on one side of the paper only and is bound in old calf in a good state of preservation. This long poem is written in what is known as the heroic measure and is undoubtedly worthy of its great author. In my judgment, formed after repeated perusals of the poem, the tenets of its author nearly approximated to the science whose name gives title to the poem. I have carefully searched the British Museum catalogue, but cannot find that any copy of the poem, printed or manuscript, is preserved there. Upon three occasions, however, Dr. Darwin alludes in his letters to his poem of “Materialism” being in course of composition; but beyond this I am unable to find any reference to the poem, and am inclined to believe that its author may possibly have been induced by the advice of some reverend friend or friends to abandon its publication. I am a collateral descendant of George Crabbe, the poet, amongst whose books which have recently come into my possession is the poem “Materialism”. The poem is signed in full by Dr. Darwin, and contains also the signature on the fly leaf of George Crabbe, the poet, with the addition of “Aldborough, Suffolk”. I beg to offer this manuscript to you, Sir, for the low price of £10, and if you care to purchase it, and will forward to me a Post Office Order for this amount, the same shall without delay be duly packed and forwarded to you by post, registered. Should you decline to purchase the poem, I shall be happy to make a copy of it and forward the same to you gratis upon your expressing a wish to possess a copy. In the event of your not purchasing the poem, I think I shall endeavour to find a publisher for it, it being a pity in my opinion, that it should any longer rest in undeserved oblivion. I remain, | Dear Sir, | Your obedient Servant, | Edmund Thornton Crabbe, | L.R.C.S.2 Charles Darwin, Esq. DAR 161: 228 francis darwin annotation Top of letter: ‘Swindle | he never answered inquir〈y〉’, blue crayon 1 2

Crabbe has not been identified. No poem titled ‘Materialism’ by Erasmus Darwin has been found. LRCS: licentiate of the Royal College of Surgeons.

From H. N. Moseley   27 November 1881 University of London. W Nov 27. 81. Dear Mr Darwin You will no doubt have heard that I have been elected to the Linacre professorship at Oxford. I write to thank you sincerely for the powerful support which you gave me in my candidature.1 You have always helped me most kindly and I am very deeply indebted to you for this as for so many sources of daily enjoyment.

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Buchanan of the Challenger tells me as a secret which I have not communicated to any one else that he is about to put forward the theory that all the deep sea red mud &c is so finely comminuted because it like your vegetable mould has been worked through worm and echinoderm intestines.2 This seems to me very good. I had dining with me a few nights ago a Mr Price Surveyor General of Hong-Kong who tells me you knew his father in Chili in old times during the Beagle Voyage.3 Believe me with very kind regards | yours truly | H. N. Moseley. DAR 171: 262 1 2

3

CD had written a testimonial in support of Moseley’s candidacy for the position of Linacre Professor of anatomy and physiology at Oxford University (see letter to H. N. Moseley, 25 September 1881). John Young Buchanan published a report on manganese deposits found on the sea bed during the Challenger expedition and other dredging operations (see Buchanan 1881). CD discussed the digestive powers of worms extensively in Earthworms. John MacNeile Price; his father, Richard Evan Price, had been a merchant in Valparaiso, Chile (see ‘Beagle’ diary, pp. 75, 79).

To C.-F. Reinwald   27 November 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Nov. 27th 1881 Dear Sir I see no objection to Prof. Heckel’s Preface, which may be of use to the Book.1 If not too late I send by this Post a few additions to my book on Worms.— The Passages in the Proof-sheets are all marked, so that the small additions & corrections will cause little trouble to the Translator.—2 I have placed in same packet the proof of Prof. Heckels Preface.— I shd. much like to have copies of the Translation of the “Power of Movement”, sent to Count Saporta,. Ch. Martins & Naudin3 Dear Sir | Yours very faithfully | Ch. Darwin Institut de France, Bibliothèque (Ms 7327 f. 112) 1 2 3

Reinwald had sent a proof copy of Édouard Heckel’s preface to the French translation of Movement in plants (Heckel trans. 1882; see letter from C.-F. Reinwald, 24 November 1881). Reinwald was publishing the French edition of Earthworms (Lévêque trans. 1882). The additions appeared in the printing of the fifth thousand of Earthworms. Gaston de Saporta, Charles Frédéric Martins, and Charles Victor Naudin. Martins is on CD’s presentation list for the English edition of Movement in plants (Correspondence vol. 28, Appendix IV).

To S. H. Vines   27 November 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Nov. 27th 1881 r My dear M. Vines I fear that you will be utterly tired of me & my roots.1 I write now merely to say in answer to your last note that I did nothing except have the root dug up with large

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ball of earth, placed in water & I then gently washed them. I then cut off some of the finer rootlets which had perfect root-caps & observed them as transparent objects— I afterwards sometimes sliced them.— In the case of Euphorbia peplus, leaving the roots for some days in water makes no difference.—2 I have been observing the roots of Drosophyllum Lusitanicum in which, as I expected, weak C. of Ammonia (4 to 1000; 7 to 1000 is rather too strong) instead of causing the appearance of fine granular matter, great dark-coloured spheres & ovals & agglomerations of spheres appear & render the phenomenon very conspicuous.3 These masses slowly alter their shape & often coalesce. The rows of cells containing these spheres roughly alternate with transparent & empty rows of cells, & from these latter cells all the innumerable root-hairs arise.— But I observed what has astounded me, viz that in the loose or almost loose cells of the root-cap there were similar spheres. (I shd. add that the roots were examined before immersion in the C. of Ammonia). This looks as if the Ammonia caused only effete matter to run into these spheres or (in case of Euphorbia & Pelagonium) grains: if so the colourless cells bearing root-hairs must be more recent intercated cells.4 But I am utterly puzzled. If you make out what the grains consist of, I hope that you will allow me to quote your judgment— A similar phenomenon may be observed on a poor scale in the roots of Urtica.—5 Heaven forgive me for scribbling at such length— Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin I remember observing brown matter in loose cells of root-cap in Eu. peplus.— DAR 185: 79 1 2 3 4 5

CD had been consulting Vines on his experiments on the root cells in Euphorbia (spurge) and other species (see letter to S. H. Vines, 22 November 1881). See letter from S. H. Vines, 24 November [1881] and n. 3. Euphorbia peplus is petty spurge. CD’s notes on Drosophyllum lusitanicum, the Portuguese sundew or dewy pine, dated September 1881 are in DAR 52: F69–72; see also ‘Action of carbonate of ammonia on roots’, pp. 247–8. On Pelargonium, see the letter to S. H. Vines, 22 November [1881] and n. 2. CD’s notes on Urtica, a genus of nettles, made between 15 and 23 November 1881, are in DAR 62: 91–3; see also ‘Action of carbonate of ammonia on roots’, p. 246.

To E. F. Gladwin   28 November 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) November 28th 1881. Dear Sir I hope that you may be successful in life & pursue some more worthy object than collecting autographs—1 Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin For Mr E. F Gladwin | Brooklyn.—

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Photocopy Brigham Young University, Harold B. Lee Library (Vault MSS 2, Box 12, Darwin) 1

No letter from Gladwin requesting an autograph has been found.

From Asher & Co.   28 November 1881 asher & co. | foreign booksellers | and | publishers. 13, Bedford Street, Covent Garden, | London, W.C. (Also at 5, Unter den Linden, Berlin.) Nov. 28. 1881 Dear Sir, We beg to inform you that we have received in one of our cases from Germany, an enclosure directed to you, from the Academy of Sciences—Vienna the expenses upon which amount to £ 0: 4: 01 Will you have the goodness to remit us the amount, either in stamps or by P.O.O., and the parcel will at once be forwarded to your address, free of all charges. P.O.O. made payable at King Street, Covent Garden. Your most obedient servants, | Asher & Co. Printed form Smithsonian Libraries and Archives (Dibner Library of the History of Science and Technology MSS 405 A. Gift of the Burndy Library) 1

The enclosure has not been found. CD paid by postal order; his reply is written on the back of this letter (see letter to Asher & Co., 29 November [1881]). CD was an foreign corresponding member of the Kaiserliche Akademie der Wissenschaften (Imperial Academy of Science), Vienna (see Correspondence vol. 19, Appendix III).

To Asher & Co.   29 November [1881] Down Beckenham Kent Nov. 29th. Mr Darwin encloses P.O., & wd be much obliged to Messrs. Asher to have parcel addressed to C. Darwin Orpington St S.E.Ry.—1 Endorsement: ‘30/11 81’ Smithsonian Libraries and Archives (Dibner Library of the History of Science and Technology MSS 405 A. Gift of the Burndy Library) 1

The South Eastern Railway included the line to Orpington, the closest station to Down. This note was written on the verso of the letter from Asher & Co., 28 November 1881. No payment to Asher has been found in CD’s account books.

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November 1881

From J. C. Clutterbuck   29 November 1881 Long Wittenham Vicarage, | Abingdon. Nor. 29th 1881 Dear Sir. As you received the sample of Buried clay very kindly (Nv. 15th)1 I thought it might interest you to have a sample of the surface soil together with the Buried clay as I believe I said the Clay was put on the meadow some 45 or more since, the specimen which I have sent by railway will shew the condition of the soil above and below the clay— the subject has interested me for many years and has been made generally interesting by your writings, which must be my excuse for writing to you again.— I am dear Sir | Yr very Fly | James C. Clutterbuck C Darwin Esqr. DAR 161: 182 1

CD’s letter has not been found; see the letter from J. C. Clutterbuck, 13 November 1881.

To D. F. Nevill   29 November 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Nov. 29th 1881 Dear Lady Dorothy Nevill I have had much pleasure in signing the little book. I rarely come to London, but on the 2 last occasions, I had hoped for the honour & pleasure of calling on you. Time & strength, however, failed me.— I am glad that you have been at all interested by my book on earth-worms.—1 I beg leave to remain | Your Ladyships | Faithfully & obliged | Charles Darwin Daniel Plunkett (private collection) 1

The letter from Nevill regarding Earthworms has not been found. She was not on CD’s presentation list, so presumably she bought a copy and sent it to be signed.

From B. J. Sulivan   29 November 1881 Bournemouth Novr. 29/81 My dear Darwin The time has come for our payment to S.A. M. for our orphan Button.1 I have sent the amount. I wish you could have given a better account of yourself.2 I should think your brain had done work enough, and has now fairly earned a rest from all but quiet and interesting occupation requiring little thought, and only for short intervals. I find I have to avoid much, that not long since would not have tried my head at all. If my

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right leg was not a little weak I thing I should go in for a tricycle but I fear to risk it, and I can walk three or four miles pretty well. I am looking forward to reading the life of Lyell which I have sent for.3 I am curious to see if he described in any way the Meeting at Geological So. when you read your “Corral Island” paper. and he gave in his adhesion to your views at once.4 I well recollect it as it was,—besides the interest in your views being so readily accepted— the only meeting of that Society I ever attended. We have had a very sick house. one of my daughters and my married daughter and. a niece of my wife here with her husband—Hamond’s eldest son—being all laid up together.5 The latter well enough to go home but our two daughters still unwell the youngest Mrs. Trench. having come after an illness for change. They are however all getting much better. with our kind regards to Mrs. Darwin and all your party | Believe me | very sincerely yours | B. J. Sulivan DAR 177: 316 1

2 3 4

5

CD was one of the subscribers to a fund established in 1878 by Sulivan and the South American Missionary Society for the support of Cooshaipunjiz (renamed James FitzRoy Button), an orphan grandson of Orundellico ( Jemmy Button), at the mission in Ushuaia in the Beagle Channel, Patagonia (Hazlewood 2000, p. 343). The most recent extant letter from CD to Sulivan is the letter to B. J. Sulivan, 28 October [1881]; he remarked that he was ‘much in arrear with letters’. Charles Lyell’s sister-in-law Katharine Murray Lyell had published a selection of his letters (K. M. Lyell ed. 1881). CD had presented a brief outline of his theory of coral reefs to the Geological Society on 31 May 1837 (‘Elevation and subsidence in the Pacific and Indian Oceans’). Charles Lyell was highly supportive of CD’s theory that reefs formed around submerged islands, even though it contradicted his own volcanic crater theory (see Correspondence vol. 2, letter from Charles Lyell, 13 February 1837, and letter to J. S. Henslow, [28 May 1837] and n. 4). Lyell’s support is mentioned in K. M. Lyell ed. 1881, 2: 12. For a detailed discussion of CD’s 1837 paper and Lyell’s response, see Sponsel 2018, pp. 125–44. Sulivan’s wife was Sophia Sulivan. His married daughter was Catherine Sabine Trench. His two other daughters were Frances Emma Georgina Sulivan and Sophia Henrietta Sulivan. Robert Nicholas Hamond (1844–94) was the eldest son of Robert Nicholas Hamond (1809–83); his wife was Janetta Hamond.

To J. C. Clutterbuck   [after 29 November 1881]1 [Down.] My F has asked me to thank you for the mould with the burnt mark, which is a striking & interesting specimen.—2 ADraft DAR 161: 182v 1 2

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from J. C. Clutterbuck, 29 November 1881. Clutterbuck had sent soil samples showing the depth to which clay had been buried by worms (see letters from J. C. Clutterbuck, 13 November 1881 and 29 November 1881). The note is in CD’s hand; he was drafting a reply for Francis Darwin to send.

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November 1881

From B. A. Irving   30 November 1881 Birthwaite House, | Windermere. 30 Nov: 1881. My dear Sir, If the following observation on Worms has any interest for you, I shall be amply repaid for my trouble in sending this letter. If not, pray put it in the fire, and pardon my presumption. I have here a piece of ground, wh: has been levelled for cricket, & the sods in the main very thinly cover boulder-clay. There is little or no lime in this or the sods, and they consequently grow at this time of year very brown and “sour-looking”. This last summer three or four Lawn Tennis Courts were marked out with whiting, and on these lines the grass is now a rich green, as it usually is after lime, & each line is thickly scored with worm-castings. Whether they come thither, because the grass is sweeter, or for the sake of the lime, I cannot say, but the fact appears to fit in with a remark, wh: I fancy I have seen in yr: charming work on worms, that they require a certain amount of lime for the sake of digesting their food.1 I am, | My dear Sir, | Yrs: truly, | B. A. Irving. DAR 64.2: 97–8 1

CD had found large quantities of carbonate of lime (calcium carbonate) in the calciferous glands of worms, and suggested that the lime was an aid in digestion (see Earthworms, pp. 51–2).

To Hugo de Vries   [December 1881?]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) My dear Sir Very many thanks for your clear & full letter, which has been a great relief to my mind, for I feared that I might have blundered in some incomprehensible manner.2 Yours sincerely | Charles Darwin Artis Library (De Vries 10) 1 2

The date is conjectured from a note in an unknown hand. The letter has not been found, but see the letter from Hugo de Vries, 15 October 1881. In that letter, De Vries mentioned that he was going to repeat some of CD’s observations on worms. The missing letter may have discussed these observations.

To G. W. Norman   1 December 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. December 1st—1881 r My dear M. Norman I should be a strange creature if I did not feel real pleasure in seeing you; after having received kindness from you for about 40 years. In old days I remember well

December 1881

577

saying to myself, “if any emergence ever occurs, & I want good advice, I will go to Mr. Norman, as I feel sure that he will give it to me.” I hope that you will be able before very long to drive here; but if not, I must come, & see you at Bromley Common.1 Believe me, my dear Mr. Norman | Yours very sincerely | Charles Darwin Photocopy DAR 249: 107 1

Norman’s home was the Rookery, Bromley Common, Kent. No letter from Norman about a visit has been found.

From James Paget   1 December 1881 1, Harewood Place, | Hanover Square. | W. Decr. 1. 1881. My dear Darwin I have long delayed to thank you for your book on Earth-worms.1 I was delayed in beginning to read it and read it slowly to enjoy it the more— It seems to me the best that even you have written in showing the splendid and great truths that may be found in common things— I wish we could all imitate you in being content to study the things that are just under our fee〈t〉 I am to go to Nice for a few weeks, to recruit after some days illness— Can I do anything for you there? Sincerely your’s | James Paget. Charles Darwin Esq The Royal College of Surgeons of England (MS0026/7/4) 1

Paget’s name is on CD’s presentation list for Earthworms (see Appendix IV).

From J. F. Simpson   1 December 1881 59 Norfolk Terrace | Bayswater London W. Dec. 1st 1881. Dear Sir I am much gratified by yours to hand & it will give me much pleasure to receive a copy of your work with the additions, as from yourself.1 I have done however little to deserve this token of your kind esteem, & shall gladly accept it therefore as a mark of honour. Usually speaking I try to guard against receiving works lest it seem to involve a second motive in any little communications I venture at times to make to anyone, & which I like to think are regarded as most freely tendered without any of the world’s notions of awarding a quid pro quo. The more so, as also, it is out of my power to return such obligations in any due & worthy manner when the reverse case operates. Again therefore I thank you very heartily for this mark of your kindness, & I take it as purely such, for you must not indeed think of me personally as of any

578

December 1881

scientific account. I pursue nothing in this way systematically, for conditions are complete barriers,2 but this I do in my little way— i.e. I try to store up mentally every observation however trivial which crosses one’s attention in a right way, & when occasion demands me to use a pen, then I find my “storage” observations come to the fore very clearly. Only one thing could I propose to do if I am not very unwise in naming it, & that is, I would wish (already for some little time, it has been a half-fixed intention) to study the works on “Plant life” & “Worms” together, & (as is a habit in such cases) throw my reading & personal observns in the form of a paper.3 If I attempted this, I would gladly submit it without prejudice or presumption to Mr Murray for the “Quarterly” Editor’s consideration unless he has already engaged an article on such works for, say, his April no. of next year.4 A further qualification is—health permitting me.5 Pray excuse my intrusion thus upon your valuable time in naming such matters, & again thanking you, I remain dear Sir | Yours faithfully & honoured | J. F. Simpson C. Darwin Esq F.R.S. P.S.  Why I class these two works together is that I imagine they complement each other in their researches in a great measure, &, together, exhibit the respective influences of underground changes of such phases of arboreal & animal life, as being of a very complete order in restoring soil potency. (P.S. You must not please imagine that I require a copy of “Power of Movements &c” along with your kind gift of “Worms”. I do not. DAR 177: 169 1

2

3 4 5

CD’s letter has not been found; he evidently offered to send a copy from the fifth thousand of Earthworms, which included the observations that Simpson had provided in his letters of 4 November 1881 and 8 November 1881 (see Earthworms (5th thousand), p. 58, where CD mistakenly refers to Simpson as ‘Mr D. F. Simpson’). Simpson was a musical composer, and lived at 59 Norfolk Terrace, Kensington, with his mother and sister (Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/29/43/30)). Simpson seems not to have published a paper on Movement in plants and Earthworms. The Quarterly Review was published by John Murray, CD’s publisher. The editor in 1881 was William Smith. Simpson died in the second half of 1882, aged 37 (BMD (Death index)).

To B. J. Sulivan   1 December 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Dec 1st. 1881 My dear Sulivan I am ashamed to say that I have utterly forgotten what my subscription is, & send 2£.2s.0 on the chance of its being right.—1 If not enough please send me a P. card & the remainder shall be at once transmitted.—

December 1881

579

Judging from the Missionary Journal, the Mission in Tierra del Fuego seems going on quite wonderfully well.—2 I am sorry that you cannot give a better account of your household.—3 I am fairly well, but feel very old. I wish that I could follow your advice & be idle, but I find myself miserable, without having some daily work.— We are reading Lyells life, or speaking more strictly his Letters.4 Many of them interest me much; but the book wd.  have been much improved in my opinion by being shortened. I doubt whether the general public will stand so many letters. Your memory is far more vivid than mine, for I have forgotten everything about my paper at the Geolog. Soc.—5 My dear Sulivan | Yours ever sincerely | Charles Darwin Sulivan family (private collection) 1

2

3 4 5

See letter from B. J. Sulivan, 29 November 1881 and n. 1. CD initially proposed to subscribe £1 annually, but from 1879 had sent £2 (see Correspondence vol. 26, letter to B. J. Sulivan, 22 April 1878; Correspondence vol. 27, letter to B. J. Sulivan, 15 October 1879; and Correspondence vol. 28, letter from B. J. Sulivan, 16 November 1880). A description of the mission at Tierra del Fuego appeared in the South American Missionary Magazine, 1 November 1881, pp. 249–55, and a report on the successful fund-raising for the mission was published in ibid., 1 December 1881, pp. 285–6. See letter from B. J. Sulivan, 29 November 1881. Charles Lyell’s sister-in-law Katharine Murray Lyell had published a selection of Lyell’s letters, and had sent CD a copy (K. M. Lyell ed. 1881; letter to K. M. Lyell, 20 November 1881). See letter from B. J. Sulivan, 29 November 1881 and n. 4. In a note on this letter, Sulivan recalled the events at the Geological Society of London when he attended with CD in 1837: ‘I was with him after Beagle returned when he read his paper on Coral Islands which was accepted at once as settling that much disputed question: Lyell who was in the chair rose and strongly supported and praised it, and gave up all views he had held on the subject before | B.J.S.’

To James Paget   3 December 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Dec. 3d 1881 My dear Paget I was so much pleased to see your hand-writing, for I feared from what I had read in the newspaper that you were very ill. It was very kind of you under present circumstances to write me so nice & pleasing a note.1 I am coming to London for a few days in 7 or 10 day’s time; but I must defer to another visit doing what I had intended now to do, viz to propose lunching with you.2 I have just had read aloud to me your article on Vivisection, & it has quite delighted me & my wife. I am boiling over with indignation on the subject.— Good Heavens what a contrast in style is Owen’s article compared with yours!— I have not yet read Dr Wilks’ article.—3 Most heartily do I hope that Nice may do you good & I remain | my dear Paget | Yours very sincerely | Charles Darwin Smithsonian Libraries and Archives (Dibner Library of the History of Science and Technology MSS 405 A. Gift of the Burndy Library)

580 1

2 3

December 1881

See letter from James Paget, 1 December 1881. A notice in The Times, 2 December 1881, p. 7, reported that Paget was confined to bed with an attack of pneumonia, but noted that he would soon be well enough to travel on vacation. The Darwins visited London from 13 to 20 December 1881 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). Paget was in Nice, France, from 9 December 1881 until 19 January 1882 (S. Paget ed. 1901, p. 314). Paget, Richard Owen, and Samuel Wilks had written essays under the collective title ‘Vivisection: its pains and uses’ for Nineteenth Century (J. Paget et al. 1881). Paget’s essay was impassioned and compared animal suffering in experimental procedures to that inflicted in sport or other areas where it was taken for granted and unregulated. Owen’s essay was more technical, and focused on surgical procedures. For more on CD’s interest in the controversy and his involvement in efforts to regulate vivisection, see Correspondence vol. 23, Appendix VI; for CD’s recent support for physiologists, see the letter to Frithiof Holmgren, [14] April 1881, and the letter to The Times, 21 April [1881].

From F. G. M. Powell   3 December 1881 3. xii. 1881 My dear Sir, I trust you will not think it an impertinent act on my part to write to you, & to precede my letter by a copy of certain addresses which I have lately delivered to the clergy at Coventry.1 I have for so long read and profited by what you have written that on the publication of your last work—where the frequent mention of Abinger which was my dear father’s parish for so many years stirred so many memories within me—I resolved to make known my feelings of indebtedness to you and to venture to assure you of the deep respect and sympathy felt for you by myself among so many others.2 You have if a layman in these matters like myself may say it, removed the filmy veil of fancy which we were drawing over our own eyes & over the eyes of others, and have come forward as the champion of fact— And some of us, with shame I say it, have preferred our own mist begotten fancies to your eternal & irrefragable facts. I have often thought, not perhaps with much relevancy, of Tennyson’s lines on the Duke of Wellington, where he says Truth-lover was our English Duke— Whatever record leap to light He never shall be shamed—3 as applying to our awful fear of what the geologist or the naturalist may have next to say. As though any record which truth might bring to light could make GoD ‘shamed’! I used, years ago, to know and value dear Mrs. Wedgwood of Leith Hill Place   ah! it all seems like a dream now since that wild March day in this passing year when I laid my father to rest under the storm swept pines of Abinger churchyard—4 Pray forgive me my dear Sir, you need no such assurance of sympathy from a stranger, you have long since reached those ‘table lands where God Himself is Light and Sun’—5 With all respectful regard, | I remain, | Yours most obediently, | F. G. Montagu Powell DAR 202: 117

December 1881

581

CD annotation Top of letter: ‘Frocester V | Stonehouse | Gloucestershire’ pencil 1

2

3 4

5

Powell’s addresses are not in the Darwin Libraries at CUL or Down. They were probably the sermons that Powell had preached both morning and evening in St Michael’s Church, Coventry, on Sunday 19 June 1881 (Coventry Herald, 17 June 1881, pp. 2–3). CD included observations made at Abinger Hall, Surrey, in Earthworms, pp. 115, 178–93, 253. John Welstead Sharp Powell had been rector of Abinger from 1850 to 1877; he died on 25 February 1881 (Alum. Cantab.). Alfred Tennyson’s Ode on the death of the duke of Wellington was written to mark the death of Arthur Wellesley, duke of Wellington, on 14 September 1852 (Tennyson 1852, p. 13). Leith Hill Place was the home of Caroline Wedgwood, one of CD’s sisters; it is about two miles from Abinger. Powell performed the burial service when his father was interred at St James, Abinger, on 3 March 1881 (St James Church, Abinger, Burial register 1877–2019, https://www.stjameschurchabinger. org/Pages/BurialRegister.htm, accessed 8 February 2021). A misquotation of ‘the shining table-lands / To which our God Himself is moon and sun’ from Ode on the death of the duke of Wellington (Tennyson 1852, p. 14).

From B. J. Sulivan   3 December 1881 Bournemouth Decr. 3/81 My dear Darwin You have sent me 2s/ too much, and I have had 1£ extra besides.1 As they are always glad of clothes I will ask the secretary to lay out the 22s/ in warm clothing or serge for the boy when they next send out. My youngest son when on his way to visit his agents at North German Ports & Riga saw a party of poor Fuegians exhibited in Zoological at Berlin    about six I think men women & children: brought from Western T.D.F. by a German vessel    they seem to have been shown almost like wild beasts.2 he wrote a long letter to the Society discribing them and urging that they should be got from their master & brought to England for the purpose of sending them back through our Mission station. The Socy sent me the letter which perhaps they will put in the next magazine.3 It is difficult to advise, but I have suggested that if they can get them when the owner has exhibited them at Hamburg,—to which place he was going,—they might keep them here long enough to teach them a little cleanliness, decent dress &c, and then send them out direct to Sandy Point to go to Ooshuaia.4 I think they must be from Fuegia’s tribe.5 I have no doubt friends of the mission would provide the necessary funds. Believe me | very sincerely yours | B. J. Sulivan DAR 177: 317 1 2

CD had sent £2 2s. to Sulivan to support the grandson of Orundellico (Jemmy Button) at the mission in Tierra del Fuego (see letter to B. J. Sulivan, 1 December 1881). Henry Norton Sulivan was a merchant. The ‘Tierra del Fuego’ exhibit, which attracted large crowds, was put on by Carl Hagenbeck at the Berlin Zoological Gardens and comprised four men, four women, and three children; the Fuegians were displayed sitting quietly, walking around, and preparing food on an open fire without the use of pots (Thomson ed. 1996, p. 164). On human displays, see also Qureshi 2011.

582 3 4

5

December 1881

The letter written by Henry Sulivan to the South American Missionary Society did not appear in either the January or the February 1882 issue of the South American Missionary Magazine. Sandy Point (Puntas Arenas) was the southernmost port in Chile. Ushuaia, on the shores of the Beagle Channel, Tierra del Fuego, was the location of the mission station established by the South American Mission Society (Hazlewood 2000, p. 343). Yokcushlu, named Fuegia Basket by the Beagle crew, was one of the Fuegians brought to England by Robert FitzRoy in 1830. She was of the Alakaluf tribe from the western part of Tierra del Fuego.

To F. G. M. Powell   [after 3 December 1881]1 [Down.] My dear Sir I thank you for sympathetic & very kind letter, & for the present of your sermons.2 I have been occasionally well abused; but it has annoyed me hardly at all, as I am conscious of having endeavoured to discover the truth to the best of my ability & after long-continued work.— Mr. H. Allen has been staying here for a couple of days & he tells me how nobly you declare for the causes which you believe to be just & in doing this you exposed yourself to the total injustice of your opponents.3 Permit me to add that I honour such conduct remain Dear Sir | yours fy | C. D ADraftS DAR 202: 117v 1 2 3

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from F. G. M. Powell, 3 December 1881. See letter from F. G. M. Powell, 3 December 1881 and n. 1. Henry George Allen visited Down on 3 and 4 December 1881 (letter from Emma Darwin to H. E. Litchfield, 4 December 1881 (DAR 210.9: 279)). He was Emma Darwin’s cousin, and MP for Pembroke.

From Arthur Hall   5 December 1881 72 Stamford Street | London S.E. Dec 5/81 “Vegetable Mould &c” Dear Sir Many of the minor Roman Roads about England that sustain no traffic, are called Green Lanes, being turfy.1 It appears that several of them have been regularly stratified with pavement & the original surface has thus become covered with mould in sufficient quantity to support abundant Vegetation. One such road in particular, that has been pointed out to me, runs from Chesterton near Bicester past Lord Jersey’s Park at Middleton Stoney to Woodstock, in Oxfordshire.2 There, when the surface is probed for a few feet, the labourers discover the hard stone placed there 14 or 16 centuries ago. I do not know that this special form of illustration to your subject has come under your notice—3 & remain, | Yrs very respectfully | A. Hall Charles Darwin Esr— | &c &c

December 1881

583

DAR 166: 88 1 2

3

The term ‘green lane’ generally applied to any unsurfaced rural road or track (OED). The distance from Chesterton to Woodstock is about ten miles; Middleton Stoney is about two miles west of Chesterton. Victor Albert George Child-Villiers, seventh earl of Jersey, had a large estate, Middleton Park, in Middleton Stoney. In Earthworms, pp. 176–229, CD had discussed the part played by worms in the burial of ancient buildings.

From E. B. Wilson   5 December 1881 Johns Hopkins University, | Baltimore, Md., U.S.A., Dec. 5th., 1881. Charles Darwin, F.R.S., etc., Dear Sir: During the summer of 1879 a very striking case of protective resemblance came under my observation, which I have not seen recorded and which, it seemed to me, might possibly interest you.1 I trust, therefore, you will pardon the liberty I take in addressing you for the sake of giving a brief description of it. The creature is a naked mollusk of the genus Scyllaea and apparently the S.  Edwardsii described by Verrill a few years ago (though he did not observe the protective resemblance, the specimens having been sent him in a bottle from the seashore).2 It lives upon common species of Sargassum which was found in considerable quantity floating in the harbor at Beaufort, N.C.3 The fronds of the sea-weed are lanceolate with irregularly serrate or ragged edges; they are of a clear olive color usually more or less blotched with reddish or greenish tints. The fronds are attached to a cylindrical stem which is usually of a decided reddish tint with darker blotches. Scattered over the stem and fronds were numbers of calcareous bodies, remains of the shells of Spirorbis etc., while growing on the fronds were many little tufted Hydroids—mostly Sertularia.4 Now, every one of these things was mimicked by the Scyllaea. The body was about two inches long and as thick as a pencil. The resemblance in color to the sea-weed was simply perfect and extended even to the presence of dead-white little tubercles along the sides which produced the same effect as the calcareous bodies on the Sargassum. Behind, the body terminated in a vertically compressed portion the upper edge of which was serrated in the same peculiar ragged fashion characteristic of the Sargassum fronds. From the creature’s back extended two pairs (one behind the other) of mimic fronds which, except for being considerably shorter, were in all respects similar to the Sargassum fronds. They were of the same color, the same irregularly lanceolate form, and with the same ragged edges, and, what is still more remarkable, were covered with delicate tufted processes which in their ensemble, tho’ not individually, bore the closest resemblance to the little Hydroids living on the Sargassum fronds. These processes were translucent and very contractile; they apparently serve as branchiæ. They also extend to the dorsal surface of the animal and a few are found on the sides of the frond-like posterior extremity of the body.

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December 1881

Lastly, the small ringed head tentacles are borne on a pair of larg〈e〉 flattened processes from the upper sid〈e〉 of the head. These processes exp〈and〉 at their tips into rou〈  〉 flat〈  〉 lobes with irregularly serrated edges. While these processes do not resemble, except in color, the perfect fronds they do resemble very closely some of the old or imperfectly developed fronds, especially those towards the basal part of the stem. The creature, unlike most of the small naked mollusks I have seen, is very sluggish and usually lies perfectly motionless with its body along the stem and its mimic-fronds extended among the real fronds of the sea-weed. Under these circumstances its resemblance to a part of the plant is so wonderfully close that the creature almost defies detection. It was by a mere accident that I discovered two of these creatures on a small piece of Sargassum about as large as my two hands which had for some time been floating in a glass jar in our laboratory and on which I had already found the convoluted egg-strings of the animal and remarked upon their presen〈ce.〉 I then called the attention of Dr. Brooks,5 a practised observer, to the Sargassum, and it was only after close scrutiny that the presence of the Mollusks flashed upon him. The perfection of the mimickry seems clearly correlated with the very exposed habitat of the animal; for drifting about at the surface it must be in full view both from air and water, and any resemblance to the sea-weed would be of the greatest service. I observed that the color was changeable, for after the animals had been kept some days in the aquarium they became more definitely mottled. This suggests the idea that they may be able to adapt themselves to the color of the particular bit of Sargassum on which they find themselves—and the Sargassum varies a good deal in color. On the other hand the change may have been due to the abnormal conditions existing in the aquarium. Each specimen had two or three small but very vivid violet spots on the body which did not, apparen〈tly〉 correspond to anything on the Sargas〈sum〉 The position of these spots was not the same in the two specimens— and I cannot form a conjecture as to their meaning. In spite of numerous efforts I never succeeded in finding other individuals, and therefore cannot state how far the mimicry is a constant feature of the species. The Sargassum is extremely variable in color and form and does not invariably bear the hydroids and Spirorbes, though both are very common. It seems, therefore, quite possible that the Scyllæa inhabits only special varieties of the plant. Verrill’s specimens were said to be from “eel-grass” (I suppose Zostera) to which our Scyllæa certainly does not bear any remarkable resemblance in form.6 Still, they may have been taken from Sargassum entangled among the Zostera or may easily have been washed off by waves or even have crawled upon the Zostera as the Sargassum lay entangled in a bed of it. I am in hopes of being able to find other specimens next summer, and would be very glad to know whether it has ever been recorded. I am, Sir, with the greatest respect | Yours very truly | Edmund B.  Wilson | (Assistant in Biology, J.H.U.).

December 1881

585

DAR 181: 119 1 2

3 4 5 6

Wilson was appointed a member of the United States Fish Commission in 1877, and had made several dredging trips on the naval steamer Speedwell (Morgan 1940, pp. 318–19). Scyllaea edwardsii (a synonym of Scyllaea pelagica, the sargassum nudibranch) had been described by Addison Emery Verrill in 1878 (Verrill 1878, p. 211). Verrill had been Wilson’s zoology professor at Yale, and Wilson was his assistant on the voyage where the specimen was collected (ibid., p. 207). Sargassum is a genus of brown algae, characterised by large floating mats of seaweed, and commonly found near rocky seashores. Beaufort, North Carolina, is on the central Atlantic coast of the US. Spirorbis is a genus of small, tube-building polychaete worms, commonly found attached to seaweed. Sertularia is a genus of colonial marine hydroids in the family Sertulariidae. William Keith Brooks was a teacher of Wilson’s at Johns Hopkins University (ANB). Zostera is the genus of marine eelgrass; most species in this small genus are bright green.

From J. V. Carus   6 December 1881 Leipzig Decbr 6. 1881 My dear Sir, I have to thank you very much for the corrected sheets. I made use of the corrections as far as the book was not yet printed off, and I have added the new parts of text as “Additions”.1 In exchange I give you a few Errata: p 4.

line 1 

from bottom—

p6 p 13.  (15. (16.)

line 1  line 4

from bottom, " "

p 18. p 19. p 32. p 37

line 2  " 4  " 4 " 1

from bottom. from top: " bottom: " top:

p 42. " " " 44 " 71.

" " " "

5 1 3 12

" " " "

": bottom: top: ":

Von Hensen read Victor Hensen (von is the particle indicating nobility, but Hensen is a gentleman, but no nobleman) the same.2 “De Lumbrici terrestris” Would it not be better to add “hist.  nat.”? The latin preposition “De” with the genitive looks so odd.3 (Fig.) “Soc.” read “Sc.” (Science)4 “typhosolis” read “typhlosolis.”5 Ampelopis read “Ampelopsis’.6 Frédéricq read “Fredericq” (without the accents) while they, read “while it” (the starch) Frédéricq read “Fredericq”.7 Urochtaea read “Urochaeta”.8 a perfect chevaux de frise” read a perfect cheval de frise9

586

December 1881

“(F)’, read (E).10 ‘Buccleuch’. As far as I have seen this name written or printed, it was always spelt “Buccleugh’.11 p. 262. " 9   from top: “Knowle Park.’ In all the other places you have spelt the name Knole, without the w.12 p. 310 " 1 from bottom: Von Hensen read Victor13 p 319. Index. adde: Fredericq, Léon. 37 p 321 " dele: Léon; that is the Christian name. (38 ought to be 37)14 p 325. " Typhosolis read Typhlosolis.15 May I ask you what difference you make between mould and humus? In the most places you use both terms promiscue; on p 103, l.6 you add (in the proof sheets), to the word “mould”, “or humus”, and on the very same page you insert (line 14), ‘humus’ instead of mould.16 This puzzles me. The translation will be printed off very soon. I enjoyed the work immensely, although, or rather because I had to do under some difficulty, arising from other work. Believe me My dear Sir, | Yours ever gratefully, | J. Victor Carus p 182. p 194.

line 6  " 12

from top: " ":

DAR 161: 116 Francis Darwin annotation 15.1 p 194 … Buccleugh.’ 15.3] del pencil; ‘wrong’ pencil 1

2 3

4 5 6 7

8 9

10 11

12

See letter to J. V. Carus, 26 November 1881. CD had sent corrected proof-sheets and manuscript additions for the printing of the fifth thousand of Earthworms. In the German edition, a section of additions (Zusätze) followed the main text (Carus trans. 1882, pp. 178–9). The change to Hensen’s name was made in Earthworms (1882), pp. 4, 6, 240, and 313. The title appeared as ‘De Lumbrici terrestris Hist. Nat. &c.’ (Morren 1829) in Earthworms (1882), pp. 13, 15. The Latin preposition ‘de’ should be followed by a noun in the ablative case, but ‘lumbrici’ is in the genitive case because it modifies ‘historia naturali’. Carus evidently found the shortened title sounded ungrammatical. The suggested change was made in Earthworms (1882), p. 18. The suggested change was made in Earthworms (1882), pp. 19 and 327. The suggested change was made in Earthworms (1882), p. 33. The word ‘Frédéricq’ appears on pp. 37 and 43 of Earthworms (fifth thousand). The suggested change was made in Earthworms (1882), pp. 38 and 44. The change from ‘they were’ to ‘it was’ was made in ibid., p. 43. The reference was to Léon Fredericq. The suggested change was made in Earthworms (1882), p. 45. The suggested change was not made in Earthworms (1882), p. 73. ‘Chevaux de frise’ (French for ‘Frisian horses’) were medieval spiked anti-cavalry obstacles. CD had used the term in the phrase ‘each tuft forms a perfect chevaux de frise’; Carus correctly pointed out that the singular cheval ought to have been used. The suggested change was made in Earthworms (1882), p. 184. The suggested change was not made in Earthworms (1882), p. 196. ‘Buccleugh’ was an older variant spelling of ‘Buccleuch’, but the individual referred to by CD (Walter Francis Montagu-Douglas-Scott, fifth duke of Buccleuch and seventh duke of Queensberry) used the latter form. This correction had already been made in Earthworms (fifth thousand), p. 262.

December 1881 13 14 15 16

587

See n. 2, above. Léon Fredericq’s name was added to the index under the heading ‘Fredericq, Léon’ in Earthworms (1882), p. 321. See n. 5, above. In both Earthworms (fifth thousand), p. 103, and Earthworms (1882), p. 105, the phrase ‘mould or humus’ is used. The word ‘mould’ in the phrase ‘dark-coloured mould’ has not been changed to ‘humus’ in either of these printings.

From G. H. Darwin   [6 December 1881] Am I to give a gratuity of “cinquanta lire sterlingi” (mother will translate), to Elizth. Squire cook at 6. Q. A.1 G. H. D Postmark: DE 6 | 81 DAR 210.2: 101 1

Elizabeth Squire had been Erasmus Alvey Darwin’s cook. E. A. Darwin had died on 26 August 1881; George and William Erasmus Darwin were his executors (see letter from G. H. Darwin, 28 August 1881). George probably intended ‘cinquanta lire sterline’ (fifty pounds sterling), and had written the amount in Italian since the note was on a postcard.

To Arthur Hall   6 December 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Dec. 6th 1881 Dear Sir I am obliged for your note. The case of the Roman Roads wd. have been well worth investigating, if I had known about them, when working on the subject.1 I remain, Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin Photocopy DAR 249: 82 1

See letter from Arthur Hall, 5 December 1881. Earthworms was published on 10 October 1881 (Freeman 1977). CD had incorporated some new observations sent by readers of the book in the printing of the fifth thousand, which had recently gone to press (see letter to J. V. Carus, 26 November 1881).

From J. B. Dunbar-Brander   7 December [1881]1 Pitgaveny, | Elgin, | N.B Sir. I have just finished reading your “Earthworms and mould”— it is most interesting and is all so true.2 I know nothing about worms except as a fisherman I have sometimes to hunt for them—and in very dry weather I have to reach the moisture before I overtake the worms— at page 114 you say they have chambers one above the other. May not this be a case of moisture   as the drought increases they would go the lower— at page 156 the stone is more silted up at the east end.3 Would

588

December 1881

not this point to the wind as a considerable factor in accumulating the soil—? The west is the prevailing wind and the dust would curl in behind the stone like a snow drift— A year or two ago I wrote to you pointing out that a hare had a cry beyond the cry of pain—and you very kindly wrote back to me—4 I enclose a slip about Salmon in which I am much interested, if you had a spare quarter of an hour I would take it as a great honor and favor if you would give your opinion on the slip.5 Will the theory hold water? Our best Salmon both for food and sport come into the rivers in Spring and Summer, but most of them are killed— The killing except by rod ceases at the end of August— Plenty fish come into the rivers during September and October, and it is chiefly on these September and October fish that we rely upon as breeders to produce young Salmon— I hold that a fish that does not come into the river till August is not likely to produce a fish that will come into the river in March— The Salmon Commissioners are quite content that we should breed almost entirely from Autumn fish—and seem to care little what becomes of all the Spring and Summer fish, that is they dont protect them for breeding—6 Yours faithfully | J. Dunbar Brander— 7th Decr. DAR 160: 280 1 2 3

4

5 6

The year is established by the reference to Earthworms (see n. 2, below). Earthworms was published on 10 October 1881 (Freeman 1977). In Earthworms, p. 114, CD noted that the same burrow was enlarged at two or three points, one beneath another, terminating in a large chamber. In Earthworms, p. 156, CD described and figured the difference in the depth of a stone beneath a sloping turf-covered border. CD’s reply to the letter from J. B. Dunbar-Brander, [before 9 July 1873] (Correspondence vol. 21) has not been found. Dunbar-Brander had described the difference between a cry of pain and the cry used to call to young by hares. No enclosure has been found. Archibald Young was the commissioner of Scotch salmon fisheries (Walpole and Young 1881).

To J. V. Carus   8 December 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) December 8 1881 My dear Sir Very many thanks for the corrections.—1 What wonderful lynx-like eyes you have for stupid errata! About “humus” two English Ladies complained that they did not know what the word meant, so I altered it; & I now wish that I had not done so. As I do not use the word in a chemical sense, it is merely an equivalent of vegetable mould.—2 In Haste, | Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin Murray is now selling the 5th Thousandth.!3 Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin – Preußischer Kulturbesitz (Slg. Darmstaedter Lc 1859: Darwin, Charles, Bl. 197–198) 1

See letter from J. V. Carus, 6 December 1881 and n. 1. Carus was translating Earthworms into German (Carus trans. 1882).

December 1881 2 3

589

Precise definitions of humus in a chemical sense varied, but generally referred to the total organic compounds in soil, excluding undecayed plant and animal tissues. John Murray was CD’s publisher. CD had sent Carus proof-sheets from the printing of the fifth thousand of Earthworms (see letter from J. V. Carus, 6 December 1881).

To G. J. Romanes   8 December 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Decr 8th 1881 My dear Romanes I return the letters & acknowledge the cheque for £12..10s. 0d. The circular is a grand letter & Mr Allen is a noble man.— It is pretty clear that nothing can be done by the subscribers.—1 But could not we two give him a microscope, if you shd. think fit? I shall be in London next week & shall be very glad to see you; & we can then speak about it.—2 This evening I am overwhelmed with stupid letters to answer, so farewell | Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin I will, of course, send the Origin & feel really proud & glad to send a copy to such a man.—3 American Philosophical Society (Mss.B.D25.603) 1

2 3

The letters returned by CD have not been identified, but probably included a letter written by Grant Allen to Romanes about reimbursing the people who had subscribed to a fund that allowed Allen and his family to spend the winter of 1879–80 on the Riviera while he recuperated from ill health brought on by overwork (for more on Allen’s decision to return the money, see P. Morton 2005, pp. 81–2). CD had contributed £25 to the fund (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter to G. J. Romanes, 23 July 1879 and n. 1). CD recorded the receipt of £12 10s under the heading ‘Charities’ with a note ‘Repaid by Grant Allen’ in his Account books–classed accounts (Down House MS); the record is undated, but the accounts are entered by year. The circular was probably a letter from Allen to the subscribers explaining his actions. The Darwins visited London from 13 to 20 December 1881 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). CD probably sent a copy of Origin 6th ed.

From F. B. Zincke   8 December 1881 Wherstead Vicarage. Ipswich. 8 Dec 1881 My dear Sir I have just received a copy of your “Vegetable Mould & Earth Worms” through Mr Murray.1 I offer you my best thanks for this, & for the honour you have done me of placing my name on your pages, which have given mankind so advanced, & so commanding a starting point for the interpretation & intellectual construction of the Cosmos2 I am yrs greatly obliged | & most truly | F Barham Zincke DAR 184: 14 1 2

John Murray, CD’s publisher, sent a copy of Earthworms (fifth thousand). CD added information from the letters from Zincke of 1 November 1881 and 8 November 1881 to Earthworms (fifth thousand), pp. 146–7.

590

December 1881

From D. J. Wintle   [before 9] December 18811 Newnham | Gloucestershire December | 1881 Dear Sir I am a young man & have but little experience as an observer of Natural History— I live in the country however and spend the greater part of my leisure in the open air— I have just read your Book on the Formation of mould by Worms— In it I notice your observations lead you to find that—contrary to a popular supposition—worms are not disturbed or induced to leave their burrows by any beating of the earth or Î¥§Îʨ short of an upheaval by a share or spade—2 I have been a Volunteer Private for 10 years, and after a few minute’s volley or file firing with blank cartridge by a company or Battalion, I have seen many large earth worms crawling about on the surface with great rapidity as if alarmed—and quit of their burrows—3 I have seen this on many occasions—on meadow grass as also on unlikely ground such as high dry commons under a warm sun— I know Wimbledon Common, but have not observed any worms there during the annual Rifle competitions—not even in the notably wet season of (1877?)4 The sandy peaty nature of the soil would be, I suppose, a reason— Pardon my directing your attention to the above which occurred to me on reading your interesting Book & | I remain | yours obediently | Douglas J. Wintle Charles Darwin Esq LLD FRS DAR 181: 132 1 2

3 4

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to D.  J.  Wintle, 9 December 1881. In Earthworms, p. 28, CD noted that he tried beating the ground in many places, but no worms emerged. CD had already added contradictory reports on the topic to the printing of the fifth thousand of the book. Î¥§Îʨ (seismos): earthquake (Greek). Wintle refers to the Rifle Volunteer Corps, which was established in 1859 (Beckett 1982). CD cited ‘a Volunteer’ when he added Wintle’s information to Earthworms (1882), p. 28. From 1860, the National Rifle Association had held their annual rifle meeting, in which Volunteers participated, on Wimbledon Common (see Beckett 1982, pp. 97, 112 et passim).

To Horace Darwin   9 December 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Dec. 9th 1881 My dear Horace I must write one line to say how deeply I rejoice that the affair is over, & that my dear Ida has borne it so well.1 God bless her. Your affectionate Father | Charles Darwin P.S. Whenever George calls, give him the enclosed.—2 DAR 185: 9

December 1881 1 2

591

Ida Darwin had given birth to her first child, Erasmus Darwin (1881–1915), on 7 December (Freeman 1978). The enclosure for George Howard Darwin has not been found, but see the letter from G. H. Darwin, [6 December 1881].

From W. E. Darwin   9 December 1881 Bank, Southampton, Dec 9th 1881 My dear Father, I send you a draft for £27.3.3 being the balance of the Lincoln property rent— the proportion of rent up to Aug 26th going to the Executors accnt.1 I also send Higgins account.2 We are delighted to hear the account from Cambridge— It is very pleasant to think of their happiness; I am glad it is a little Erasmus.3 Goodbye dear Father | Your affect son | W. E. Darwin I had a satisfactory interview with Salt and looked at some of the deeds.4 I have no doubt you Owen Mortgage £20,000 is amply secured.5 Cornford Family Papers (DAR 275: 98) 1

2 3 4 5

CD had inherited the Lincoln property from Erasmus Alvey Darwin (see letter to W. E. Darwin, 13 September [1881]). The rent paid prior to Erasmus’s death on 26 August 1881 went into the account being administered by his executors, William Erasmus Darwin and George Howard Darwin. John Higgins was CD’s land agent in Lincolnshire. Erasmus Darwin, born on 7 December 1881 (Freeman 1978), was the first child of Horace and Ida Darwin, who lived in Cambridge. George Moultrie Salt was a partner in the Shrewsbury law firm Salt & Sons; the deeds probably related to property bequeathed to CD by Erasmus Alvey Darwin. CD had loaned William Mostyn Owen £20,000 in 1850 (see Correspondence vol. 24, Supplement, letter to Thomas Salt, 9 February [1861]). Following Mostyn Owen’s death in 1868, the family estate, Woodhouse in Shropshire, was inherited by Arthur Mostyn Owen, who also inherited the loan because it continued to be repaid in half-yearly instalments. The last payment in CD’s lifetime was made on 20 February 1882, after he had turned over the management of his investments to William Erasmus Darwin (CD’s Account books–banking account (Down House MS)).

To Patrick Geddes   9 December 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Decr 9 1881 Dear Sir You were so kind as to send me a few days ago your article in the Encyclop. Brit.— I have now looked through it, & it seems to me wonderfully well done, & you have managed to give in the space a surprising amount of information.1 Permit me to add that I read with admiration your researches on the presence of chlorophyll in the animal kingdom.—2 I remain | Dear Sir, Yours faithfully | Charles Darwin National Library of Scotland (Ms.10521)

592 1 2

December 1881

Geddes’s article ‘Insectivorous plants’ was published in Encyclopaedia Britannica (EB 9th ed. 13: 134– 40). Geddes’s paper ‘Observations on the physiology and histology of Convoluta Schultzii’ (Geddes 1879) was read on 27 March 1879 and published in the Proceedings of the Royal Society of London. Convoluta schultzii (a synonym of Symsagittifera schultzei) is a green planarian (turbellarian) worm; Geddes had compared it to insectivorous plants like Drosera, calling it a ‘vegetating animal’ and the ‘precise reciprocal’ of insectivorous plants, because he had discovered chlorophyll in its body (ibid., p. 453).

From H. N. Moseley   9 December 1881 14 St Giles | Oxford Dec 9. 81 Dear Darwin Many thanks for your letter which strangely fell in with my thoughts at the moment of receiving it.1 I was just contemplating the possibility of getting a foreigner elected here to the Botany post. I am an elector so you must treat anything I saw as confidential. I should like extremely to see such a man as you mention here but firstly would he come for £500?2 secondly would the University contemplate the arrival of a foreigner with content, thirdly could the President of Magdalen the Pres of the College of Physicians your Botany Professor at Cambridge & the Bishop of Winchester and Sir John Lubbock be induced to vote for such a man?3 The matter lies with them primarily. I am very much annoyed because Dyer apparently intends to use Kew influence to run old Williamson who would put a final end to the subject if he came here.4 I will speak to some of the authorities here and write to you again. I do not expect the vacancy to be filled till March at least.5 Yours truly | H N Moseley Please give my best compliments to Mrs Darwin. DAR 171: 263 1 2 3

4 5

CD’s letter has not been found. The possible candidate mentioned by CD has not been identified. From 1868 to 1882 the post of Sherardian Professor of botany at Oxford University was held by Marmaduke Alexander Lawson. The appointment of his successor was to be made by a board consisting of the visitor of Magdalen College, Oxford (the bishop of Winchester, Edward Harold Browne), and the president of Magdalen College (Frederick Bulley); the presidents of the Linnean Society and the Royal College of Physicians (John Lubbock and William Jenner); a person nominated by the Hebdomadal Council (William Turner Thiselton-Dyer); the Linacre Professor of comparative anatomy (Moseley); and the professor of botany at the University of Cambridge (Charles Cardale Babington) (Historical register of the University of Oxford, p. 60). William Crawford Williamson was professor of natural history, anatomy, and physiology at Owens College, Manchester. His research focused on palaeobotany. In the event, the post was filled in 1884 by Isaac Bayley Balfour.

December 1881

593

From Edward Parfitt   9 December 1881 Devon & Exeter Institution Decr 9th. | 1881 My dear Sir I thank you very much for you your great kindness in sending me a copy of your very interesting work, I am pleased to see that it has already reached a second edition which shows that it is thoroughly appreciated   it is written in so plain and pleasing manner that everyone can understand it.1 I have myself been working at the Natural History of Devon for many years and am publishing the results of my labours through the Devon Association, which is a British Association on a small scale, I send you one or two of my papers that you may see what is being done, I can however only expect to lay the foundation for a much fuller and elaborate work for some one else to work out, The last part published is the Ichneumonidæ a copy of which I have sent.2 The natural history of Euglena viridis I am not aware of its having been worked out before mine was published   this may interest you, I would have sent you a copy of my Annelids of Devon but I find I have not one left.3 Again thanking you very kindly | I am with great | regard yours very | truly and much obliged | Edward Parfitt C Darwin Esq. L.L.D. F.R.S. DAR 174: 16 1 2

3

CD evidently sent a copy of the fifth thousand of the first edition of Earthworms, which had just been printed. He had added information from Parfitt (see letter from Edward Parfitt, 31 October 1881 and n. 3). Parfitt was on the council of the Devonshire Association for the Advancement of Science, Literature, and Art (Report and Transactions of the Devonshire Association for the Advancement of Science, Literature, and Art 13 (1881)). His paper on the Ichneumonidae (the family of ichneumon wasps) had been read in July 1881 (Parfitt 1881); no copy of it, or any other work by him, has been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL. Euglena viridis is a marine protozoan in the family Euglenidae. Parfitt’s paper ‘The natural history of Euglena viridis’ was published in 1875 (Parfitt 1875); his paper ‘The annelids of Devon’ had appeared in 1867 (Parfitt 1867).

To Hugo de Vries   9 December 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. Dec 9 1881 My dear Sir I hope that will forgive me for troubling you with a question   If my memory does not deceive me, you or someone else divided a stem or a root longitudinally, and then found that the separate were acted on by geotropism.1 Do you know of any such paper, and will you be so kind as to give me a reference to it My dear Sir | Yours sincerely | Charles Darwin LS Artis Library (De Vries 9)

594 1

December 1881

The paper referred to has not been identified. De Vries had alerted CD to the phenomenon of root contraction when he visited CD in 1878; he reported his continuing experiments in 1879 (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter from Hugo de Vries, 7 August 1879 and n. 4). CD may have discussed other aspects of root behaviour during the visit in 1878, but no record of a discussion about divided roots has been found.

To D. J. Wintle   9 December 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) December 9th 1881 Dear Sir I am much obliged for your interesting note. The facts which you relate are quite new to me & very curious.— I have other reasons to believe that I was in error when I doubted about the effect of beating the ground on earth-worms.—1 I remain, Dear Sir, | Yours faithfully | Charles Darwin American Philosophical Society (Mss.B.D25.) 1

See letter from D. J. Wintle, [before 9] December 1881 and n. 2. CD added Wintle’s information to Earthworms (1882), p. 28.

From Grant Allen   10 December [1881]1 22 Cambridge Road. | Hastings. Dec. 10. Dear Mr. Darwin I must write just a few lines tonight to thank you for the copy of the Origin of Species which has been duly forwarded m〈e〉 from 〈Murr〉ay’s. It is very good of you to send it to 〈    〉 and I shall 〈    〉 with pride and 〈pleasur〉e as 〈lon〉g 〈as〉 I live. I 〈several words〉 〈  〉t I had 〈    〉 gift 〈several words〉 〈  〉g begged a 〈several words〉 〈  〉dly pro-〈  〉 〈several words〉 the 〈several words〉 and which I 〈several words〉 as a much valued memento.2 The flattering inscription you have placed in it almost puts me to the blush; for I feel how little I deserve such words from you. I hope, however, that in time I may be able to do something in the way of original research which may justify your kindness. So far, I have been mainly occupied in popularizing 〈t〉he ideas of others; but my work is now beginning to pay me so much better that I hope in future I may have leisure to devote to some special subject, and so contribute my mite to the progress of science. A〈g〉ain thanking you most heartily f〈or〉 〈  〉 | I am | Yours very sincerel〈y〉 | G〈rant Allen〉 DAR 159: 48 1 2

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to G.  J.  Romanes, 8 December 1881. See letter to G. J. Romanes, 8 December 1881. CD probably sent Allen a copy of Origin 6th ed. Allen was away from his home in Dorking, Surrey, where the book would have been sent (see P. Morton 2005, p. 81).

December 1881

595

To G. J. Romanes   10 December [1881]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Dec. 10th rs r (My dear M . Romanes, I have addressed this to you to forward to M R.  if you think fit).2 My dear Romanes I write a line to catch todays post, to say that I fear that I cannot help Mr Ewart. I have given R. Lankester so strong a testimonial that it wd. stultify me to give another, & moreover I have on this ground declined to give one to Dr Mc.Intosh, of whose work I have a very high opinion.—3 From what you have said I have no doubt that Mr Ewart is a very fit man, but this wd not justify me in giving a testimonial.— I well remember my most interesting interview with Mr E. & the Bacteria at U. Coll. Lab.—4 We shall be in London after Thursday, & I shall be extremely glad to see you.—5 Yours in Haste | Ch. Darwin American Philosophical Society (Mss.B.D25.604) 1 2 3

4

5

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to E. R. Lankester, 31 October 1881. Presumably, Romanes was not in London; CD evidently thought Romanes’s wife, Ethel Romanes, would know whether to forward the letter or wait for Romanes to arrive. CD had recommended Edwin Ray Lankester for the professorship in natural history at Edinburgh. William Carmichael McIntosh also applied for the position. See letter to E. R. Lankester, 31 October 1881 and n. 1, and letter to W. C. McIntosh, [after 21 November 1881]. James Cossar Ewart had been curator of the zoological museum at University College, London, when he worked on the life cycle of the bacteria Bacillus anthracis; most of his experimental work had been carried out at the Brown Animal Sanatory Institution, which was headed by John Scott Burdon Sanderson (Ewart 1878, p. 161). CD may have seen Ewart’s specimens at the museum or a laboratory at the institute at some time when he was visiting London in the mid-1870s. The Darwins visited London from Tuesday 13 to Tuesday 20 December 1881 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). In the event, CD did not see Romanes because he was not feeling well on the day of his planned visit (letter from Emma Darwin to H. E. Litchfield, [16 December 1881] (DAR 219.9: 280)).

From Heinrich Simon   10 December 1881 Darwin House, Didsbury. 10. Dec. 81 Sir Altho’ unknown to you I take the liberty, with reference to your book on earthworms,1 of drawing your attention to the stacks of heavy cannonballs which in many forts are often remaining on the ramparts undisturbed for years and the considerable sinking of which into the soil has long been a puzzle to me. The matter has been revived in my mind by your intensely interesting book, which at the time of a recent visit of mine at Woolwich Arsenal I unfortunately had not yet read.2

596

December 1881

I remember however having noticed there a considerable number of shell- and ball-heaps, and I mention this fact thinking that an inspection of these would perhaps occasionally not be very inconvenient for you, as the distance from your house cannot be considerable. Hoping you may not consider this note as an unwarranted intrusion | I remain Sir | your true admirer | Heinrich Simon. Charles Darwin Esq | Down DAR 177: 165 1 2

Simon refers to Earthworms. The Royal Arsenal, Woolwich, was a munitions works established in 1805 (Guillery ed. 2012, p. 148).

From M. W. Tanner   12 December 1881 Providence Villa | Ventnor   I. of Wight 12th. Decbr. 1881 Dear Sir, I have just read, with very great pleasure, your book on “Vegetable Mould & Earth-Worms”.1 In connection with the large quantity of worms that live in a given space I think the following incident may interest you.2 Late in the summer of 1872, towards dusk, after a very violent storm of rain, I noticed a peculiar appearance in my Garden, at Blackheath; and on going out I found the ground covered with earthworms. I may say without exaggeration that a net-work of these creatures covered the lawn, gravel paths & flower-beds, over an area of 80  feet by 30. It was impossible to walk without treading on a great many, and all were lying motionless, with the posterior ends in their burrows, with the exception of those that quickly retreated on perceiving the vibration of our footsteps. The garden sloped slightly from the house, and the worms were more numerous at the higher part, diminishing towards the lower level. They remained till it was too dark for us to see them: by the morning all had disappeared. The same thing was repeated after another storm, a few weeks later, only on a smaller scale; and never occurred again during the three years I remained at Blackheath. I worked constantly in my garden, so that had there been evidence of a large quantity of worms I must have noticed it; on the contrary, I should say that the castings were under the average, and the number of buried leaves small. Believe me, dear Sir, | faithfully yrs. | Mary W. Tanner DAR 178: 51 1 2

Earthworms. In Earthworms, pp. 158–60, CD had given examples of the large number of worms in a given area.

December 1881

597

From W. E. Darwin   14 December [1881]1 Bank Dec 14 My dear Father, Will you kindly sign the enclosed deed and authority—you will see the witness signs on the other side—and then return it to Messr Paterson &c2 Your affect son | W. E. Darwin N.B. | Besides signing the deed where we do—you must sign the Receipt where pencilled [Enclosure] 25, Lincoln’s Inn Fields, | London, | W.C. 12th Decr. 1881 Dear Sir, We enclose you the Deed of Assignment of No. 6 Queen Anne Street for your signature— When you have signed it will you kindly forward it to your Brother at Southampton with a request to forward it to Mr. C. R. Darwin for his signature3 Yours truly | Paterson Snow & Bloxam G. H. Darwin Esq | Trinity College | Cambridge Cornford Family Papers (DAR 275: 97) 1 2

3

The year is established by the date on the enclosure. The legal firm Paterson, Snow and Bloxam at 25 Lincoln’s Inn Fields (Post Office London directory) was the London agent of the Shrewsbury solicitor George Moultrie Salt. The deed related to Erasmus Alvey Darwin’s house at 6 Queen Anne Street, London, which CD had inherited following Erasmus’s death on 26 August 1881. The deed was first sent to George Howard Darwin, who forwarded it to William Erasmus Darwin; George and William were Erasmus Alvey Darwin’s executors.

From W. W. Cheshire   15 December 1881 Office of | County Superintendent, | Crown Point, Ind., Dec. 15 1881. Prof. Charles Darwin. | England. Please accept from the undersigned, who is one of your friends and readers of this Continent, the enclosed photograph.1 It represents the breast bone of a wild goose, into which, at right angles to the vertical section, had been shot a bone arrow head 9 inches long. It grew fast in the aperture it made and formed quite a callous as you will see represented in the picture. Will you be kind enough to acknowledge the receipt of it?2 Very Respectfully | W. W. Cheshire. | Supt of Schools DAR 161: 138

598 1 2

December 1881

The enclosure has not been found. No reply has been found.

From James Geikie   15 December 1881 Birnam, Perthshire 15th. Dec. 1881. Dear Sir Professor Ramsay, as you may have heard, retires from the post of Director General of the Geological Surveys and my brother Archibald succeeds him.1 This move of my brothers leaves vacant the Chair of Geology in the University of Edinburgh, for which I intend to become a Candidate, and I now take the great liberty (for which I hope you will pardon me) to ask whether you feel yourself at liberty to give me a testimonial.2 I am unwilling to put you to such trouble, but your kindness in replying to former letters has emboldened me to write you this begging one. If you would rather not grant my request, I must still remain your debtor | Yours respectfully | James Geikie Charles Darwin Esq. LL.D. F.R.S. DAR 202: 103 1

2

Andrew Crombie Ramsay had been director-general of the Geological Survey of Great Britain since 1872. Archibald Geikie was the director of the Geological Survey of Scotland before succeeding Ramsay in his post. Archibald Geikie had become professor of geology and mineralogy at Edinburgh in 1871.

From W. F. Stanley   15 December 1881 Cumberlow, | South Norwood. Dec 15 1881 Dear Sir I feel great pleasure in sending you a copy of my experimental work on Fluids which I will ask you kindly to accept.1 I do not presume that the subject is one of general interest to you but there is one part that bears relation (I think) to animal life to which I wish to call your attention and if it is not asking too great a favour I should like your opinion of the possibilities of my speculations on this subject. The matter is contained in two propositions 106 and 107 pages 311 to 317   In this I show by a simple experiment that fine streams or small masses of liquids projected with constant force (as by gravity) and under equal but not great resistance within a plane—will constantly bifurcate and form veins down which the projection will continue   This matter will be best seen by reading the propositions pointed out. In writing the matter if I had not curbed my imagination I should have pressed the subject a little further to point out some instances in low types of life of the evidence of systematic bifurcation and radiation as in the Algæ but this would have carried me

December 1881

599

too far from the subject of my book— I suppose my propositions are very daring but in this possibly you may feel sympathy as you have offered perhaps the most daring propositions of any—of which now every sensible man admits the value— I feel in writing to you I may mention a little incident in my life— I had read a review that was not flattering of your Origin of Species in what journal I do not now remember.2 But the very instances the reviewer gave for the purposes of condemnation struck me with the very opposite opinion to his own— And your Origin of Species was the first book on any special Science I remember buying— Yours Faithfully | Wm. F Stanley Chas Darwin Esq FRS &c DAR 177: 247 CD annotation Top of letter: ‘Cumbelow’ pencil 1 2

Stanley sent his book Experimental researches into the properties and motions of fluids (Stanley 1881). Origin was published in 1859; one of the earliest negative reviews was published in the Athenæum on 19 November 1859 ([Leifchild] 1859). For a list of reviews of Origin, see Correspondence vol. 8, Appendix VII.

From G. W. Turner   15 December 1881 Commercial Insurance Company | of Calfornia. 405 California Street, San Francisco. Dec 15 1881 Dear Sir;— For sometime past I have been trying to form a collection of autographs, and would feel highly complimented if you would assist me in my undertaking, by adding you signature to my list. Very truly yours, | Geo. W. Turner. Mr Charles Darwin. | England DAR 201: 40

To James Geikie   [after 15 December 1881]1 [4 Bryanston Street, London.] My dear Sir I can entertain no doubt that you are excellently fitted to fill the chair of Geology in the U. of Edinburgh.2 I have read with care & great interest your two last works relating on the later geological periods which are probably the most difficult of all to investigate;3 & after reading these works, I am convinced that you will be able to

600

December 1881

excite in the minds of all students a keen interest in the science of Geology, & this is the corner-stone in the work of teaching.— Earnestly wishing you success, I remain | my dear Sir | yours very faithfully | Ch. D ADraftS DAR 202: 103v 1 2 3

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from James Geikie, 15 December 1881. See letter from James Geikie, 15 December 1881 and n. 2. Geikie had written two major works on the origin of surface features and their formation during glacial periods (J. Geikie 1874 and J. Geikie 1881).

From Nicolai Krohn   16 December 1881 13. Belsize Square | S. Hampstead 16. December 1881. re Charles Darwin Esq | Down | Beckenham | (Kent.) Sir, I write this at the urgent request of a friend who assured me that you would feel interested to hear of my little experience with earthworms.— I have a garden at the back of my house and in the centre of it there is a plot of 48 feet by 17—which, in spite of various attempts to grow grass on, I cannot succeed in making look nice & green,—as I see the grass in my neighbours’ gardens. For some time I observed an unusual quantity of those little curly mountlets which earthworms throw up and, as the grass was getting scarcer and scarcer, I saw these earthworms in great numbers, covering the plot.— A friend of mine told me that Perchloride of Mercury was the best remedy for this evil, as it destroyed the worms without injuring the grass.— It was towards the beginning of October that I commenced operating on my lawn and I went about it as follows. I dissolved 4 Ounces of Perchloride of Mercury in a Quart of boiling water and mixed it with 20 to 30 Gallons of cold water.—1 I then watered the lawn and the effect was simply amazing No sooner had I thrown the water on when,—before even the watering can was emptied,—the worms appeared.— They were crawling out by the hundreds and from their wriggling & turning about I must conclude that they were in great agony. I gave the plot of ground a watering from time to time during three weeks or so and, from a computation I made, I must have picked up something like 8000 worms—which is about 10 worms per square foot.— My friend was right when he said I would kill the worms but he was wrong when he told me I would not injure the grass.— I have no grass to speak of now, but I mean to sow it in spring,— with what result remains to be seen.—

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I have since heard that You published an article in the Times some months ago in which You demonstrated that worms are an important factor in the economy of nature and I must confess I feel half sorry I destroyed them in my garden,—but as my lawn was not getting on at all with them, I thought I should give it a trial without them. May I ask You Sir to let me know the number of the Times in which Your article appeared as I should very much like to read it.—2 Excuse my liberty in addressing You at such a length on a subject which possibly may not be interesting enough to You, but which certainly to me and my friends was very curious. I remain | Sir | Your’s very respectfy | N. Krohn DAR 169: 124 CD annotation Top of letter: ‘Keep’ blue ink circled blue ink 1

2

Perchloride of mercury is now generally referred to as mercury (II) chloride or mercury dichloride (HgCl2). Its solubility is several times greater in boiling water than in cool water. Soil composition and pH affects the absorption of mercury in the soil. Mercury is highly toxic for most animals, including earthworms. CD had not written an article on worms in The Times; an unsigned review of Earthworms had appeared in The Times, 10 October 1881, p. 4.

To A. P. Tilt   16 December 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) [4 Bryanston Street, London.] Dec. 16th 1881 Sir A letter from you addressed to my late brother Erasmus Darwin of Q. Anne St has been forwarded to me.1 This is clearly a mistake as he had nothing to do with the Congress. I suppose that your letter was intended for me; but I was not a member of the Congress, though I came to London to be introduced to some of the members.2 If my memory does not deceive me I was asked to Lady Burdett-Coutts party, but I did not attend.3 Under these circumstances it wd. clearly be inappropriate to introduce my likeness in your Composition.— To save, however, further correspondence, I may add that if you shd still wish to introduce my likeness, I shall be happy to send you an excellent, unpublished photograph of myself, made by my son Lieut: Darwin R.E.,4 for I have not time to spare or strength to give you a sitting. Sir | Your obd. servt. | Charles Darwin American Philosophical Society (Mss.B.D25.605) 1

Tilt’s letter has not been found. Erasmus Alvey Darwin had died on 26 August 1881.

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CD had been the guest of James Paget at a luncheon held on 3 August 1881 as part of the seventh International Medical Congress in London from 2 to 9 August 1881 (see letter to W. E. Darwin, 4 August [1881] and nn. 4–7). It was the only event he attended. No letter from Angela Georgina Burdett-Coutts inviting CD to her garden party has been found. The event took place at Holly Lodge near Highgate, 8 August 1881. In 1882, Tilt completed an oil painting of the event, featuring several of the guests (see Sakula 1982 for more on the party and painting). No image of CD was included in the painting. Leonard Darwin was an officer in the Royal Engineers; he had been appointed instructor in chemistry and photography at the School of Military Engineering, Chatham, in 1877 (ODNB). The photograph was probably one made in 1878 (DAR 225: 119).

To T. L. Brunton   17 December 1881 4 Bryanston S.t | Portman Sqre. Dec 17. 1881. Sat. (Private) | (I remain here until Monday evng.) Dear Dr. Lauder Brunton I have been thinking a good deal about the suggestion which you made to me the other day, on the supposition that you could not get some man like the Pres. of the Coll.  of Physicians to accept the office.1 My wife is strongly opposed to my accepting the office, as she feels sure that the anxiety thus caused would tell heavily on my health. But there is a much stronger objection suggested to me by one of my relations, namely no man ought to allow himself to be placed at the head (though only nominally so) of an associated movement, unless he has the means of judging of the acts performed by the association, after hearing each point discussed.2 This occurred to me when you spoke to me, & I think that I said something to this effect: anyhow I have in several analogous cases acted on this principle— Take for instance any preliminary statement which the Assoc.  may publish; I might feel grave doubts about the wisdom or justice of some points, & this solely from my not having heard them discussed. I am therefore inclined to think that it wd not be right in me to accept the nominal Presidency of your Association & thus have to act blindly. As far as I can at present see, I fear that I must confine my assistance to subscribing as large a sum to the Assoc. as any member gives—3 I am sorry to trouble you, but I have thought it best to tell you at once of the doubts which have arisen in my mind. Believe me | Yours very sincerely | Charles Darwin. Copy DAR 160: 352 1

2 3

CD had evidently met with Brunton to discuss the possibility of becoming nominal president of the proposed Science Defence Association (see letter from T. L. Brunton, 27 November 1881). The Darwins were in London from 13 to 20 December 1881 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). William Jenner was president of the Royal College of Physicians. CD was staying with his daughter Henrietta Emma Litchfield and her husband, Richard Buckley Litchfield. One of them was probably the relation who advised him. No record of a payment has been found in CD’s Account books.

December 1881

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From J. D. Hooker   17 December 1881 Royal Gardens Kew Dec 17/81. Dear Darwin I have gone thoroughly into the matter of the Steudel with Bentham Dyer & Oliver, & all agreeing that Mr Daydon Jackson was the only man well qualified by experience &c, I wrote to him, & had him here, when I asked him to put a plan upon paper, for doing the work on £200 per annum; & submit to me—1 He sends me the enclosed, & says that the work will take 5 years or possibly 6. in so far as he can see.2 From the enclosed you will see that the first year will cost £262.0.6., the remainder £208.8.0. Of course if you give £250  per annum it would be got out proportionally sooner,—3 It is however impossible to get a nearer estimate until the work is begun. Mr Jackson asks £115  per annum personal labor, for which he would devote 3 days (full) a week to the work himself.— We should of course all help. Please return Jackson’s letter with your views. I should not be disposed to say any-thing about the other £50 per annum till we see how the work proceeds.— Mr Jackson could begin next February— we regard him as competent & entirely trustworthy. I have been reading Lyells life with great interest. It is a great pity that it was not cut down to one volume, but as it is I am only too glad to get it in any shape. I really think that Mrs Lyell has given us a very important contribution to the history of Science.—& it does make one “warm to” Lyell himself.4 The accounts of the early history of the Geological, it’s dinners &c, are most entertaining & instructive; so too is the substance of many of his journeys, in which he chronicles the labor of many good men whose names deserve to be remembered. The account of Cuvier, & his way of working, is most curious. The letters to Herschel, are the best, they are evidently very careful compositions.5 Do you observe certain passages that seem to prove that he never could expected to come into the Kinnordy property on his father’s death? & that on the contrary he looked from an early age to providing himself with a modest competency for his latter days.6 I cannot but think there is some utter misconception as to his father having deceived him as to Kinnordy. The latter was always regarded as a most upright honorable man; he was not wealthy, & he left 2 sons (one in bad health) with nothing but their pensions & 4? daughters (2 I think in bad health) with nothing at all, but the clothes on their backs.7 We go to Pendock on Friday for Christmas week.8 Ever aff Yrs | Jos. D. Hooker. DAR 104: 173–4

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CD had offered the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, an annual payment for the production of a new catalogue of all known plants (L. Huxley ed. 1918, 2: 238 and 417). The previous such work, Ernst Gottlieb Steudel’s Nomenclator botanicus, had been published in 1841; there is an annotated copy of Steudel 1841 in the Darwin Library–CUL. Hooker discussed the matter with George Bentham, William Turner Thiselton-Dyer, and Daniel Oliver; Benjamin Daydon Jackson was a botanical bibliographer. In the end, the work, Index Kewensis, took almost ten years to complete (L. Huxley ed. 1918, 2: 417). Jackson’s letter has not been found in the archives at the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew. CD ensured that Kew would receive £250 yearly until the work was completed (see letter to the Darwin children, 20 December 1881). Charles Lyell’s sister-in-law Katharine Murray Lyell had published a selection of his letters in two volumes in November 1881 (K. M. Lyell ed. 1881). Lyell had become a member of the Geological Society of London in 1819, and had served as secretary, foreign secretary, and president by 1837. He observed Georges Cuvier’s manner of working during a visit to Paris in 1829 (K. M. Lyell ed. 1881, 1: 249–50). Katharine Lyell had included six letters to John Frederick William Herschel (ibid. 1: 200, 449, 464, 470; 2: 11, 404). When Charles Lyell Sr, laird of Kinnordy, Forfarshire, died in 1849, Lyell, as the eldest son, expected to inherit the estate and become the new laird. Contrary to Hooker’s supposition, Lyell was unaware that his father had instead established a trust fund to provide equal shares of the income from the estate for each of his eight children. Even with the addition of the rent from the home farm at Kinnordy, Lyell was left with a smaller income than he would have had if he had inherited the estate and each of his siblings had received an annuity. Prior to this, Lyell had an adequate income from his publications and the £500 annual allowance from his marriage settlement. See L. G. Wilson 1998, pp. 312–13. Lyell Sr had been a close friend of Hooker’s father, William Jackson Hooker. The Kinnordy estate was burdened with debt, and Lyell Sr had mortgaged most of the land in 1840 for £30,000 (L. G. Wilson 1998, pp. 312). At his death in 1849, he had three sons (his third son, Henry Lyell, an army officer, had been severely wounded at the battle of Sobraon in India in 1847) and five daughters (L. G. Wilson 1972, pp. 546–7; L. G. Wilson 1998, pp. 267). Hooker’s father-in-law, William Samuel Symonds, was rector of Pendock, Worcestershire.

To G. J. Romanes   17 [December 1881]1 4 Bryanston St. Saturday 17th My dear Romanes I shd.  be very sorry to leave London without seeing you, so I will tell you my movements.2 If able to do anything I am going to call on Huxley tomorrow, (Sunday) morning immediately after breakfast.3. This evening at 6 o clock Dr Clark is coming to see me.4 If you could call in midday or in afternoon of Sunday I shd. almost certainly be at home. Also on Monday morning early, though if I happened to be feeling well I shd have liked much to have seen Burdon Sanderson.5 My visit to London has been rather a failure, for I have been able to do hardly anything.— Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin American Philosophical Society (Mss.B.D25.606) 1 2

The month and year are established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to G. J. Romanes, 10 December [1881]. See letter to G. J. Romanes, 10 December [1881] and n. 5. The Darwins were in London from 13 to 20 December 1881 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). CD had gone to visit Romanes on 16 December 1881, but as Francis Darwin later recalled, ‘was seized when on the door-step with an attack apparently

December 1881

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of the same kind which afterwards became so frequent’ (LL 3: 356). As CD told John Wesley Judd, he had ‘received his warning’ ( Judd 1910, pp. 158–9). CD visited Thomas Henry Huxley on 18 December 1881 (letter to Francis Darwin, [18 December 1881]). Andrew Clark was CD’s physician. John Scott Burdon Sanderson visited CD on 19 December 1881 and wrote a brief ‘Recollection’ of the visit (University of British Columbia Library, Rare Books and Special Collections (Darwin - Burdon Sanderson letters RBSC-ARC-1731-1-43)).

To G. J. Romanes   [17 December 1881]1 4 Bryanston St— My dear Romanes Very many thanks— If I am able to go Huxley, I shd. not be up to a talk so soon as o 12 ; but if you cd. conveniently call in the afternoon, I shd. be delighted to see you.—2 Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin American Philosophical Society (Mss.B.D25.578) 1 2

The date is established by the relationship between this letter, the letter to G. J. Romanes, 17 [December 1881], and the letter to Francis Darwin, [18 December 1881]. CD stayed in London at the home of Richard Buckley Litchfield and Henrietta Emma Litchfield from 13 to 20 December 1881 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). He visited Thomas Henry Huxley on 18 December 1881 (letter to Francis Darwin, [18 December 1881]). CD had suggested midday or afternoon for the visit in his letter to Romanes of 17 [December 1881].

To Francis Darwin   [18 December 1881]1 [4 Bryanston Street, London.] Sunday My dear F. As the enclosed contains a cheque, I have thought it best to send it without the delay of a single day.—2 We have been this morning to Huxley., who is working on mould-diseased salmon, & was much interested to hear about Murray’s work, to whom he will write.—3 We come home on Tuesday, viâ Bromley, by train which leaves Victoria Station at 10o 20′. Enquire whether a P. card to this effect reached the servants.—4 Dr. A. Clark finds that my heart is perfectly right, & that the pain & rapid intermittent pulse, must have been only some indirect mischief5 your affec. Father C. D. DAR 211: 91 1 2 3

The date is established by the reference to visiting Thomas Henry Huxley (see n. 3, below). The enclosure has not been found. The Darwins were in London from 13 to 20 December 1881; they visited Huxley on Sunday 18 December 1881 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). Huxley had been appointed an inspector of fisheries in January 1881 (see MacLeod 1968, pp. 138–40). In December 1881, he went to study the epidemic of salmon disease that had appeared in Conway, Wales, and found that it was caused by

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a species of Saprolegnia, a type of water mould. He reported his results in a paper published in the Proceedings of the Royal Society of London (T. H. Huxley 1882). George Robert Milne Murray had studied under Anton de Bary at Straßburg (Strasbourg) in 1875 and then became an assistant in the botanical department of the British Museum, where he specialised in cryptogamic botany. He and Huxley began to correspond in February 1882; he did further research for Huxley on the pathogen that caused the salmon disease (ODNB; see also Bayliss 1975, pp. 280–1). The railway station at Orpington was closer to Down than Bromley was; trains to Orpington ran from Charing Cross. CD evidently wanted to ensure that they would be met at Bromley rather than Orpington. Andrew Clark visited CD on 17 December 1881 (letter to G. J. Romanes, 17 [December 1881]).

To Francis Galton   18 [December 1881]1 4. Bryanston St. Sunday 18th My dear Galton I have been wishing to call on you & Mrs Galton, but I have not been very well during the whole of last week, & have not been able to do a quarter of the things which I wished to do.—2 We return home early on Tuesday morning, & if you shd.  happen to have nothing to do tomorrow (Monday) evening between 4o & 6o P. M, would you call here that we may just have a sight of you.3 Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin UCL Library Services, Special Collections (GALTON/3/2/2/12 Letter 2) 1 2

3

The month and year are established by the address, and by CD’s reference to his illness and the day of his return (see nn. 2 and 3, below). The Sunday between 13 and 20 December 1881 was 18 December. The Darwins visited London, staying at the home of Henrietta Emma and Richard Buckley Litchfield, from 13 to 20 December 1881 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). CD was unwell for much of the visit (see letter to Francis Darwin, [18 December 1881] and n. 5). Galton’s wife was Louisa Jane Galton. No record of the Galtons’ visit has been found, but CD did receive a visit on 19 December 1881 from John Scott Burdon Sanderson, so was probably well enough to receive visitors (see letter to G. J. Romanes, 17 [December 1881] and n. 5).

To Nicolai Krohn   18 December 18811 [4 Bryanston Street, London.] […] The number of worms in your garden is astonishing […] it will be an interesting observation, how soon the land is again stocked with worms, & whether the grass grows better before this happens.—2 I neglected to observe whether worms distruct[?] the roots of grasses.— You will probably be able to borrow […] my book ‘On the Formation of Vegetable Mould’ […] in which […] you will find a good deal about the natural history of worms3 […] Incomplete4 J. A. Stargardt (dealer) (24 and 25 November 1981)

December 1881 1 2

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The date is provided by the sale catalogue; according the catalogue, the letter was addressed from Down. See letter from Nicolai Krohn, 16  December  1881 and n. 1. Krohn had watered his lawn with a solution of perchloride of mercury, and observed a large number of dying earthworms emerge from underground. Krohn mistakenly thought that CD had written an article in The Times on earthworms and had asked CD for a reference (see letter from Nicolai Krohn, 16 December 1881 and n. 2). Earthworms was published on 10 October 1881 (Freeman 1977). The original letter is complete and according to the sale catalogue is two pages long.

From C. V. Riley   18 December 1881 Washington, D.C. Dec. 18/81. My dear Mr Darwin, I need hardly say that I felt highly delighted to get your very kind note of last September.1 I fully endorse what you say of Mr. Meehan.2 His trouble is that he has not been so trained that he can appreciate a truth whether it conflict with his own opinions or not. There is a bias in most everything he writes or says, and he is especially fond of controverting generally-accepted doctrine, upon his own observations—oft-times insufficient and even inaccurate. He is, withal, unfair, not to say untruthful. I had a good illustration of this fact at Cincinnati last August. During the Summer, at his invitation, I spent a day and evening at his nursery at Germantown Pa purposely to show him the working of Prodoxus, as distinguished from Pronuba.3 I went just as Yucca angustifolia was losing its last top flowers and Y. filamentosa was about to open its first flowers.4 Meehan has whole beds of this last and his place furnishes unusual facilities for correct observation. The old, last year’s stems of filamentosa were riddled with the holes of exit which Prodoxus decipiens had made and the moths had been busy ovipositing in the green stems. These were, withal, so numerous that they flew everywhere, toward evening, about the place, and during the day crowded in the few remaining flowers of angustifolia, though not a fruit set on that species except where Meehan himself had artificially pollinized. I collected over fifty moths from a single flower, and brought home in all several hundred. I showed him that there was not a single Pronuba among them and upon meeting him again at Cincinnati informed him that a more careful examination of the many I had brought home proved them every one to be Prodoxus decipiens. He read a paper on the subject of Yucca fertilization, virtually accepting all that I had published thereanent;5 but at the conclusion endeavored to complicate and mystify the subject still further, by stating that though his angustifolias had not been fertilized, yet from a single flower he had taken 17  moths, 4  of which were Prodoxus and 13 Pronuba—the only inference being that Pronuba was impotent. He made no mention whatever of my visit or my determinations, and upon asking him for authority for his determinations it turned out that the day after my visit he sent the moths from one of the very last flowers to Dr. Hagen of Cambridge, who determined the specimens to be of both species in the above proportions, but all ♂’s.6 Now Hagen knows little outside of Neuroptera and only the year before had made a most unpardonable

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blunder in pronouncing certain moths, which he had bred from Yucca stems to be Pronuba yuccasella where afterward he confessed they were Prodoxus, and one would suppose that a fair man seeking only the truth would have at least put my own determinations, in relation to genera of my own creation, along side of Hagen’s.7 The males are not so easily distinguished as the ♀’s and Hagen may again have blundered; but even if he was correct the explanation is simple: filamentosa was just about blooming and Pronuba consequently just beginning to issue at the time. It is well known to entomologists that the ♂’s precede the ♀’s somewhat in issuing, and the first ones, having no flowers of filamentosa would naturally resort to what was left of angustifolia so that for a day or two both species might be found together. But nothing is more certain, from a series of experiments and observations which I made this past summer, than that Prodoxus ♀ oviposits in the stem and that her race is run essentially by the time the plant begins to bloom, for she can only successfully oviposit in the tender stem and perishes in the act when attempted after the flowers begin to open and the stem gets hard; further that she is absolutely incapable of pollinizing and never attempts it. In reference to cross-fertilization you have, I believe, misapprehended the facts in supposing that Pronuba ♀ necessarily gathers the pollen from the same flower which she fertilizes.8 My language is perhaps ambiguous on this point, but in fact she not only pollinizes with the same load of pollen different flowers on the same panicle, but often flies from plant to plant. I have never seen her gather the pollen, but have watched her thus go from flower to flower and from plant to plant during a single evening and with one and the same load. I have derived great pleasure and profit recently in glancing over your last work on Earth worms,9 and feel thankful to know that your health and faculties yet permit you to do so much not only to advance knowledge but to teach us younger men the true methods of investigation I am unfortunately a very busy man with time so occupied with domestic and administrative duties that I get little time for pure research: else I should love to write more often and on many subjects. Please give my best regards to your son Frank who will remember our ocean trip together.10 With the Compliments of the Season and best wishes for your continued health and strength, | I am | Yours sincerely | C. V. Riley. Chas. Darwin Esq. | London, Eng. DAR 176: 158 1 2

3

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See letter to C. V. Riley, 28 September 1881. CD had been strongly critical of Thomas Meehan’s negative appraisal of Riley’s work on the behaviour of the yucca moth Pronuba yuccasella (a synonym of Tegeticula yuccasella; see letter to C. V. Riley, 28 September 1881 and n. 3). Prodoxus decipiens is the bogus yucca moth. Riley had noted that female moths of this species deposited their eggs in holes made in the stem of host plants and did not ‘pollinize’ (pollinate) the plants (Riley 1880, p. 632). Yucca angustifolia (a synonym of Y. glauca, beargrass) flowers about three weeks earlier than Y. filamentosa (Adam’s needle).

December 1881 5

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The meeting of the American Association for the Advancement of Science took place in Cincinnati in August 1881. Meehan read a paper ‘Some new facts regarding the fertilization of Yucca’ (Meehan 1881). See Meehan 1881, p. 257. Hermann August Hagen was professor of entomology at Harvard. All of Hagen’s major work was on the Neuroptera, an order that at that time included dragonflies (now in the order Odonata) and termites (now in the order Blattodea), as well as ant lions, owlflies, lacewings, and mantisflies. Riley had established the genera Prodoxus and Pronuba (a synonym of Tegeticula). For a detailed account of the dispute with Meehan and Hagen’s role in identifying specimens, see Sheppard and Oliver 2004, p. 40. CD had asked Riley to observe whether the moth might occasionally bring pollen from one plant to the stigma of a distinct one, having assumed that Riley thought pollen was transferred within the same flower (letter to C. V. Riley, 28 September 1881). Earthworms. Francis Darwin had visited the United States between August and October 1871; Riley had visited Down in July and provided a letter of introduction (see Correspondence vol. 19, letter to Asa Gray, 16 July [1871] and n. 2). No record of the voyage mentioned has been found.

From Francis Warner   18 December 1881 24, Harley Street, | Cavendish Square. W. 18 Dec: 1881 Dear Sir, In sending you my little pamphlet on Muscular conditions expressive of states of the brain I have marked certain passages which appear to me to have a direct bearing on some subjects which you have done so much to elucidate and direct our attention to.1 It has long appeared to me a most useful method to look upon our daily patients in the light thrown upon all cases by the view of the unity of the organized world— Yours very truly | Francis Warner Charles Darwin Esq DAR 202: 128 CD annotation Top of letter: ‘Thanks for courteous note, I shall begin very soon to read it with interest’2 pencil 1

2

CD’s copy of Warner’s ‘Visible muscular conditions as expressive of states of the brain and nerve centres’ (Warner 1881) is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. Warner’s article was published in two parts in January and July 1881 in the journal Brain. CD’s annotation is a note for his reply, which has not been found.

From James Geikie   19 December 1881 Birnam, Perthshire 19th. Dec. 81 My dear Sir Allow me to thank you sincerely for your kind and prompt reply to my begging letter, and for the highly favourable opinion you are good enough to express.1

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Possibly I may not go on with my candidature in the event of the South Kensington authorities offering me the vacant post of Director of the Geological Survey in Scotland. But as I do not know what their intentions are, and as several candidates are already working for the Chair, my friends urged me at once to go in for the latter, in case I should be passed over in the matter of the Directorship. Either post is a desirable object of ambition to a Scotchman, and if I have any preference for the Directorship, it is simply because the work is what I have been used to for 20 years, and because in that post I should be better able to carry on those investigations in which I chiefly delight.2 Again thanking you most cordially for your kindness | I am with highest regards | Yours very faithfully | James Geikie DAR 165: 34 1 2

See letter from James Geikie, 15 December 1881, and letter to James Geikie, [after 15 December 1881]. In the event, Geikie became professor of geology at Edinburgh University, while Henry Hyatt Howell was appointed director of the Geological Survey in Scotland.

To Albert Günther   19 December 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) [4 Bryanston Street, London.] Dec. 19th 1881 r My dear D. Günther I am going to beg a favour of you, namely to ask what are the best steps to take to recommend a man (in whom I take much interest) as a messenger or other such post in the B. Museum. The circumstances are as follows: a man of the name of Surman lived with my late Brother as his Butler for about 2 years & attended to him most carefully; so that my Brother left him a Legacy, which I doubled as a mark of my respect & gratitude.1 He is in every way thoroughly respectable & pleasant mannered, & he came to my Brother with the highest possible character. He now wishes for some post, such as a messenger or attendant in some public office, instead of going into service again. I shd. therefore take it as a great kindness, if you would inform me how I can aid Surman in obtaining the desired situation.— Dear Dr. Günther | Yours sincerely Ch. Darwin P. S. I do not even know to whom I ought to address the character which I could give of the man, or to whom he ought to apply.— Shrewsbury School, Taylor Library 1

Frederic William Surman had been left a year’s wages in the will of Erasmus Alvey Darwin. Although no earlier record has been found, CD recorded a payment of £120 on 23 December 1881, under the heading ‘George. Payment of gratuities to Erasmus servants’ (CD’s Account books–classed accounts (Down House MS)). The money was given to George Howard Darwin as an executor of the will. Erasmus had three servants including Surman, but the amount he received is not known. Surman may have worked for a short time for Charles Langton following Erasmus’s death on 26 August 1881 (see letter from G. H. Darwin, [after 26 August 1881] and n. 3).

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From Víctor López-Seoane1   19 December 1881 Coruña le 19 dec 1881 Monsieur, J’ai eu l’honneur de vous envoyer par la poste quelques brochures, que je vous prie de les accepter comme le temoignage de ma simpathie et dévouement.2 Il y a trois ans que je mis en très attentives observations sur les evolutions embriologiques des Triton de mon pays (Tr. marmoratus, Boscai, helveticus, et une nouvelle espèce)3 mais dans mon desire de faire ces observations le plus mieux possible, je me permette de vous prier des indications des travailles les plus recents et interessants sur ce sujet. Egalement je serais très heureux d’entendre quelques paroles de vous, sur la manière de faire les espèces par les fanatiques. J’accepte votres savants theories, d’après des si attentives observations: la selection peut, sans doute, donner lien à des nouvelles formes, sans être plus autre chose que des races locaux. Vipera ammodytes, par exemple, n’est pas que V.  Latastei, avec un peu plus de developpement du tubercule nasale.4 Vipera berus, n’est plus que V. Seoanei, d’une autre couleur, sous l’influence du climat, d’ l’alimentation, à la manière que les races humaines varien extraordinairement par les chanchements de climat, habitudes, alimentation, etc.5 Fonder sur des si minimes variations les nouvelles espèces, c’est embrouiller la science d’un tel point qu’arriver le jour de ne pas se dentendre! C’est vraiment ridicule, que le talent des savant ce sois reglee, par le nombre des espèces decrites: vous, je ne connais du moins, le nombre extraordinaire des espèces que vous aviez decrite, mais votre profondes etudes, la synthesis de tous des observations ont aporter la lumière à la philosophie scientifique, de la quelle nous devons rapporter bien plus des services positives, que de ces embrouilles classifications et descriptions filles d’une imagination, plusieurs des fois, malade, ou du moins, preocupe et aussi céruxe. Pardonner, Monsieur, de vous deranger à tel point, mais je suis en intention de parler à propos des divers espèces de tritons, quelques mots sur l’espece, et je serais bien heureux de vous devoir votre profonde et savant conseille. Agrèez, Monsieur, l’assurance de la plus distinguée considération V. L. Seoane | Ancien Prof. d’hist. nat. Coruña (Espagne) DAR 202: 108 CD annotations Top of letter: ‘Balfour— | I have not attended your essays | About species— Yet reordered.—Cirripedes | French & German | Spanish’ pencil Bottom of first page: ‘It wd be a duty & pleasure to aid you in any way’ pencil 1 2

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. No works by López-Seoane have been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL. López-Seoane appears to have self-published a number of short works on the description and embryology of several newt species (for a list of these, see Instituto Jose Cornide de Estudios Coruñeses, www.coruna.gal/ijcec/ gl/v-lopez-seoane/fondo-documental?argPag=74 (accessed 3 September 2020)).

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Triton marmoratus is a synonym of Triturus marmoratus (marbled newt). Triton boscai is a synonym of Lissotriton boscai (Bosca’s newt). Triton helveticus is a synonym of Lissotriton helveticus (palmate newt). The new species might have been a newt described by López-Seoane as Triton alonsai (a synonym of Lissotriton helveticus alonsoi, a Galician subspecies of the palmate newt). Vipera ammodytes is the horned viper; V. latastei is Lataste’s viper, or the snub-nosed viper. Vipera berus is the common European viper; V. seoanei is the Portuguese or Iberian viper.

To Fritz Müller   19 December 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) [4 Bryanston Street, London.] Dec. 19th 1881 My dear Sir I hope that you may find time to go on with your experiments on such plants, as Lagerstrœmia, mentioned in your letter of Oct. 29th.; for I believe you will arrive at new & curious results, more especially if you can raise two sets of seedlings from the two kinds of pollen.1 Many thanks for the facts about the effects of rain & mud in relation to the waxy secretion.2 I have observed many instances of the lower side being protected better than the upper side, in the case, as I believe, of bushes & trees; so that the advantage in low-growing plants is probably only an incidental one. As I am writing away from my home, I have been unwilling to try more than one leaf of the Passiflora & this came out of the water quite dry on the lower surface & quite wet on the upper.—3 I have not yet begun to put my notes together on this subject, & do not at all know whether I shall be able to make much of it. The oddest little fact which I have observed is that with Trifolium resupinatum one half of the leaf (I think the right-hand side when the leaf is viewed from the apex) is protected by waxy secretion & not the other half; so that when the leaf is dipped into water, exactly 12 the leaf comes out dry & 12 wet. What the meaning of this can be, I cannot even conjecture.4 I read last night your very interesting article in Kosmos on the leaves of Crotalaria & so was very glad to see the dried leaves sent by you: it seems to me a very curious case.5 I rather doubt whether it will apply to Lupinus, for unless my memory deceives me all the leaves of the same plant sometimes behaved in the same manner.6 But I will try & get some of the same seeds of the Lupinus & sow them in the Spring. Old age, however, is telling on me, & it troubles me to have more than one subject at a time on hand.— Kosmos seems to me a very interesting Journal, & I see there is an article on sexual selection which I must read, as it seems to upset all my conclusions.—7 With all good wishes for you & all your family | believe me, My dear Sir | Yours ever very sincerely | Charles Darwin The British Library (Loan MS 10 no 57) 1 2

See letter from Fritz Müller, 29 October 1881 and n. 3. Lagerstroemia is the genus of crape myrtle. Müller had noted that up to that point, no seeds derived from fertilisation with yellow pollen had germinated. See letter from Fritz Müller, 29 October 1881.

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Müller had enclosed some leaf specimens with his letter of 29 October 1881, among which were leaves of an unnamed species of Passiflora (passionflower), in which the abaxial surface was protected by a waxy coating (based on Müller’s description, probably P. edulis). CD had noted the partial absence of bloom (waxy coating) on leaves of Trifolium resupinatum (Persian clover) in the letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, [20–4 August 1877] (Correspondence vol. 25). CD’s observations on the partial absence of bloom, made between 17 August and 21 September 1877, are in DAR 209.12: 178; further notes, dated between 6 July 1881 and 12 April 1882, are in DAR 209.12: 180–2. Müller’s article on Crotalaria cajanaefolia (a synonym of C. cajanifolia, chipilin) appeared in Kosmos, December 1881 (F. Müller 1881c). Lupinus is the genus of lupine. Both Lupinus and Crotalaria (the genus of rattlebox) are in the family Fabaceae. Müller had observed that young leaflets of C. cajanaefolia behaved differently from older ones (see letter from Fritz Müller, 6, 7, and 9 September 1881). In Movement in plants, pp. 341–3, CD had discussed the variability of nyctitropic movements in some species of Lupinus and noted that younger leaflets often moved up rather than down at night. CD refers to an article by Wilhelm von Reichenau, ‘Ueber den Ursprung der secundären männlichen Geschlechts-charaktere, insbesondere bei den Blatthornkäfern’ (On the origin of secondary male sexual characteristics, particularly in lamellicorn beetles; Reichenau 1881). Reichenau argued that many of the characteristics that CD had linked to sexual selection could be better accounted for by natural selection.

From G. S. Owen   19 December 1881 Wonston | Micheldever Station | Hants. Dec 19 81. Sir, I have been asked to send you the enclosed items—wh: I am told will interest you— As I have seen them myself I can vouch for their accuracy. Apologising for occupying yr. valuable time— I am | Yrs truly | G S Owen Rattlesnakes On the Prairies of N. Mexico, some years ago, we were constantly meeting with rattlesnakes in large numbers. Grasshoppers were very common also, & such was the resemblance between the rattle of the snake & the sound of the grasshopper, that I have repeatedly started aside under the impression that a snake was about to “strike”, having afterwards found that it was only the grasshopper after all—1 We have also opened snakes and taken birds from the inside. My belief is, that this rattle, by its close imitation of the grasshopper attracts the bird for the benefit of the snake. I have also remarked that the rattle of the snake frequenting rocky, broken ground is formed differently from that of the snake frequenting the smooth prairie lands.—2 The former is strengthened as at (1).  by an extra (2) (1) web & not flat as at (2)— in fact one wd be represented by a bar of flat iron   the other by a T iron. wh: seems to me to be a proper provision of nature— My assistants firmly believed that the rattles of the snake when worn inside the hat wd. cure head-ache & therefore always kept them for that purpose.

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December 1881 Ants

In Brazil, I have seen on the ground, a complete tunnel of living ants3 thus  say 3 inches span × 5 yards long, constructed across a clearing, between the deep shade of the forest on either side. On breaking thro’ this seething mass of ants, I found others carrying their eggs— I presume this piece of engineering was constructed to protect the eggs from the burning rays of a tropical sun, as no attempt at protection was made on either side of the road wh: was in deep shade— G S Owen DAR 173: 44 1 2

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Seven species of rattlesnake are found in New Mexico, the commonest being the western diamondback (Crotalus atrox); it has distinctive black and white rings on its tail just above the rattle. Different species of rattlesnake have different sized rattles; a new segment of rattle is formed whenever the snake sheds its skin, but older segments at the tip can break off. The commonest prairie-dwelling rattlesnake in New Mexico is the western rattlesnake (Crotalus viridis). Owen probably observed some species of New World army ant of the genus Neivamyrmex.

From P. H. Pye-Smith   19 December 1881 56, Harley Street. | W. Dec. 19. 1881 My dear Sir I do not write to urge you to favour us with the article on “Vivisection” for “the 19th Century” which we asked before, though we should be none the less grateful for it, if you saw your way to it, for the month of February.1 But I write, first, to ask whom you would advise us to choose to write it from the purely Scientific stand-point, failing yourself. I have already applied to Mr Huxley and to Sir John Lubbock. Both are unable from press of other engagements to help.2 We (Burdon Sanderson, Michael Foster Brunton & myself) have thought among others of Mr Spottiswoode, Prof. Tyndall, Turner of Edinboro’ (I asked Flower before) and Fletcher-Moulton, the barrister.3 Can you suggest anyone better & especially anyone whom you could ask to do the task on your behalf ? Next, you are aware that the movement set on foot to defray Ferrier’s expenses in the recent prosecution, which you were so generously forward to join, has grown into a project for forming an Association, not only to meet any future attacks of the same kind on legitimate scientific inquiries, but to diffuse knowledge on the subject of physiological experiments among the public, and to watch the working of the Act, so as bring pressure to bear on the Home Office when needful.4 That it will be needful, an interview Mr Bowman Mr Lister & myself had with the Home Secretary (as a deputation from the International Medical Congress) left no doubt on my mind.5

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Will you join this Association? We have already several eminent men of science & members of both Houses of parliament who will be ready to do so; and since the provisional Committee includes Mr Bowman & Sir Wm. Gull, the Pres.  of the R. Coll of Surgeons & the late Pres. of the R. Coll of physicians, Dr A Clark Mr Lister & Dr Sanderson, you will see that you are not likely to be committed to any folly which the youthful impetuosity of Brunton or myself might bring about.6 As soon as the Association is formed we shall have to look about for a suitable President. I should like to propose your name, & none could be more welcome or appropriate. But Brunton tells me that he thinks you would prefer not: and your time & health & comfort are far too valuable to be sacrificed: so we will not urge you if you decline.7 There will be time enough for this however when our Association is launched. While staying with Romanes in September I had the privilege of reading an early copy of your last work—on the worms. How wonderful it is that you have such boundless capacity for work. Thank God you seem as energetic and “geistreich” as when you wrote your famous book on Coral islands.8 I heard lately from Wallis Nash in Oregon. He has sent home to Moseley a perfect skeleton of Enhydra marina, which is now in the Hunterian Museum—9 You know perhaps that their child born in their new home was named after yourself.10 I am, dear Sir, | Yours with the deepest respect & esteem | P H Pye-Smith. DAR 174: 82 CD annotation Top of letter: ‘Pagets article’11 pencil 1

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CD had been asked to contribute an article on vivisection to the monthly magazine Nineteenth Century in August 1881 (see letter from G. J. Romanes, 31 August 1881 and n. 4). He had declined, although he offered to allow parts of his earlier letter to The Times on vivisection to be quoted (see letter to G. J. Romanes, 2 September 1881 and n. 2). Thomas Henry Huxley had become an inspector of fisheries in January 1881, in addition to his academic post (see letter to T. H. Huxley, 7 January 1881). John Lubbock was head of the family bank as well as being an MP and president of the Linnean Society. John Scott Burdon Sanderson, Michael Foster, Thomas Lauder Brunton, and Pye-Smith were members of the Physiological Society committee set up to consider the vivisection issue (for more on the committee, see the letter from G. J. Romanes, 31 August 1881 and n. 4). Pye-Smith also refers to William Spottiswoode, John Tyndall, William Turner, William Henry Flower, and John Fletcher Moulton. David Ferrier had been charged with violating the 1876 Cruelty to Animals Act (see letter to T. L. Brunton, 19 November 1881 and n. 1). William Bowman, Joseph Lister, and Pye-Smith were members of the executive committee of the International Medical Congress that was held in London from 2 to 9 August 1881 (Transactions of the International Medical Congress 1881 1: xxxi). The home secretary was William Vernon Harcourt. William Withey Gull. Erasmus Wilson was president of the Royal College of Surgeons in 1881. James Risdon Bennett was president of the Royal College of Physicians from 1876 to 1880. Andrew Clark was CD’s physician. See letter to T. L. Brunton, 17 December 1881. CD told Brunton he could not accept the offer to become nominal president of the proposed association. George John Romanes had reviewed Earthworms, so received an early copy. His review appeared in Nature, 13 October 1881 (G. J. Romanes 1881b). Geistreich: witty, ingenious (German). Coral reefs was published in 1842.

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Wallis Nash had lived in Down before emigrating to Oregon in 1879 (see K. G. V. Smith and Dimick 1976, pp. 78–9). Henry Nottidge Moseley had travelled along the west coast of the United States in 1877. Enhydra marina (a synonym of E. lutris) is the sea otter; it was native to the northern and eastern Pacific Rim; on the west coast of North America it ranged from the Baja Peninsula to Alaska. PyeSmith also refers to the Hunterian Museum of the Royal College of Surgeons in London. Louis Darwin Nash was born on 7 June 1880 (U.S., World War I draft registration cards, 1917–1918 (Ancestry. com, accessed 13 October 2020)). CD’s annotation is a note for his reply, which has not been found. James Paget, Richard Owen, and Samuel Wilks had each written essays under the collective title, ‘Vivisection, its pains and uses’ for the Nineteenth Century (J. Paget et al. 1881).

To F. W. Surman   19 December [1881]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) [4 Bryanston Street, London.] Dec. 19th Dear Surman It might save time, if you would write to me at Down, telling me (1) your Christian name in full (2.) where born. (3) age (4) How long, exactly you lived with my brother (5) & how long at your previous place, giving name & address of the family.—2 Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin American Philosophical Society (Mss.B.D25.607) 1 2

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to Albert Günther, 19 December 1881. See letter to Albert Günther, 19 December 1881. CD was trying to help Surman apply for a post at the British Museum.

To the Darwin children   20 December 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. December 20th 1881 To my Executors & other children. I have promised to Sir J. Hooker to pay about £250 annually for 4 or 5 years, for the formation of a perfect M. S. catalogue of all known plants; & in the case of my death before the completion of the work, I desire that my children may combine & arrange for the annual payment of the above sum, & I have full confidence that this my desire will be faithfully carried out.1 Charles Darwin DAR (CD library—Index Kewensis tom. 1) 1

See letter from J. D. Hooker, 17 December 1881 and n. 1. The first four parts (comprising two volumes) of the work, Index Kewensis, were compiled at CD’s expense; they took far longer than expected and were published between 1893 and 1895 (Meikle 1971, pp. 295–6). Numerous supplements have subsequently been added.

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From Albert Günther   21 December 1881 British Museum 21. 12. 81 My dear Mr. Darwin In consequence of the great number of Candidates for the Attendantships in the Brit. Mus. it is always difficult for a person to obtain an appointment1  But the first step to be taken is that the man should obtain the promise from one of the Principal Trustees to be placed on his list.2 When that is done, and the man has a particular liking or qualifications for one of the Departments, he should inform the Principal Librarian or Keeper of it. In that case his appointment may be accelerated. I enclose a paper which will give some additional information. Please, note that the man must not be beyond 30 years of age.3 There is no vacancy in my Department, nor likely to be one for the next year or so.4 I have asked the Treasury through the Trustees for four additional Attendants, but met with a refusal. If you think that the man would be better satisfied as to his prospects of an appointment in the Brit. Mus. by seeing me, I shall be very glad to explain to him all he wishes to learn. With my best wishes to you, Mrs Darwin & all your family, and with my most sincere hope that the coming & succeeding years will be marked by signs of your undiminished activity | Believe me | Yours very truly | A Günther DAR 165: 258 1 2

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See letter to Albert Günther, 19 December 1881. CD was trying to help Frederic William Surman to apply for a post at the British Museum. At this time, the museum had fifty trustees; the three principal trustees were the archbishop of Canterbury, the lord chancellor, and the speaker of the House of Commons (Thornbury and Walford [1878], 4: 495). The enclosure has not been found. Günther was keeper of the zoological department of the British Museum.

To A. E. Nordenskiöld   21 December 18811 Beckenham [Acknowledges a presentation copy of The Voyage of the Vega.]2 Incomplete3 Sotheby’s (dealers) (28 March 1983) 1 2

The date is given in the sale catalogue. The Vega expedition (1878–80) was a Swedish research expedition that explored the polar sea north of Siberia and was the first to navigate through the North-East Passage. Nordenskiöld’s account of the voyage was published in English in two volumes (Nordenskiöld 1881). CD’s annotated copy is in the Darwin Library–CUL.

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The original letter is complete. It was sold with two other letters, two in CD’s hand, one signed by him, making a total of five pages. One letter in the lot, letter to ?, 29 March 1882 (see Correspondence vol. 30), turns out to be in CD’s hand and one page long. The other is the letter to ?, 2 May [1869 or later] (see Correspondence vol. 30, Supplement).

From P. H. Pye-Smith   21 December 1881 56, Harley Street. | W. Dec 21. 81. My dear Sir I am much obliged by your valuable letter & the counsel it contains1 As to the Association you shall not be troubled more about the presidency   As soon as it is formed we shall be glad to include your name among the numbers.2 I am glad that you like Sir Jas. Paget’s article, tho’ the comment of a high official to whom I gave it in proof, was that it was very nicely written, but “not strong enough”3   What you say as to the uselessness of argument & the necessity of giving people “telling instances” is I have no doubt true. The difficulty is that tho’ there are striking instances of direct benefit, it is difficult if one is quite candid (& so good a cause should not be fended otherwise) not to weaken their effect by admitting, concomitant sources of information beside experiment, or only partial success in the remedial result. Moreover our arguments are impregnable to those who have brains to consider, whereas our facts, however accurately & cautiously stated, are impudently contradicted, or at least spoken of as exaggerated & ex parte assertions.4 In a paper which Sanderson & I drew up at the time the Bill was under discussion, & which was signed by Dr Sharpey & all the teachers of physiology in the 3 Kingdoms, we gave are your several “special cases”.5 Animal parasites, ovariotomy, antiseptic treatment, are valuable instances, for which I am much obliged. They have not been forgotten & I will take care they shall be trotted out again to as good advantage as possible. In January the enemy is to make his reply.6 In February we shall have I hope a useful paper from the side of the Animals by Mr Fleming (head of the veterinary department at the War Office) another medical one from Dr A Clark & perhaps by Mr Lister or Mr Bowman.7 I am, my dear Sir, | Yours very sincerely | P H Pye-Smith. Thank you kindly for your postscript. DAR 174: 83 1 2

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CD’s letter has not been found, but see the letter from P. H. Pye-Smith, 19 December 1881. See letter from P. H. Pye-Smith, 19 December 1881 and n. 7. The proposed Science Defence Association was to provide a defence fund for researchers charged under the 1876 Cruelty to Animals Act. CD had confirmed he would not be able to be president of the proposed association. See letter from P. H. Pye-Smith, 19 December 1881 and n. 11. The article by James Paget was the first part of J. Paget et al. 1881. Ex parte: from one side (Latin; the sense is partial or prejudiced (Chambers)). John Scott Burdon Sanderson, William Sharpey, and others had drafted a bill allowing the practice of vivisection under certain conditions; CD had also played a leading role in drafting the bill. In the event, other parties brought forward alternative bills and in June 1875 Parliament decided to convene a Royal Commission to examine the matter. A bill was eventually passed in 1876, but the controversy

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continued. One of the key points of debate was whether vivisection experiments had any demonstrable medical benefit. For more on the debates, see Correspondence vol. 23, Appendix VI. Pye-Smith refers to a forthcoming reply to Paget and other defenders of vivisection by Richard Holt Hutton, ‘The biologists on vivisection’, Nineteenth Century 11 (January 1882): 29–39. George Fleming had been appointed inspecting veterinary surgeon at the War Office in 1879. Fleming’s 1866 essay on vivisection had been awarded first prize and published by the Royal Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals (Fleming 1866). Andrew Clark, Joseph Lister, and William Bowman.

To Gustaf Retzius   21 December 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) December 21st 1881 Dear Sir I must again have the pleasure of thanking you for another grand present of your magnificent work, “Das Gehörorgan der Wirbelthiere”.1 Notwithstanding the generous words written by you on the title-page, I cannot feel myself worthy of such a gift.2 With my sincere thanks & much respect, I remain | My dear Sir | Yours faithfully & obliged | Charles Darwin Centrum för vetenskapshistoria, Kungl. Vetenskapsakademien (Gustaf Retzius arkiv, Inbundna serien, Engelsmän I, s 36) 1 2

Retzius sent the first volume of Das Gehörorgan der Wirbelthiere (The acoustic organ of vertebrates; Retzius 1881–4), which dealt with the acoustic organs of fishes and amphibians. CD’s copy of the first volume of Retzius 1881–4 is in the Darwin Library–Down; the inscription reads, ‘Mr Charles Darwin | with veneration for his genius and works | from the Author | Gustaf Retzius | Stockholm, Oct. 1881.’

To W. F. Stanley   21 December 1881 Down. | Beckenham Kent &c. Dec. 21. 1881. Dear Sir. Absence from home has prevented me from sooner thanking you sincerely for the present of your work on Fluids, & for your very kind note.1 I have read the indicated passages, & your experiments seem to me to show, as far as I can judge on so difficult a subject and with my little knowledge that the course of Fluids under the stated circumstances would influence the nascent circulating system of an animal.—2 These experiments appear to me extremely curious— With respect to the latter part of your letter. there can be no greater satisfaction to an old man, than to hear that what he has written has in the least degree influenced the taste for science in a young student.3 With all good wishes— | I remain | Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin. Copy DAR 147: 490 1

See letter from W. F. Stanley, 15 December 1881. Stanley sent his book, Experimental researches into the properties and motions of fluids (Stanley 1881).

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Stanley suggested that CD read Stanley 1881, pp. 106–7 and 311–17 (letter from W. F. Stanley, 15 December 1881). He speculated that some of the mechanical principles relating to bifurcation and vein formation in liquids might be applicable to organic forms such as algae. Stanley had mentioned that Origin was the first book on any ‘special’ science that he remembered buying (letter from W. F. Stanley, 15 December 1881).

To E. B. Wilson   21 December 1881 [Down.] December 21, 1881. Dear Sir, I thank you much for having taken so much trouble in describing fully your interesting and curious case of mimickry.1 I am in the habit of looking through many scientific Journals, and though my memory is now not nearly so good as it was, I feel pretty sure that no such case as yours has been described (amongst the nudibranch) molluscs. You perhaps know the case of a fish allied to Hippocampus, (described some years ago by Dr Günther in Proc. Zoolog. Socy.) which clings by its tail to sea-weeds, and is covered with waving filaments so as itself to look like a piece of the same sea-weed.2 The parallelism between your and Dr Gùnther’s case makes both of them the more interesting; considering how far a fish and a mollusc stand apart. It wd. be difficult for anyone to explain such cases by the direct action of the environment.— I am glad that you intend to make further observations on this mollusc, and I hope that you will give a figure and if possible a coloured figure. With all good wishes from an old brother naturalist, I remain, Dear Sir, | Yours faithfully, | Charles Darwin. A. C. Seward ed. 1909, p. 279 1 2

See letter from E. B. Wilson, 5 December 1881. Wilson had described a species of nudibranch mollusc that resembled the fronds of the seaweed where it lived. Hippocampus is the genus of seahorses. Albert Günther had described and figured a species of pipefish, Phyllopteryx eques (a synonym of Phycodurus eques, the leafy seadragon), in Proceedings of the Zoological Society of London; he noted the resemblance of the fish to seaweed of a similar colour (Günther 1865, p. 328). The genera Hippocampus, Phyllopteryx, and Phycodurus are in the family Syngnathidae (pipefishes and seahorses).

To Albert Günther   22 December [1881]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Dec. 22 My dear Dr Günther I thank you sincerely for all the trouble, which you have so kindly taken. My case is hopeless as my man is 31 years old. Nor cd. I influence the Archbishop & the other two great men.2 With many thanks | Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin Natural History Museum, Library and Archives (Archives DF ZOO/200/21/105)

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The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to F.  W.  Surman, 22 December 1881. See letter from Albert Günther, 21 December 1881, and letter to F. W. Surman, 22 December 1881. Candidates for a post at the British Museum needed to be placed on a list by one of the three principal trustees; they were the archbishop of Canterbury (Archibald Campbell Tait), the lord chancellor (Roundell Palmer), and the speaker of the House of Commons (Henry Brand). CD’s candidate was Frederic William Surman.

From J. D. Hooker   22 December 1881 Royal Gardens Kew Dec 22/81. My dear Darwin I have instructed Mr Daydon Jackson accordingly; & can only again on the part of Botanists present & future, thank you heartily for your munificent contribution to the Science.1 We go to Pendock for 10 days tomorrow.2 I hunted up Kirke White’s poems, for the gruesome ballad of which I spoke;— there it is, sure enough, called Gondoline; it haunted me as a child, & I have not read it since. I think still it is the most ghastly thing in the language.3 Ever aff yrs | Jos. D. Hooker. DAR 104: 172 1 2 3

CD was to provide £250 a year for Benjamin Daydon Jackson to produce a new catalogue of all known plants (Index Kewensis; see letter from J. D. Hooker, 17 December 1881). Hooker and his wife, Hyacinth, were spending Christmas with her father, William Samuel Symonds, who was rector of Pendock, Worcestershire. Henry Kirke White’s ballad described the torments of Gondoline, who feared for the fate of her lover, the young crusader Bertrand. Gondoline entered a dark cave, where she encountered a snake, trod on a bloated toad, and saw twelve withered witches, who recounted various gruesome deeds before revealing Bertrand’s severed head. Distraught, Gondoline drowned herself, and her ghost continued to appear at that place at midnight. See Southey ed. 1807, 2: 31–43. CD and Hooker probably met when CD was in London from 13 to 20 December 1881 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)).

To F. W. Surman   22 December 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Dec. 22d 1881 Dear Surman I have heard from Dr. Günther & your case is hopeless, as he says “please note, that the man must not be beyond 30 years age”.1 Moreover the permission of one of the 3 chief Trustees must be obtained before even application can be made, & I have no influence whatever on the Archbishop, the Chancellor & Speaker.—2 I am sorry that you shd be disappointed & remain | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin Dr. G. says that the applications is very great.— American Philosophical Society (Mss.B.D25.608)

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See letter from Albert Günther, 21 December 1881. In 1881, Surman would have been 31. See letter from Albert Günther, 21 December 1881 and n. 2. Archibald Campbell Tait was the archbishop of Canterbury, Roundell Palmer was the lord chancellor, and Henry Brand was the speaker of the House of Commons.

From A. C. Horner   23 December 1881 Tonbridge Dec. 23. 81 Dear Sir I have just read your last work on “Worms”.1 I have presumed therefore to write to you. A few minutes acquaintance of your son in conjunction with my friend Dr Norman Moore may also be an excuse for doing so.2 At p. 10 & 105 you refer to worm castings in a cellar. I can corroborate that, as I have seen the same in my own cellar ((belonging to a very old house). At p. 28 you seem to prove that worms do not emerge from ground by beating it. I seem to remember very distinctly however that after or whilst lying down on grass that worms have emerged.3 At this time of the year however I should prefer not experimenting in that way. At p. 43 you mention the boa constrictor as bathing its prey with saliva. You do not say that you have seen it doing so. You probably therefore refer to what others have said. Mr Arthur Nicols (F.G.S., F.R.G.S.) at a lecture on Snakes Oct.  27. 81  in the Grammar School of this town discredited any notion of the Boa-constrictor doing anything of the kind, and said that he had never been able to see anything like a “bathing with saliva”.4 At p. 121 you say that earth-worms are easily killed by salt-water. As you do not say that you have experimented on their egg-capsules with salt-water, I think that it still remains an open question whether they are also destroyed by salt-water.5 Whilst reading Chap. III at p.  129, it occurred to me that whilst in search of Coleoptera under stones, I very frequently have seen Mole-burrows (but in that case not my Insect friends).6 I can hardly doubt therefore that these burrows would cause the stones to subside, especially in grass fields where I have more often observed them. At p. 153 you refer to Ants beneath stones. As ants, from my observations, seem to prefer dry to damp soil (which is the reverse of worms), I should expect that their action in causing subsidence would come into play at the points where worms left off.7 At p. 158—for “thoguh” read “though”8 At p. 214 (Fig. 14) & p. 220 it seems to me that either the diagram is incorrect or that your interpretation does not entirely explain its appearance as represented. The layer of vegetable mould is clearly defined. Beneath it is a mass (2512 inches thick) of “dark brown mould”. In the diagram the walls project into this “dark brown mould” on the north or upper side about half way (12 inches or more)

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Now, if this state of “mould” had been brought about by long continued ploughing surely the ploughing would either have erased the wall or the wall would have prevented the ploughing to any depth below at least the present upper level of the wall, for ploughing could hardly be carried on close to and parallel with the wall.9 Supposing the diagram to be incorrect, I should expect to find the “mould” gradually shelving off from the upper surface of the wall to the full depth of 2512 inches

North

Another thing that strikes me is that if your theory is correct, there ought to be both more and larger stones in the “mould” at the bottom than at the top near the “superficial mould”, but the diagram does not represent it to be so. At p. 258—for “each of acre” read “each acre”.10 I have derived so much pleasure from your book, that I hope you will overlook my presumption in writing to you, and believe that my aim in doing so is truth in science, and a wish to help if possible others to arrive at it. I remain, Sir | Yrs. faithfully | A. C. Horner DAR 166: 268 CD annotations 2.1 At … that,] scored blue and red crayon 10.1 At … “though”] ‘XX’ pencil; ‘I cannot find’ ink circled ink 16.1 At … acre”.] ‘XX’ pencil; ‘(has been corrected)’11 ink 1 2 3

4

Earthworms. Horner probably refers to Francis Darwin, who had studied medicine in London at around the same time as Horner and Norman Moore. CD modified his statement about the sensitivity of worms to the ground being beaten in the fifth thousand of Earthworms and added more information on the subject in Earthworms (1882) (see letter from D. J. Wintle, [before 9] December 1881 and nn. 2 and 3). Arthur Nicols had corresponded with CD in 1871 after having read Descent. He sent CD information on the behaviour of the koala (Phascolarctos cinereus; see Correspondence vol. 19, letter from Arthur Nicols, 7 March 1871). In Earthworms (1882), p. 44, the sentence about the snakes was modified to read: ‘The boa-constrictor is said to bathe its prey with saliva, but this is doubtful.’ FGS, FRGS: fellow of the Geological Society, fellow of the Royal Geographical Society.

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CD had discussed whether egg-capsules could be transported to islands, but had not mentioned their resistance to salt water (Earthworms, p. 121). No alteration to this section was made in later printings. Coleoptera is the order of beetles. The common European mole is Talpa europaea. In Earthworms, p. 153, CD had noted the absence of earthworms near ant nests. The misprint occurred in the printing of the fourth thousand of Earthworms, but had been corrected for the fifth. In Earthworms (1882), p. 216, CD added a sentence to the caption of fig. 14, to clarify that the little cliffs capped with turf were really at a considerable distance from the corridor, but represented as close to fit in the diagram. The misprint was introduced in the fourth thousand of Earthworms but corrected in Earthworms (1882), p. 261. CD’s annotations are probably notes for his reply, but none has been found. See nn. 8 and 10, above.

From Félix Hément1   24 December 1881 Nanterre (Seine) | près Paris Monsieur & illustre maître Permettez-moi de vous adresser quelques notes qui ne seront peut-être pas sans intérêt pour vous. Veuillez agréer, Monsieur & illustre maître, l’expression de mes sentiments respectueux, | Félix Hément 24 Xbre. 1881 [Enclosure] M. E.-A. Axon a adressé, de Manchester, à l’Académie des Sciences l’indication de quelques faits, à l’appui des observations présentées par M. Hément, sur l’accent des sourds-muets qui ont appris à articuler.2 “Dans le Philosophical Transactions (No 312.) se trouve un article sur un jeune Ecossais montagnard, sourd-muet de sa naissance.3 A l’âge de dix-sept ans et à la suite de deux attaques de fièvre, il recouvra l’ouïe. Les domestiques eurent beaucoup de peine à le comprendre dans les premiers efforts qu’il fit pour parler; ils y parvinrent parfaitement par la suite. Il avait l’accent des jeunes montagnards de son âge, avant qu’ils ne commencent à apprendre la langue anglais. Ce qui est encore plus remarquable, c’est qu’il ne parle que l’anglais, la parole lui étant venue dans la partie basse de l’Ecosse, où l’erse ou gaelique (le langage de ses parents) n’est pas parlé. C’est un fait frappant à l’appui de la théorie de l’hérédité. M. George Tickner, l’historien savant de la littérature espagnole, a visité l’école des sourds-muets à Madrid. Aucun des écoliers n’avait jamais entendu un son humain; toute leur connaissance de la langue parlée était le résultat d’imitations de leurs professeurs. Bien que tous les instituteurs furrent Castillans, les élèves parlaient avec clarté et décisions, suivant la manière et avec l’accent de leurs provinces respectives. M. Tickner pouvait distinguer facilement les Catalans, les Basques et les Castillons, et quelques-uns des visiteurs ont été à même de reconnaître les accents de Malaga et de l’Andalousie.4

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M.  Joseph Alley,5 de Manchester, habile précepteur d’Articulation, m’a fait connaître au cas pareil. E. R. devient sourd-muet dans sa première enfance et ne parle qu’à sa dix-septième année. M. Alley lui a appris à articuler, et bien que toute sa vie se soit passée dans le comté de Lancashire, E. R. parle avec l’accent du comté de Stafford où il est né. Ces faits, ajoute M.  Axon, sont tous constatés dans un article que j’ai écrit sur l’enseignement des sourds-muets et qui a paru dans The Companion of the Almanac pour l’année 1880.” DAR 166: 139 CD annotation Verso of second sheet of enclosure: ‘Hément’ pencil 1 2

3 4 5

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. The discussion that took place at the Académie des sciences on 7 November 1881 was briefly reported in Nature, 17 November 1881, p. 72. William Edward Armytage Axon later sent a letter to Nature, 1 December 1881, p. 101, containing the same information as this letter. The article appeared in the Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London in 1707 (Martin 1707). For more on George Ticknor’s findings, see Correspondence vol. 24, letter from Julius von Haast, 16 December 1876, and Correspondence vol. 25, letter to Julius von Haast, [c. 11 February 1877]. Joseph John Alley.

To G. J. Romanes   [after 25 December 1881]1 P.S. Since the above was written I have received your note of the 25th.— I was never more puzzled in my life. Dr Mc. Intosh applied to me before I heard of Mr Ewart; & I shd. feel it rather shabby after telling him that I could not give him a Testimonial (or rather not allow him to use one which I had formerly given him for Aberdeen) on account of having given one to Lankester, & now to give one to Mr Ewart.2 I really cannot judge between the two men.— Mr P. Geddes,3 also, has done excellent work, but I suppose he is a very young man. Judging from Dr Dickson’s (Prof.  of Botany) of Edinburg’s testimonial to r M Geddes, it seems that Mr Young of Glasgow is also in the field.—4 I am very sorry not to do what you ask me, but I think that I had better not give any testimonial when I feel so doubtful.—5 If moreover, Dr Mc.Intosh were to apply again, I could not refuse to allow him to use again my former testimonial.— I can only say again that I am very sorry C. D. American Philosophical Society (Mss.B.D25.614) 1 2

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to G. J. Romanes, 10 December [1881], and by the reference to a note written on the 25th. Romanes’s note has not been found. CD had recommended Edwin Ray Lankester for the professorship in natural history at Edinburgh. William Carmichael McIntosh had asked for CD’s support for

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the position, and Romanes had recommended James Cossar Ewart (see letter to E. R. Lankester, 31 October 1881 and n. 1, letter to W. C. McIntosh, [after 21 November 1881], and letter to G. J. Romanes, 10 December [1881]). CD had previously supported McIntosh for the position of regius professor of natural history at Aberdeen (see Correspondence vol. 26, letter to C. W. Thomson, 22 June 1878). Patrick Geddes. Alexander Dickson and James Young. In his missing note, Romanes evidently asked CD again to write a letter of reference for Ewart. In the event, Lankester was offered the post in March 1882 (Scotsman, 25 March 1882, p. 9); he initially accepted, but then resigned just two weeks later (see Nature, 27 April 1882, p. 607). The position was immediately filled by Ewart.

From C. A. Kennard   26 December 1881 Mr. Darwin Dear Sir. I a paper recently read before a company of women in Boston, ground was taken of the inferiority of women; past, present and future; based upon scientific principles: as concisely reported in the newspaper extract enclosed.1 In reply to opposing arguments in the discussion following the paper, the Author stated her scientific Authority to be Mr. Darwin, in his “Origin of Species”.2 As a believer in continued scientific discoveries and revelations answering and modfying, ultimately, all material questions; and as an admirer of your cautious and candid methods of conveying great results of learning and investigations to the world, I take the liberty to inquire whether the Author of the paper rightly inferred her arguments from your work: or if so, whether you are of the same mind now, as to possibilities for women, judging from her organization &c If a mistake has been made the great weight of your opinion and authority should be righted, to which, I take it for granted, you would not object. Excuse the liberty I take of addressing you and the hope of a reply in enclosed envelope. I am yours with expressions of great esteem | Caroline A. Kennard. Brookline | Dec. 26. 1881. DAR 201: 17 1

2

The enclosure has not been found, but the paper Kennard referred to was ‘Intellectual inferiority of woman from physical conditions’, presented by Martha A. Hardaker at the New England Women’s Club, of which Kennard was a member (Baca 2019, p. 282). A report of Hardaker’s paper appeared in the Boston Evening Transcript, 20 December 1881, p. 2. Hardaker, who had graduated from St Lawrence University in 1872, had been appointed to the staff of the Boston Evening Transcript earlier in 1881, prompting the New Northwest (an Oregon newspaper) to comment, ‘Miss M. A. Hardaker brings scholarship and ability to her new post, and is herself a proof of the falsity of her pet theory of the inferiority of women’ (New Northwest, 1 September 1881, p. 4). The Boston Transcript report did not mention CD or his work, but in the published version of the paper in Popular Science Monthly in March 1882, Hardaker referred to Descent 2: 313, where CD gave the reasons why he considered that men had ‘ultimately become superior’ to women (Hardaker 1882, p. 582).

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From W. P. Marshall   26 December 1881 15, Augustus Road, | Birmingham. 26 Dec. 81. Dear Sir, In a dredging expedition last summer off Oban, by the Birmingham Natural History Society, we obtained several specimens of Virgularia mirabilis (with Funicularia and Pennatula);—and have been greatly interested with the account that you have given in the “Beagle” Voyage (1860  page 99) of the specimens of a Virgularia at Bahia Blanca found growing in muddy sand, and drawing themselves down into the mud when touched, leaving a few inches length projecting above the surface.1 Our Oban specimens,—which were all dredged in about 22 fathom water,—are 6 to 10 ins. length, and are all broken at both ends, most of them at the lower end being broken just below the termination of the polypi-bearing body. Their fracture at the lower end was accounted for by the steel cutting-edge of the dredge mouth;—but the fracture of the upper ends of such slender elastic stems appeared very unaccountable, until the above habit was known of drawing down into the ground, when the short exposed upper portion would become the part liable to be broken off. We shall be greatly obliged if you can kindly favour us with any further information upon this very interesting point;—and particularly as to what is definitely known of the form that the buried stalk assumes in its natural state, and how far the solid stem extends down the stalk below the ordinary surface level of the ground;—and whether the buried stalk may be considered to be possibly straight for the greater portion of its length whilst in the ground, and only appearing curved after being pulled out of its hole in the ground,—so that the process of drawing down into the ground (from A to B) might be effected by a simple vertical contraction of the straight fleshy stalk. Also where a description can be seen of the Virgularia Patagonica that is referred to in the above, and what is its difference from V. mirabilis. The figure of V.  mirabilis in Dalyell’s “Rare & Remarkable Animals of Scotland”, (1848, Vol. 2) shows the lower portion straight for most of its length, B A and curved only at the extremity, as in the sketch A.2 I am Dear Sir | Yours very truly | William P. Marshall | Past President | Birmn. Nat. Hist. Society Charles Darwin Esqre. | LLD., FRS. DAR 171: 50 1

Oban is a town on the west coast of Scotland. Virgularia mirabilis is the slender sea pen, a colonial marine organism in the order Pennatulacea (sea pens and sea pansies). Sea pens are characterised by

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a peduncle, buried in sediment, and a polyp-bearing rachis that extends into the water column. In Journal of researches (1860), p. 99, CD had described Virgularia patagonica (the taxon is now considered to be nomen nudem, that is, failing to qualify as an accepted scientific name). Based on CD’s description, the species may have been Virgularia grandiflora (a synonym of Anthoptilum grandiflorum, the full-flowered sea pen), a cosmopolitan species common in the area off the coast of southern Argentina. Marshall refers to John Graham Dalyell and Dalyell 1847–8, 2: pl. 43, fig. 7 (facing p. 190).

To Víctor López-Seoane   27 December 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. Dec 27. 1881 Dear Sir, It would be a pleasure to me to assist you in your researches, but I cannot give the desired information, as I have not specially attended to the embryology of the Vertebrata.1 I strongly advise you to procure F. Balfour’s ‘Comparative Embryology’ in 2 volumes, which contains many original observations with full references to all that has been published on the subject, together with many illustrations.2 I believe it to be the most valuable biological work which has been published for very many years. It will soon be translated into German, and I believe into French. I have received your Essays, but just lately I have been so much engaged that I have not yet read them, but hope soon to do so.3 With respect to species, I quite agree with you that it is a serious evil to load our books with new names. Nevertheless the description, as a variety, of any constant difference, however small, between two forms, seems to me highly advisable. As far as I can judge there is no rule about giving a new name to a form, excepting that of its differences being of an important nature. Whenever two forms are connected by intermediate varieties, it seems best to give the whole series a single name, however different the extremes may be; and I followed this plan in describing the Cirripedia.4 I am delighted at the revival of Science in Spain, and with all good wishes, I remain Dear | Sir Yours faithfully | Charles Darwin LS(A) Instituto de Estudios Coruñeses José Cornide 1 2 3 4

See letter from Víctor López-Seoane, 19 December 1881. Francis Maitland Balfour published the second volume of A treatise on comparative embryology (Balfour 1880–1) in July 1881 (see letter to F. M. Balfour, 6 July 1881). See letter from Víctor López-Seoane, 19 December 1881 and n. 2. CD’s systematic works on barnacles, both living and fossil, had been an outgrowth of a project on comparative anatomy (see Correspondence vol. 4). The works are notable for CD’s reduction of the proliferation of genera and species, as well as the inclusion of fossil species; moreover, his insistence on integrating material on the anatomy, habits, and geographical range into his formal descriptions was a departure from the usual relegation of such features to the appendixes (Fossil Cirripedia (1851), Fossil Cirripedia (1854), Living Cirripedia (1851), Living Cirripedia (1854)). For more on CD’s approach to systematics, see ‘Living and fossil Cirripedia’ (www.darwinproject.ac.uk/living-and-fossil-cirripedia (accessed 19 October 2020)).

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To John Price   27 December 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Dec. 27. 1881 My dear Price I heartily congratulate you on the marriage of your daughter.1 As one grows old one’s chief interest is in the happiness of our children, & I am sure that you require & deserve all consolations with your suffering health. The death of Mrs Smith has been a severe loss to many persons, including yourself. I never saw her but once at Patterdale, & then she seemed to me a very pleasing & loveable woman.2 I was thinking about a week ago that I shd. much like to give you a Christmas present, as old friends may do; but I racked my brains in vain, & I hope therefore you will accept the enclosed in the same spirit as I send it.3 I trust that you may be spared much suffering & remain, my dear Price | Yours sincerely | Charles Darwin University of California, Berkeley, The Bancroft Library (BANC MSS 74/78 z) 1 2

3

CD had probably heard that Mary Elizabeth Price and Henry Stolterfoth were to be married; the wedding did not take place until 16 February 1882 (Cheshire Observer, 25 February 1882, p. 5). The Darwins had met Lucy Caroline Smith when they visited Patterdale in the Lake District from 2 June to 4 July 1881 (see letter to John Price, 3 September [1881]). Smith had died on 14 December 1881 (England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 15 October 2020). CD’s gift has not been identified.

From J. J. Weir   27 December 1881 On Dec 27. 1881 Mr Jenner Weir wrote to Mr Darwin “After some hesitation, in lieu of a Christmas card, I venture to give you the result of some observations on mules made in Spain during the last two years— — — — —. It is a fact that the Sire has the prepotency in the offspring, as has been observed by most writers on that subject, including yourself. The mule is more ass-like, and the hinny more horselike, both in the respective lengths of the ears and the shape of the tail; but one point I have observed which I do not remember to have met with, and that is, that, the coat of the mule resembles that of its dam the mare, and that of the hinny its dam the ass, so that in this respect the prepotency of the sexes is reversed”1 The hermaphroditism in lepidoptera, referred to below, is said by Mr Weier to occur notably in the case of the hybrids of Smerinthus populi-ocellatus2 Copy DAR 148: 467

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A mule is the offspring of a male donkey (Equus asinus) and female horse (Equus caballus), while a hinny is the product of a male horse and female donkey. CD had discussed prepotency in the transmission of characters in relation to sex in Variation 2: 65–8. He briefly referred to prepotency in crosses between species, and noted, ‘the ass is prepotent over the horse; the prepotency in this instance running more strongly through the male than through the female ass; so that the mule resembles the ass more closely than does the hinny’ (ibid., p. 67). This paragraph, paraphrasing Weir, was added by Francis Darwin when preparing the extract of Weir’s letter for publication in ML 1: 396. The next letter published in ML 1: 397 (i.e., the letter ‘referred to below’) was the letter to J. J. Weir, 29 December 1881, which was CD’s response to this letter. Smerinthus populi (a synonym of Laothoe populi) is the poplar hawk-moth; Smerinthus ocellatus is the eyed hawk-moth. Natural hybrids of these species are common.

To Walter Baily   28 December 1881 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) December 28th 1881 Dear Sir I am much obliged for your letter. The statement about the beetle, probably a Staphylinus, hunting a worm by scent is quite new to me.—1 I have received another account of the noise made by worms, whilst dragging leaves into their burrows—2 — Dear Sir | Yours faithfully & obliged | Ch. Darwin The British Library (Add MS 50957 f. 44) 1

2

Baily’s letter has not been found. Although CD did not mention Baily’s observation, in Earthworms (1882), p. 65, he did add that members of the beetle genera Staphylinus and Carabus attacked worms ferociously. CD had added information from James Frederick Simpson on the rustling noise made by worms to the printing of the fifth thousand of Earthworms, p. 58 (see letters from J. F. Simpson, 4 November 1881 and 8 November 1881).

From H. C. Sorby   28 December 1881 Broomfield | Sheffield Dec 28/81 My dear Mr. Darwin Judging from what you say there appears to be no red colouring matter present in the plant that could be turned blue by the neutralization of free acid.1 I therefore suspect that the change is analogous to one that often occurs in more or less alkaline solutions. In most cases that I examined I was of opinion that the production of the colouring matter was due to the oxidization by the air of one or other of the different kinds of tannic acid but I am quite prepared to believe that other substances have the same sort of property and feel almost certain that this is so in the case of many lichens.2 On the whole I venture to suggest that the plant contains something changed into the colouring matter when in a slightly alkaline solution. If you could send me a little of the fresh plant I could make it out more certainly

Henry Clifton Sorby (1826–1908), on board his yacht ‘The Glimpse. Original at Sheffield City Archives: MD2087. Image www.picturesheffield.com, ref: s08190. Reproduced by permission.

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I left off studying the colouring matters of plants in order to work up all the material I had collected for my two addresses at the Geological Society on the structure of rocks and since then have been led into a whole lot of new work by living on my yacht nearly half the year.3 The first few years I was learning what to do. The last I have done a fair lot of scientific work. Along with Prof. Herdman my first paper will soon appear on a number of new British Ascidians.4 I have splendid opportunities for collecting and observing and in a while hope to do good service to science in this department. I should do more if my attention were not so much directed to a sort of compound of art and science—art illustrating science and science helping art—which however is I hope useful in another department of knowledge. If I can in any way assist you in connexion with marine work in the English Channel &c I shall be very pleased and if you could suggest anything that it would be desirable to examine I should be very much obliged. I am attending to nearly all departments of scientific work along with the best authorities in each branch. Trusting that you are well and being always most glad to do any little thing I can to advance the great questions you have so constantly in hand; wishing you a happy new year | I remain | Yours very truly | H C. Sorby DAR 177: 219 1 2

3

4

CD’s letter to Sorby has not been found. The plant pigments associated with red are anthocyanins; their colour changes from red to blue in less acidic (neutral) solutions. Anthocyanins in water typically lose colour, but tannic acid acts as a co-pigment with anthocyanins, stabilising colour. Lichens are symbiotic associations of fungi and algae; the anthocyanin in lichens is derived from the algal component, as there is no anthocyanin in fungi. Sorby had observed plant pigments using a modified microspectroscope that he first developed to examine mineral specimens (ODNB). He made his presidential addresses to the Geological Society of London in 1879 and 1880; the first of these was on the structure and origin of limestones while the second focused on the structure and origin of non-calcareous rocks (Sorby 1879, Sorby 1880). He spent his summers on his yacht, the Glimpse, dredging and making observations of the estuaries of Suffolk and Essex. Sorby published a paper, ‘On the ascidians collected on the cruise of the yacht “Glimpse”’, co-written with William Abbott Herdman, in the Journal of the Linnean Society (Zoology), September 1882 (Sorby and Herdman 1882).

From Arthur de Souza Corrêa1   28 December 1881 Brazilian Legation 2a., Granville Place. | London. W. 28 Décembre 1881 Monsieur, Le Baron de Villa Franca, mon compatriote, a été très reconnaissant de l’appréciation que vous avez bien voulu émettre au sujet des travaux d’apposition mis par lui en pratique dans la culture de la canne à sucre2 Il me charge maintenant de vous faire parvenir quelques observations qu’il a été à même de faire plus récemment ainsi que la déclaration ci-jointe des principaux planteurs de la Province de Rio de Janeiro qui a rapport au même objet.3

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Persuadé que ces communications peuvent avoir quelque intèrêt pour vous je prends donc la liberté de vous les adresser au nom du Baron de Villa Franca, en vous priant d’agréer la nouvelle assurance de la haute considération avec laquelle j’ai l’honneur d’être Votre très obeissant serviteur | A. de Souza Corrêa | Secrétaire de la Légation du Brasil Ch.s Darwin Esqre. F.R.S. DAR 160: 283 1 2

3

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. Ignacio Francisco Silveira da Motta, baron de Vila Franca, was a Brazilian politician and farmer. CD’s earlier letter to him has not been found, but see Correspondence vol. 28, letter from Arthur de Souza Corrêa, 23 October 1880 and n. 1. The enclosures have not been found, but CD and George John Romanes communicated the baron de Vila Franca’s work on new varieties of sugar cane to the Linnean Society on 6 April 1882; the paper was read on 4 May 1882, but not published (Proceedings of the Linnean Society of London (1880–2): 30–1; Linnean Society, SP register, reference 2371). The paper was also mentioned in Journal of Botany: British and Foreign 20 (1882): 192. CD’s draft of his and Romanes’s commentary on the paper is in DAR 207: 4.

From W. E. Darwin   29 December 1881 Bank, Southampton, Dec 29 1881 My dear Father, It is an allotment to “the Trust” of £299 North East Railway Consols on two payments of £149.10— so that it is now paid. but I am sorry to say it cannot come into this half year I fancy, as they will not receive it probably till due on January 2nd.. I hold it & will place with Trust funds1 I hope the keys are found. | Your affect son | WED Cornford Family Papers (DAR 275: 99) 1

The North East Railway consols (or bonds) were part of Emma Darwin’s trust (see CD’s Investment book (Down House MS), p. 152). See also letter from W. E. Darwin, [13 March 1881] and n. 5.

From W. P. Marshall   29 December 1881 15, Augustus Road, | Birmingham. 29 Dec. 81. Dear Sir, We beg to thank you for your letter respecting Virgularia, and your kind offer to lend Kölliker’s “Alcyonarien” if we had not been able to see it. We have a copy of that work, but have not been able to find that Kölliker has published yet any further portion of his intended complete monograph.1

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Respecting Virgularia he states that he had not been able to see or to hear of any specimen complete at the upper end; but I have just had the pleasure of finding in the Glasgow University Museum a specimen that has the upper end complete.2 It is 9 inches long and broken in the stalk just below the termination of the polypibearing portion.3 Dear Sir | Yours very truly | William P. Marshall Charles Darwin Esqre. | LLD., FR.S. DAR 171: 51 1

2

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CD’s letter has not been found, but see the letter from W. P. Marshall, 26 December 1881. Marshall and other members of the Birmingham Natural History Society had found several specimens of Virgularia mirabilis (the slender sea pen). CD offered to lend them Rudolf Albert von Kölliker’s Anatomischsystematische Beschreibung der Alcyonarien: I. Die Pennatuliden. Erste Hälfte (Anatomical-systematic description of the Alcyonaria: I. The Pennatulida. First half; Kölliker 1870). CD’s copy is in the Darwin Library– Down. Alcyonaria (a synonym of Octocorallia) is the former class (now subclass) of soft corals, sea pens, and sea pansies. Pennatulida (a synonym of Pennatulacea) is the order of sea pens and sea pansies. No further parts of the monograph were published, but Kölliker continued working on the Pennatulida, describing the specimens collected on the Challenger voyage (Kölliker 1880). In his description of Virgularia mirabilis, Kölliker noted that he had never seen a specimen in which the upper end of the rachis (Stock) was uninjured; he added that the longest specimen he observed had a rachis of 345mm (about 13.6 inches; Kölliker 1870, p. 190). Sea pens are characterised by a peduncle, buried in sediment, and a polyp-bearing rachis that extends into the water column.

To J. J. Weir   29 December 1881 Down, Beckenham. Dec. 29, 1881. My dear Sir I thank you for your “Christmas Card”, and heartily return your good wishes.1 What you say about the coats of mules is new to me, as is the statement about hermaphroditism in hybrid moths.2 This latter fact seems to me particularly curious; and to make a very wild hypothesis I should be inclined to account for it by reversion to the primordial condition of the two sexes being united; for I think it certain that hybridism does lead to reversion.3 I keep fairly well, but have not much strength, and feel very old. My dear Sir | Yours sincerely | Charles Darwin. Copy DAR 148: 340 1 2 3

See letter from J. J. Weir, 27 December 1881. Weir had sent his observations ‘in lieu of a Christmas card’. See letter from J. J. Weir, 27 December 1881 and nn. 1 and 2. In his discussion of inheritance in Variation 2: 372, CD had remarked, ‘Reversion is not a rare event, depending on some unusual or favourable combination of circumstances, but occurs so regularly with crossed animals and plants, and so frequently with uncrossed breeds, that it is evidently an essential part of the principle of inheritance.’

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From V. O. Kovalevsky   30 December 1881 Charing Cross Hotel. 30 December 1881 Dear Sir! You will allow an old friend to send You this small N. Y. gift as it may convey You some idea of the real struggle our peasant population are waging constantly against a hard climate and a poor soil.—1 With my best wishes for the N. Y. and many more to come | I remain Your very truly | an old Friend P.S. You asked me once for Adm. Boutakoff photo, he is now over 8 years dead, but his widow, on my request sends You his portrait2 DAR 169: 99 1

2

According to a note written by Francis Darwin at the top of the letter, Kovalevsky’s gift was a ‘box with plougher’. The box was evidently made of silver gilt by the firm of Sazikov; it featured an engraving based on a work by Nikolai Yegorovich Sverchkov, a Russian artist known for paintings with horses (Correspondence vol. 30, letter from V. O. Kovalevsky, 18 January [1882]). In 1867, Kovalevsky had sent CD a bearskin rug made from a Russian bear he had shot (see Correspondence vol. 15, letter from V. O. Kovalevsky, 24 April [1867]). No record of CD’s request has been found; the photograph of Aleksey Ivanovich Butakoff has not been found. Butakoff’s widow was Olga Nikolaevna Butakova.

From Horatio Piggot   31 December 1881 20, Broadwater Down | Tunbridge Wells 31 Dec/81. Dr Sir I will endeavour during the course of the next Summer to forward you one of the Carnivora feeding on the Earth Worm. I consider it a larva State of a Beetle.1 The noise of suction in my judgment is not one proceeding from the Animal, but is the result of the business like way of making a tubular drain, and drawing themselves through it. Last year I found the true wire worm fully developed dead, and on examination found that its death was caused by a parasite which turned out to be the larva of one of the Ichneumon flies, but I could get from British Museum no information.2 We had met with it before, and shall do so again: At night time I have seen the true wireworm, three parts out of the ground, standing as it were upright, eating through stem of Carnation— The fact made a great impression upon me, as I did not think they left the ground during their five years penal servitude, but the Toad confirmed me in the observation as I have found his excrement with the true wireworm very distinctly visible imbeded in it—3 With reference to a remark in the review of your work to the effect that the Slug feeds on the Common Earth worm, I very much doubt whether he will touch a living one: I think as a general Rule a slug prefers decaying vegetable matter to the living—4 Unless it were for the help of the slug I do not know where we should be

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in getting rid of the refuse.— I think I can honestly say that with the exceptn. of the Primrose blossoms nibbled apparently wantonly,* by the large Red, & Black Slugs, we have never had any of our herbaceous plants injured by them, as the thrushes are my Friends—5 But in the Kitchen Garden where there are necessarily fewer Birds, from the want of cover for them, the slugs are obliged to be killed: The way Slugs keep down the accumulation of Vegetable substances dying, and decaying, is something marvellous. I am trying to find out what it is that causes the starch like stiffness of Everlasting Flowers as they are called   is it Silienus? secretion of plant.6 Apologising for troubling with this long letter. Believe me | Yours very truly | Horatio Piggot Chas Darwin Esq | &c &c &c *lying down as thick as Sparrows pick and drop them DAR 174: 45 1

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No previous correspondence from Piggot on this subject has been found. The order Carnivora comprises carnivorous placental mammals; Piggot presumably uses the term to refer to any carnivorous beetle species. Wireworms are the larval forms of click beetles (family Elateridae); up to seventy species are found in Britain. Ichneumonidae is the family of ichneumon wasps, most of which are parasitic on various insect larvae. Wireworms generally spend two to six years underground in their larval forms, where they feed on the roots of plants; the later larval stage is characterised by a hard-shelled body with three pairs of legs. The carnation is Dianthus caryophyllus. The review mentioned has not been identified. Slugs are omnivorous and do eat earthworms. The large black slug is Arion ater; the large red slug is Arion rufus. The two species hybridise in the wild, but the latter is less common except in the south of England. The primrose (Primula vulgaris) is also favoured by some bird species, as CD had noted (see Correspondence vol. 22, letter to Nature, 7 and 11 May [1874]). Sparrows (Passer domesticus) do eat primroses, while some species of thrush (especially the song thrush, Turdus philomelos) are known to eat snails and slugs. The so-called everlasting flower is Xerochrysum bracteatum (family Asteraceae); it has colourful, papery bracts (often mistaken for petals, but the true flowers are in the central disc), which are actually composed of dead cells. The colours of the bracts never fade, making them popular florists’ flowers. The stiffness Piggot mentions results from the fact that the bract cells have secondary walls, usually only found in structural cells (sclerenchyma).

APPENDIX I Translations of letters From Ernst Krause1   2 January 1881 Berlin N.O. Friedenstrasse 11. 3 Tr. 2.1.1881. Most esteemed Sir! While first mentioning with my best thanks the arrival of your kind letter of the 26th of the previous month2 and wishing you a Happy New Year, I must immediately beg your forgiveness for replying so late. You see by accident the completion of the January issue of “Kosmos” was delayed by a few days, and as I wanted to send you my reply to Mr Butler’s accusations which is published in it, I postponed my reply from one day to the next, always thinking that the desired proof-sheets would arrive the next morning.3 This happened only today, and I hasten to send them to you with the necessary corrections. In this statement I did not in any detail consider the accusation that I had taken Coleridge’s remark & the quotation from Buffon from his book. The former I had noticed myself in the Athenæum four years ago, it has been discussed in German journals, and among others it is contained in Zoeckler’s work, which I cited (Life of Erasmus Darwin, p. 151), and which had been completed before Opus 4 came out. The passage from Buffon I have indeed taken from Butler, and I satisfied myself later in a local library that the quotation was generally correct.4 In the original manuscript I referred specifically to Butler’s book in this connection, observing that Mr Butler had mostly misunderstood Buffon’s views. However, these passages were subsequently deleted by you.5 So, in order to address this point in particular, I composed a second reply specifically for English readers which, if you deem it more appropriate, could perhaps most helpfully be included by Mr Dallas in the next issue of his Popular Science Review?6 In the latter case, I would ask you to alter and shorten my reply at your kind discretion, as you deem best. Obviously in this case it is not about me, but only about repudiating the unprecedented malicious attacks against your person. Mr Butler seeks everywhere to fish in troubled waters; in my opinion, all his attacks are, against better knowledge, calculated to deceive the reader. Over here such an absurd attack is almost unthinkable. The news I reported to you recently regarding an accident that had befallen Prof. Jäger, and about Kosmos ceasing publication, fortunately both turned out to be erroneous. Underlying the former was a case of mistaken identity,—the disaster had struck another Prof. Jaeger in Stuttgart7—and as for Kosmos, it has been bought

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by Herr Eduard Koch of Stuttgart, the publisher of your works, and will be run by him wholly in its current form. In this, Herr Koch does not share the view of his predecessor, who indeed was contemplating to convert the journal into a weekly.8 I close in order to allow this letter to go with today’s train, begging you not to give these sad attacks on Butler’s part more attention than they deserve, and remain, most esteemed Sir | Yours | gratefully devoted | Ernst Krause P.S. I expect that the reply in the enclosed manuscript turned out more successful. [Enclosure] Unconscious memory by Samuel Butler Opus 5. London David Bogue 1880, 208p in 8 In this book, which mainly deals with proof that the ideas expounded by Mr Butler in his Opus  3 (Life and Habit)9 have long since been elaborated by German naturalists and philosophers—only with greater precision and more scientific wording, a series of unfounded suspicions are levelled against Mr Charles Darwin and the undersigned, which will be disproved here one after the other: I) Mr Butler maintains that Mr Darwin arranged the translation into English of my essay on Dr Erasmus Darwin, published in Feb 1879, solely to discredit his (Mr Butler’s) Opus 4 (Evolution Old and New), which appeared in May? 1879. On this point, I note that Mr Darwin had expressed his intention of publishing my essay in English more than two months before the appearance of this book, whereupon I asked for a delay so that I could undertake revisions.10 II) Mr Butler’s assumption that Mr Darwin arranged to insert some hidden attacks against him (Mr B) in my sketch, is wholly unfounded, since on the contrary, Mr Darwin asked me to take no notice whatsoever of Mr Butler’s book, which had appeared in the interim.11 Since, however, it contributes to the fame of Dr Erasmus Darwin, that his views on the development of the living world even today satisfy certain “thinkers”, I have hinted at it in a concluding sentence and without naming Mr Butler. I must explicitly stress that Mr Darwin indeed made some cuts to my work, but made no additions at all nor suggested any to me. III) If Mr Butler declares that my revision was made “by the light’ of his book, this is correct in the sense that I read it before sending off my work, and through him I was made aware of a point of Buffon’s. On Dr Erasmus Darwin’s scientific views and writing I have not taken the slightest suggestion from the aforesaid book, nor could I, since almost only one point in Zoonomia, which I had already cited before him, is extensively discussed in it, while he has used the Botanic Garden only in one point of little importance, and the ‘Phytologia’ and the ‘Temple of Nature’ not at all,12 so that from his highly superficial work I could use not a line. Mr Butler’s claim that I have taken a remark about Coleridge from him is completely baseless. I knew this remark years ago from the source that he himself cites (by me cited more accurately); it is also mentioned in the work of Zöckler (vol. 2, p. 256) that I cited on p. 151, and that appeared before Butler’s Opus 4.13

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The whole “light” that I owe to Mr Butler is thus restricted to one quote from Buffon! IV) Regarding the main accusation, that the aforesaid revision of my essay is not mentioned in the preface, as a child can see, this is not a matter of intent, but rather only an oversight. It would be simply absurd if a writer wanted to attack a subsequent text in a backdated article, and far from the “falsification” harming Mr Butler, it could only be agreeable to him, since the inattentive reader would be bound to believe that no reference was intended to Mr Butler in the concluding sentence.14 But if he was referred to—and for everyone in the know that seems without doubt,—then every person with common sense would at once recognise the horrible “falsification” as a simple oversight Berlin 2 January 1881 (signed) Ernst Krause DAR 92: B61; DAR 221.2: 27 1 2 3

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12 13 14

For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see pp. 4–6. See Correspondence vol. 28, letter to Ernst Krause, 26 December 1880. Krause’s review of Butler 1880 was published in Kosmos (Krause 1881b). Samuel Butler had accused Krause and CD of making unacknowledged use of his work (see Butler 1880, pp. 58–79). CD had informed Krause of Butler’s accusations in his letter of 26 December 1880 (Correspondence vol. 28). Opus 4 was Butler 1879. The quotation from Samuel Taylor Coleridge was taken by Krause from the Athenæum, 27 March 1875, p. 423 (see Erasmus Darwin, p. 134). The quotation from Georges Louis Leclerc, comte de Buffon, had appeared in Butler 1879, p. 120; however, in Erasmus Darwin, pp. 147–8, Krause cited the original source (Buffon et al. 1749–1804, 5: 104). Krause also cited Otto Zöckler’s Geschichte der Beziehungen zwischen Theologie und Naturwissenschaft (History of the relations between theology and natural science; Zöckler 1877–9) in Erasmus Darwin, p. 151 n. CD had asked Krause to make substantial cuts to his essay in Erasmus Darwin (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter to Ernst Krause, 13 August 1879, and letter from Ernst Krause, 16 August 1879). William Sweetland Dallas was the editor of Popular Science Review. An English translation of Krause’s reply to Butler was published in Nature, 27 January 1881, p. 288. Krause had informed CD that Gustav Jäger had fallen under a train (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter from Ernst Krause, 4 December 1880); the other Professor Jäger has not been identified. On the purchase of Kosmos by Eduard Koch, the head of E. Schweizerbart’sche Verlagsbuchhandlung, see Correspondence vol. 28, letter from Ernst Krause, 4 December 1880. Butler 1878. CD had requested permission to publish an English translation of Krause’s essay on Erasmus Darwin (Krause 1879) in his letter of 9 March 1879 (Correspondence vol. 27). Butler 1879 was published on 3 May 1879; CD had been told about it by Dallas, and had also seen a notice of publication (see ibid., letter from W. S. Dallas, 9 May 1879, and letter to Ernst Krause, 13 May 1879 and n. 3). Krause had asked for time to revise and enlarge the essay in his letters of 12 March 1879 and 30 March 1879 (ibid.). For Krause’s initial assessment of Butler 1879, see his letter of 7 June 1879 (Correspondence vol. 27). CD had written to Krause, ‘I hope that you will not expend much powder & shot on Mr. Butler, for he really is not worthy of it. His work is merely ephemeral’ (ibid., letter to Ernst Krause, 9 June [1879]). E. Darwin 1789–91, E. Darwin 1794–6, E. Darwin 1800, and E. Darwin 1803. For the reference to Coleridge, see Zöckler 1877–9, 2: 256. The allusion to Butler appeared in the final sentence of Krause’s essay in Erasmus Darwin, p. 216: ‘Erasmus Darwin’s system was in itself a most significant first step in the path of knowledge which his grandson has opened up for us, but the wish to revive it at the present day as has actually been seriously attempted shows a weakness of thought and a mental anachronism which no man can envy.’

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From Gottlieb Haberlandt1   5 January 1881 Graz (Austria) 51 1881 Most esteemed Sir! Yesterday I received thanks to your kind attention a second copy of your recently published work on the movement of plants. To my greatest regret I gather from this that my letter to you, which I wrote at the beginning of December, and in which I expressed my sincerest thanks, has unfortunately been lost.—2 Assuming that you had originally intended this second copy for someone else, I take the liberty of posting it today with this letter to your honoured address.— Now allow me to express again my sincerest thanks for the copy of your work already sent in November, which will always be one of the most valuable prizes of my book collection. I marvel at the wealth of interesting observations & promising ideas that are recorded in this your book and with all my colleagues congratulate botany that you, most esteemed Sir, have dedicated such a substantial portion of your specialist studies to this science in particular.— It fills me with joy, that you also mention my little work in so honourable a manner.3 Over the next months, once a number of treatises of mine have appeared in print, I shall take the liberty of sending these to you together with several earlier works. Perhaps they contain a few things that are not unworthy of your attention. In recent years I mainly worked on the task of applying the principles of your theory to the histological-anatomical structure of plant organs and to give proof that this internal structure, too, is in complete harmony with the physiological functions of the organs in question. During both of the previous summers I studied in great detail the chlorophyll-containing, assimilating tissues of plants from this angle, and in the course of this I obtained results that are not uninteresting. This treatise, which is furnished with a considerable number of plates, I will venture to present above all to you.4 I hope, dear Sir, that you will not regard it as an excessive immodesty on my part if I ask you to kindly add the enclosed photograph to your album,5 and if I add a further request, namely that you will delight me with your likeness some time. Assuring you of my most excellent respect and greatest veneration, I remain, dear Sir, Yours wholly devoted | G. Haberlandt DAR 166: 14 1 2 3

4

For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see pp. 15–16. Haberlandt’s name is on CD’s presentation list for Movement in plants (see Correspondence vol. 28, Appendix IV). Haberlandt’s letter from December 1880 has not been found. CD cited Haberlandt’s Die Schutzeinrichtungen der Entwickelung der Keimpflanze (Protective structures in the development of seedlings; Haberlandt 1877) in Movement in plants, pp. 59 n., 87–8, and 110 n.; CD’s extensively annotated copy is in the Darwin Library–CUL (see Marginalia 1: 353–4). CD’s copy of Vergleichende Anatomie des assimilatorischen Gewebesystems der Pflanzen (Comparative anatomy of the assimilatory tissue systems of plants; Haberlandt 1881) is in the Darwin Library–Down. See Correspondence vol. 30, letter from Gottlieb Haberlandt, 9 January 1882.

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No photograph of Haberlandt has been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL.

From Ernst Krause1    8 January 1881 Berlin N.O. Friedenstrasse 11. 3 Tr. 8.1.81. Most esteemed Sir! Your kind letter of the 4th of this month has reached me only today,2 probably as a result of a delayed channel crossing, and I hasten to answer you that, should you decide on actually publishing one or other of my replies, the choice of organ is of course yours. Obviously, the Athenaeum would be much more suited, not only because it is more widely read, but also because the article would be published sooner.3 I myself had considered writing to the “Athenaeum”, but unfortunately I do not have sufficient command of the English language to express myself well and fluently in it, and I expect that the editors will hardly go to the trouble of having an incoming German letter translated. Perhaps it would be preferable to give the refutation for the Athenaeum the form of a letter to the editor, and I will append an introduction to the letter on another page, to which the text that must follow could be attached, should you be of the same opinion, and want to publish the reply in this form.4 Obviously you are correct when you say that Mr Butler is interested in the first place in creating a stir and thereby to boast publicly that he has had a quarrel with you. In recognition of this, it remains at any rate still for the best in my opinion, if you do not reply to him at all. As far as my reply is concerned, however, the matter appears to me to be different. If I reply to him, it will not feed his vanity, especially since it will be shown to him that there is no basis to his complaints and that they amount to a misinterpretation of the facts. The whole matter would be ridiculous and only ridiculous, as it was good-humouredly portrayed in the St. James Gazette of 8 Decemb;5 only, Mr Butler is not a madman nor does he suffer, as was hinted there, from persecution mania. More likely from megalomania. As for the rest, however, his polemical articles are penned with such refined cleverness that he is able to deceive anyone who does not personally compare in detail the objects in question. Likewise, the depositing of my earlier article in the public library is just a slick manoeuvre,6 the object of which is not for people actually to compare carefully both versions, but to make the public believe that he must be right on the grounds that he places the decision in their hands. This evinces a good dose of knowledge of human nature, for he knows well enough that this wins him the case in the eyes of less worldly-wise people, whereas nobody is interested in really thoroughly comparing the “corpora delicti”.7 After all this I, too, now believe that his Life and Habit is just a plagiarism.8 He probably read an analysis of Hering’s book in one of the English journals and imagined from this in his paradoxical and fantastic manner his “earth-shattering” reveries.9 Obviously I don’t wish with these considerations to influence in any way your decision on the possible publication of a translation of my reply, for I know as good

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as nothing about the terms of English polemics, and I expect there will be better informed advisors on this matter at your disposal. With very cordial wishes for your health I remain, dear Sir | Yours | sincerely devoted | Ernst Krause DAR 92: B62 1 2 3

4 5

6 7 8 9

For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see pp. 27–8. See letter to Ernst Krause, 4 January [1881]. Krause had sent CD a reply to accusations by Samuel Butler, suggesting that it might be published in Popular Science Review (see letter from Ernst Krause, 2 January 1881 and enclosure). CD had mentioned that the Athenæum had a larger circulation (letter to Ernst Krause, 4 January [1881]). Butler had used the Athenæum, a weekly journal, to initiate the public controversy with CD (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter to H. E. Litchfield, 1 February [1880] and enclosure 1). The page containing the new introduction to Krause’s reply to Butler has not been found; the reply was eventually published as a letter to Nature, 27 January 1881, p. 288. CD had mentioned an abusive letter by Butler in the St James’s Gazette, 8 December 1880, p. 5, and had asked a friend to send a copy to Krause (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter to Ernst Krause, [12 December 1880]). The letter repeated the accusations made by Butler in the Athenæum, 31 January 1880, and Unconscious memory (Butler 1880, pp. 79). In Unconscious memory (Butler 1880, pp. vii–viii), Butler said he had presented a copy of Krause’s original article from Kosmos (Krause 1879) to the British Museum (British Library). ‘Corpora delicti’ (Latin: bodies of the crime) refers to the legal principle that concrete evidence must be provided of a crime (OED, s.v. corpus delicti). For Krause’s initial assessment of Life and habit (Butler 1878), see his letter of 23 May 1879 (Correspondence vol. 27). Life and habit (Butler 1878) first introduced the concept of ‘unconscious memory’, which Butler later elaborated in comparison with the work of Ewald Hering. Butler 1880 included a translation of Hering 1870.

From Ernst Krause1   12 January 1881 Berlin N.O. | Friedenstr. 11. 3 Tr. 12.1.81. Highly esteemed Sir! I am writing just a couple of lines to thank you for your letter and to let you know that I wrote to Mr Balfour at once to ask for his kind mediation in this unpleasant matter.2 It shames me that you thank me for my trifling efforts in defending you, when it was I, through my carelessness, who have given Mr Butler grounds for his malicious defamations. An encounter with such an unpredictably malicious man must of course be understood and endured almost like an unpreventable event of nature, like a cloudburst or suchlike, and if one thinks of Mrs Seward one could almost get the idea that unfounded defamations are also hereditary for you.3 I beg you, dear Sir, to forgive me all these annoyances, insofar as I am to blame for them, and remain in the hope that you may now be left undisturbed by such unscrupulous attacks Your | wholeheartedly devoted | Ernst Krause DAR 169: 112

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For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see pp. 45–6. See letter to Ernst Krause, 10 January 1881. CD had asked Francis Maitland Balfour to translate Krause’s reply to Samuel Butler for Nature (see letter to F. M. Balfour, 12 January 1881 and n. 2). CD had been highly critical of parts of Anna Seward’s biography of Erasmus Darwin (A. Seward 1804; see Correspondence vol. 27, letters to Ernst Krause, 14 March 1879 and 19 March 1879, and Erasmus Darwin, pp. 70–9).

From Alphonse de Candolle   18 January [1881]1 Geneva 18 January 1880 My dear Sir I have finished reading with much pleasure your volume On the movements of plants.2 I have admired, as on other occasions, your perseverance in detailed observations, which you accumulate in a way that gives general results based on a firm foundation. It is an intellectual pleasure to see scattered facts drawn together in this respect. Your law of circumnutation, which includes and explains all phenomena pleases me greatly. I also like the terms which you have introduced. They are simpler and clearer than those previously employed, and being drawn from Greek they will be accepted in every language.3 You will allow me to express a reservation on the use of the word purpose, which I have criticised in my Phytographie. It is applied to teleological theories, which seem to me contrary, or at least foreign, to your ideas as a whole. If I once again have the pleasure of conversing with you, we will break a lance together—in a friendly way—over these old questions.4 Pages 362, 363. I do not know what to think about the reduction of the folioles in many plants. Many folioles are an organisational complication and assuming evolution from the simple to the complex to be the norm, plants with multiple folioles would come from unifoliolate plants. On the other hand one sees plurifoliolate species produce unifoliolate forms. That is the case with Robinia pseudo-Acacia monophylla, which is beginning to establish itself in the gardens.5 I have two stocks of them on which I observe many unifoliolate leaves and some 3-4-5-foliolate ones. The monophyllous strawberry plant discovered in the woods by Duchesne Jr came from an ordinary 3-foliolate strawberry.6 It could be said: these are reversions to a primitive unifoliolate state. And also: these are degeneration with no known cause— innovations of form, such as one is obliged to allow in the evolutionary system. As an aside, Mr Ray Lankester has just made a book on degeneration without being aware that the idea and the word already existed in my father’s publications in 1813.7 In the one, degeneration happens in successive forms, in the other in the diminution of complexity in the average state, but the facts and the expression match. On the relative complexity of leaves at the base of the plant (or of the twig), in the middle, and at the top, you make a comparison with embryos that I do not understand well.8 These are similar organs, which I would compare rather to the legs of a crayfish or of a myriapod, or to the superposed vertebrae of a vertebrate.

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They differ for reasons that can often be worked out. Cotyledons are cramped in the seed, and the first leaves from the twig are exposed to the inclemency of the weather for a long time on the outside of the bud. It is easy for these leaves to develop poorly. Later the leaves grow with vigour, without difficulties and they become more or less complex. At last the upper leaves (bracts, calyxes) have growth that is less favourable, in position, and they revert to an imperfect state. In a memoir about anatomy that my son sent you in 1880, the analogous facts can be seen in the more or less complex vessels that exist in the petioles and the central vein of leaves.9 Their complexity differs from one species to another in some genuses, from one group of species to another in certain other genuses or from one complete genus to another, but on each branch the lower and upper leaves are not equally complex in structure. Botanical geography sometimes accounts for the probable cause of the differences. Thus my son found in Antarctic Fagus a different arrangement of petioles from that of the Fagus of our hemisphere, although as regards the flowers and the fruits they are very analogous.10 One may presume that one descends from one ancient stock, the other from another, given the distance between them. You have not considered the arrangement of limbs as a possible influence on directions and movements. Whereas the foliaceous organs (of Graminaceae, Iris, Hyacinths, the phyllodes of the Acacias of Australia etc) that have stomata on both sides, with the cavities subjacent, do not precisely have upper and lower surfaces, but rather stand up, turning a little on themselves or taking a position with the vertical edge towards the ground (phyllodes), which, it is said, gives the forests of Australia a distinctive appearance.11 There must be some relation between the organisation of tissue and the principal and usual direction of the organs. I do not know if anyone in Germany is working from this perspective. I also note that botanical treatises do not talk about the relation of the stomata and their positions, but the fact has been known for a long time. As far as I recall my father used to mention it in his lectures or in conversation. Ferdinand Müller points out the number of stomata on the two sides of the leaves of Eucalyptus (Eucalyptographia, in –4o).12 It would be interesting to see whether the species that have as many stomata on one side as on the other, or very nearly, behave in a particular way with respect to their directions or rather usual positions. The movements of plants, according to your studies, are very like the involuntary movements, more or less localised, of animals—particularly those of erectile tissues. One usually presumes or there is evidence that the explanation is in the transmission of the sap or in the swelling of the tissue that results from it. On the other hand I see nothing in plants that resembles voluntary movement, regulated in animals (even lower ones) by fear of a distant enemy, the wish to acquire a food item, etc. One could argue that light or sound waves act on the nervous system like humidity in the air on a root, in determining internal physical changes. But physiologists are not yet able to explain the transformation of external forces into volition. Apart from empty talk or comparisons it seems to me far away.13 I had said a few words to your son about a graphic representation that I used to try to understand the facts of heredity. I did not have the time to explain myself, but

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here is an example, drawn up from an imaginary ordinary individual. You will tell me, when you return the paper to me, whether you and Mr Francis14 see any flaw in it and whether I would do well to use it, sooner or later, in some publication. The main difficulty is that one very seldom has sufficiently numerous and definite details on three successive generations for such a table to be able to be drawn up. I originally intended to trace lines for the families of well known princes. I tried Louis XVI, Frederick II, the Stuarts, Charles IX son of Catherine de’Medici.15 There is considerable and varied information on each of these people, but on closer inspection one finds that the mothers or grandmothers are often hardly known and that with the kings, characteristics that interest the public and courtiers are what is mostly mentioned, without a word about other factors. In view of these gaps, I searched among families of my acquaintance. Again uncertainties, gaps, especially with regard to women. In the end I amused myself by making my own table. Here is what I have found, which you would not see in other people, even from my family, because the sort of similarities varies greatly. I have noted 38 characteristics by which I would be distinguished from another individual of my race or sub-race. They were all present in my father or my mother16 or in both of them at the same time. So there is nothing peculiar to me, and there is no atavism in this particular case. Of 13 external physical characteristics, 11 were also present in my father, of which 3 also appeared in my paternal grandfather, and one in my paternal grandmother. Only 2 were present in my mother and I do not know if they were present in her parents.17 Of 8 internal characteristics that I have been able to observe, 3 were present in my father, 1 in my mother, 4 were in both my parents. One came from my paternal grandfather to my father and to me. Of  10  moral characteristics, 2  were in my father, and at the same time in his father; 3 in my mother, one of which also in my maternal grandfather; 5 in both my parents, 4 of which came principally from the maternal line. Of 7 intellectual characteristics, 4 were in my father; 2 in my mother; 1 in both. I do not know if they would go further back. So—external and intellectual similarities principally with the father—internal similarities with the father or both parents—moral similarities principally with the mother or both parents. It seems to me that if you had a lot of similar documents you would better understand the general trend of similarity in the human race. Unfortunately it is difficult to obtain, and moreover, when you have made an accurate table you cannot show it, because it would be would be an inconceivable indiscretion with regard to your ancestors. I have destroyed the interpretation of my lines. Those who will see the chart (if anyone sees it) will not know whether each line shows a fault or a good quality. People will have to trust in my judgment. One must be 60 or 70 years old, and have known one’s ancestors personally, from their conversation, or from reading their letters or notes, to thoroughly understand

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their distinctive characteristics. In addition the ancestors must have reached an age where their traits and health were clearly apparent. All that is unusual. The only benefit that might be drawn from my attempt is that generally people assess similarities in an incomplete and superficial way, which naturalists must repudiate. Your relation, Mr Galton, has got close with other clever means. His methods put a little too much emphasis on the good qualities and none at all on the indifferent or bad things.18 My compliments to Mr Francis and believe me always, my dear Sir, your very devoted and affectionate | Alph. de Candolle DAR 161: 25 1 2 3 4

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For a transcription of this letter in its original French, see pp. 54–7. The year is established by the reference to Movement in plants; Candolle wrote ‘1880’ in error. Candolle had received a presentation copy of Movement in plants (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter from Alphonse de Candolle, 23 November 1880). CD explained his terminology in Movement in plants, pp. 4–5. Candolle had sent CD a copy of La phytographie (A. de Candolle 1880; see Correspondence vol. 28, letter to Alphonse de Candolle, 28 May 1880). On the meaning of ‘purpose’ and ‘end’ as implying ‘intent’, see Candolle 1880, pp. 212–15. Candolle visited Down on 27 September 1880 (Correspondence vol. 28, letter from J. D. Hooker, 24 September 1880). CD suggested that the occasional appearance of unifoliate leaves on trifoliate species of Desmodium was best explained by reversion (Movement in plants, pp. 362–3). Robinia pseudoacacia is the black locust or false acacia (R. pseudoacacia monophylla is a horticultural variety). Antoine Nicolas Duchesne was the son of Antoine Duchesne; on his famous discovery of the singleleafed strawberry, see Ratcliff 2007. Edwin Ray Lankester and Lankester 1880. Candolle’s father was Augustin Pyramus de Candolle. The word ‘dégénérescence’ appeared in A. P. de Candolle 1813, p. 173; see also Flourens 1842, p. 15. On what CD termed the ‘embryology’ of leaves, see Movement in plants, pp. 414–17. Candolle’s son was Casimir de Candolle; the article was C. de Candolle 1879. See Correspondence vol. 27, letter to Casimir de Candolle, 21 October 1879. On Fagus antartica, see C. de Candolle 1879, p. 446. Fagus antartica is a synonym of Nothofagus antarctica, the Antarctic beech. Phyllodes are modified flattened petioles that can perform the functions of leaves. CD and Francis had studied the location and number of leaf stomata in relation to their work on the protective function of bloom (an epicuticular waxy or pruinose coating) on leaves. Francis later published the results of some of this work in F. Darwin 1886. Ferdinand von Mueller’s Eucalyptographia included tables showing the number and distribution of stomata on leaves of different species of Eucalyptus (Mueller 1879–84, sections on E. pachyphylla and E. phoenicea). CD had compared the tip of the radicle, or embryonic root, to the brain of an animal (Movement in plants, p. 573). Candolle may have discussed the matter with Francis Darwin on his visit to Down on 27 September 1880 (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter from J. D. Hooker, 24 September 1880); the table has not been found. Louis XVI of France, Frederick II of Prussia, and Charles IX of France, the son of Catherine de’ Medici. The Stuarts were the ruling family of Scotland from 1371, and then of Scotland, England, and Ireland from 1603 to 1714. Candolle’s mother was Anne Françoise Robertine de Candolle. Candolle’s paternal grandparents were Augustin de Candolle and Louise Eléonore de Candolle; his maternal grandparents were Pierre Torras and Anne Jeanne Louis Torras.

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Francis Galton had published studies of hereditary genius and the characteristics of men of science (Galton 1869 and Galton 1874).

From Fritz Müller1   7 February 1881 Blumenau, Sa. Catharina, Brazil, 7 February 1881. … In your “Forms of flowers” you speak of Lagerstroemia as doubtfully heterostyled.2 In my garden I have a tree whose blooms invariably have six long stamens with greenish pollen and approximately 30 short ones with yellow pollen; the style is as long as the longer stamens and the stigma often touches one of the anthers. In recent years, I repeatedly fertilised some flowers with green and others with yellow pollen from the same plant, but not one of them set fruit. Recently I saw in a number of gardens a second variety or species, with different coloured flowers, which with respect to the variability of the longer stamens agrees completely with your description of L.  indica.3 The style is about as long as the longer stamens. Flowers of the plant in my garden, which were fertilised with green pollen of this second variety, are now producing good fruit; four flowers that were fertilised with yellow pollen did not drop off on the third day, as would have happened without fertilisation, they only dropped their petals like those that had been fertilised with green pollen; a few days later, however, they fell off. In my garden the flowers of Lagerstroemia are visited by several kinds of Trigona and Melipona,4 which gather the pollen, and from the behaviour of some of these insects, I suspect that the different lengths of the stamens and the different colour of the pollen of the plant are becoming necessary, because pollen-gathering insects are chiefly attracted by the bright yellow pollen, which due to the shortness of the stamens cannot easily be transfered to the stigma of another blossom, while the pollen of the longer stamens, which is in a favourable position for transfer to the stigma of other flowers due to its greenish colour, can easily escape the attention of the insects. Thus one type of anthers serves to attract insects, while the other part ensures cross-fertilisation. One of our Pontederiaceae (Heteranthera reniformis) illustrates a corresponding case.5 It has two short stamens, whose anthers are situated at the entrance of the corolla tube and have bright yellow pollen; the third stamen is long and carries pale blue pollen; the style is with few rare exceptions as long as this longer filament. When the blossom opens, the style is bent to the right and the stamens to the left, and both form an angle of about 60°; when the flower begins to wilt, style and stamens bend towards one another, the anther touches the stigma, and self-fertilisation occurs. In several Commelynaceae6 the pollen of different anthers is likewise differently coloured, and it can be determined as a general rule, that it is less visible in those anthers from which pollen can be transferred most easily to the stigma of other blossoms. A few days ago I received from Dr.  Mayer a very interesting treatise on the metamorphosis of Palaemonetes varians, which was studied by J.  E.  V.  Boas in

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Denmark at the same time.7 Now, it is quite remarkable that in Denmark, the larvae leave the egg at a much more advanced stage than those in Southern Italy. In the former, among other differences, the thoracic gills and the abdominal legs are missing completely, while being present in the latter. I daresay that I expected such differences; Paul Mayer also assumed this, without knowing of Boas’s studies.8 With the greatest respect etc. | Fritz Müller. Möller ed. 1915–21, 2: 406–7 1

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For a transcription of this letter in the German of its published source, see pp. 82–3. All Fritz Müller’s letters to CD were written in English (see Möller ed. 1915–21, 2: 72 n.); most of them have not been found. Many of the letters were later sent by Francis Darwin to Alfred Möller, who translated them into German for his Fritz Müller: Werke, Briefe und Leben (Möller ed. 1915–21). Möller also found final drafts of some Müller letters among the Fritz Müller papers and included these in their original English form (ibid., 2: 72 n). Where the original English versions are missing, the published version, usually appearing in German translation, has been used. See Forms of flowers, pp. 167–8. Lagerstroemia is the genus of crape myrtle. All species of Lagerstroemia, including L. indica, are native to south-east Asia; trees of L. indica have one colour of flower, but this ranges from white to pink to red on different trees. Trigona and Melipona are genera of stingless bees that range from Mexico to South America. Heteranthera reniformis is kidneyleaf mudplantain; Pontederiaceae is the family of pickerel weed. Müller had previously mentioned Heteranthera as a monomorphic genus (Correspondence vol. 17, letter from Fritz Müller, 18 December 1869). Commelynaceae is a synonym of Commelinaceae, the family of spiderwort. Paul Mayer’s essay ‘Die Metamorphose von Palaemonetes varians Leach’ (The metamorphosis of Palaemonetes varians Leach; Mayer 1880) was published in Mittheilungen aus der Zoologischen Station zu Neapal. Johan Erik Vesti Boas had discussed the metamorphosis of Palaemonetes varians in ‘Studier over Decapodernes Slægtskabsforhold’ (Research on the affinities of decapod Crustacea; Boas 1880, pp. 50–4, 171–2). Palaemonetes varians is a synonym of Palaemon varians. See Mayer 1880, pp. 203–4; Mayer noted that the temperature of the water was a major factor in determining when young shrimp hatched.

From Ernst Haeckel1   9 February 1881 Jena 9 Febr 81 Highly esteemed, dear friend! Your approaching birthday gives me a welcome opportunity to send you kind regards again after a rather long interval, and at the same time my best wishes at the beginning of this new year of your life.2 May it preserve full vigour and mental power for you, as well as joyful good health, so that you may advance still further the science to which you have given a new foundation. Your latest work on the movement of plants, for the kind sending of which I thank you cordially, gives me a welcome new proof that your rare capacity for work and your genius, which goes its own ways, continues unimpaired even with advanced age.3 Many statements in this interesting work are a direct confirmation, I believe, of my theory of the soul cell (in the lectures on popular science).4 My “System der Medusen” (II. part, Acraspeden) was completed in the last weeks of the previous year and I hope you have received it in the meantime.5 It was a very

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arduous and difficult labour, especially because the literature was so very extensive and bad. I shall not undertake a second work of this scale. Nevertheless, I still hope I have provided a basis for the difficult systematics and morphology of the Medusae. I am currently describing the “Deep Sea-medusae of the Challenger” (not many, but remarkable)—6 Your general theories have now become so universally accepted in Germany that they are no longer debated in the scientific journals. Darwinism has won. The best proof for this is that all zoologists and botanists are following in your footsteps and thinking phylogenetically! This must be the finest reward for your great work! With friendliest greetings and best wishes ever | Yours truly | Ernst Haeckel DAR 166: 77 1 2 3 4

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For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see pp. 86–7. CD’s birthday was on 12 February. Haeckel’s name is on CD’s presentation list for Movement in plants (see Correspondence vol. 28, Appendix IV). Haeckel’s essay on the ‘soul cell’ (Haeckel 1878a) was included in his collection of popular science lectures (Haeckel 1878c). Haeckel had spoken on this subject when making a lecture tour in 1878 popularising evolution (Krauße 1987, p. 133). His soul cell theory proposed that even the simplest single cell or origin of life possessed a version of the soul, which consisted of a sum of sensations, perceptions, and volitions, and differed from the human soul only in degree; he based his views on experimental observation, and drew on studies that tried to locate the mechanisms of sensation and will within the protoplasm (Proctor 2006, pp. 417–18). Haeckel refers to the second part of the first volume of his monograph on medusae (Monographie der Medusen; Haeckel 1879–81); this part, the System der Acraspeden, does not have a publication date on the title page. Acraspeda is a former class of jellyfish, roughly synonymous with the class Scyphozoa (true jellyfish). CD had also been sent the first part of volume 1 of Haeckel’s work (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter to Ernst Haeckel, 21 January 1880). All four volumes of this work are in the Darwin Library–Down. The second volume of Haeckel’s monograph (Haeckel 1879–81) was Die Tiefsee-Medusen der ChallengerReise und der Organismus der Medusen (The deep-sea medusae of the Challenger-voyage and the organism of the medusa). It was translated into English and appeared as the second part of volume 4 of Zoology in Report on the scientific results of the voyage of H.M.S. Challenger during the years 1873–76 (Haeckel 1882).

From Ernst Krause1   10 February 1881 Berlin N.O. Friedenstrasse 10.2.81. Most esteemed Sir! First and foremost I send you my most cordial and heartfelt birthday wishes for your health and your creativity;2 to which is joined a wish, now especially vivid in my mind, that you will never again have to suffer such malicious and unscrupulous attacks as the present ones. Their impudence is exceeded only by their cunning. Personally, I also think responding once again to Butler’s reply is wholly superfluous.3 He would be most pleased by this, for then he would have yet another opportunity to repeat his impertinent invective. He says now that he absolutely did not make all the claims and allegations I refuted,4 and it is true that he did not state all of this in as many words but has hidden his attacks between the lines,

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so as to audaciously disclaim them later on. I see however that the critic in the St. James-Gazette and Mr Romanes gathered the same as I from his expressions; thus everything he now denies was contained in them, which is why he is now also trying to continue his attack from a different angle.5 I read Mr. Romanes’ article with great pleasure; perhaps it is just the thing to simply ridicule such a man, and for this purpose citations like “How I wrote Life and Habit” etc. are excellently suited.6 I thank you very much for kindly sending me both issues, but I, too, find it wholly superfluous to offer him another opportunity for renewed outpourings. I purposely did not mention the date of the letter in which you told me about your intention to have my article translated, as this would be favourable for Butler’s foolish allegation; the letter is dated 9 March. The first mention of Butler’s book in your letters, which I have of course carefully kept as valuable mementos, is on 13 May, in a letter dated from Basset (Southampton). “I see announced a book about Erasmus Darwin and Lamarck by Samuel Butler and I will write to the booksellers and tell them to send you a copÿ.”7 Probably you were first notified about the book by Mr. Dallas during your holiday trip then.8 In your subsequent letters Mr Butler is mentioned only twice more, and I will cite the two passages as well, so you can get an overview of the entire “conspiracy”. 9 June 1879 …… I hope, that you will not expend much powder & shot on Mr. Butler, for he really is not worthy of it.” (I had indicated my intention to reduce his views ad absurdum.)9 After that you mention him again only after the article in Athenaeum came out: 4 Feb. 1880 …… He seems to insinuate that I suggested to you or persuaded you to add passages attacking his book, or that I myself interpolated such passages. As far as I can remember the sole suggestion, which I made to you was to take no notice of Mr. Butler’s book ……”10 As lamentable as the entire intrigue is, I still believe that it is best that the matter has been put in clear terms. Even without the Kosmos-article and its reprint, Butler would have made his grand “disclosures”, but nobody will envy him this glory.11 Here in Germany the indignation is great, and people are surprised that English newspapers and magazines allow space for and welcome such cunning defamations without for their part noting that the whole accusation is nonsense. Every German editor would have commented on Butler's response to item 4 in my letter, asking why Mr Butler made no answer to the proven stupidity of his attack? Instead of this he clings to the not perfectly felicitious translation of the expression I used, Versehen (oversight); Mr Balfour—to whom I am greatly indebted for his kind support— evidently shrank from translating it as blunder, which perhaps would have expressed it better.12 This is completely irrelevant, though, people of Mr Butler’s ilk will always have the last word, and so in any case it is best to leave the fray. On completing this line I received a letter from Prof. Balfour, who likewise kindly advises me not to reply. This was my own immediate and firm intention, and I only refrained from mentioning it sooner because today I had the most welcome occasion to write.

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I remain, dear Sir, with the most cordial wishes for your well-being | In grateful admiration | Yours | most devoted | Ernst Krause P.S. Assuming that your son Francis will be with you again on Saturday, I beg your permission to use the following page to address a few lines to him.13 DAR 92: B63–4 1 2 3

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For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see pp. 90–2. CD’s birthday was on 12 February. CD had asked Krause not to respond to Samuel Butler’s latest claim in Nature, 5 February 1881, pp. 312–13, that unacknowledged use had been made of his work and that he had been disparaged by Krause and CD in Erasmus Darwin (letter to Ernst Krause, 7 February 1881). Krause’s refutation of Butler’s earlier claims was published in Nature, 27 January 1881, p. 288. George John Romanes’s review of Butler’s book Unconscious memory (Butler 1880) appeared in Nature, 27 January 1881, pp. 285–7, the same issue of Nature as Krause’s letter in defence of CD (see n. 2, above). A review of Unconscious memory titled ‘Mr. Butler’s “Op. 5.”’ had also appeared in St. James’s Gazette, 2 December 1880, p. 13; in it, Butler was criticised for his ‘savage attack’ on CD and for being out of his depth with regard to science. Romanes had poked fun at Butler for having devoted a chapter of Unconscious memory to ‘How I wrote “Life and habit”’ (Nature, 27 January 1881, p. 287). Butler’s work Life and habit had been published in 1878 (Butler 1878). See letter to Ernst Krause, 7 February 1881 and nn. 3 and 4. William Sweetland Dallas had informed CD that Butler had published a book titled Evolution, old and new (Butler 1879; Correspondence vol. 27, letter from W. S. Dallas, 9 May 1879). CD was visiting Sara and William Erasmus Darwin in Southampton at the time (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). Correspondence vol. 27, letter to Ernst Krause, 9 June [1879]. Correspondence vol. 28, letter to Ernst Krause, 4 February 1880. For Samuel Butler’s letter in the Athenæum, 31 January 1880, p. 155, see Correspondence vol. 28, letter to H. E. Litchfield, 1 February [1880], enclosure 1. Butler’s complaint was that the revised version of Krause’s essay on Erasmus Darwin (published together with CD’s biographical account of his grandfather in Erasmus Darwin) made unacknowledged use of Butler’s work. Krause’s original essay in German had been published in the journal Kosmos (Krause 1879). Krause’s letter to Nature, 27 January 1881, p. 288, defending CD against Butler’s claim that Erasmus Darwin was designed as an attack on Butler’s work, had been translated into English by Francis Maitland Balfour (letter to Ernst Krause, 10 January 1881). The offending sentence read: ‘Finally, as concerns the main accusation that no mention is made in the preface of the fact that my essay had been revised previously to publication, it is clear, as even a child could not fail to see, that this is not due to design, but is simply the result of an oversight’ (Nature, 27 January 1881, p. 288). Krause’s note to Francis Darwin was written on the back of the last page of the letter to CD (verso of DAR 92: B64). Krause wished to publish a German translation of a lecture by Francis on climbing plants (see letter from Francis Darwin to Ernst Krause, [after 10 February 1881] and n. 5).

From Josef Popper1   11 February 1881 Vienna 11 February 1881 Most esteemed Sir! Trusting in your goodwill, I venture to trouble you with a query and request for the kind communication of your views on the subject.

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For years I have taken a lively interest in the theory of flying machines and relevant studies; however, despite all my efforts and continually emerging new ideas and projects, both my own and those of others, detailed calculations always indicate that we will not be able to fly for a long time yet; in this I always assume mechanical power, for it is absolutely impossible ever to fly by means of mere muscular strength.2 Now, I keep recalling the legends of the orientals and the Greeks, according to which birds were harnessed to chariots to enable them to fly. People laugh at this notion; not I, for it strikes me that there is no reason at all to dismiss this idea out of hand. If we know how to harness horses to our carts and to drive with 6, or 8 horses, why should it not be possible to train e.g. one or two dozen pelicans or (Australian) cranes in such a way that they unite their flying powers in the right manner and carry us through the air? We would simply have to start to train these birds, and so much has been achieved in this field that one may well have reason to expect practical results. I beg you now, highly honoured Sir, to kindly let me know if I am mistaken in my view and whether experience in fact prohibits us from ever seriously thinking of training certain bird species for the purpose of flying. I cherish the hope that you will not take umbrage at my disturbance and add that I understand English well but cannot write it, which is why I used German. Lastly I venture to also point out that 3 years ago I sent you—as a small token of my great respect—a work “Das Recht zu leben und die Pflicht zu sterben” (By J. P), which came out on the occasion of the Voltaire-celebration,3 and furthermore an essay, containing an exchange with Dr Robert Mayer of Heilbronn of 1879.4 I would be very glad should you want to take the opportunity of telling me your opinion of this work—should you have had the time to read it at all—without reservations; I take the liberty of sending you under wrapper, together with this letter, an essay that has recently appeared (on Mr Bradlaugh, containing ideas of a general nature (of a socio-political kind) in the first part).5 Begging again your forgiveness for disturbing you, I remain with | the greatest respect | Josef Popper | Vienna, VII, Apollogasse 6 His Honour | Mr Charles Darwin | in London! DAR 201: 30 1 2 3

For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see pp. 93–4. In 1875, Popper had published an article on the work that could be done by air balloons, the first of a series of papers on aeronautics (Popper 1875; Blüh 1952, pp. 216–17). An official commemoration of Voltaire held in Paris in 1878 had been played down; the Republican government did not wish not to be seen as the successors of the upheavals of 1789, while right-wing Catholics opposed the celebration because it was directed against the monarchy and the Church (Boudrot 2014, pp. 152–7). Popper’s work Das Recht zu leben und die Pflicht zu sterben (The right to live and the duty to die) sketched out a utopian proposal for a rational society based on Voltaire’s views (Popper 1878). This work is not in the Darwin Libraries at CUL or Down, or the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL.

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After Popper sent his article on the work done by air balloons (Popper 1875) to Robert Mayer, he received three letters in reply concerning Mayer’s work on the mechanical theory of heat; Popper published these letters in a Viennese daily paper in 1878 (for an account of their publication and the text of Mayer’s letters, see Blüh 1952). This work is not in the Darwin Libraries at CUL or Down, or the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. Popper’s essay on the freethinker Charles Bradlaugh had been published in the Viennese newspaper Neue Freie Presse on 5 October 1880, pp. 1–2, 7 October 1880, pp. 1–2, and 8 October 1880, pp. 1–2.

From Fritz Müller1   28 February 1881 Blumenau, Sa. Catharina, Brazil. 28. February 1881. Esteemed Sir! In my last letter I told you that I had fertilised four flowers of Lagerstroemia in my garden with yellow pollen of another variety (or species), and that these fell off about a week after fertilisation.2 I have now repeated the experiment, but with a different outcome; I fertilised 5 flowers with yellow pollen from just this other variety, and all are producing good fruit now, just as large as the ones that were fertilised with green pollen at the same time. I do not know what might have been the cause of failure on the previous occasion …3 Möller ed. 1915–21, 2: 409 1

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For a transcription of this letter in the German of its published source, see p. 115. All Fritz Müller’s letters to CD were written in English (see Möller ed. 1915–21, 2: 72 n.); most of them have not been found. Many of the letters were later sent by Francis Darwin to Alfred Möller, who translated them into German for his Fritz Müller: Werke, Briefe und Leben (Möller ed. 1915–21). Möller also found final drafts of some Müller letters among the Fritz Müller papers and included these in their original English form (ibid., 2: 72 n.). Where the original English versions are missing, the published version, usually appearing in German translation, has been used. See letter from Fritz Müller, 7 February 1881 and n. 3. Lagerstroemia is the genus of crape myrtle. Some of the now missing part of this letter was probably summarised by CD in his letter to Nature, 14 April [1881].

From Gaston de Saporta1   10 April 1881 Aix (B. du Rh.) 10 April 81 Sir and highly honoured Colleague, We have taken care, Professor Marion and I, to arrange to send you through the publisher Germer-Baillière in Paris, a copy of the work which we have just published under the title l’Evolution du règne végétal Les Cryptogames.2 It is the first time that anyone in France and also elsewhere has attempted to apply in a rational way the principles that you have established to the study of the evolutionary progression of plants—we do not seek in our book to prove the evolution of the plant kingdom, but rather to demonstrate, the principle of evolution having been accepted, by means of what processes and what lineage of organs the world of plants has advanced from simple

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to complex, how it has passed from the unicellular structure that it exhibited at the beginning to the highest and most complex types. Above all we have wished not to deviate from the fundamental ideas posed by you and which have so often been misunderstood or applied incorrectly by supporters as well as opponents of the transformist doctrine.3 It is for you, very dear Master, whose disciples we proclaim ourselves, in our preface, to judge whether we have understood and developed your way of seeing, in interpreting accurately the direction of phenomena of organic transformation in living plants or fossils which have preserved traces for us. Your approval would be such a great prize for us that we have divided our work into two parts, the second will have as its subject the Phanerogams and we are working at this moment to bring it to a satisfactory conclusion.4 So I hope that you have our volume in your hands and that you have received it satisfactorily. If it was otherwise please let me know and I will hasten to correct the error by sending you this work, which is not very long but which includes a summary table of the different stages which the Cryptogams have successively reached, starting from lower ones and aquatic ones, which we call protophytes, because we think that plants have only become terrestrial by adaptation and that primitive plants must have all been Algaes or at least to have been comparable to algaes.5 I am happy, Sir and honoured colleague, to have this opportunity to present this token of the fruitfulness of the doctrine created by you and in offering you my best wishes and those of my colleague Professor Marion I renew the expression of my respectful and sincere devotion | Marquis de Saporta DAR 177: 38 1 2 3 4 5

For a transcription of this letter in its original French, see pp. 156–7. Saporta and Antoine Fortuné Marion sent a copy of their work on cryptogams (non-flowering plants); CD’s copy of Saporta and Marion 1881 is in the Darwin Library–CUL. In the preface to their work, Saporta and Marion affirmed their belief in Darwinian evolution by natural selection (Saporta and Marion 1881, pp. vii–xii). The companion work, L’évolution du règne végétal. Les phanérogames (Evolution of the plant kingdom. Phanerogams; Saporta and Marion 1885) was published in 1885. For the table, see Saporta and Marion 1885, p. 56. Included within the category of protophytes were lichens and fungi, as well as algae, but all the higher forms of cryptogams were shown as having been derived from algae. The table also indicated that, with the appearance of gymnosperms, there was a corresponding decline in cryptogams.

From Alphons Engelhardt1    15 April [1881?]2 Alphons Engelhardt sends many greetings to Charles Darwin. No doubt you will be amazed to receive a letter from a man completely unknown to you, a lowly student of physics, and written in a language that has now long been considered among the number of ‘dead languages’.

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Allow me to explain this novel surprise to you: as I have already said above, I am a student, and in fact a student of the discipline of natural science; because of this I have studied your writings, and it is with ardent enthusiasm that I have studied them and studied them again! These things being so, you thoroughly see and completely understand—particularly, since I understand well enough how true your theory is, how confirmed by relevant arguments—that I cannot refrain from asking for a few small lines, written by the hand of him who is a man so perceptive in investigating natural science, and whose intelligence, both most expert at conjecturing and drawing conclusions, and most acute in observing and investigating, has had outstanding success in tracking down and searching into the very origins of things. However—although I had tried long and hard to obtain some lines written by your hand, for which I am afire with very great desire—since I had not achieved that which I had desired, I had no other option but to ask you yourself. Because the English language is unknown to me, I have written in Latin, hoping that you perhaps will think this pleading letter not unworthy of a kindly answer. It was right for me to seek from you, or rather to beseech you, that—because of the veneration and zeal, with which I honour you—you should pardon these immodest prayers and treat me with indulgence. May you indulge me, exalted man, and may you make me happy by honouring me with a kind reply written in your own hand. Farewell! In Russia, Dorpat in Livonia.3 Altstrasse, No. 5. | 15th April DAR 202: 100 1 2 3

For a transcription of this letter in its original Latin, see p. 165. The year is conjectured from Engelhardt’s assertion that he was a student of natural science; he studied political economy at the University of Dorpat from 1882 to 1886. At this time, Dorpat, a city in the governorate (province) of Livonia (now Tartu, Estonia), was part of the Russian Empire. Livonia was an area that included the southern part of present-day Estonia and the northern part of Latvia.

From Werner von Voigts-Rhetz1   [after 18 April 1881]2 Oberkirch (Grand Duchy of Baden) Most honoured Sir In reading the letter that you addressed to Professor Halmgren to make him aware of your views on vivisection, I automatically thought of the French dictum: “Noblesse oblige”, a phrase that applies with as much reason to aristocracy of thought as to that of birth.3 A great responsibility rests in fact on a name like yours, made famous as a result of extensive scientific research, in the sense that the ideas to which it imparts its authority have infinitely more importance than those that come from some obscure source. So if I ask your permission, Sir, to offer you some

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observations that your letter to Professor Halmgren has inspired in me, I beg you not to see in this approach anything but homage rendered to your great merit and to the influence that it is called to exercise in all scientific questions. You admit in your letter, Sir, to having taken an active part in efforts made some years ago in England to enable the passage of a bill against abuses arising from experiments on living animals, which, however, would have left physiologists the freedom to pursue their scientific research, but, you add, “the public enquiry by a Royal Commission on the complaints against the English physiologists proved that these were unfounded”.4 This first assertion puts before us a puzzle that we feel unable to resolve.— Having at all times a very high opinion of the practical and conscientious nature of the English in general, we wonder how a commission, made up of leading scientific experts in England, could have proposed and how the English Parliament could have sanctioned a bill against abuses that had never existed. We find the explanation still more difficult when we recall having read the description of a scene in an English physiological laboratory published by Dr. Hoggan that reveals facts of revolting cruelty—5 Equally we remember very varied experiments in death by suffocation made on 76 dogs and not abandoned despite the admission of the experimenters themselves that there was no useful outcome.6 We ask you too why Sir Will. Thompson, one of the greatest scholars of modern times, could have said for no apparent reason at Glasgow (British Medical Journal No. 744 p.p. 454–455) that there was a tendency towards the unnecessary extension of vivisection and that he was convinced that the repetition of cruel experiments on animals, merely for the purpose of showing students what had been done up until now, was altogether unnecessary7 Lastly in opening the report of the Royal Commission, we read there declarations like these: “It is manifest that vivisection is from its very nature liable to great abuse and it is not to be doubted that inhumanity may be found in persons of very high position as physiologists”—it cannot be doubted that very severe experiments are constantly performed” “besides the cases in which inhumanity exists, there are others in which carelessness and indifference prevail to an extent sufficient to form a ground for legislative interference” etc and this report is endorsed by the signature of the president of the Commission Mr. Huxley—8 The above notes do not appear to us to show that the commission and other judges outside it found the accusations formulated against English physiologists as ill founded as they seemed to you. But, Sir, even if in this case you would have paid your tribute to human imperfection, from which even the most eminent spirits do not escape, that is to say if you were to be mistaken in your interpretation of the feelings and opinions of the Royal commission, the evil would not be great. The English are not a people who are fobbed off by authorities, even the most illustrious, they like to get to the bottom of things, they have moreover in the report of the commission the means at hand to correct an error, if error there is. So let us turn next to the rest of your letter— You say, most honoured Sir, that you believe however, from all that you have heard said, that this is scarcely the case concerning

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the sufferings of animals in some other parts of Europe and you add that if it was so you would be very pleased to see legislation intercede against inhumanity in these countries. Without doubt these sentiments do you honour and we on this side of the Channel are struggling to ensure their success. But what astonish me are your uncertainties, your very muddled acquaintance with the facts that gave rise to our struggle. Would you not have heard or read the declarations made before the royal Commission by the German Dr. Klein, who did not hesitate to say in public that the sufferings of animals during experiments was a matter of perfect indifference to him and that it was the same all across the continent?9 Would you not have seen Doctor Cyon’s book: “Method to be used as a guide to vivisectionists and to those who wish to become one”, which sings among other things of the joys of the true vivisectionist?10 Does not a whole literature already exist, owing to the pens of most distinguished scholars and doctors, that puts beyond doubt the revolting and for the most part pointless cruelties committed day by day in the physiological laboratories of France, of Germany and especially of Italy? And is it not to be feared, Sir, that your declaration, based on simple yea-saying, and as a result showing little conviction about abuses existing in some countries of Europe should encourage belief in people who are insufficiently informed about the true state of affairs that the evil could not, all the same, be as serious as is said and that they could persevere in their indifference. You say that physiology cannot make any progress without having recourse to vivisections— Cuvier, the great French naturalist, did not share this opinion, he says in a letter addressed to Dr. Carpenter: “Nature has supplied the means of learning what experiments on living animals will never teach”.11 Further on you talk of the immense progress that physiology has made in the last 50 years. In a letter that the learned Professor Haeckel addressed to his colleague, Professor Fr. Zöllner, the celebrated author of the “book of comets” we read among other things: “Helmholtz is without doubt one of our greatest naturalists—that is why he could no longer fit in this sort of camera obscura that today is given the name of physiology and why he made the choice of physics.12 Among our physiologists of today, whose presumption is as great as the horizon is limited, Helmholtz was always an oddity. The results produced by our huge and splendid physiological laboratories are sadly always in an inverse relation to the great expenses they have occasioned— Those which have just been established at Leipzig will not fail to shine either, in the futility of the work of their directors.”13 You say, Sir, that you await great benefits for humanity from the application of physiology to the treatment of disease (of course of this physiology whose progress is not possible according to you without vivisection), even the most enthusiastic vivisectionists like Flourens are always with you in this expectation. This great master of vivisection says in this regard: “Today our hands are still empty, but our mouth is full of promises for the future—”14 It is true that this future makes you wait a bit since vivisection has been practised for 2000 years. The harvest applicable to medicine nevertheless is until now, according to many scholars and doctors, meagre enough, when the results that are so vaunted are passed through the sieve of scientific criticism. I have

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carefully followed the order of the ideas expressed in your letter—so I have not said one word about the moral question, which should have prevailed over every other consideration, even that of utility—or shall we adopt, when it seems convenient to us, the maxim that has been criticised for all time as wrong or Jesuitical that the end justifies the means?—15 I leave it to each person’s conscience to decide whether is it permitted to sacrifice, in the most cruel and often most frivolous method, the myriads of creatures both sensitive and of sophisticated organisation, who are elevated by the faculties of soul so close to us that they have rightly been called “our lesser brothers”—? There was a time when scholars used to seek the philosopher’s stone and the secret of making gold— We smile today in casting a backward glance on those researches. I suppose there will come a time, as long as civilisation does not cease its progress, when future generations instead of smiling and accusing themselves of ingratitude towards our professional vivisectionists, will turn away with grief from their bloody and fruitless labour. In begging you, Sir, not to blame me for having with the utmost frankness expressed in this letter my perhaps mistaken, but completely sincere convictions, I take this opportunity to assure you of the most respectful sentiments with which I have the honour to be your | most obedient servant | W. de Voigts-Rhetz DAR 180: 14 1 2 3

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For a transcription of this letter in its original French, see pp. 178–80. The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the printed version of CD’s letter to Frithiof Holmgren, [14] April 1881, which appeared in The Times, 18 April 1881, p. 10. See letter to Frithiof Holmgren, [14] April 1881; the letter appeared in The Times, 18 April 1881, p. 10. Noblesse oblige: nobility obligates (French); the phrase is taken to mean that someone with power and influence should use it to act honourably to others and fulfill social responsibilities. See letter to Frithiof Holmgren, [14] April 1881. CD wrote that the accusations were ‘false’. George Hoggan had testified before the Royal Commission on the Practice of Subjecting Live Animals to Experiments for Scientific Purposes in 1875, giving descriptions of experiments; one of his main points of discussion was whether substances used to immobilise animals also acted to eliminate pain (see Report of the Royal Commission on vivisection, pp. 178–82, 200–11; for more on Hoggan’s concerns about vivisection, see Holmes and Friese 2020, pp. 14–17). See Report of the Royal Commission on vivisection, p. 119. William Thomson had made the statement at a meeting of the Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals in Glasgow. It was reported in the British Medical Journal, 3 April 1875, pp. 454–5. See Report of the Royal Commission on vivisection, p. xvii. Thomas Henry Huxley was one of the commissioners (ibid., pp. v–vi). Edward Emanuel Klein was a researcher at the Brown Animal Sanatory Institution. He had testified that he used anaesthetics only for the sake of convenience (Report of the Royal Commission on vivisection, p. 184). Elie de Cyon wrote in the first chapter of his book Methodik der physiologischen Experimente und Vivisectionen (Methodology of physiological experiments and vivisections; Cyon 1876, pp. 14–15): ‘Der echte Vivisector muss an eine schwierige Vivisection mit derselben freudigen Aufregung, mit demselben Genusse treten, wie der Chirug an eine schwierige Operation, von der er ausserordentlichen Erfolg erwartet.’ (The true vivisector must approach a difficult vivisection with the same joyful excitement and the same delight as the surgeon does a difficult operation from which he expects extraordinary success.) Cyon was briefly mentioned in the Report of the Royal Commission on vivisection, p. 355.

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Georges Cuvier was known for his work in comparative anatomy, while William Benjamin Carpenter had worked on comparative physiology and relied on animal experiments in his studies (see, for example, Carpenter 1854, p. 687). Ernst Haeckel alluded to Hermann von Helmholtz’s move from physiology to physics in 1871, when he became professor of physics at Berlin (for more on the relationship between physiology and physics in Helmholtz’s work, see Bevilacqua 1993). Johann Karl Friedrich Zöllner was an astrophysicist; he wrote more than one book on comets, but Voigts-Rhetz probably refers to Über die Natur der Cometen: Beiträge zur Geschichte und Theorie der Erkenntnis (On the nature of comets: contributions to the history and theory of knowledge; Zöllner 1872). For more on the controversy that arose regarding Zöllner after the publication of the book, see Kragh 2012, pp. 399–400. Voigts-Rhetz probably refers to the laboratory established in 1879 by Wilhelm Wundt; it became known as the Institute for Experimental Psychology (DSB). The quotation from Pierre Flourens has not been identified. Flourens had studied the localisation of brain function in experiments on pigeons (see Flourens 1824). The Jesuit religious order (Society of Jesus) was frequently associated with the idea that the ends justified the means (see, for example, EB 9th ed. 13: 651).

From Louis Piré1   2 May 1881 Jardin Botanique | de l’État. | Conseil de Surveillance. | No. | Bruxelles, 2 May 1881. Dear and illustrious Master At its meeting of the first of May the Royal Botanical Society of Belgium, which has its headquarters at Brussels, has named you by acclamation an Associate Member. Your humble disciples and your Belgian friends rightly judge as a great honour for them, the nomination of a scholar whose powerful impetus and immense efforts have made the study of the Sciences take a new direction and have liberated them for ever from the constraints and prejudices of the past. You will shortly receive through our Secretary, the official letter and the diploma which confers on you the title of associate Member of our Society2 and I ask you meanwhile to accept, Dear and illustrious colleague, the expression of my most distinguished regards. | Louis Piré | president of the Royal Botanical Society of Belgium Address: Rue Keyenveld No 111 à | Ixelles—Brussels (Belgium) to Mr | Ch. Darwin DAR 230: 83 1 2

For a transcription of this letter in its original French, see p. 202. The secretary of the society was François Crépin. For the diploma, see Appendix III.

From Ernst Krause1   15 May 1881 Berlin N. O. Friedenstrasse 11. 15 May 81. Most esteemed Sir! Early today I had delivered to you under wrapper several numbers of the German weekly “Gartenlaube”, in which I gave a brief account of the extremely important

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results of your observations on the power of movements in plants.2 Your German publisher kindly lent me several plates to serve as illustrations.3 Should you take a look inside, I ask you to excuse the brevity with which I pass over the methodology and some of the central points, bearing in mind that this account was written for complete laymen, and accordingly had to be easily comprehensible and with as little detail as possible. The Gartenlaube is our most widely read weekly and over 300,000  copies are circulated all over the world, wherever Germans live.4 Since I am extremely interested in the subject, I intend to offer yet another, more comprehensive account in one of our monthlies. “Kosmos”, it can be assumed, probably will fare better in the hands of Mr Koch, who owns an important scientific publishing house, than with the previous proprietor, where it occupied an unfavourable place among miscellaneous medical and pharmaceutical works. I enriched the May issue, which you presumably received by now, with the lecture of your son Francis on “climbing plants” that was left with me for this purpose, and I thank him cordially for his kind permission and support regarding the corrections.5 I read with great satisfaction that Professor Romanes, in “Nature”, again took the opportunity to get across to Mr Butler the contemptibility of his behaviour towards you.6 I hope decent journals will exclude him from their pages in future, should he plan to take advantage of them again for such wretched purposes. In Germany no one has taken the least notice of the matter; even ultramontane papers, which usually know how to avail themselves of opportunities of this kind, possessed the self-respect to ignore these pathetic attacks.7 In conclusion, one more great favour! Should your new work on earthworms, which is reported in the journals, contain a chapter that might be suited for special communication in “Kosmos” (perhaps simultaneously or soon after it is published in book-form), might I kindly ask you to send me proofs of the sheets in question.8 Naturally the translation would bear a note saying that it is a sample of your new work. Of course you ought to have no misgivings of any sort about such a publication, otherwise I would naturally abandon it. In the hope that these lines will find you in a desirable state of health, I remain dear Sir | Yours | truly devoted | Ernst Krause DAR 169: 113 1 2

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For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see pp. 216–17. Krause’s summary of Movement in plants, written under his pseudonym, Carus Sterne, appeared in two instalments of Die Gartenlaube in April 1881 (Sterne 1881a). At the top of CD’s copy in DAR 226.1: 229–32, CD wrote in pencil, ‘Ernst Krause good abstract of Movt of Plants’. The plates from Movement in plants that Krause used in Sterne 1881a were the following: fig. 66, p. 159, Pisum sativum (Sterne 1881a, p. 230); fig. 57, p. 78, Cyclamen persicum (Sterne 1881a, p. 285); fig. 62, p. 102, Cucurbita ovifera (Sterne 1881a, p. 286); fig. 145, p. 354, Lotus creticus (Sterne 1881a, p. 286); part of fig. 154, p. 370, Cassia carymbosa (Sterne 1881a, p. 287); fig. 160, p. 382, Acacia farnesina (Sterne 1881a, p. 287). For more on the popularity of Die Gartenlaube and its dissemination in German immigrant communities, see Belgum 1998.

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Eduard Koch was the head of E. Schweizerbart’sche Verlagsbuchhandlung; the firm took over publication of Kosmos from Karl Alberts (Ernst Gunther’s Verlag) with the ninth volume (April–September 1881). Francis Darwin’s lecture on climbing plants had appeared in Popular Science Review in 1880 (F. Darwin 1880c); the German translation was published in the May 1881 issue of Kosmos (F. Darwin 1881a). CD had sent Krause a copy of Nature, 27 January 1881 (see letter to Ernst Krause, 29 January 1881). It contained George John Romanes’s review of Samuel Butler’s Unconscious memory (Butler 1880); Krause had approved of the tone of the review (see letter from Ernst Krause, 10 February 1881). Butler replied to Romanes’s review in a letter published in Nature, 3 February 1881, pp. 312–13, causing Romanes to write a letter defending his review (see Nature, 10 February 1881, pp. 335–6). The ultramontanists were Catholics who wanted to integrate church and state, with ultimate authority resting with the church. Earthworms had gone to press on 1 May 1881 (Freeman 1977); CD and Francis had started correcting proof-sheets (see letter from Francis Darwin, 14 May 1881).

From Victor Hensen1   25 May 1881 Kiel 25th May 1881. Most esteemed Sir! Just now I received your very kind letter. I could not have regretted it enough had I missed your valuable work on cross and self-fertilization of plants, fortunately it was in my possession and perhaps in time you will find even your plant “Hero” considered in the proper place.2 Actually, your works have been a goldmine of knowledge for me, as I believe the instances when I hold a significantly different opinion from one expressed by you are rare. I look forward to your work on the earthworm with great anticipation, this is also what prompts me to reply to your kind letter immediately.3 The Danish zoologist P. A. Müller investigated the activities of the earthworm further, in Tidsskrift for Skovbrug vol III I & II issue Copenhagen 1878 in “Studier over Skovjord” (forest soil); I myself have not yet been able to get hold of this work, but since you are writing on this subject just now and are accustomed to using and citing literature extensively, I wanted to direct your attention to the existence of this work in case you did not know it yet.4 With the expression of my greatest | respect | Yours most faithfully | V. Hensen. DAR 166: 145 1 2

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For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see p. 236. CD’s letter to Hensen has not been found, but it was probably written to thank Hensen for sending his book, Physiologie der Zeugung (Physiology of reproduction, Hensen 1881; see letter to Francis Darwin, 27 May 1881 and n. 5). Hensen had cited several of CD’s works, including Cross and self fertilisation (Hensen 1881, p. 179). CD had studied the offspring of a particular self-fertilised plant of Ipomoea purpurea (common morning-glory) that he had dubbed ‘Hero’ owing to its prodigious growth (see Cross and self fertilisation, pp. 37, 47–51, and passim). CD and his son Francis Darwin were already correcting proof-sheets of Earthworms, which had gone to press on 1 May 1881; it was published on 10 October 1881 (Freeman 1977). Peter Erasmus Müller’s article ‘Studier over Skovjord’ (Studies on forest soil; P. E. Müller 1878) appeared in Tidsskrift for Skovbrug (Journal of Forestry). In Earthworms (1882), p. 8, Francis Darwin added a note mentioning that Hensen had told CD about P. E. Müller 1878, but that CD had no opportunity to consult the work.

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From Fritz Müller1   31 May 1881 Blumenau, Sa. Catharina, Brazil, 31 May 1881. Esteemed Sir! Your kind letter of 12 April has just arrived and I will reply to your query about Heteranthera reniformis right away.2 It is an amphibious plant that grows equally well in the stagnant water of swamps and ditches and outside the water in humid locations. … Whereas over many weeks I daily observed in a plant of Phyllanthus that the leaves on one or several branches had turned the wrong way when returning from the nocturnal position, I was unable to find a second example of this irregularity among hundreds of plants of the same species that I have since investigated in this regard. Only once a few days ago on a cold morning I saw 3 leaves that had returned to the right side but without turning over, so that their underside was facing upwards. On the subsequent days they showed the normal position. From the plant with the abnormal leaf movements I collected a number of seeds; perhaps some of its descendants will inherit that irregularity.3 Concerning the movement of the leaves in Cassia, Desmodium and a few other plants that you elaborate on, if one shakes or taps them, I believe that your supposition is correct, that it happens in order to throw off raindrops.4 Today it has been raining for more than 5 hours already, and I have just walked through my garden in order to see what position the leaves of Cassia etc. have assumed. The Cassia leaves are in a position midway between the diurnal and the nocturnal position; the surface of the leaflets lies in a vertical plane, perpendicular to the leaf stalk (and thus both leaflets of each pair lie on the same plane); the upper surfaces are turned towards the tip of the leaf stalk; at the same time the leaflets are bent downwards, so that the two mid-ribs of each pair form roughly a right angle. During very heavy downpour the leaves of this Cassia assume their nocturnal position.— The leaves of an Acacia are in a very similar position to the nocturnal one.— The leaves of Schizolobium (doubly pinnate, like those of Acacia, but very large), have hardly altered their diurnal position, while during very heavy rain they assume a position quite similar to that of the leaves of Cassia at night.—5 The leaves of two species of Desmodium have assumed their nocturnal position, while those of a third species have kept the diurnal position. The leaflets of Oxalis sepium are hanging down vertically, as they commonly do at night (but not without exception). The leaves of Phyllanthus compressus have not moved; in Ph. consanguineus the leaf surfaces stand in an almost vertical plane, bent downwards a little, and the midribs form an angle of around 30o with the horizon; in a third species of Phyllathus with very atypical nyctitropic movement, the leaves have nonetheless assumed a rain position quite similar to the preceding; only they are tilted even somewhat further downwards, and the mid-ribs form an angle with the horizon of just over 45°.6 The leaflets of Oxalis sepium and those of Schizolobium are sensitive, though to a minor degree; in Oxalis they bend down slightly when prodded or when the plant is shaken. When a single leaflet of Schizolobium is repeatedly tapped with a finger,

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it moves very slowly towards the tip of the leaf stalk and at the same time turns a little. … I have now collected the Hymenoptera-inhabitants of 9 different species of fig; among the insects that have been collected from the figs of a single tree Dr Paul Mayer has distinguished no less than 7 different species, and in addition the males of one of these species are dimorphic or even trimorphic. As I hear from Mayer, the treatise on caprification will probably appear next autumn.7 Believe me, dear Sir, that I remain with the greatest respect Yours truly | Fritz Müller. Möller ed. 1915–21, 2: 410–11 1

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For a transcription of the original German of the published source of this letter, see pp. 245–7. According to Alfred Möller, all Fritz Müller’s letters to CD were written in English (see Möller ed. 1915–21, 2: 72 n.); most of them have not been found. Many of the letters were later sent by Francis Darwin to Möller, who translated them into German for his Fritz Müller: Werke, Briefe und Leben (Möller ed. 1915–21). Möller also found final drafts of some Müller letters among the Fritz Müller papers and included these in their original English form (ibid. 2: 72 n). Where the original English versions are missing, the published version, usually appearing in German translation, has been used. See letter to Fritz Müller, 12 April 1881 and n. 5. CD had received seeds of Heteranthera reniformis (kidneyleaf mudplantain) from Müller. CD had suggested that Müller make further observations on the movement of leaves of Phyllanthus (the genus of leaf flower; see letter to Fritz Müller, 23 February 1881 and n. 2). A short article with a figure of the atypical leaf movement of the plant in Müller’s garden was published in the April issue of Kosmos (F. Müller 1881b; see also letter to Nature, 14 April [1881]). See letter to Fritz Müller, 12 April 1881 and n. 7. Cassia and Desmodium are genera in the family Fabaceae (peas and legumes). Acacia and Schizolobium (Brazilian firetree) are genera in the family Fabaceae. Oxalis sepium is a tropical species in the family Oxalidaceae. Phyllanthus compressus has a native range from Mexico to Peru, while P. consanguineus is native to Réunion. Caprification is the process of hanging clusters of wild fig (caprifig) flowers in edible fig trees in order to facilitate the transfer of pollen by fig wasps. Paul Mayer reported on the specimens in alcohol sent by Müller in his paper ‘Zur Naturgeschichte der Feigeninsecten’ (On the natural history of fig insects; Mayer 1882, pp. 572–6); the paper was published in September 1882. Müller summarised Mayer 1882 in a review in Kosmos, January 1883 (F. Müller 1883).

From Leopold Sirk1   5 June 1881 Vienna 5. June 1881 Dear Sir! I beg you to late translate sonly2 this lines, I hope to do well. I love you! | Leopold Sirk “The wise one thinks and is silent”. “We all work” “the pursuit after careful consideration of our welfare was recognised as appropriate goals mean striving

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Abstracted Schoppenhauer-Kantian philosophy entitled “Mehr Licht”3 and all good things come in threes goes a saying   I ask her beloved majesty sincerely she should follow me I mean it well Ireland = (ire = anger = In anger in despair powerless – mad) + (land = earth stone Parliament of the Jewish stone4 is too rash— we are all good it is not your fault—you are human too. Our empress is not in Ireland, because she is a noble and good woman—thus her Britannic majesty will not be.5 The world spirit praises her steps, if the verb from vine = weep,6 the active form of sorrow can help perhaps had I brought it together, if it meant anything, and to help the Irish. I also have become Irish because I have erred for so long, until I come to realise also Taafe is really an Irish descendant,7 I do not believe, that he erred— although the spirit of the times believes it—he wanted the good too as we all do. Thus as for you the bear is already in the sky the fish in water, so even the dove in the air—the dove of peace, then—you take it in Incomplete DAR 201: 36 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see pp. 254–5. Sirk has not been identified. Sirk probably intended ‘soon’. Sirk refers to Mehr Licht! Die Hauptsätze Kant’s und Schopenhauer’s in allgemein verständlicher Darlegung (More light! The main propositions of Kant and Schopenhauer in a generally comprehensible form; Last 1879). Possibly a reference to the Foundation Stone of the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem, considered to be the holiest site in Judaism. Elisabeth, empress of Austria and queen of Hungary, and Queen Victoria. The German noun ‘Wein’ (vine or wine) and the verb ‘weinen’ (weep or cry) are not etymologically related. Eduard von Taaffe.

From Francisco de Arruda Furtado1   13 June 1881 São Miguel Island (Azores) 13 June 1881 Mr. Charles Darwin Very honoured sir I was born and live on these volcanic islands where the facts of geographical distribution of land molluscs are an interesting proof in favour of the theory that has made your name a thousand times renowned and respected.2 After reading your book “The origin of species”, on that which dealt with oceanic islands, my natural vocation for zoology has been totally devoted to these malacalogical facts, on the difficulty of the introduction of species, on the transportation on the feet of birds & and I have undertaken my small contribution on the subject.3 I venture to send you two small works of this sort and I have a

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good number of drawings and notes on species whose internal anatomy is as yet unknown. My goal is to compare these with the fauna of continental America and Europe, in order to throw light on the origin of species of the Azores.4 At the same time I hope to popularise your theory on these shores, exiled from the world of science, by giving my little offerings this transitional form, which is indispensible in this environment where the response must be more keenly excited; and I also hope not to lose a single fact that could provide a proof, no matter how weak, of your theory. Recently I made an interesting discovery:—ten specimens of Vitrina where I found (in 7 dissected individuals) no trace of reproductive organs! I sent 3 individuals to Mr. Miall, professor of Biology (Yorkshire College) and generous translator of my work on Viquesnelia atlantica, and he found no trace of reproductive organs. I hope to establish the circumstances of this fact in detail, in order to assess whether it is a case of a hybrid and what the species are that produced it.5 In these conditions, surrounded by this nature so interesting, and, it must be said, very incompletely studied, and knowing that the most eminent scholar is always the most generous to those taking their first steps, I decided to be so bold as to offer you my first studies and all the limitations of my services, should you consider me worthy of gathering a few facts for you, of making observations on the transportation by waves, birds, and, thus to do something useful for Science, a foolish enterprise without seeking the Master’s gracious help. The study of the spiders of the Azores, besides that of molluscs, is an interesting study. Mr. Eugène Simon agreed to undertake the identification of sixty species that I collected on St. Michel (São Miguel). Many new species have been found, although the faunule is intimately linked to forms of the Mediterranean region.6 One species very close to another on St. Helène has been found—Ariamnes delicatulus, E. Simon (sp. nov.)7 Mr.  Lédillot8 is preparing a work on beetles and Hemiptera, which also come from my excursions. By providing these meagre services to these naturalists, how could I be silent before you, Sir, when I am always re-reading some page of your book, when I know that the Azores are not without interest for you and when I have the extreme pleasure of being one of your disciples? I certainly could not do it. I could not but think of always following the orders that you judge me worthy to carry out. My services may not perhaps be of value, but I could not live without telling you that you have a most appreciative disciple in the Azores and that you could make use of a most devoted servant. Arruda Furtado. DAR 159: 114b, 114c 1 2 3

For a transcription of this letter in its original French, see pp. 261–2. CD had discussed geographical distribution on oceanic islands in Origin, pp. 389–406. For more on Arruda Furtado’s work in malacology, see Felismino et al. 2016.

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CD’s inscribed offprint of ‘Indagações sobre a complicação das maxillas de alguns helices (Enquiry on the complexity of the jaws of some Helixes; Arruda Furtado 1880a) is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. Arruda Furtado probably also sent ‘A proposito da distribuição dos molluscos terrestres nos Açores’ (On the distribution of terrestrial molluscs in the Azores; Arruda Furtado 1880b), but no copy has been found in the Darwin Library–CUL. Louis Compton Miall had translated Arruda Furtado’s anatomical study of the terrestrial gastropod Viquesnelia atlantica (a synonym of Plutonia atlantica) in Annals and Magazine of Natural History, March 1881 (Arruda Furtado 1881a). Miall later translated Arruda Furtado’s work on the abortion of the reproductive organs in Vitrina (Arruda Furtado 1882). Although Arruda Furtado had concluded that the specimens might be hybrids, Miall, in a note added to the paper, suggested that the complete absence of reproductive organs in the individuals that he dissected was more likely due to a parasitic attack. Arruda Furtado had written to Eugène Simon in June 1880 describing his collection of spiders and asking whether Simon would be interested in describing them (for all of his correspondence with Simon, see Constância ed. 2002, pp. 23–50). Simon agreed and the description of species appeared in his memoir on the spiders of the oceanic islands of the Atlantic (E. Simon 1883). A faunule is the fauna of a specified small habitat. Ariamnes delicatulus (a synonym of Rhomphaea nasica) was first described by Simon in 1873 as Ariamnes nasica (E. Simon 1873, pp. 152–4). He later described it as a new species, Ariamnes delicatulus, from a specimen sent by Arruda Furtado, in E. Simon 1883, pp. 272–3. For Arruda Furtado’s correspondence with Maurice Sédillot, see Constância ed. 2002, pp. 65–73.

From Wilhelm Breitenbach1   [before 20 June 1881]2 Porto Alegre, Prov. Rio Grande | do Sul, | Brazil. Most esteemed Mr Darwin! In August last year I wrote you that I would probably be travelling to Brazil shortly.3 Now, for 3 months I have been happily here in Porto Alegre, the capital of the province of Rio Grande do Sul. I did not first go to Blumenau to Dr Fritz Müller because, as you probably know, the colony of Blumenau was almost completely destroyed by a flood.4 Later on, however, I shall go to Blumenau. Here in Porto Alegre I have been busy collecting, mostly insects and plants. Of the insects, I am planning to take on in detail first of all parasitical Hymenoptera (Ichneumonidae) and Orthoptera. The stick-insects (family of the Phasmidae) are particularly numerous here; they are represented in a great multitude of forms, so that by now I can already trace their origin in common, normally built forms. I also collected quite a number of walking leaves.5 Unfortunately, however, I am still so poorly equipped with literature that I can not do much for the time being; nor do I know how to come by the relevant literature. It is even worse with botanical works, for the Flora brasiliensis by Martius6 is so expensive that I am unable to afford it from my own means. Fritz Müller has hardly anything either, and most of what he had was destroyed in the flood. I also observed several cases of mimicry. Fritz Müller wrote me that I might turn my attention to the well-known reciprocal relationships between ants and plants; but unfortunately I have not come across such cases so far.7 Of course I will endeavour to work on the field of research of my venerated teacher H. Müller to the best of my powers. Have you read the latest work by H. Müller yet?8 Unfortunately I have not yet received it. I would also very much

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like to be able to study your new book on the movement of plants; I heard lately that it has already appeared.9 For some time Dr H. v. Ihering, the author of the work on the nervous system of molluscs, has been living in the area.10 I have not yet spoken to him; he is busily working on vertebrates and molluscs. In the local “Deutsche Zeitung” I have for some time been publishing, at the request of the editor, Mr von Koseritz, popular articles on the theory of evolution, probably the first in Brazil. If you would like me to, I could send you a copy of these on completion.11 The local Jesuits are not exactly enthusiastic about my being here and wish I were gone.12 You will probably have received my little sketch in “Kosmos” on the origin of sexual reproduction sent by my papa.13 Then in a while you will also receive another work on the butterfly proboscis, published in the “Jenaische Zeitschrift für Naturwissenschaft”.14 I am thinking of staying in Brazil for quite a number of years and hope to help contribute something to the good of our science.15 If you allow me, I shall report to you now and then, when I come across something particularly interesting. Please kindly pass on my best wishes to your son Francis.16 With the greatest respect | I remain Your most devoted | Dr Wilhelm Breitenbach. DAR 202: 16 1 2 3 4

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For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see pp. 276–7. The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to Wilhelm Breitenbach, 20 [ June] 1881. The letter has not been found, but see Correspondence vol. 28, letter to Wilhelm Breitenbach, 21 September 1880. Rio Grande do Sul was the southernmost province of Brazil; the Blumenau colony was in the adjacent Santa Catarina province, to the north. German immigration in Brazil was mostly to these two provinces and to São Paolo (Roche 1959, p. 1). Fritz Müller’s brother Hermann had told CD that the Itajahy river (now called Itajaí Açu) had risen almost fifteen metres above its normal level, but that most of Fritz’s books and equipment had been saved (Correspondence vol. 28, letter from Hermann Müller, 30 November 1880). The Ichneumonidae family in the order Hymenoptera (bees, wasps, and ants) includes ichneumon wasps; the order Orthoptera includes grasshoppers, locusts, and crickets. The Phasmidae family (a synonym of Phasmatidae) includes walking sticks; it is in the order Phasmida, which also includes walking leaves or leaf insects (family Phylliidae). True leaf insects are restricted to South Asia and Australia, but Breitenbach may have collected some forms of leaf-mimicking katydids (subfamily Pterochrozinae in the family Tettigoniidae) that are native to South America. Several volumes of Karl Friedrich Philipp von Martius’s work, Martius ed. 1840–1906, had been published. Müller himself had studied the relationship between ants of the genus Azteca and plants of the genus Cecropia (embauba or trumpet trees; see Correspondence vol. 22, letter from Fritz Müller, 20 April [1874]). See also F. Müller 1876 and F. Müller 1880. Breitenbach had been a student of Herman Müller at the Realschule in Lippstadt, where Müller taught natural sciences. Müller’s Alpenblumen, ihre Befruchtung durch Insekten: und ihre Anpassungen an dieselben (Alpine flowers, their fertilisation through insect agency and adaptations for this; H. Müller 1881a) had been published earlier in the year. CD had received a copy in November 1880 (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter from Hermann Müller, 27 November 1880). Movement in plants was published on 6 November 1880 (Freeman 1977); the German translation appeared in 1881 (Carus trans. 1881).

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Hermann von Ihering lived in Taquara do Mundo Novo (now Taquara), seventy-two kilometres from Porto Allegre. His Vergleichende Anatomie des Nervensystemes und Phylogenie der Mollusken (Comparative anatomy of the nervous system and phylogeny of molluscs; Ihering 1877) was published in 1877. Deutsche Zeitung, a fortnightly newspaper, was founded in Porto Allegre in 1861; Karl von Koseritz became its editor-in-chief in 1864 (Roche 1959, p. 500; Gehse 1931, p. 135ff.). No copies of Breitenbach’s articles have been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL. Koseritz had made the church and above all the Jesuits the target of his polemics for many years. The Jesuits had countered these attacks by founding the Deutsche Volksblatt, also a fortnightly newspaper, which by 1881 was edited in the Jesuit College of São Leopoldo (Gehse 1931, pp. 43, 76). Breitenbach’s article ‘Die Entstehung der geschlechtlichen Fortpflanzung. Eine phylogenetische Studie’ (The origin of sexual reproduction. A phylogenetic study; Breitenbach 1881a) was published in Kosmos, January 1881. No separate copy of the article has been found in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL, but CD subscribed to the journal, and his copy is in the collection of unbound journals in the Darwin Archive–CUL. Breitenbach’s father was also called Wilhelm Breitenbach. ‘Beiträge zur Kenntniss des Baues der Schmetterlings-Rüssel’ (Contributions to the understanding of the structure of the butterfly proboscis; Breitenbach 1881b) was published on 25 January 1881. No copy has been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL. In the event, Breitenbach returned to Germany in 1883 (Nöthlich 2009). Francis Darwin.

From Ernst Haeckel1   21 June 1881 Jena 21. June 81. Dear and highly esteemed friend! In fulfilment of an ardent wish of mine, which I have entertained for 30 years, to one day see the wonders of tropical nature, I plan to spend next winter in Ceylon. At the end of September, I intend to go directly (via Suez, Bombay) to Colombo to work for 4 months (partly in Point de Galle, partly in Trincomalee) and to return in April 1882.2 I will study mainly Medusae and Radiolaria, besides drawing and painting a lot.3 I have recently learned oil-painting and photography, and I am well prepared for everything. To cover the considerable costs of the trip, (in particular, to be able to do a lot of dredging and collecting) I had hoped to receive the “Humboldt-Stipendium” of the Berlin Academy, and my friends there had firmly promised me last Easter that I would receive 15,000 Mark (= 750 £ Strl) from it for this purpose. At the crucial session last week, however, the academy decided (with a bare majority) to turn down this proposal, on the grounds that “Professor Haeckel is the most ardent and most dangerous apostle of the Darwinian heresy, and because his zoological work has no true merit. (!!)4 Now I have today sent identical letters to Sir John Lubbock and to Prof. Huxley, with the request that perhaps they might be able to secure me a travel grant (if possible 400–500 £ Strl) from some learned British society (perhaps Royal Society or British Association).5 In justification, it could be stated that over the past 5 years I have been working free of charge for the “Challenger” (the “Deep-Sea Medusae”, with 32 plates, are now complete; the Radiolaria (with 120 plates) are half-done).6 I have written to Sir Wyville Thomson, who promised me a letter of recommendation to the governor of Ceylon, as well.7

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To you, my highly esteemed friend, I would kindly direct my request for your support, should the opportunity arise. Perhaps you could discuss it with Sir John Lubbock. I hope your microscope from Zeiss has turned out as you wished. My friend, Prof. Abbe, who is supervising the finer optical work at Zeiss, promised me to choose the best lenses for you, and Mr Zeiss has taken care of it personally.8 They both told me that for the name “Darwin” my recommendation was superfluous. If there is anything that I could collect or get for you in Ceylon, it would be my greatest pleasure! I hope you are well! With my most cordial greetings to you and to your family Yours | truly devoted | Ernst Haeckel DAR 166: 78 1 2

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For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see pp. 280 and 282. Haeckel began his voyage to Ceylon (Sri Lanka) on 8 October 1881 and arrived back in Jena on 21 April 1882 (Haeckel 1883b, pp. 11, 337). Point de Galle (now Galle) is on the southernmost tip of the island; Trincomalee is a port city on the east coast. Medusae are the free-swimming sexual forms of animals of the phylum Cnidaria; Haeckel published extensively on these (Haeckel 1879–81, Haeckel 1882). The order Radiolaria of the phylum Protozoa is composed of a diverse group of unicellular protozoans with siliceous skeletons; Haeckel proposed one of the earliest classification schemes for Radiolaria (Haeckel 1887). The Humboldt-Stiftung für Naturforschung und Reisen (Humboldt Foundation for Scientific Research and Travel) was administered by a group of trustees; for more on the rejection of his application and the supporters and opponents of Haeckel among the trustees, see Richards 2008, p. 345. The letter of 21 June 1881 from Haeckel to Thomas Henry Huxley and Huxley’s reply of 1 July 1881 are reproduced in Uschmann and Jahn 1959–60, pp. 26–7. The scientific results of the dredging expedition of HMS Challenger (1872–6) were published between 1880 and 1895. For Haeckel’s reports on Medusae and Radiolaria, see Haeckel 1882 and Haeckel 1887. Charles Wyville Thomson was chief of the civilian scientific staff of the Challenger expedition. James Robert Longden was governor of Ceylon at this time. See letter to Ernst Haeckel, 9 February 1881. Ernst Abbe was a partner of Carl Zeiss in his optical firm at Jena. The microscope was Stativ IV no. 3650, with condenser (manufactured on 11 November 1880) and included the objectives BB, DD, F, and K (ZEISS Archives). The microscope was for Francis Darwin.

From Ernst Haeckel1   1 July 1881 Jena 1. July 81 My dear and much esteemed friend! For your kind letter from Penrith and the postcard afterwards I send you my most heartfelt thanks; no less for your kind offer to support, if necessary, my travelling plans with a contribution of 100£ Strl.2 I do however firmly hope that I will not be forced to take you up on your kind and exceedingly generous offer. In any case I would do so only in an extreme emergency! In the meantime I have also written to Sir John Lubbock, Huxley and Sir Wyville Thomson,3 in the hope that perhaps I might receive a contribution from the grant of some learned society in London. Should this not be the case, I will undertake my

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journey to Ceylon in a very simple form and as economically as possible, in particular by omitting the costly dredging and collecting. In that case I will do all the more observing and painting. I have saved up enough to carry out the journey in a simple form;4 besides, I have been accustomed to a very simple and frugal lifestyle since my boyhood. “Curry and rice” is not expensive in India, after all!— I am very glad to hear that you feel revived by your beautiful summer-sojourn, and I hope very much that you were able to gather new strength for the winter. Now once more, dear friend, my most heartfelt thanks for your kindness, and request to keep your friendly disposition towards me in the future. Yours faithfully | Ernst Haeckel P.S. Gegenbaur was mortally ill two months ago, but he is now slowly improving; I hope he will recover.5 DAR 166: 79 1 2 3 4

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For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see p. 296. See letter from Ernst Haeckel, 21 June 1881, and letters to Ernst Haeckel, 25 June 1881 and 26 June [1881]. Haeckel was planning an expedition to Ceylon (Sri Lanka). Thomas Henry Huxley and Charles Wyville Thomson. Haeckel financed his trip with his own means, a grant from the Ministry of State in Weimar, and the help of friends (Krauße 1987, p. 98). He wrote about the trip in Indische Reisebriefe (Haeckel 1883a), translated as A visit to Ceylon (Haeckel 1883b). He thanked CD for his contribution in Haeckel 1883b, p. 11. In his autobiography, Carl Gegenbaur wrote that in 1881 he succumbed to a grave illness that lasted for six months and from which he did not recover until the end of the summer. According to his physician, Gegenbaur’s condition was caused by the dampness in the building in which he worked. (Gegenbaur 1901, p. 107.)

From Alphonse de Candolle1   9 July 1881 Geneva 9 July 1881. My dear Sir It is good for us that you have received volume 3 of the Monographiae, although in this case we have been the editors not the authors.2 Despite the purely descriptive nature of the work, I thought that it could sometimes supply you with the most correct names to use. I understand your admiration for the English Lakes. They are charming—at the right time of year—and much more interesting than those of Scotland.3 Yesterday I went into the old country of Sismondi, and finding myself near where Mrs Darwin had sketched the view, I was struck by the verisimilitude of her drawing. That reminded me of the very pleasant day which I spent at Beckenham.4 My greetings, I beg you, to Mrs Darwin, compliments to Mr Francis5 and believe me always, my dear Sir, | Your most devoted | Alph. de Candolle DAR 161: 27 1

For a transcription of this letter in its original French, see p. 306.

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See letter to Alphonse de Candolle, 6 July [1881]. CD had received the third volume of Monographiæ phanerogamarum (Monographs on the phanerogams), edited by Alphonse de Candolle and his son Casimir (A. de Candolle and Candolle eds. 1878–96). The Darwins had been in the Lake District for about five weeks (see CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). Emma Darwin (then Wedgwood) and her sister Frances had stayed with their aunt and uncle Jessie and Jean-Charles Léonard de Sismondi in Geneva and Chêne between November 1826 and June 1827 (Emma Darwin (1904), 1: 245–74; Healey 2001, p. 105); they had made a shorter visit with other members of their family in 1825 (Healey 2001, pp. 96–7). Candolle visited Down on 27 September 1880 (see Correspondence vol. 28, letter from Asa Gray, 30 September 18[80] and n. 2). Francis Darwin.

From Leopold Würtenberger1   26 July 1881 Constance Duchy of Baden | (Wessenbergstr. 27), 26 July | 1881. Most esteemed Sir! Around 2 years ago you were so kind as to send me 100£, which enabled me to continue my studies of the phylogeny of the ammonites, particularly also through visits to the more important collections.2 The book that resulted from this I sent you some time ago;3 a special monograph on the Armata I have not yet completed.4 I had hoped that the publication of my book would prepare the way for me to obtain a suitable position; so far this wish has unfortunately not been granted and last year I was forced to struggle along as best as possible by writing popular scientific articles.5 I have now become convinced I will never succeed anyway in gaining a position that suits my scientific inclinations, for I am simply lacking various requirements so that others are always favoured over me; particularly a certain awkwardness and shyness in personal dealings has been very much of a hindrance. Consequently I decided to return to technical work and already I have been promised a good position in a factory for aniline dyes, though on condition that I will at first be working voluntarily for about 34 of a year at my own expense. Unfortunately I lack the means for this. Since I have been unwell recently and consequently was able to earn only little or nothing, I am now entirely without any means at all to support myself. Most esteemed Sir! For this reason I venture to humbly inquire if you would perhaps be so kind as to lend me 70–80£ so as to enable me to carry out my plan. I would use my first savings to repay this debt. I would be extremely obliged to you if you would kindly consider my request. With the most humble request that you will not bear me a grudge for my request, I remain | with the greatest respect | Yours most devoted | L. Würtenberger DAR 181: 187 1 2 3

For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see p. 323. See Correspondence vol. 27, letter from Leopold Würtenberger, 29 January 1879. See Correspondence vol. 28, letter to Leopold Würtenberger, 6 March 1880. Würtenberger had sent his Studien über die Stammesgeschichte der Ammoniten. Ein geologischer Beweis für die Darwin’sche Theorie (Studies on the phylogeny of ammonites: a geological proof of Darwinian theory; Würtenberger 1880); there are copies in the Darwin Library–CUL and Down.

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The first two chapters of Würtenberger 1880 were titled ‘Der Armaten—oder Aspidoceras-Stamm’. In many classificatory systems at this time, the Armati were a subcategory within the family Aegoceratidae; Aspidoceras was one of the genera in this section (see, for example, Wright 1878–86, p. 247). Würtenberger seems not to have published further on this subject. See, for example, Würtenberger 1879–80.

From Francisco de Arruda Furtado1   29 July 1881 Île St. Michel (Azores) 29 July | 1881 Mr. Charles Darwin Sir It is unnecessary to explain the feelings of joy, gratitude, and encouragement that your very kind letter inspired me with.2 You, Sir, know better than anyone what is in the heart of a young man who makes his debut under the kindly protection of the high priests of science. Your letter, Sir, is for me of the greatest value. The instructions that you have kindly given me, for the most part I know them, yes: but it is to your book that I owe that knowledge and you know well what it means to me to have them all together and written in your hand. It is rather difficult to visit the other islands, but I have already thought of finding myself collectors. I knew that at Terceira and at S. Maria there were signs of the glacial period. I possess some fossils from S. Maria and I am going to get fragments of the erratic blocks that Mr. Hartung pointed out at Terceira and that I believe you too observed in your voyage on the “Beagle”.3 I have never heard tell of the tooth of the mastodon.4 We have two lighthouses at St Michel, one at P. delgada5 and another at Nordeste at the N.E. corner of the island. On this point in your letter, I had to learn an excellent method of investigation that I did not know before, as well as about Lacerta: I must say, I had not yet realised that they were oviparous (!), even though I knew well your observations in respect of the eggs of terrestrial molluscs.6 I believe trees are not transported with their roots, or at least only rarely. Among the seaweed, one sometimes finds seeds of 3 or 4 species of plant brought by the gulf-stream (?) and well known to our fisherfolk, who use them as a table ornaments and hollow out the biggest (which they call ‘bean of the sea’) to make snuffboxes. I will soon take the liberty of offering you some examples of these seeds, and an offprint of my paper, “Indagações, &”7 .... .... After your kind letter, Sir, my studies, though on the same good track of sound transformist orientation, the effects of which I have fortunately been given a good understanding of, have been eagerly turned towards new aspirations, and I see a great number of facts that I could not see:— please accept, honoured Sir, my humble and profound gratitude Arruda Furtado. DAR 159: 114a

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For a transcription of this letter in its original French, see pp. 325–6. See letter to Francisco de Arruda Furtado, 3 and 6 July 1881. Georg Hartung. See Hartung and Bronn 1860, pp. 294–5. Terceira and São Miguel (St Michel or St Michael) in the Azores were HMS Beagle’s last landfalls before returning to England in 1836. CD described the geology of the area briefly in his diary of the voyage (see ‘Beagle’ diary), but did not mention erratic blocks; nor did he mention Terceira in his published account of the voyage (Journal of researches 2d ed.). Volcanic islands does describe the geology of Terceira, but does not note the existence of erratic blocks. See letter to Francisco de Arruda Furtado, 3 and 6 July 1881 and n. 5. Ponta Delgada is the capital of São Miguel. CD had discovered that recently hatched freshwater molluscs attached themselves to ducks’ feet (see Origin 6th ed., pp. 344–6). Lacerta is a genus of lizards. There is a copy of Arruda Furtado 1880a (‘Indagações sobre a complicação das maxillas de alguns helices naturalisados nos Açores’; Enquiry on the complexity of the jaws of some Helixes naturalised in the Azores) in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. Helix is a genus of land snails.

From G. E. Mengozzi1   31 July 1881 Reale ed Imperiale Accademia | Nazionale La Scuola Italica | in | Rome | Presidential | Office Illustrious Sir, I have the honour of conveying to Your Lordship the Diploma of Honorary President of the Ancient Pythagoreans, which the Royal and Imperial Academy “La Scuola Italica” of Rome confers upon you, in accordance with its Statutes, on the day on which the Diploma comes into your Lordship’s possession.2 Please deign to accept this token of the esteem which the Academic Committee has judged itself bound to show you. I have the great honour to sign myself, with the utmost respect, | Your Most Illustrious Lordship’s most obedient servant, | Commendatore Professor G. E. Mengozzi | Founder President | A Ciancarini3 | General Secretary Rome 31. July 1881. The Illustrious Charles Darwin LL.D etc. | London DAR 171: 156 1 2 3

For a transcription of this letter in its original Italian, see p. 332. For the diploma, see Correspondence vol. 28, Appendix III. The diploma is dated 1 November 1880. See also ibid., letter from G. E. Mengozzi, 24 November 1880. Alfredo Ciancarini (see Correspondence vol. 28, Appendix III) has not been further identified.

From Leopold Würtenberger1   3 August 1881 Constance (Wessenbergstr. 27) Duchy of Baden 3 Aug. 1881. Most esteemed Sir! In your kind letter of 29 July you let me know that you are unable to comply with my request.2 I venture to bring up the matter again as it looks as though there was a misunderstanding. For I meant to get the sum in question as a loan only, and I can in good conscience absolutely guarantee that I would be able to repay this sum after

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a while if I got a position at a chemical factory. This is not merely unfounded wishful thinking, but I speak from experience. You see, I used to be employed as a technical assistant at the Baden mint. On this occasion, I made a good living and had I stayed I would now have a salary that would enable me to lay aside a tidy sum as a nest egg. Alas, in those days I clung too much to ideals and real experience displeased me, so that I did not rest until I was rid of my job. Having always been partial to the pursuit of purely scientific matters, I believed my future happiness depended on being put in the position to wholly dedicate myself to the sciences; and to find such a post to me seemed simple; however, regarding the latter I was only too bitterly disappointed. I know now that only those should allow themselves to be lured into the realm of science who have the financial means to live independently for quite some time and who can leisurely wait until chance brings a suitable position their way. My scientific aspirations have now already put me into a completely hopeless situation; gladly would I now go back but it is not all that simple at the moment to get another job in the minting business and in other branches of chemical technology I lack practical experience. In the various branches, particularly in the technology of dyes, chemists are wanted, but invariably people who already have practical experience; for this reason my recent applications for a number of positions were always unsuccessful. However, since I have the required knowledge in general and analytical chemistry, it would be no problem for me to familiarise myself within a certain period of time with a technological specialty, e.g. the making of aniline, and then a well-paid position would be a certainty; however, I lack the means to train in a factory at my own expense for this purpose, and as I have no relatives or friends who would be able to lend me the required sum, I ventured to turn to you with this matter. Most esteemed Sir! once more I venture to repeat the most humble request to kindly lend me the sum in question (70–80 £) for a few years. When I am employed again, I certainly will even early on succeed in being able through thriftiness little by little to settle my debt. If by granting this favour you were to lend a hand to an unhappy person, whom a hard lot brought into bitter need and close to despair, he would be obliged to you in inexpressible gratitude all his life. In the hope that you will consider my request and that you may not be offended by my urgency I remain | with the greatest Respect | Yours most devoted | L. Würtenberger DAR 181: 188 1 2

For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see pp. 334–5. CD’s letter has not been found; see, however, the letter from Leopold Würtenberger, 26 July 1881.

From Fritz Müller1   9 and 10 August 1881 Blumenau, Sa. Catharina, Brazil, 9. August 1881. Esteemed Sir! A few days ago I received your kind letter of 21 June, and I am sending you seeds of Oxalis sepium with this letter; they are from two plants that grow close together

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in my garden; one of them is long-styled, the other medium-styled, so that perhaps there may be no short-styled ones among the seedlings.2 Except for the various kinds of Oxalis very few herbaceous heterostylous plants can be found here, but soon I hope to be able to send you seeds of Coccocypselum. I also enclose a number of seeds of Dalbergia; this is one of those climbing plants which grasp the support with their unmodified branches......3 I do not know who may have told Dr B. that I lost a lot of books in our recent floods; I saved all of them. Only one row of books became wet because I left it in its place when I had to leave the house; even then I thought it impossible that the water could reach them. If I had suffered great losses of any kind, I would accept your generous offer without hesitation, for which I am profoundly indebted to you.4 We have had last week some rather cold nights (2o to 3o C. at sunrise), and these have given me a new confirmation of your view on the meaning of the nyctitropic movements of plants.5 Near my house there are some Pandanus trees, about a dozen years old; the youngest terminal leaves stand upright, whereas the older ones are bent down so as to expose their upper surfaces to the sky. These young leaves, though of course the most tender, are still as fresh and green as before; on the contrary, the older ones have suffered from the cold, and have become quite yellowish.6 Again, the leaves of Oxalis sepium were observed by me to sleep in a very imperfect manner during the summer, even after the most sunny days; but now, in winter, every leaflet hangs down in a perpendicular position during the whole night. 10 August. Just now I received your letter of 4 July, and I am pleased that my remarks on the position of the leaves of various plants during rain are of some interest to you.7 Of the leaves that I have studied just now, those of the following plants were not wet after being briefly dipped into water, but glistened like silver under the water: Oxalis sepium and a few other species, Desmodium (2  species), Cassia (2 species), Acacia, Phyllanthus (the two species mentioned in my previous letter and Ph.  compressus), Cissampelos Pareira.8 Schizolobium9 I have not yet investigated, as the plant in my garden was cut back a few weeks ago because it grew too thickly. However, I will soon be able to examine this plant as well. Believe me, dear Sir, I am with the deepest respect, always very truly yours | Fritz Müller. Möller ed. 1915–21, 2: 416–17; Nature, 15 September 1881, p. 459 1

2

For a transcription of the original German of the published source of this letter, see pp. 349–50. According to Alfred Möller, all Fritz Müller’s letters to CD were written in English (see Möller ed. 1915–21, 2: 72 n.); most of them have not been found. Many of the letters were later sent by Francis Darwin to Möller, who translated them into German for his Fritz Müller: Werke, Briefe und Leben (Möller ed. 1915–21). Möller also found final drafts of some Müller letters among the Fritz Müller papers and included these in their original English form (ibid. 2: 72 n). Where the original English versions are missing, the published version, usually appearing in German translation, has been used. This letter appeared in full in German translation (ibid. 2: 416–17); one paragraph from the letter was quoted by CD in his letter to Nature, [before 15 September 1881], and has been given in the English of the printed source. See letter to Fritz Müller, 21 June 1881; CD mentioned that he wanted to test the degree of infertility in illegitimate seedlings. No record of experiments of this nature has been found, but CD’s notes on

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his experiments with plants of Oxalis sepium, dated between 12 September and 28 October 1881, are in DAR 67: 93. The experiments related to CD’s study of the effects of dripping water on the leaves. Müller had sent CD dried flowers of an unidentified species of Coccocypselum in 1867 (see Correspondence vol. 15, letter from Fritz Müller, 2 June 1867). CD described them in Forms of flowers, pp. 133–4. In Climbing plants, p. 22, CD had reported that some Dalbergia species ascended thick trees by twining, but Müller informed CD that species he had observed were branch-climbers (see Correspondence vol. 13, letter from Fritz Müller, 5 November 1865). See letter to Fritz Müller, 21 June 1881 and nn. 4 and 5. Wilhelm Breitenbach was living at Porto Alegre in Rio Grande do Sul, the southernmost province of Brazil. Müller’s home was in the adjacent Santa Catarina province, to the north. In Movement in plants, p. 560, CD concluded that the purpose of nyctitropic (sleep) movement was to protect the leaf blade from damage from radiation or loss of heat. Pandanus is the genus of screw pine or pandan palm; although native to tropical and subtropical regions of Asia, Africa, and Oceania, some species have been introduced to similar regions of North and South America. Branches produce crowns of sword-shaped leaves. See letter to Fritz Müller, 4 July 1881; CD had described Müller’s letter as ‘invaluable’. Müller had evidently sent CD seeds with his letter of 31 May 1881; these were received by early July (see letter to Fritz Müller, 4 July 1881) and probably included the species mentioned here. Desmodium is the genus of tick clover; both Desmodium and Cassia are in the family Fabaceae. CD’s notes about dripping water on Desmodium, dated 17 May and between 21 and 25 August 1881, are in DAR 67: 65, 104–6. Notes on Cassia floribunda (a synonym of Senna floribunda), dated between 26 July and 28 October 1881, are in DAR 67: 78–9. Notes on Acacia lophantha (a synonym of Paraserianthes lophantha, plume albizia), dated between 8 July 1881 and 19 February 1882, are in DAR 67: 71, 111. For his earlier mention of Phyllanthus species, see letter from Fritz Müller, 31 May 1881. CD’s notes on Phyllanthus consanguineus and P. compressus, dated between 9 July and 3 September 1881, are in DAR 67: 66–7, 70, 72–3, 80–1, 110. Cissampelos pareira is velvetleaf; no notes by CD on this species have been found. On Schizolobium, see letter to Fritz Müller, 4 July 1881 and n. 4.

From Francisco de Arruda Furtado1   17 August 1881 Ile S. Michel (Açores) 17 August | 1881 Mr. Charles Darwin Sir Guided by your kind instructions, I have made two small trial excursions to the summits of two mountains: Serra Gorda—480m, and Pico da Cruz (Pico da Pedra on Vidal’s map), 384m.2 I have prepared two little herbariums on the vegetation of these summits, which, although well below any remarkable height, will perhaps offer something interesting to knowledgeable eyes. If you, sir, judge this worthy of interest will you be kind enough to inform me of someone to whom I should have the honour to communicate it. I have also collected some insects and land molluscs. On Pico da Cruz the Helix aspersa has presented to me some peculiarities of coloration and muscular rigidity which seem to me to be the effect of diet and of the lack of proper moisture, and to constitute the first step towards a local variety. I have prepared a short article for a Review in Lisbon, on this little topic.3 Now I notice that I have forgotten to thank you for the reference you have been so kind as to give me to the works of Wallace. I only knew of his ideas from your

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book “Or. of Sp.”, and a few days ago I saw in a catalogue his work on geogr. distr.4 Unfortunately the price is so high for me that it will be impossible for me to own it. I have instructed the keeper of our lighthouse at Nordeste to examine the surroundings of the lighthouse after storms and I have also suggested to some hunters that they send me all the legs and beaks, at least, of birds of passage.5 I hope that I will obtain something useful from that. Please accept, Sir, renewed assurance of my eternal gratitude and forgive all the inconvenience I am causing you Arruda Furtado. DAR 159: 114d 1 2

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For a transcription of this letter in its original French, see pp. 357–8. See letter to Francisco de Arruda Furtado, 3 and 6 July 1881. Serra Gorda and Pico da Cruz are mountains on the island of São Miguel in the Azores. Alexander Thomas Emeric Vidal had surveyed the Azores between 1841 and 1846 (ODNB). Helix is a genus of land snails; Helix aspersa is a synonym of Cornu aspersum, the garden snail. The article was Arruda Furtado 1881b. On Arruda Furtado’s work on Azorean molluscs and gastropods, see Felismino et al. 2016, pp. 153–8. In his letter of 3 and 6 July 1881, CD had recommended Alfred Russel Wallace’s works on geographical distribution, Geographical distribution (Wallace 1876) and Island life (Wallace 1880a). CD mentioned Wallace’s work on species and geographical distribution in Origin, pp. 1–2, 355. Nordeste is a municipality in the north-east of São Miguel island. CD had suggested examining the birds’ feet, beaks, and alimentary canals for seeds (letter to Francisco de Arruda Furtado, 3 and 6 July 1881).

From C. V. Naudin1   19 August 1881 Villa Thuret Laboratoire | de | l’enseignement supérieur | Antibes, 19 August 81— Dear Sir and illustrious colleague, I am as happy as could be for the circumstance that gives me the benefit of receiving your letter, but I am sorry that it did not reach me four months earlier, because it would then have been easy for me to send you, not only the seeds, but some living and flowering specimens of Trifolium resupinatum, a very common plant here.2 At the moment, and for quite some time, Trifolium resupinatum has disappeared, burnt up by the sun, along with almost all the grasses of the country-side, nevertheless I will search in the places where I recall having seen it, and perhaps there I will find some flower heads containing seeds. If this method doesn’t work, I will try to obtain some seeds through one of our botanical gardens in the Midi. We have also found here, in season, Trifolium suffocatum and Subterraneum,3 which are quite unusual and could furnish material for some studies of plant biology. You must have seen in the last No of the Gardeners’ Chronicle that I am observing, at the moment, the initial development of Welwitschia. The plant is very difficult to

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raise and to keep alive; furthermore, its growth is incredibly slow. Nothing, in this first phase of its life, suggests the strange form of the adult.4 As soon as I have been able to acquire the seeds of the Trifolium I will dispatch them to you. Meanwhile, Dear Sir, accept the assurance of the sentiments of your old friend, | Ch. Naudin DAR 172: 10 1 2 3

4

For a transcription of this letter in its original French, see pp. 358–9. CD’s letter to Naudin has not been found. CD had also requested seed of Trifolium resupinatum (Persian clover) from William Turner Thiselton-Dyer (see letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 10 May [1881] and n. 2). Trifolium suffocatum is suffocated clover; T. subterraneum is subterranean clover. CD had observed T. subterraneum in 1878; it was one of several plants whose flowers penetrated the earth (see Correspondence vol. 26, letter to Fritz Müller, 27 March 1878). Naudin reported his observations on the germination of Welwitschia mirabilis in Gardeners’ Chronicle, 13 August 1881, p. 217. Adult plants have only two foliage leaves.

From Wilhelm Breitenbach1   9 September 1881 Very esteemed Mr Darwin! My best thanks for your kind letter and then my special thanks for sending me your latest book “On the power of movement in plants”, which I am reading with growing interest from page to page.2 At the moment I have read about half of it and must admit to feeling trememdously satisfied. When I go on a larger excursion in our province sometime this summer, I will of course look around for Melastomaceae and send you seeds.3 I intend to work on the Flora of our province. Could you perhaps tell me whether it would be possible to have the plants identified at Kew, and who would I approach if this were possible? I do not possess Martius’ “Flora brasiliensis”, and in the library here it also is not available.4 In December I will go on a trip to the coast, namely to collect polyps, Medusae and other lower marine animals for myself and for Prof. Haeckel in Jena.5 My Hymenoptera and Diptera will be identified, as far as possible, by Dr. Schmiedeknecht in Germany. I do not know yet what to do about the Lepidoptera and Orthoptera.6 Prof. Dr. H. v. Ihring, who also is in our province, currently is very busy with physiological experiments on snakes, viz. with assessing their toxicity. He has already made a number of interesting discoveries about which he reported in Carus’s “Zoologischer Anzeiger”.7 Soon I shall send a brief paper on stick insects (Phasmidae and related forms) to the “Stettiner Entomologische Zeitung”.8 The material for observation and investigation is indeed so abundant and diverse, that I often do not know where to start first. From the New Year, I will unfortunately lose rather a lot of time as I am taking over as editor of a local German newspaper. Correspondence with three NorthAmerican newspapers in Milwaukee also takes up a lot of my time.9 Unfortunately

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however nothing can be done about it, for my means do not allow me to live exclusively for the pursuit of my studies without such duties. Since dimorphic and trimorphic plants, which I do not know yet precisely, grow in great quantities in the immediate vicinity of our town, I may well do fertilisation experiments with them sometimes. At the request of the Meteorological Institute in Leipzig I am currently attempting to establish a few meteorological stations in our province.10 At the German-Brazilian exhibition opening on 1st. October there are several very valuable collections, namely those of insects, fish, snakes and mammal skulls. The latter in particular, due to its completeness, would be a credit to any European museum. It is supposed to contain skulls of all the mammals of the province. I will report the details in the Zoologischer Anzeiger.11 Hopefully your son Francis likes it in Strasburg.12 Please send him my regards. With the best wishes I remain | respectfully devoted | Dr. Wilhelm Breitenbach Porto Alegre. 9. Sept. 1881. | Rio Grande do Sul. | Brazil. DAR 160: 295 1 2

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For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see pp. 391–2. See letter to Wilhelm Breitenbach, 20 [ June] 1881. CD evidently sent Breitenbach a copy of Movement in plants after Breitenbach expressed an interest in reading the book in his letter (see letter from Wilhelm Breitenbach, [before 20 June 1881]). See letter to Wilhelm Breitenbach, 20 [ June] 1881 and nn. 3 and 4. CD was interested in species that had two different types of pollen. Several volumes of Karl Friedrich Philipp von Martius’s Flora brasiliensis (Martius ed. 1840–1906) had been published by this time. Breitenbach had already mentioned his lack of access to reference material in his letter of [before 20 June 1881]. Medusae are the sexual forms of individuals of the phylum Cnidaria; polyps are individual members of colonial cnidarians such as hydrozoans. Ernst Haeckel had published a monograph on medusae (Haeckel 1879–81) and was working on describing the medusae of the Challenger expedition (Haeckel 1882). Hymenoptera are bees, wasps, and ants; Diptera are true flies, mosquitoes and gnats. Otto Schmiedeknecht specialised in Hymenoptera. Lepidoptera are butterflies and moths; Orthoptera are grasshoppers, locusts, and crickets. Hermann von Ihering, in a letter published in the Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, 18 June 1881, pp. 209–10, discussed his research on snakebites and antivenoms. His paper, ‘Über den Giftapparat der Korallenschlange’ (On the venom apparatus of the coral snake; Ihering 1881) appeared in Zoologischer Anzeiger, 1 August 1881. Julius Victor Carus was the editor of Zoologischer Anzeiger. No paper by Breitenbach on insects in the family Phasmidae (a synonym of Phasmatidae, walking sticks) was published in the Stettin Entomologische Zeitung. For newspapers Breitenbach might have edited in Porto Alegro, see Brandenburger 1926 and Roche 1959, pp.  497–9, 673–4. Milwaukee had the largest German population of any American city and a number of German-language newspapers. For more on newspaper publishing there, see the Encyclopedia of Milwaukee, emke.uwm.edu/entry/german-language-media/ (accessed 12 May 2020). The Meteorologische Bureau für Wetterprognosen im Königreich Sachsen (Meteorological Bureau for Weather Forecasts in the Kingdom of Saxony) was set up in 1878 in Leipzig by Carl Christian Bruhns. In December 1863, Bruhns had set up a network of meteorological stations throughout Saxony and was a promoter of the movement to set up the International Meteorological Organisation (Leipziger Institut für Meteorologie, https://meteo.physgeo.uni-leipzig.de/de/orga/limhist-fr.html (accessed 10 August 2020)). No report by Breitenbach appeared in Zoologischer Anzeiger, but his paper ‘Eine ethnologische Sammlung aus der süd-brasilianischen Provinz Rio Grande do Sul’ (An ethnological collection from the south Brazilian province of Rio Grande do Sul; Breitenbach 1882) appeared in the July 1882 issue of Kosmos.

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Francis Darwin had been working in the laboratory of Anton de Bary in Straßburg (Strasbourg) from 10 May 1881 until 1 August 1881 (letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 10 May 1881; Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)).

From Julius Wiesner1   1 October 1881 Vienna | IX. Tükenstr. 3 1st. October 1881 Highly esteemed Sir With these lines I take the liberty of posting to your address a book that I just published titled: “Das Bewegungsvermögen der Pflanzen. Eine kritische Studie über das gleichnamige Werk von Charles Darwin, nebst neuen Untersuchungen”.2 The question this little work attempts to solve is characterised sufficiently by the title. I now take the liberty of submitting, highly esteemed sir, this little book. True, I find myself in disagreement with you in some parts of it; however, I may surely expect a kind reception for this work on your part provided that the search for truth was my only motivation in this undertaking. When I say, in the dedication in the copy I sent you, that I am offering this work to you in loyal opposition, but in unwavering admiration, I beg you not to read this as empty flattery, but as the expression of my innermost feelings.3 I also hope that the form that I gave my book will testify to this. Should I have been so lucky perhaps as to solve a few problems of plant physiology in my small work, I owe this solely to the impulse I got from your work “the power of movement”, which is so rich in important observations and in which so many insightful views are articulated.4 I would feel very honoured in any event if you, esteemed sir, were to express your agreement or your reservations regarding the results of my investigations, be it in a letter or in another form. I beg you, highly esteemed sir, to accept the assurance of my most sincere respect and most grateful admiration | Yours | most devoted | J. Wiesner DAR 181: 98 1 2 3

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For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see p. 430. The title translates as: ‘The power of movement in plants. A critical study of the work of the same name by Charles Darwin, together with new investigations’ (Wiesner 1881). The handwritten dedication reads: ‘Dem grossen Forscher, Herrn Charles Darwin in getreuer Opposition aber in unwandelbarer Verehrung | der Verfasser’ (To the great researcher, Mr Charles Darwin in faithful opposition though in unalterable veneration | the author). Movement in plants.

From Victor Hensen1   10 October 1881 Kiel 10th October | 1881. Most esteemed Sir! I thank you most kindly for your work: The formation of vegetable mould.2 As you can imagine, I read it with the greatest interest and learned a lot from it.

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It will, I believe, not be easy to achieve sufficient recognition for the importance of worms, although for example the agricultural chemical analyses of topsoils have very little value if the function of worms is not taken into consideration at the same time. I beg your pardon for not paying regard to your earlier works previously, but unfortunately they had escaped my notice entirely. Concerning the assumption that earthworms ingest soil as nutrition I am not yet entirely convinced; I believe this still requires direct evidence.3 I feel as yet uncertain regarding the question of whether they eat into living or dead roots in the soil, and only because deep in the ground they do not decide to go after the roots there, rather just build a straight tunnel with a lair, do I doubt that they gnaw at roots although I do not understand why they don’t. It was new to me that the animals cover up their burrows with stones; no doubt it will be similar here and I will look out for it someday.4 Thanking you again for your stimulating work | I remain most esteemed Sir | respectfully | Yours most devoted Victor Hensen. | (not: Von H.)5 DAR 166: 146 1 2 3

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For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see p. 449. Hensen’s name is on CD’s presentation list for Earthworms (see Appendix IV). In Earthworms, pp. 108–9, CD had cited Hensen’s paper ‘Die Thätigkeit des Regenwurms (Lumbricus terrestris L.) für die Fruchtbarkeit des Erdbodens’ (The action of earthworms (Lumbricus terrestris L.) for the fertility of topsoil; Hensen 1877), in which Hensen expressed his doubt that worms could subsist on vegetable mould. See Earthworms, pp. 60–4. In Earthworms, CD several times referred to Hensen as Von Hensen.

From Julius Wiesner1   11 October 1881 Vienna, Türkenstrasse 3 11. Oct. 81 Highly esteemed Sir I owe you, highly esteemed Sir, double thanks: first for the exceedingly charming lines with which you delighted me, then for your latest work: “The formation of vegetable mould, etc.”2 Only with the deepest gratitude am I able to think of your promise, which honours me so much, to tell me your opinion about my book on the “power of movement” after you read it, and once again I ask for your forbearance where I have erred, and, where I arrived at different results from yours, dear Sir, for you to believe that I was guided only by the pure desire for truth.3 Regarding your new work, I can find only weak words to express my immense admiration for the dedication with which you advance the sciences, and for the vigour of your intellect, which is unequalled in science. I and thousands with me, also in my native country, desire most ardently that the power of your great mind may remain with us for a long time yet

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I must renounce almost all scientific activity for a whole year, as I was elected dean of the philosophical faculty of our university for the current academic year and must devote most of my time to official business now, which is why I will be able to read your latest work only with interruptions.4 Again with my best thanks and with the expression of my unchanging admiration | Yours truly | J. Wiesner DAR 181: 99 1 2 3 4

For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see pp. 452–3. See letter to Julius Wiesner, 4 October 1881. Wiesner’s name is on CD’s presentation list for Earthworms (see Appendix IV). See letter to Julius Wiesner, 4 October 1881; CD had promised to read Wiesner 1881. Wiesner was professor of the anatomy and physiology of plants at the University of Vienna.

From Francisco de Arruda Furtado1   16 October 1881 San Miguel Island (Azores) 16 October 1881 Mr Charles Darwin Sir It is unnecessary to tell you that the honour you have done me with your kind offer of Mr. Wallace’s work will never fade from my heart: you know the feelings of keen gratitude that I beg you to accept.2 These are admirable pages, which I am reading with very close attention, which will be extremely useful to me and which I would perhaps have been condemned never to read if humanity did not possess the true souls of the scholar … It is also with the deepest gratitude that I thank you for having the kindness to write to Sir J. Hooker concerning my botanical collections, and for the advice that you considered me worthy to receive and that I will always keep in mind.3 I am taking the liberty of writing to Sir J. Hooker with my sincere regards and the very humble offer of my small services, and giving him notice of the shipment of plants. I let Sir J. Hooker know about the Cupressus trunks, and I thank you for your kind and detailed instructions in this respect, which I will strive to put into practice.4 I believe I have adequately understood the bases of the investigation and I am happy to be able to firmly grasp all the importance of the fact should any positive evidence be discovered; so I hope that my researches will not be totally fruitless. The ornithological migration season approaches; I would be truly happy to be able to confirm any interesting fact concerning the transport of land molluscs &5 Awaiting every opportunity to be able to prove to you that I have profited from your advice, please, Sir, accept the renewed assurance of my deepest respect, of my eternal gratitude. Arruda Furtado

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ADraftS Historical Archive of the Museums of the University of Lisbon (PT/MUL/FAF/C/01/0032) 1 2 3

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For a transcription of this letter in its original French, see p. 463. See letter to Francisco de Arruda Furtado, 2 September 1881 and n. 1. CD had sent a copy of Alfred Russel Wallace’s Geographical distribution (Wallace 1876). See letter to J. D. Hooker, 3 and 4 September [1881], letter from J. D. Hooker, 7 September 1881, and letter to Francisco de Arruda Furtado, 12 September 1881. Joseph Dalton Hooker agreed to name the plants in Arruda Furtado’s collection and also discussed the fact that huge trunks of cypresses had been found on one of the islands, although the cypress (genus Cupressus) was extinct there. Arruda Furtado wrote to Hooker on 16 October 1881, sending plants that were identified for him in a letter from William Turner Thiselton-Dyer of 19 December 1881 (for the letters, see Constância ed. 2002, pp. 145–6, 150–3). Arruda Furtado also informed Hooker that the cypress trunks were found on São Miguel in the valley of the Seven Cities and in the valley of Furnas. For Arruda Furtado’s work on the transport of land molluscs, see the letter from Francisco de Arruda Furtado, 13 June 1881 and n. 4.

From Francisco de Arruda Furtado1   22 October 1881 San Miguel Island (Azores) 22 October 1881 Mr. Charles Darwin Sir I have already written to you by the mail steamer but I write to you again to advise you of a little discovery whose importance I am not in a position to appreciate.2 I noticed the eggs of an Orthoptera very common in our kitchens and which we call barata, laid on the face and body of two chalk statuettes.3 What struck me is that the free sides were covered in chalk (as, I hope, they will be when they reach you) without doubt chewed and applied with care on all the bare surface by the mandibles of the creature. Whether that is of interest in connection with the eloquent facts about instinct, whether the procedure employed by the insect is probably for hiding the development of its progeny from predatory eyes, to give it more hold or to avoid the pernicious effects of light; those are the questions that I have the honour to submit respectfully for your consideration, if it does not turn out to be perhaps a fact well known to all naturalists and without significance. I am perhaps rather inconsiderate in disturbing you so much, but I hope that you will indulge me and please accept, etc. A. Furtado ADraftS Historical Archive of the Museums of the University of Lisbon (PT/MUL/FAF/C/01/0036) 1 2 3

For a transcription of this letter in its original French, see p. 477. See letter from Francisco de Arruda Furtado, 16 October 1881. Barata: cockroach (Portuguese). Cockroaches were formerly classified within the order Orthoptera (grasshoppers, locusts, and crickets), but are now placed within the order Blattodea (cockroaches and termites). They typically lay a single egg case (ootheca) containing several individual eggs, which may be glued to a surface like a wall.

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From Wilhelm Pfeffer1   24 October 1881 Tübingen Oct 24. 1881. Highly honoured Sir— You would oblige me if you would tell me whether you, as I believe I have heard, are occupied with further researches concerning the movements caused by impact and contact (Mimosa, filaments of the Cynareae etc.)2 In this case I should not, as I otherwise intend, make this topic the object of renewed and extended studies. I hope to be able to send you volume 2 of my Physiologie before long.3 Its appearance was delayed by the shutdown of the presses during a holiday trip. I had to treat the knowledge of the movement processes, so significantly furthered by your researches, in accordance with the approach of my book, first and foremost from the physiological side, and had therefore to refer more parenthetically to their biological significance.4 This has naturally had an influence on ordering and presentation in this case, and has caused much to appear in a different guise from that in your book. In a few cases however, I have not been able to agree in a fundamental way with the views maintained by you; nevertheless, I consider the differences, which I will not identify further, hardly as far reaching as perhaps will appear at the first glance to the reader. May I take this opportunity of remarking that in your former works you have occasionally misinterpreted views maintained by me. While I dealt with the means serving as mechanical explanation, I perhaps and naturally enough did not state specifically in every place, that external causes have only the significance of effects triggered by specific receptivity, I have never looked at light, contact &c other than as such causes of stimulus, & this I have repeatedly stated directly. So, I did not (as you say in your book on the power of movement p. 407, note) speak of the aftereffect of light, but only of an after-effect of the preceding movements, and even repeatedly emphasised that the movements that are actually completed are said to be decisive for the consequent movements.5 In this sense you yourself do not deny the after-effects which, without sharp boundaries, are associated with heredity,— that is if the once induced processes should be extended over longer periods. I venture to enclose my photograph, & I should be very glad if you would accept it as a small indication of my highest admiration.6 Most respectfully yours | Prof. Dr. W. Pfeffer. DAR 174: 38, 38/1 1

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For a transcription of this letter in its original German, together with a contemporary translation, see pp. 484–6. The contemporary translation was made by Camilla Pattrick (see letter to Francis Darwin, 28 [October 1881] and n. 8). Mimosa is the genus of sensitive plants; most of CD’s experiments for Movement in plants were performed on M. pudica (shame plant), whose leaves are sensitive to mechanical irritation. The Cynareae are a tribe of the daisy family (Asteraceae, formerly Compositae); in some species, the stamens are irritable along the whole of the filament (see Pfeffer 1873, pp. 80–158).

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The second volume of Pflanzenphysiologie. Ein Handbuch des Stoffwechsels und Kraftwechsels in der Pflanze (Plant physiology: a handbook of metabolism and energy exchange in plants; Pfeffer 1881) was published by the end of the year. CD had received the first volume in July 1881 (see letter to Francis Darwin, 8 July 1881). In Pfeffer 1881, Pfeffer focused on the mechanics of plant metabolism, including gas and water exchange, photosynthesis, and cell construction and differentiation. In Movement in plants, CD had focused more on the adaptive value of movement, as well as the physiological processes. See Movement in plants, pp. 407–8 n. For Pfeffer’s statement about the after-effects of movement, see Pfeffer 1875, p. 45. Pfeffer’s photograph has not been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL.

From Karl Möbius1   25 October 1881 Kiel, 25 Oct. 1881. Highly esteemed Mr Darwin! I have read your latest work: “The Formation of vegetable mould through the action of Worms” with great interest. Accept my warmest thanks for the wealth of instruction that I gained from it, and for the thoughtfulness you showed towards me by sending me a copy of it.2 Yours | truly and | respectfully | K. Möbius. DAR 171: 200 1 2

For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see pp. 487–8. Möbius’s name is on CD’s presentation list for Earthworms (see Appendix IV).

From Fritz Müller1   29 October 1881 Blumenau, Sa. Catharina, Brazil, 29 October 1881. Esteemed Sir! Many thanks for your kind letter of 10 Septbr. and for the issue of “Nature” which I received just now.2 Of the hybrid seeds of Lagerstroemia, which I told you about recently, only seven have germinated, and all of these come from flowers which had been fertilised with green pollen. Of those which developed from yellow pollen, although some of them seemed good, still none have germinated up to now (they were sown on 11 June).3 At the beginning of this month there were several heavy rainstorms, which presented me with a good opportunity to observe the effects of such downpours on plants. Where the ground is not always thickly covered with plants, the raindrops bounce off the ground, taking small particles of soil with them, and these then remain on the stems and leaves of low plants and encase them completely with a crust, sometimes up to more than 25cm high. Some small plants are pulled down and pinned to the ground by the weight of the soil covering their leaves; and some

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perish, especially when hot, sunny days follow the rain; and I think that all leaves which are covered so thickly with a crust must be strongly impeded in their normal life functions. Now, it is very peculiar to see that among these plants which are covered in dirt over and over, the leaves of Oxalis, Phyllanthus etc. look completely dry and clean after the heaviest rainfall.—4 Naturally, the underside of the leaves is far more exposed than the surface to the danger of getting dirty as described, and it may therefore be especially important for low-lying plants that their underside is protected by a waxy secretion. I am sending you dry leaves from three plants whose surface only gets moistened when they are immersed, while the underside is protected by bloom. I hope you will be able to see this in the dry leaves. They are 1) a species of Passiflora, which indeed sometimes climbs up high in hedges, but commonly prefers to creep between low herbaceous plants along the wayside. In some Passiflora which I studied, both sides of the leaf were protected; 2) a low species of Alstroemeria which rarely grows beyond 20cm high. In some species of this genus both sides are protected; 3) a Marantacea; in some other species of this family the leaves are unprotected on both sides.5 Among the new plants which have appeared around here after our most recent flood, and which have come down from the upper parts of the Itajahy river (species of Cleome, Cuphea, Jussieua etc) there is also a small species of Anagallis which I never saw before.6 Now, according to Endlicher’s gen. plant. no Anagallis should be indigenous to America; and yet, it would be rather odd if a species from the old world appeared just now on our inundated lands. The European red and blue pimpernels are very common near Desterro, where without doubt like so many other European weeds they have been introduced from Europe. In Germany, all Anagallis plants I saw had red or blue flowers, but near Desterro I repeatedly found ones with violet flowers, which obviously issued from inter-breeding between the red and blue ones.…7 Incomplete Möller ed. 1915–21, 2: 419–20 1

2

3 4 5

For a transcription of the original German of the published source of this letter, see pp. 497–8. According to Alfred Möller, all Fritz Müller’s letters to CD were written in English (see Möller ed. 1915–21, 2: 72 n.); most of them have not been found. Many of the letters were later sent by Francis Darwin to Möller, who translated them into German for his Fritz Müller: Werke, Briefe und Leben (Möller ed. 1915–21). Möller also found final drafts of some Müller letters among the Fritz Müller papers and included these in their original English form (ibid. 2: 72 n). Where the original English versions are missing, the published version, usually appearing in German translation, has been used. See letter to Fritz Müller, 10 September 1881. CD sent the 15 September 1881 issue of Nature; it contained part of the letter from Fritz Müller, 9 and 10 August 1881 (see letter to Nature, [before 15 September 1881]). Lagerstroemia is the genus of crape myrtle. See letters from Fritz Müller, 7 February 1881 and 28 February 1881. Müller was investigating the fertility of the two different types of pollen. Oxalis is the genus of wood sorrel; Phyllanthus is the genus of leaf flower. Passiflora is the genus of passionflower, Alstroemeria is the genus of lily of the Incas, and Marantaceae is the family of arrowroot.

Translations 6

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The Itajahy river is now known as the Itajaí Açu. Cleome is the genus of spider flower, Cuphea is the genus of waxweed, and Jussiaea (a synonym of Ludwigia) is the genus of seedbox and primrose-willow. Anagallis is the genus of pimpernel. Stephan Ladislaus Endlicher and Endlicher 1836–42. The scarlet pimpernel is Anagallis arvensis; the most common blue pimpernel is A. foemina (poorman’s weatherglass). Müller was evidently unaware of an indigenous species in Brazil, A. filiformis, which has violet flowers. Destêrro (now Florianópolis) is on Santa Catarina Island.

From Wilhelm Pfeffer1   6 November 1881 Tübingen 6 Nov. 1881 Most honoured Sir! First, accept my best thanks for sending me your photograph, which I have placed in my album with particular pleasure.2 I studied Wiesner’s work as soon as it appeared, and certainly I am unable in many respects to agree with his views, as indeed I have informed Wiesner, who asked me for my opinion about his book.3 I consider it a fundamental error, which unfortunately is often made in plant physiology and from which my own early works are not free, that Weisner regards the processes that contribute to mechanical explanation as direct effects of external agents—while, in reality, it is utterly impossible to see from the result what chain of events connects those mechanical running processes with the initiating action of light, contact &c—(that is, with direct irritation).4 Dutrochet was in 1824 (in Recherches sur l. structure intime) nearer the correct view than most botanists are now; & they would have been even less so, had not the sensibility of plants been sharply marked out, by means of your works, as a process analogous to the receptivity of animals.5 Moreover, in many respects I cannot endorse Wiesner’s interpretations. As to what specially concerns the sensitivity of the root tip to contact, I can from my own researches agree only with you, and the experiments in which the tip was unequally strongly irritated from two sides rule out the artificial explanations of Wiesner.6 On the sensitivity of the root tip to gravity and light, I have not the advantage of such extended experiments of my own to hand, but in these cases the truth seems to lie at least for the most part on your side.7 Regarding the connection between response movements and circumnutation I dissent from your view.8 For me the capacity for growth is the original property, and from it arise, in the way most serviceable to the plant, autonomous (nutation) movements, or response movements, which actually with respect to the triggering cause, differ only in this: that in one the impulse is given by a combination of factors arising during the course of development; while in response movements an external agency becomes the releasing cause. In order to make this process work, however, responsiveness must be acquired in a manner specific to the plant. Such an acquisition, together with a corresponding irritation movement, does not however

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require that the plant should specially develop autonomous bending movements, and in fact retrograde circumnutation does not exclude a specially developed capacity for response movements. This view I have maintained in the second volume of my Physiologie, which I hope I will be able to send you in 3–4 weeks.9 The difficulties of comprehension, that a foreign language may occasion, I can well appreciate; and unfortunately I am myself too ill equipped in English to send these lines to you in your mother tongue. I can also well understand that my interpretation, to one less proficient in German, may present difficulties, particularly because I try my best to write as concisely as possible, and thus am led to build up sentences in which the misunderstanding of a single word can result in the misunderstanding of the whole sense. Assuredly it was far from my intention to reproach you from such misunderstandings, and no one could boast of being free from unconscious errors of that kind. After I by literary occupations and the duties of my office for some time, I rejoice again to be able to take up experimental researches on a larger scale with full vigour. Fortunately I am now in the position of having at my disposal an institute, which, as far as regards space, apparatus and appliances, affords everything that one can reasonably wish for. It may interest you to discover that the Tübingen Institute, although built more than 30 years ago, is still just about the largest building specially intended for botany in Germany.10 In any case it is much to the honour of H. v. Mohl that he should have been able to take so wide a view and see in advance the needs of later times; & it was easy for me, by means of some alterations, to adapt perfectly the “Institut” to the necessities of the present time.11 With the request that you will give my kind regards to your son Francis,12 I remain, with the greatest respect, yrs truly | Dr. W. Pfeffer DAR 174: 39 1 2 3 4

5

6 7 8 9

For a transcription of this letter in its original German, and a contemporary translation, see pp. 520–3. No letter from CD enclosing a photograph has been found; Pfeffer had sent CD a photograph with his letter of 24 October 1881. Julius Wiesner’s recent book (Wiesner 1881) was critical of a number of CD’s explanations of plant movement in Movement in plants. CD had described the effect of light on plants as one of stimulus-response, in which a sensitive part sent a signal to another part, which then moved in response. In contrast, Wiesner believed light acted directly on all affected parts (see letter to Julius Wiesner, 25 October 1881; see also letter to Camilla Pattrick, [after 6 November 1881]). Henri Dutrochet, in his work on the anatomy and physiology of animals and plants, had maintained that there was no essential difference between plant and animal sensitivity (Dutrochet 1824, pp. 6–7). CD had compared the sensitivity of plants, especially the tip of the radicle, to that of animals in Movement in plants, pp. 543, 573). CD applied caustic, moisture, bits of card, and thin paper to opposite sides of the tip of the radicle (see Movement in plants, pp. 185, 195). On the sensitivity of the tip to light and gravity, see Movement in plants, pp. 567–8. In Movement in plants, pp. 546–8, CD had concluded that the modification of circumnutation led to the acquisition of many beneficial response movements. For Pfeffer’s views on the cause of plant movement, see Pfeffer 1881, 2: 180; he disagreed with CD’s view that circumnutation was the origin of tropic and nastic movements.

Translations 10 11 12

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Pfeffer had moved to University of Tübingen in 1878; on the botanical institute, see D. H. Campbell 1888. Hugo von Mohl had established a botanical laboratory at Tübingen. Francis Darwin.

From Edmund Mojsisovics von Mojsvár1   10 November 1881 III. Reisnerstrasse, 51 | Vienna, 10. Nov. | 1881 Most respected Sir! Having just returned to Vienna from this year’s travels, I find here your lovely new book about the formation of vegetable mould, which you were so kind as to send me.2 While thanking you from the bottom of my heart for honouring me with this kind gift, I beg you to accept the assurance that I shall always treasure it highly as a personal reminder of its author, whom I admire so much. The highly informative contents prove once again that even the most unlikely subjects are full of interest, if one understands how to treat them in such a masterful way and so thoroughly shed light on them from all sides. With the greatest esteem and respect | Yours most truly | Dr.  Edm.  von Mojsisovics DAR 171: 228 1 2

For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see p. 533. Mojsisovics von Mojsvár’s name appears on CD’s presentation list for Earthworms (see Appendix IV).

From Julius Wiesner1   11 November 1881 Vienna 11. Nov. 1881 Highly honoured Sir. I beg you not to think me ungrateful for not replying to your valuable and detailed letter until today.2 But the burden of official business as Dean on the one hand, and on the other hand a case of illness in my family, which happily is now remedied, left me neither time nor peace to answer your informative letter.3 The content of your letter, in which you speak of our scientific discussion in a manner that does me so much honour, affected me deeply by the noble manner of your responses and the way in which you above all respected the truth; and if my respect for you, my dear Sir, could be at all increased, then your letter would have brought this about. I thank you most sincerely for all your remarks, as much for those agreeing with my views, as for those in which you oppose me. As far as the latter are concerned, I should have to regret it intensely if I had misunderstood you on the important point (p. 60  of my work), that is, that the

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heliotropic stimulus could be transmitted to parts not themselves capable of heliotropic movement. I have looked though the experiments referring to this again (Brassica; p. 409 of your work) and arrived at the same interpretation as I did from the first reading: that is, that the lower part of the hypocotyl will not bend towards lateral light if the upper part is not also illuminated.4 This is how I understood the second paragraph referring to the Brassica experiments; the corresponding passage in the translation also has this interpretation (Carus; p. 410–11).—5 Moreover, I must take the liberty of saying that I do not shrink from your view that heliotropism etc. are stimulus-phenomena. I have spoken about this in my book (p. 60) There I said: “I will not go into a detailed examination of the question … ”6 I have merely opposed arguments put forward in support of this view. Your objections to my views about the movements of root tips are very valuable to me; and I will certainly conduct further research into the question when I return to experimenting.7 With regard to so-called hydrotropism, I have only put forward a conditional hypothesis, and will gladly concede that my experiments on this are too weak.8 My present assistant, the talented Dr. Molisch is working on this question.9 Allow me to counter your opinion, that botanists and physiologists will attach more weight to my interpretation than to yours. The result will certainly show, that until the phenomenon is fully explained, specialists will be divided into two factions according to their fundamental view of natural science. The “mechanistic” viewpoint is not, however, widely disseminated among botanists, that I must not accept: those who agree with your view in relation to the “capacity for movement” will form the majority. I hope our discussion will contribute to bringing us a few steps closer to a proper understanding of an important group of phenomena. Accept once again, my dear Sir, my most sincere thanks for your careful and very kind remarks about my work, and I remain with faithful respect and thankfulness | Yours most humbly | J. Wiesner DAR 261.11: 22 (EH 88206074) 1 2 3 4

5 6 7 8

For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see pp. 534–5. In his letter of 25 October 1881, CD had commented on Wiesner’s recent book (Wiesner 1881). See letter from Julius Wiesner, 11 October 1881. Wiesner had been elected dean of the philosophical faculty at the University of Vienna. CD discussed the effects of lateral light on hypocotyls in Brassica in Movement in plants, pp.  47–82. Wiesner had written that CD claimed that the light stimulus could act on organs that were not capable of bending heliotropically (see Wiesner 1881, p. 60). CD countered that he had made no claim about whether the parts referred to could bend, but only argued that the bending of the lower part was a response to a stimulus from the upper part (see letter to Julius Wiesner, 25 October 1881 and n. 3). The German translation of Movement in plants was by Julius Victor Carus (Carus trans. 1881). See Wiesner 1881, p. 60. See letter to Julius Wiesner, 25 October 1881 and n. 2. On hydrotropism, see Wiesner 1881, pp. 130–4. Wiesner had concluded that the tips of roots probably did not control hydrotropism, rather that cutting the tips weakened the roots, so that their ability to bend was affected.

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Hans Molisch later published the results of his investigation in ‘Untersuchungen über den Hydrotropismus’ (Molisch 1883).

From Adolphe Damseaux1   19 November 1881 Gembloux /Belgium/ 19 Nov. 81 Very honoured Sir, Please excuse the very great liberty I take in addressing these lines to you. However, they concern a fact which I think will interest you, and about which I take the liberty of asking for a word of explanation. As a member and Secretary of a commission of inquiry on hops established by the Belgian government to investigate the causes of the disrepute attached to the products of this cultivation for a number of years, I have been charged with visiting the hop fields of Germany and England, after having gone through our own. In Belgium, the area of Poperinghe (west Flanders) produced until the 18th century hops that were prolific, very aromatic, highly appreciated by our brewers and the brewers of Lille and Dunkirk2—but since then they have declined greatly, the lupulin has, in a manner of speaking, disappeared. However, it is since this time that growers, with the aim of getting heavier cones because they are filled with seeds, have planted many male plants.3 Can it not be acknowledged that the prolonged absence of males had the effect of developing the lupulin in the flower, since the production of seed was rendered impossible? And on the other hand since the 18th century could not the excessive introduction of male plants have had the result of favouring the production of seed at the expense of lupulin? The vital force would flow more strongly now towards the seeds, the ultimate goal of fertilisation and of vegetable life. Or would this disappearance of lupulin be the result of another disturbance in the treatment of the plant. In fact until 1872 cuttings were taken from a plant stump, in spring, as elsewhere. But since then, for more convenience, cuttings are made from thin shoots that arise at the base of the stems in June. Would this procedure result in a degeneration of the plant, in terms of the lupulin of the cones, for the stems remain as vigorous as before? Pardon again, very honoured sir, my liberty and my request for a word in reply on the subject of these troubling points. | Your humble servant, | A. Damseaux | Professor of agriculture at the State Agricultural Institute DAR 162: 37 1 2 3

For a transcription of this letter in its original French, see pp. 549–50. Poperinghe (Poperinge), in the Belgian province of West Flanders, was the centre of the hop-growing region of Belgium, near the border with France. Lille and Dunkirk are French cities nearby. The common hop plant, Humulus lupulus (family Cannabaceae), is a dioecious perennial vine. Only female hop plants produce lupulin, an oleoresin that gives flavour and aroma to beer; unfertilised cones produce a greater quantity of lupulin (Almagauer et al. 2014).

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From Francisco de Arruda Furtado1    21 November 1881 São Miguel island (Azores) 21 Nov. 1881 Mr. Charles Darwin Sir I hasten to thank you for the kindness with which you have received my little discovery, and I am very happy to learn that you attribute some value to it, in judging it worthy of being published.2 Now I must tell you a more complete history of the matter. The statuettes where the insect deposited its three cases of eggs had been placed in a glass cabinet in the dining room. They were made in Paris with a sort of greenish chalk and, forming the decoration of the cupboard for a good number of years, were never coated with any paint. Morever, I am absolutely sure that the eggs were deposited by the insect in the 8 days before the discovery that I made; before that time the statuettes were perfectly cleaned when we wiped them of dust. Shortly I will have the honour to communicate to Sir J. Hooker3 documents on an important fact of Azorean botany. It concerns numerous examples of good impressions of leaves of Hedera, Persea and (Viburnum?) found in tuff at Mosteiros on the N.E. point of São Miguel.4 I have found no other fossil remains at all. I had hoped to find some seeds or terr. shells; but my searches have been unfruitful. The tuff and the higher strata allowing water to pass through, the moisture has decomposed everything. I will supplement the impressions with a geological profile of the site, illustrated with specimens from different strata. Perhaps these are the effects of the eruption of 7 Cidades.5 I take the liberty of sending you a specimen of these impressions and some seeds brought to our beaches by the gulf stream, about which I spoke to you in a previous letter.6 One of these seeds was once the snuffbox of a fisherman.7 Perhaps this use is unique to Azoreans; they use them only for powdered tobacco, and, when they wish to take a dose, they shake a grain on the back of the metacarpal part of the thumb (a convenient point where there is no smell of fish!) and they apply it eagerly to the nostril. Please accept, Sir, renewed assurance of my humble and everlasting gratitude | Arruda Furtado. P.S. | Here, Sir, a little sketch of the topographic profile:—8 [Diagram: see facing page] Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Directors’ Correspondence 181/39) 1 2 3 4 5

For a transcription of this letter in its original French, see pp. 553–4. See letter to Francisco de Arruda Furtado, 31 October 1881 and n. 2. On Arruda Furtado’s correspondence with Joseph Dalton Hooker, see Góis Marques and Menezes de Sequeira 2015. Hedera is a genus of ivy; Persea is a genus of evergreen trees in the laurel family (Lauraceae); Viburnum is a genus in the family Adoxaceae. Tuff is a type of rock made of volcanic ash. 7 cidades: 7 cities (Portuguese). Sete Cidades Massif is a volcanic complex in the western part of the island of São Miguel; the most recent eruption was in the fifteenth century (R. B. Moore 1990).

Translations 6 7

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See letter from Francisco de Arruda Furtado, 29 July 1881. The letter is accompanied by a note in an unknown hand that reads: ‘1 Snuff box of seed of Entada scandens    In the Museum are similar snuff boxes made from these seeds from Ceylon and from the Niger. There are also seeds thrown up at the Azores by the Gulf Stream | 2 The small seed is Caesalpinia Bonducella.’ Caesalpinia bonducella is a synonym of Guilandina bonduc, the grey nicker or nicker bean. Entada scandens is a synonym of E. gigas, known in the Azores as ‘fava de colom’; the seeds are dispersed by ocean currents and the plant is found from Central and South America to West and Central Africa, and India. Pico Mafra is on the island of São Miguel. Pozzolan is a class of siliceous minerals. Scoria is highly vesicular, dark volcanic rock.

[See letter, facing page]

Arable land White earth of pumice 6,m 5 Pumice stone mixed with pozzolana

2,m 5 Fossil tuffs Various scoria 3m

Calcined pozzolana Scoria Pumice Scoria

Path 150 m. above sea level, and south of Pic da Mafra

From Víctor López-Seoane1   19 December 1881 Coruña 19 Dec 1881 Sir, I had the honour of sending you in the post a few pamphlets, which I ask you to accept as a token of my sympathy and devotion.2

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Three years ago I observed very attentively the embryological development of the Tritons of my country (Tr. marmoratus, Boscai, helveticus, and a new species)3 but wishing to make the best possible observations, I take the liberty of asking for your instruction on the most recent and interesting works on the subject. Likewise I would be very happy to hear any words from you, on the manner of making species by fanatics. I accept your wise theories, based on such careful observations: selection can, without doubt, result in new forms, without being anything more than local races. Vipera ammodytes, for example, is only V. Latastei, with a slightly greater development of the nasal tubercules.4 Vipera berus, is only V. Seoanei, in another colour, under the influence of climate, of diet, in the way that human races vary enormously by changes of climate, customs, diet, etc.5 Basing new species on such minimal variations, science is confused to such an extent that the day comes when it cannot listen! It is truly ridiculous, that the talent of scholars should be determined by the number of species described: you, I do not know at all, the extraordinary number of species that you have described, but your deep studies, the synthesis of all these observations has shone a light on scientific philosophy, of which we must report many more positive services, than the confusion of classifications and descriptions that are often daughters of an imagination that is sick, or at least, preoccupied and also clouded. Pardon me, Sir, for bothering you to such an extent, but I wanted to discuss the diverse species of Triton, a few words on species, and I would be very happy for you to provide your profound and wise advice. Accept, Sir, the assurance of my highest consideration. V. L. Seoane | Former Prof. of nat. hist. Coruña (Spain) DAR 202: 108 1 2

3

4 5

For a transcription of this letter in its original French, see p. 611. No works by López-Seoane have been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL. López-Seoane appears to have self-published a number of short works on the description and embryology of several newt species (for a list of these, see Instituto Jose Cornide de Estudios Coruñeses, www.coruna.gal/ijcec/ gl/v-lopez-seoane/fondo-documental?argPag=74 (accessed 3 September 2020)). Triton marmoratus is a synonym of Triturus marmoratus (marbled newt). Triton boscai is a synonym of Lissotriton boscai (Bosca’s newt). Triton helveticus is a synonym of Lissotriton helveticus (palmate newt). The new species might have been a newt described by López-Seoane as Triton alonsai (a synonym of Lissotriton helveticus alonsoi, a Galician subspecies of the palmate newt). Vipera ammodytes is the horned viper; V. latastei is Lataste’s viper, or the snub-nosed viper. Vipera berus is the common European viper; V. seoanei is the Portuguese or Iberian viper.

From Félix Hément1   24 December 1881 Nanterre (Seine) | near Paris Sir & illustrious master Allow me to send you some notes that perhaps will not be without interest to you.

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Please accept, Sir & illustrious master, the expression of my respectful feelings, | Félix Hément 24 Decber. 1881 [Enclosure] Mr.  E.-A.  Axon has sent, from Manchester, to the Académie des Sciences the outline of some facts, in support of observations put forward by Mr. Hément, on the accent of deaf-mutes who have learned to speak.2 “In the Philosophical Transactions (No 312.) there is an article about a young Scots highlander, deaf-mute from birth.3 At the age of seventeen years and following two attacks of fever, he recovered his hearing. The servants had great trouble in understanding him in the first efforts that he made to talk; they succeeded perfectly afterwards. He had the accent of young highlanders of his age, before they began to learn the English language. What was even more remarkable was that he spoke only English, the language spoken around him in the lowlands of Scotland, where Erse or Gaelic (his parents’ language) is not spoken. This is a fact offering support for the theory of heredity. Mr. George Tickner, the learned historian of Spanish literature, visited a school for deaf-mutes in Madrid. None of the pupils had ever heard a human sound; all their knowledge of spoken language was the result of imitations of their teachers. Although all the instructors were Castilian, the pupils spoke with clarity and decision, following the manner and with the accent of their respective provinces. Mr Tickner could easily distinguish the Catalans, the Basques and the Castilians, and some visitors were even able to recognise the accents of Malaga and of Andalucia.4 Mr. Joseph Alley,5 from Manchester, a skilful teacher of Elocution, has made me aware of a similar case. E.  R.  became deaf-mute in his earliest infancy and only spoke in his seventeenth year. Mr Alley taught him to talk, and although his whole life had been spent in the county of Lancashire, E. R. speaks with the accent of the county of Stafford where he was born. These facts, adds Mr. Axon, are all confirmed in an article which I have written on the education of deaf-mutes and which has appeared in The Companion of the Almanac for the year 1880.” DAR 166: 139 1 2

3 4 5

For a transcription of this letter in its original French, see pp. 624–5. The discussion that took place at the Académie des sciences on 7 November 1881 was briefly reported in Nature, 17 November 1881, p. 72. William Edward Armytage Axon later sent a letter to Nature, 1 December 1881, p. 101, containing the same information as this letter. The article appeared in the Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London in 1707 (Martin 1707). For more on George Ticknor’s findings, see Correspondence vol. 24, letter from Julius von Haast, 16 December 1876, and Correspondence vol. 25, letter to Julius von Haast, [c. 11 February 1877]. Joseph John Alley.

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From Arthur de Souza Corrêa1   28 December 1881 Brazilian Legation 2a., Granville Place. | London. W. 28 December 1881 Sir, The Baron de Villa Franca, my compatriot, has been very grateful for the assessment that you were so kind to have made on his works on apposition in the cultivation of cane sugar.2 He now asks me to forward some observations that he was able to make more recently as well as the attached statement by the principal planters of the Province of Rio de Janeiro, which relates to the same subject.3 Convinced that these communications could have some interest for you, I therefore take the liberty of sending them on behalf of the Baron de Villa Franca, while asking you to accept the renewed assurance of my high regard with which I remain Your obedient servant | A. de Souza Corrêa | Secretary of the Brazilian Legation Ch.s Darwin Esqre. F.R.S. DAR 160: 283 1 2

3

For a transcription of this letter in its original French, see pp. 632–3. Ignacio Francisco Silveira da Motta, baron de Vila Franca, was a Brazilian politician and farmer. CD’s earlier letter to him has not been found, but see Correspondence vol. 28, letter from Arthur de Souza Corrêa, 23 October 1880 and n. 1. The enclosures have not been found, but CD and George John Romanes communicated the baron de Vila Franca’s work on new varieties of sugar cane to the Linnean Society on 6 April 1882; the paper was read on 4 May 1882, but not published (Proceedings of the Linnean Society of London (1880–2): 30–1; Linnean Society, SP register, reference 2371). The paper was also mentioned in Journal of Botany: British and Foreign 20 (1882): 192. CD’s draft of his and Romanes’s commentary on the paper is in DAR 207: 4.

APPENDIX II Chronology 1881 This appendix contains a transcription of Darwin’s ‘Journal’ for the year 1881. Darwin commenced his ‘Journal’ in August 1838 and continued to maintain it until December 1881. In this small notebook, measuring 3 inches by 4 12 inches, Darwin recorded the periods he was away from home, the progress and publication of his work, and important events in his family life. The version published by Sir Gavin de Beer as ‘Darwin’s Journal’ (de Beer ed. 1959a) was edited before the original ‘Journal’ had been found and relied upon a transcription made by an unknown copyist. The original, now in the Darwin Archive in Cambridge University Library (DAR 158), reveals that the copyist did not clearly distinguish between the various types of entries it contains and that the transcription made was incomplete. From 1845 onward, Darwin recorded all that pertained to his work (including his illnesses, since these accounted for time lost from work) on the left-hand pages of the ‘Journal’, while the periods he was away from home, and family events, were noted on the right-hand pages. In order to show clearly Darwin’s deliberate separation of the types of entries he made in his ‘Journal’, the transcription has the left- and right-hand pages labelled. All alterations, interlineations, additions, and the use of a different ink or pencil have been noted. In addition, the editors have inserted additional information relevant to Darwin’s correspondence throughout this transcription of the ‘Journal’ for 1881. These interpolations are enclosed in square brackets to distinguish them from Darwin’s own entries, the source of the information being given in the footnotes.

[Left] 1881 All early part of year Worm-Book1 published Oct 10th—2000 copies sold immediately2—5000 printed by December & corrected a new Edit.—3 November on the action of C. of Ammonia on Chlorophyll & on roots of Euphorbia. & other Plants4

698

Chronology

[Right] 1881 [8 January. Francis Maitland Balfour visited.]5 [15–17 January. George John and Ethel Romanes visited.]6 [19–20 February. Francis Galton and William Cecil Marshall visited.]7 Feb. 24th March 3d Bryanston St.8 [25 February. CD attended John Scott Burdon Sanderson’s lecture at the Royal Institution of Great Britain.]9 [27 February. CD and Emma Darwin visited Thomas Henry and Henrietta Anne Huxley.]10 [28 February. CD visited George Douglas Campbell (8th duke of Argyll).]11 [1 May. Earthworms went to press.]12 [10 May. Francis Darwin left for Straßburg (Strasbourg).]13 [27 May. Constance Rose and Johannes Hermann Franke and Hans Richter visited.]14 June 2d to July 4th Patterdale15 [2 June. To Penrith; 3 June to Glenridding.]16 [4 July. To Penrith; 5 July returned to Down.]17 [16–18 July. Marianne North visited.]18 [1 August. Francis Darwin arrived back from Germany.]19 August 3d to 5th to Erasmus20 [3 August. CD attended a luncheon for the opening of the 7th International Medical Congress; met T. H. Huxley, James Paget, Rudolf Virchow, Frans Cornelis Donders, the prince of Wales (Albert Edward, later Edward VII), and the crown prince of Germany (Frederick William, later Emperor Frederick III).]21 [4 August. Called on John Murray and Robert Francis Cooke?]22 — 26th Erasmus died at night23 [1 September. Erasmus Alvey Darwin’s funeral at St Mary’s church, Down.]24 Sept 8th–10th to A. Rich. Worthing25 [20 September. F. M. Balfour and ‘a sensible German’ visited.]26 [9 October. John Shaw Billings visited.]27 Oct. 20–27 at Horace at Cambridge28 [21 October. F. M. Balfour visited.]29 [22 October. Michael and Margaret Sarah Foster and Helen Gladstone to lunch.]30 [23 October. John William and Evelyn Georgiana Mary Strutt (Lord and Lady Rayleigh), John Willis Clark, Frances Matilda Clark, and Helen Gladstone to tea.]31 [7 December. Erasmus Darwin born.]32 Dec. 13th to 20th Bryanston St [Between 13 and 20 December. Met John Wesley Judd.]33 [18 December. Called at the home of T. H. and H. A. Huxley.]34 [19 December. J. S. Burdon Sanderson visited.]35

Chronology 1 2 3

4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35

699

Earthworms. ‘All … Worm-Book’ written in blue-black ink. (Black ink used unless otherwise noted.) ‘published … immediately’ in blue ink. There were four further printings of Earthworms in 1881; the fourth and fifth thousand had corrections made (Freeman 1977). CD also added some new material to the fifth thousand (see, for example, letter from J. F. Simpson, 8 November 1881 and n. 2). ‘printed’ above deleted ‘sold’. ‘Action of carbonate of ammonia on chlorophyll’. ‘November … Euphorbia.’ in blue ink. Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242). Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242). Letter to W. E. Darwin, 19 February [1881], and letter from Elizabeth Darwin to G. H. Darwin, 20 February [1881] (DAR 251: 1413). CD’s daughter and son-in-law, Henrietta Emma and Richard Buckley Litchfield, lived at 4 Bryanston Street, London. Letter to G. H. Darwin, 27–8 February [1881]. Letter to G. H. Darwin, 27–8 February [1881]. Letter to G. H. Darwin, 27–8 February [1881]. Freeman 1977. Letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 10 May [1881]. Letter to Francis Darwin, 27 May 1881. Blue-black ink. From 3 June to 3 July 1881 the Darwins stayed at Glenridding House on Ullswater in Patterdale, Westmorland. Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242). Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242). Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242), and letter from Emma Darwin to W. E. Darwin, [21 July 1881] (DAR 219.1: 144). Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242). Blue ink. Erasmus Alvey Darwin, CD’s brother, lived at lived at 6 Queen Anne Street, London. Letter to W. E. Darwin, 4 August [1881]. Letter to R. F. Cooke, 31 July 1881. Blue ink. Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242) and Downe burial register (kent-opc.org, accessed 11 August 2021). Blue ink. In CD’s ‘Journal’, this entry is written after ‘Patterdale’ and transposed to follow ‘night’. Anthony Rich lived at Chappell Croft, Heene, Worthing, Sussex. Letter from Emma Darwin to H. E. Litchfield, 21 September [1881] (DAR 219.9: 272). Letter from Emma Darwin to H. E. Litchfield, [9 October 1881], DAR 219.9: 275). Blue ink. CD’s youngest son, Horace Darwin, and his wife, Ida, lived at 66 Hills Road, Cambridge. Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242). Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242). Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242). Freeman 1978. Letter from J. W. Judd, 8 January 1882 (Correspondence vol. 30). Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242). Letter to G. J. Romanes, 17 [December 1881], n. 5.

APPENDIX III Diploma presented to Charles Darwin In 1881, Darwin received the following diploma. Although not letters in the conventional sense, diplomas represent significant communication between Darwin and scientific organisations, and the citations in such documents often provide valuable indications of those aspects of Darwin’s work that were considered worthy of honour. In view of this, they have been included here.

From the Royal Botanical Society of Belgium

1 May 1881

SOCIÉTÉ ROYALE DE BOTANIQUE DE BELGIQUE FONDÉE LE 1ER JUIN 1862. La Société, dans sa séance du 1er Mai 1881 a admis au nombre de ses membres associés Monsieur le Docteur Charles Darwin, á Beckenham. Bruxelles, le 1er. Mai 1881. Le secrétaire, Crépin1

Le président, Louis Piré

[Translation] ROYAL BOTANICAL SOCIETY OF BELGIUM FOUNDED 1ST JUNE 1862. The Society, in its meeting of the 1st May 1881 admitted to the number of its associated members Mr Dr Charles Darwin, of Beckenham. Brussels, 1st May 1881. Secretary, Crépin1 DAR 229: 82 1

François Crépin.

President, Louis Piré

APPENDIX IV Presentation list for Earthworms

The formation of vegetable mould through the action of worms: with observations on their habits was published on 10 October 1881 (Freeman 1977). The action of worms was a topic that had interested Darwin for decades; his first paper on the subject, ‘Formation of mould’, had been read at the Geological Society of London in 1837. By 1872, Darwin began collecting information from his worldwide network of correspondents, and closer to home from friends and family members. In 1877, Darwin’s son Horace built a device for measuring the rate at which stones on the surface of the soil were buried by the action of earthworms; the ‘worm stone’ was set up in the garden at Down House (H. Darwin 1901). In 1880, Darwin began drawing together all his research and started writing in earnest in the autumn. By April 1881, Darwin was anxious to publish, and wrote to ask whether John Murray would publish on the usual terms, paying Darwin a percentage of the profits, or on commission, noting that he could not ‘even conjecture whether 200 or 2000 copies’ would be sold (letter to R. F. Cooke, 10 April 1881). Cooke hastened to assure Darwin that Murray was happy to publish on the old terms (letter from R. F. Cooke, 11 April 1881). By July, Darwin was writing to hurry publication along, but then worried that summer publication would be risky and retracted his demand (letter to R. F. Cooke, 31 July 1881). Even before the official publication date, Murray had sold more than the thousand copies first printed and proposed to print an additional five hundred. In the event, two thousand copies were printed. The book was an immediate success with the public and Darwin began to receive letters with praise, some disagreement, and additional information. New printings were required in quick succession, and Darwin made corrections and additions to the fourth and fifth thousands, all printed by the end of the year. German, French, Italian, and Russian translations all appeared in 1882 (Freeman 1977). Darwin praised his German translator for his ‘wonderful lynx-like eyes’ in spotting errata (letter to J. V. Carus, 8 December 1881), the corrections of which would soon be incorporated into a seventh thousand, corrected by Francis Darwin in 1882. Judging by the enduring popularity of the book, Darwin succeeded in his aim to show that worms had ‘much bigger souls than anyone wd suppose’ (letter to W. E. Darwin, 31 January [1881]).

702

Presentation list for Earthworms

[Recto] Worm Book | Worm1 Copies, despatched by Murray2 Royal, Linnean & Geolog. Soc.3

1–3

Ramsay4 (15) 7 Whitaker Judd10 Arch. Abr. Geikie13 J. Geikie16 Romanes (Sheets)19 Croll22 Farrer24 Dr. Johnson26 Rich28 Huxley30

Hooker5 33 Wallace6 8 Dyer Galton9 Ruck11 Herbert12 Gilbert14 Paget15 c 17 M . Intosh (37) Lawes18 Ray Lankester20 38 Asa Gray21 Moseley23 Lubbock25 D. of Argyll27 E. Darwin29 Norman31 Mrs Harrison32 — Litchfield33 W. E. Darwin— G. H. D. Lieut. D. H. Darwin34 Mrs. Wedgwood—Leith Hill Place35 Rev J. Brodie Innes Milton Brodie Forres (forward36 Dr. Aveling 13 Newman St Oxford St W (London) (forward)37 Frank W (& Hensleigh W. given)38 Mr Patrick39 Frank Darwin — Bessy40 Wiesner41 4

[Verso] (1) Professor Mojsisovics.,42 Geological Institute, Vienna 43

(2) — Newmayr

do. 44

(3) Prof. E. Perrier Jardin des Plantes, Paris

do

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r

✓

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(5) D . Hermann Müller Lippstadt Prussia

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(6) Prof. Victor Carus45 Leipzig

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(4) D . Fritz Müller Blumenau, St. Catharina, Brazil

Presentation list for Earthworms

703

(7. Dr. Ernst Krause, Friedenstrasse, 11.3. Berlin sheets46 (8) Dr King.47 Botanic Gardens, Calcutta

✓

(9) Dr. Ernst,48 The University, Caracas, Venezuela

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(10) Prof. Sachs.49 Wurzburg, Germany

✓

50

11 Prof. Semper.

do.

do

51

12 Prof. De Vries Amsterdam, Holland 52

13 Prof. Häckel Jena, Germany 53

14 Prof. Von Hensen Kiel 54

15 Prof. Möbius

do.

r

✓ ✓ ✓

do

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55

(16.) Prof. D . Wiesner The University. Vienna

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17 Asa Gray Cambridge Mass. U.SA56

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18 De Bary57

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d

58

Pfeffer 2 . Edition 60 Copies59 G. Chron60 Nature 2261 copies to Down— Reviewers copies all sent.62 Appleton63 5864 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23

Written down right side of page, blue crayon John Murray, CD’s publisher. The Royal Society of London, the Linnean Society and the Geological Society of London. Andrew Crombie Ramsay. Joseph Dalton Hooker. Alfred Russel Wallace. William Whitaker. William Turner Thiselton-Dyer. Francis Galton. John Wesley Judd. Lawrence Ruck. John Maurice Herbert. Archibald Geikie. ‘Abr.’ above deleted ‘Arch.’. Joseph Henry Gilbert. James Paget. James Geikie. William Carmichael McIntosh. John Bennet Lawes. George John Romanes. ‘(Sheets)’ is written in pencil. Romanes had been sent proof-sheets of Earthworms in advance of publication (see letter from G. J. Romanes, 4 September [1881] and n. 8). Edwin Ray Lankester. ‘38 Asa Gray’ written and deleted in pencil; his name has been transferred to the verso. James Croll. Henry Nottidge Moseley.

704 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59

Presentation list for Earthworms

Thomas Henry Farrer. John Lubbock. Henry Johnson, a schoolfellow of CD’s from Shrewsbury. George Douglas, eighth duke of Argyll. Anthony Rich. Erasmus Alvey Darwin, CD’s brother, died in August 1881; deleted in pencil. Thomas Henry Huxley. George Warde Norman. Lucy Caroline Harrison. Henrietta Emma Litchfield. William Erasmus Darwin, George Howard Darwin, Leonard Darwin, who was a lieutenant in the Royal Engineers, and Horace Darwin. CD’s sister, Caroline Wedgwood, lived at Leith Hill Place. John Brodie Innes. ‘Rev … Forres’ written in pencil. Edward Bibbens Aveling. ‘Dr. … (London)’ written in pencil, with ‘Oxford St’ interlined in ink. Francis Wedgwood and Hensleigh Wedgwood; written in pencil. Reginald Saint Pattrick. Francis Darwin and Elizabeth Darwin; written in pencil. Julius Wiesner’s name, written and deleted in pencil, has been transferred to the list on the verso. Edmund Mojsisovics von Mojsvár. Melchior Neumayr. Edmond Perrier. Julius Victor Carus. ‘sheets’ has been written in pencil above ‘Dr. ... Berlin’, deleted in pencil. CD sent proof-sheets to Krause so that he could translate an extract for publication (see letter to Ernst Krause, 18 May 1881). George King. Adolf Ernst. Julius Sachs. Carl Gottfried Semper. Hugo de Vries. Ernst Haeckel. Victor Hensen. Karl Möbius. Julius Wiesner. ‘17 … U.SA’ written in pencil over ‘De Bary’, written in pencil and erased. The tick is in blue crayon. Anton de Bary. ‘18 … Bary’ written in pencil. Wilhelm Pfeffer; written in pencil. No second edition of Earthworms was published; the final printing, with minor additions and corrections by Francis Darwin, was Earthworms (1882). ‘60 Copies’ written in pencil. These calculations in pencil have been deleted in pencil: 58

37

37

3 Socs

21

16 56

60 61 62 63 64

58 copies Gardeners’ Chronicle. ‘G. Chron Nature’ written in pencil. Second ‘2’ in pencil over ‘0’. Ink, deleted in pencil. D. Appleton & Co. were CD’s US publishers. ‘Appleton’ written in pencil. ‘58’ written in pencil.

APPENDIX V Reviews of Earthworms The formation of vegetable mould through the action of worms: with observations on their habits (spine title: Vegetable mould and earth-worms) was published in October 1881 by John Murray. This appendix includes all the reviews collected in Darwin’s ‘Scrapbook of reviews’ (DAR 226), additional reviews traced by John van Wyhe (who also supplied the listing of DAR 226 reviews), and reviews editors came across in the course of their research. The list is arranged chronologically by month of publication, where known.

October 1881 Anon. Mr. Darwin on worms. The Times, 10 October 1881, p. 4 (DAR 226.1: 172). Anon. Mr. Darwin’s new book. Glasgow Herald, 11 October 1881, p. 5 (DAR 226.1: 61). Anon. Daily Review, 12 October 1881, p. 4 (DAR 226.1: 42–3). G. J. Romanes. Mr. Darwin on the work of worms. Nature, 13 October 1881, pp. 553–6 (DAR 226.1: 111–12). Anon. Mr. Darwin on worms. Pall Mall Gazette, 13 October 1881, p. 12 (DAR 226.1: 128). Anon. Mr. Darwin on worms. Standard, 15 October 1881 (DAR 226.1: 168–9). Anon. Gardeners’ Chronicle, 15 October 1881, p. 500 (DAR 226.1: 58). Anon. Gwaith newydd Mr Darwin. Y Goleuad, 15 October 1881, pp. 8–9 (DAR 226.1: 238–9). Anon. Mr. Darwin on earthworms. St James’s Gazette, 17 October 1881, p. 13 (DAR 226.1: 142). Anon. Banffshire Journal … and Northern Farmer, 18 October 1881, p. 2 (DAR 226.1: 17). Anon. Worms! Daily Telegraph, 18 October 1881 (DAR 226.1: 44–5). Anon. Daily Free Press, 19 October 1881 (DAR 226.1: 36–7). Anon. The value of worms. John O’Groat Journal, 20 October 1881, p. 7. Anon. Mr. Darwin on worms. Annandale Observer and Advertiser, 21 October 1881, p. 4. Anon. Mr. Darwin’s new work. Literary World, 21 October 1881, pp. 257–9 (DAR 226.1: 81). Anon. Dr. Darwin on the value of earthworms. Reading Mercury, 22 October 1881, p. 8. Anon. Reading Observer, 22 October 1881, p. 3. Anon. The worm and its work. Gloucestershire Chronicle, 22 October 1881, p. 3. Anon. Worms: Mr. Darwin’s new work. Preston Chronicle, 22 October 1881, p. 2.

706

Reviews of Earthworms

Anon. Croydon Guardian and Surrey County Gazette, 22 October 1881, p. 5. Anon. Darwin on worms. Lancet, 22 October 1881, pp. 721–2 (DAR 226.1: 71). Anon. The plough of the animal world. Spectator, 22 October 1881, pp. 1334–5 (DAR 226.1: 166). Anon. Darwin on the earthworm. Yorkshire Post and Leeds Intelligencer, 25 October 1881, p. 6 (DAR 226.1: 176–7). Anon. The action of worms. Western Daily Mercury (Plymouth), 26 October 1881, p. 3 (DAR 226.1: 175). [W. B. Tegetmeier.] 1881. Darwin on worms. Field, 29 October 1881, p. 620 (DAR 226.1: 53.1). Anon. Scotsman, 29 October 1881, p. 10 (DAR 226.1: 160). E. B. Aveling. Worms. National Reformer, 30 October 1881 (DAR 226.1: 106). November 1881 Anon. Bookbuyer, 1 November 1881 (DAR 226.1: 24). Anon. Mace, 1 November 1881, p. 4 (DAR 226.1: 91). Anon. Bazaar, 2 November 1881 (DAR 226.1: 21). Anon. North British Daily Mail, 2 November 1881 (DAR 226.1: 115.2). Anon. Guardian, 2 November 1881, pp. 1549–50 (DAR 226.1: 63). Melvin Bonnington. North British Agriculturalist, 2 November 1881, p. 700 (DAR 226.1: 115). Anon. Darwin on mould and worms. Knowledge, 4 November 1881, p. 14 (DAR 226.1: 70). Anon. Darwin on the action of worms. Saturday Review, 5 November 1881, pp. 578–9 (DAR 226.1: 152–3). Anon. Worms and their work. Boy’s Newspaper, 9 November 1881, p. 4 (DAR 226.1: 26). H. Z. Darwin über Erdwürmer. Die Presse, 9 November 1881 (DAR 226.1: 262). Anon. Darwin on the work of worms. Kilburn Times, 11 November 1881, p. 3. Anon. The usefulness of the worm to agriculturalists. Carlow Sentinel, 12 November 1881, p. 4. Anon. Darwin über Erdwürmer. Montagsblatt der St. Petersburger Zeitung, 23 November, 5 December 1881 (DAR 226.1: 272). Anon. Boston Post, 25 November 1881, p. 3. Anon. Effects of worm activity on the soil. Hendon & Finchley Times, 26 November 1881, p. 7. Anon. Mr. Darwin on worms. Land, 26 November 1881, pp. 297–8 (DAR 226.1: 72). December 1881 Anon. English Churchman and Clerical Journal, 1 December 1881 (DAR 226.1: 49). Anon. Darwin on earthworms. Land and Water, 3 December 1881 (DAR 226.1: 72). Anon. Mr. Darwin on worms. Wallaroo Times and Mining Journal (South Australia), 3 December 1881, p. 2.

Reviews of Earthworms

707

Otto Zacharias. Darwin’s neuste Forschungen über die Thätigkeit der Regenwürmer. Illustrierte Zeitung, 3 December 1881, pp. 495 and 523 (DAR 226.1: 246–8). Anon. Belgian News and Continental Advertiser, 3 December 1881 (DAR 226.1: 22). Otto Zacharias. Darwin’s neueste Forschungen über den Regenwurm. Niederschlesischer Anzeiger, 4 and 6 December 1881 (DAR 226.1: 260–1). Otto Zacharias. Aus Darwins neuestem Werk. Der Berliner Tageblatt, 10 December 1881 (DAR 226.1: 216). Otto Zacharias. Aus Darwin’s neuestem Werke. Vierte Beilage zum Leipziger Tageblatt und Anzeiger, 13 December 1881 (DAR 226.1: 248–9). Anon. Inverness Northern Chronicle, 14 December 1881 (DAR 226.1: 66). Anon. The part which worms play in nature. Sun (New York), 14 December 1881, p. 2. Anon. Mr. Darwin on worms. Colonist, 15 December 1881, p. 3. Anon. Darwin. New Zealand Times, 17 December 1881, p. 3. Anon. New York Times, 17 December 1881, p. 4. Anon. Apotheosis of the worm. Evening Star (Washington), 17 December 1881, p. 6. Anon. Leader (Melbourne), 17 December 1881, p. 5. Anon. Mr. Darwin on earthworms. Australasian (Melbourne), 17 December 1881 p. 8. Anon. Mr. Darwin on worms. Literary World, 17 December 1881, pp. 478–9 (DAR 226.1: 82–3). M. D. Conway. Our fellow-worms. Index, 22 December 1881, pp. 290–1 (DAR 226.1: 65–6). Anon. Darwin on worms. South Canterbury Times, 22 December 1881, p. 3. Anon. On worms. Morning Post, 23 December 1881, p. 2 (DAR 226.1: 97–8). Anon. Otago Daily Times, 29 December 1881, p. 4. Anon. Mr. Darwin on worms. Salisbury and Winchester Journal etc., 31 December 1881, p. 6. Anon. Analyses of books. Journal of Science 3d ser. 3: 671–3. Anon. Journal of Forestry and Estates Management, December 1881, p. 608 (DAR 226.1: 68). [W. S. Dallas.] Annals and Magazine of Natural History 5th ser. 8 (1881): 443–6. Anon. Zoologist 3d ser. 5 (December 1881): 495–9. 1881? No month K. [Review of Earthworms in rhyme.] Worm-work. [Privately published, n.d.] (DAR 226.1: 69). Anon. Lowly fellow-creatures. Christian World. (DAR 226.1: 31–2). January 1882 Anon. 1882. The action of worms in the formation of vegetable mould. British Quarterly Review ( January), p. 211 (DAR 226.1: 28). F. A. Paley. On earth worms. Fraser’s Magazine 25: 46–53.

708

Reviews of Earthworms

[Henry Wace.] Quarterly Review, January 1882, pp. 179–202. Anon. Earth-worms. San Francisco Chronicle, 1 January 1882, p. 6. Anon. Hibernia, 2 January 1882, p. 11 (DAR 226.1: 64). Anon. Worms as aids to the farmer. Advocate (Melbourne), 14 January 1882, p. 21. Anon. Worms as earthmakers. Critic, 14 January 1882, p. 9 (DAR 226.1: 35). Anon. Darwin and the worm. Chicago Daily Tribune, 14 January 1882, p. 9. Anon. The work that worms do. Marlborough Express, 16 January 1882, p. 2. G. M. Darwin über die Regenwürmer. Wiener Allgemeine Zeitung, 16 January 1882, p. 4 (DAR 226.1: 283). Anon. The little busy worm. Church Record (Kansas), 20 January 1882, p. 4. H. G. La formation de la terre végétale par l’action des vers. La Revue scientifique de la France et de l’étranger, 21 January 1882, pp. 65–75 (DAR 226.1: 265–70). Anon. Darwin on worms. Lyttelton Times, 26 January 1882, p. 6. Anon. Argus (Melbourne), 28 January 1882, p. 13. Anon. Deutsche Landwirthschaftliche Zeitung, 31 January and 1 April 1882 (DAR 226.1: 225–6). W. J. Macleay. Proceedings of the Linnean Society of New South Wales 6: 864–5. February 1882 Anon. Worms and their ways. Washington Standard, 10 February 1882, p. 4. Anon. Telegraph (Brisbane), 11 February 1882, p. 2. Anon. Darwin on the action of worms. Sydney Mail and New South Wales Advertiser, 11 February 1882, p. 215. Anon. What man owes to earth-worms. Sunday Morning Call, 12 February 1882, p. 6. Anon. Daily Chronicle (Knoxville), 17 February 1882, p. 1. Carus Sterne [Ernst Krause]. Die Rolle der Regenwürmer in der Erdgeschichte. Die Gegenwart, no. 6 (February 1882?), pp. 84–6 (DAR 226.1: 235–6). March 1882 Anon. Earthworms. Mount Alexander Mail (Victoria), 31 March 1882, p. 3. April 1882 Anon. Professor Darwin and the worms. Ballarat Courier (Victoria), 1 April 1882, p. 1. Anon. The earliest ploughman. Youth Companion, 20 April 1882, p. 162. Anon. Timaru Herald, 26 April 1882, p. 2. May 1882 Anon. Sydney Morning Herald, 1 May 1882, p. 7. June 1882 Anon. South Australian Register (Adelaide), 14 June 1882, p. 6. Anon. Darwin’s formation of vegetable mold through the action of worms. American Naturalist 16: 499–500.

Reviews of Earthworms

709

July 1882 Anon. Daily Record-Union (Sacramento), 1 July 1882, p. 4. Anon. Earthworms as pulverisers of the soil. Press, 15 July 1882, p. 3. September 1882 Anon. Mr Darwin and the earthworm. Dundee Advertiser, 1 September 1882, p. 12. 1882 no month Melchior Neumayr. Neues Jahrbuch für Mineralogie, Geologie und Palaeontologie (1882) 2: 45–7. September 1885 Anon. Earth-worms. Demorest’s Monthly Magazine, September 1885, p. 726.

MANUSCRIPT ALTERATIONS AND COMMENTS

The alteration notes and comments are keyed to the letter texts by paragraph and line numbers. The precise section of the letter text to which the note applies precedes the square bracket. The changes recorded are those made to the manuscript by CD; changes of hand in letters written partly by CD and partly by amanuenses are also recorded. Readers should consult the Note on editorial policy in the front matter for details of editorial practice and intent. The following terms are used in the notes as here defined: del illeg interl omitted over

deleted illegible interlined, i.e., inserted between existing text lines omitted by the editors to clarify the transcription written over, i.e., superimposed

To V. O. Kovalevsky   1 and 6 January 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added

To A. R. Wallace   2 January 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.3 Mountains] above del ‘Mountains’ 2.2 them] above del ‘us’

To H. W. Bates   3 January 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added

To the Darwin children   3 January 1881 1.2 perhaps] interl 2.8 Henrietta 316] added

To W. E. Darwin   3 January [1881] 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.2 Teg] altered from ‘Tag’ 2.1 the] interl 2.1 observations about] above del ‘observations on’ 3.1 at] after del ‘in’ 3.2 a] interl

5.1 in] interl 6.1 1000£] ‘£’ above ‘1000’ 6.2 50£] ‘£’ above ‘50’ To W. E. Gladstone   [4 January 1881] 0.1 Private— … etc 3.2] blue ink unless otherwise stated 0.3 My] added black ink 1.1 scientific] mended black ink 1.2 asked] after added and del black ink ‘you’; above del ‘asked’ 1.2 your] added black ink 1.4 shall] ‘all’ added black ink 1.4 any] after interl and del black ink ‘as far as I can’ transposed black ink from after ‘questions’ 1.4 which] black ink above del black ink ‘which I may receive through’ 1.5 may address … to me] interl pencil, except 1st ‘me’ added black ink; ‘send to’ above del ‘address’ 2.1 Those … work; 2.3] added black ink after del ‘in relation to the memor. in which I take the deepest interest.’ 2.1 their names] interl black ink 2.1 of judging … worth] interl black ink 2.1 for their 2.2] after added and del black ink ‘with’

Manuscript alterations and comments 2.2 own] interl black ink 2.2 as as] 1st ‘as’ black ink above black ink del black ink ‘from their positions’ 2.2 on] black ink after black ink del black ink ‘to form a sound judgement’ 2.3 the D.] after del black ink ‘I beg permission to add that’ 2.3 the D. … worker.— 2.4] transposed black ink from before ‘Those who have signed’; ‘D. of Argyll letter dated Dec 20’ added and del margin black ink 2.3 that] after interl ink & del black ink ‘(as you will see by the enclosed note)’ 2.3 gladly] added black ink 2.4 [illeg]] black ink added above del black ink ‘a simple’; after added & del black ink illeg 3.1 feel] after interl & del black ink ‘& oth’ 3.2 a very deep] black ink above del black ink ‘the deepest’ To Ernst Krause   4 January [1881] 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.3 My] after del ‘If ’ To H. W. Bates   7 January 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.1 the news] ‘the’ interl To G. D. Campbell   [7 January 1881] 0.1 Argyll] ‘rgyll’ added blue ink 1.1 Grace] interl 1.4 already] del and stet 1.4 of your] after del ‘before they arr’ 1.4 it is] after del ‘this is’

To W. E. Gladstone   7 January 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added To É. M. Heckel   7 January [1881?] 0.1 Kent.] before del ‘Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.’ To T. H. Huxley   7 January 1881 5.2 last] interl To [C. E. Meetkerke]   7 January 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added

To A. R. Wallace   7 January [1881] 0.1 Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.3 has] interl

To A. R. Wallace   10 January 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.5 if the] above del ‘in my ow’ 1.6 or recommends] interl 3.3 also] above del ‘about’ 3.4 very] added

To Joseph Fayrer   [after 10 January 1881] 1.2 L.] interl 1.4 follower] below del ‘follower [below del ‘disciple’]’ 1.4 in the study of] interl 2.1 Yours] after del ‘Dear Sir Joseph [Ph.d]’

To Leslie Stephen   11 January 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 2.5 publicly] interl 2.6 owing to] above del ‘from’

To F. M. Balfour   12 January 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.1 house,] interl

To W. E. Darwin   14 January [1881] 3.1 on steep slopes] interl 3.3 or several] interl 3.5 on … above] interl 3.6 parallel] interl 3.6 again] interl 3.7 7o] after del ‘valley’ 3.8 This action] above del ‘It’ 3.8 a slope] ‘a’ interl 3.9 that] interl 5.2 & … soft.] interl 5.3 fairly within] above del ‘fairly within’

To William Ogle   17 January 1881 0.1] (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added

To T. H. Farrer   18 January 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 2.1 of the chalk] interl

711

712

Manuscript alterations and comments

2.3 with] after del ‘off’ 2.4 clean] above del ‘the’ 2.6 , I imagine,] interl 2.7 thickness] above del ‘thickness’ 2.7 vegetable] after del ‘V’ 3.2 upper] interl To G. H. Darwin   20 January [1881] 1.1 to Nature] interl To H. A. D. Seymour   20 January 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added To J.-H. Fabre   21 January 1881 6.1 With … Darwin] in CD’s hand To T. H. Huxley   22 January 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.2 can] above del ‘case’ 1.2 case] above del ‘case’ 1.5 (together] interl To W. E. Darwin   25 January 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 4.2 parallel] altered from ‘parallet’ To F. M. Balfour   28 January 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added To G. J. Romanes   28 January 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.6 book] interl 3.1 lucky] above del ‘lucky’ 3.2 about,] interl 3.2 are] interl To Asa Gray   29 January 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.2 the Nation] ‘the’ interl 3.2 value] after del ‘think’ 5.2 years] ‘s’ over illeg To Ernst Krause   29 January 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.4 now] above del ‘not’ 3.2 but] above del ‘&’

To W. E. Darwin   31 January [1881] 1.2 all] interl To W. E. Darwin   4 February [1881] 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.5 that] interl 1.12 here] interl 1.12 being] above del ‘being’ 1.12 much] above del ‘much’ 1.14 generally] interl 2.2 are] interl 2.3 of … bushes,] interl 2.4 curling in] ‘in’ interl 2.4 the worm] ‘the’ added 3.1 here] interl 5.1 that] interl 5.1 should … be] interl above del ‘being’ 5.2 to judge] ‘to’ after del ‘being apparently able’ 6.1 of … shape] interl To W. E. Darwin   5 February [1881] 1.2 with] after del ‘of ’ 2.3 or infolded] interl 3.1 enough] above del ‘may no’ 7.1 Down.… 5th—] pencil

To J. H. Gilbert   5 February 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.2 the roots] ‘the’ interl 1.6 in such work,] interl 1.7 this] interl 2.2 (except … chalk) 2.3] interl 2.2 contents] after del ‘soil’ 2.4 slight] interl 2.4 believe that] ‘that’ interl

To C. G. Semper   6 February 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.1 just] interl 1.8 to M.] interl 1.9 (No, … more)] square brackets in original 1.10 for existence … food] above del ‘a battle’ 2.1 & Artemisia] interl 2.2 imperfectly] interl 2.3 hereafter] interl 2.4 very] interl 2.5 acquire] above del ‘assume’ 2.6 (p. … book)] interl 3.2 is … future. 3.3] interl

Manuscript alterations and comments To Ernst Krause   7 February 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.1 last] interl 1.1 & … you,] interl 1.3 will] above del ‘would’ 1.3 has been 1.4] above del ‘was’ 1.6 to … satisfaction 1.7] interl 1.9 time] added in margin To W. E. Darwin   8 February [1881] 1.2 worms.] above del ‘leaves.’ 1.5 apical] above del ‘upper’ 1.7 or by] ‘or’ over ‘&’; ‘by’ interl 1.8 form] above del ‘state’ 1.9 them] interl before del ‘it’ 1.10 20] above del ‘20’ To W. W. Baxter   9 February 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.1 of white … any. 1.2] interl 1.2 (whichever] opening bracket over comma To R. D. Fitzgerald   9 February 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.6 now] interl 1.9 very] interl To G. J. Romanes   11 February 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.4 savagely] interl 1.5 feel] after del ‘have’ To T. R. R. Stebbing   11 February 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.2 is] after del ‘it’ 1.6 before … translated] interl To Josef Popper   15 February 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added To Grant Allen   17 February 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 2.2 whenever … time] interl To W. E. Darwin   19 February [1881] 1.2 & despatched] interl 4.3 their burrows] interl

713

To T. M. Hocken   21 February 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added To Anton Dohrn   22 February 1881 0.1 (Railway Station … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 2.3 pay] after del ‘expe’ To Fritz Müller   23 February 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.4 leaves] after del ‘to’ 2.1 Do] over ‘does’ 2.1 the leaflets] above del ‘it’ 5.2 most] after del ‘the’ 5.2 as soon] after del ‘w’ 5.2 & … dependent.5.3] interl 5.3 thus] interl 5.8 as] interl 5.9 will be] interl 5.9 to … light] interl To J. H. Gilbert   25 February 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.3 of worms] interl 1.4 slightly so] ‘so’ interl 1.4 the acidity] above del ‘this’ 1.6 out] above del ‘out’ 1.6 mere] interl 2.1 to me] interl after del ‘ment’ To J. D. Hooker   26 [February 1881] 0.1 4 Bryanston St. W] before del ‘Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.’ 2.8 & slips] ‘&’ over ‘or’ 2.12 & seemed] ‘&’ over ‘&c’ 3.1 (though … reaching) 3.2] interl 3.3 Wallaces’] above del ‘his’ 3.4 hypothetical] interl 4.4 make] after del ‘write’ To G. H. Darwin   27–8 February [1881] 1.1 seen] over ‘been’ 1.2 (Monday … yesterday) 1.3] interl 1.6 there are no] ‘are’ interl 1.7 where the] above del ‘when’ 1.7 soil is] ‘is’ interl 2.1 measurement] above del ‘measurement’ To T. H. Huxley   5 March 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added

714

Manuscript alterations and comments

1.4 to bequeath,] interl 1.9 new] interl 1.12 sure] above del ‘sure’ 1.13 highly] interl 1.17 already] interl 1.18 furniture &] above del ‘prope’ 1.18 you, but] comma over point, ‘but’ above del ‘But’ 1.18 a certain] ‘a’ interl 1.19 the letter] ‘the’ interl 2.1 〈h〉as … it] interl 4.4 find] above del ‘spare’ 4.5 hard] above del ‘hard’

To G. J. Romanes   7 March [1881] 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.2 having] above del ‘on’ 2.2 until] after del ‘for’ 2.5 or with … on] interl

To Francis Galton   8 March [1881] 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.5 in the morning] interl 2.3 drawing] above del ‘drawing’ 2.4 damp] interl 2.4 small] interl 2.5 the intelligence] ‘the’ interl & altered from ‘their’ 2.6 of worms.] interl 2.6 is that] interl 2.6 in a slovenly] ‘in a’ interl

To G. J. Romanes   9 March [1881] 2.3 worked] altered from ‘work’; after del ‘thrown the’ 2.3 for] above del ‘of ’ 2.4 months] above del ‘moths’ 2.6 attempt] after del ‘trial’

To Raphael Meldola   12 March 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added

To Henri de Saussure   17 March 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added To Fritz Müller   20 March 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.4 some] interl 1.5 amply] interl

1.7 2 sets of] interl 1.10 have] interl 1.10 crimson] above del ‘yellow’ 1.11 yellow] above del ‘crimson’ 1.12 Fewer … pollen] interl 1.12 crimson] above del ‘yellow’ 1.13 stamens] after del ‘a’ 2.1 must be] above del ‘is’ 2.2 it said] interl 2.3 afterwards] interl 2.3 the late] interl 2.6 with … legs] interl 3.6 imperfect] interl 3.7 crimson] above del ‘yellow’ 3.8 according … view] interl 3.8 attracting] after del illeg

To B. J. Sulivan   20 March 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.1 by] over ‘in’

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   21 March [1881] 1.2 2 sets of] interl 2.1 some] interl

To J. V. Carus   23 March 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.5 but] after del illeg 1.6 have] after del ‘[illeg] have’ 1.7 those of] interl

To W. B. Tegetmeier   29 March 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added

To E. B. Tylor   29 March 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   1 April 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.3 or two] interl 1.3 by Post] interl 2.1 my results] interl 2.2 & … seedlings;] interl

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   3 April [1881] 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added

Manuscript alterations and comments 3.2 he] interl 3.3 of Celsia] interl

To E. J. Loomis   4 April 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.2 published] interl

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   9 April 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added

To R. F. Cooke   12 April 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.1 on … terms,] interl

To Fritz Müller   12 April 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 2.4 in this family 2.5] above del ‘here’ 3.2 (if … publishing)] interl 3.2 use] ‘us’ over ‘m’ 3.4 suspect] above del ‘believe’ 4.5 kind] after del ‘on’

To Frithiof Holmgren   [14] April 1881 5.1 P.S. … C. D.— 7.1] in CD’s hand 6.2 experiments] after del ‘all’ 6.3 in England] ‘in’ after del ‘of ’ 6.6 newspaper] ‘news’ added

To John Lubbock   16 April [1881?] 1.1 & lend] interl 2.5 serviceable] after del ‘ser’ 2.9 alone] above del ‘alone’

To G. J. Romanes   16 April 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 2.1 to me,] interl 2.4 they are] interl 2.5 guided] after del ‘b’ 2.5 a blind] ‘a’ after del ‘any’ 3.1 work] after omitted ‘—’ 3.2 of … system 3.3] interl 4.10 at … best] above del ‘best’ 4.14 If you] before del ‘a’ 5.4 mere] above del ‘mere’ 7.2 will] after del illeg 7.3 Gauchos] ‘s’ added

715

7.3 plains] ‘s’ added 7.3 have] above del ‘has’ 7.3 often] interl 7.4 & lassoed] interl 7.4 cow] interl after del ‘cows’ 7.5 mere] interl 7.7 young] interl 7.9 merely] above del ‘merely’ 7.9 (see … 241) 7.10] interl 7.9 Souvenir] before del closing parenthesis 7.10 a certain] after del illeg 7.12 bite] after del ‘seize’ 7.15 it] interl

To G. J. Romanes   18 April 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.3 that light] after interl & del ‘&’ 1.5 to which] after del ‘ho’ 1.7 As] over illeg 1.9 light] interl 1.12 I … book. 1.13] interl 2.3 any] above del ‘its’ 2.5 (?)] interl 2.7 contrast] above del ‘contrast’ 3.1 (& … that 3.2] interl 3.2 light] above del ‘photo’ 3.7 bend] above del ‘bend’ 3.9 were made] interl 3.10 would] above del ‘would’ 5.1 am] above del ‘am’ 5.2 turn] above del ‘turn’ 5.3 printed] above del ‘printed’

To G. R. Jesse   21 April 1881 1.1 In] after del ‘I am obliged’ 1.1 of the 19th] interl 1.3 at least … satisfaction] interl 1.3 I have, … time. 1.6] above del ‘I have, however, so far dep’ 1.7 if] above del ‘if [del] from the’ 1.7 the study] after del ‘cessation of ’ 1.7 was stopped] interl 1.7 I think … bound to 1.8] above del ‘unwillingly answered’ 1.8 to publish] ‘to’ interl 1.8 I did] ‘I’ after del ‘I expected to be attacked’ 1.9 answered] above del ‘attacked’ 1.9 possibly to be] above del ‘possibly’ 1.9 abused.] point altered from comma; before del ‘as [illeg]’

716

Manuscript alterations and comments

1.10 Owing] after del ‘The first draft of a bill’ 1.11 (but] interl above del ‘&’ 1.11 was] after del ‘subsequent enquiries [above del ‘on further investigation’]’ 1.11 on … enquiries)] interl 1.11 a bill] interl 1.11 a bill drawn up 1.12] circled and transposed to follow ‘friends’; transposition cancelled 1.12 (, with] after del ‘by a lawyer [above del ‘by a lawyer’]’ 1.12 ; but] after del ‘the draft of a bill’ 1.12 this bill] ‘bill’ added 1.13 subsequently] interl 1.13 Playfair.] point added 1.13 We] after del ‘& others & which’ 1.13 of us] interl 1.14 were it not for 1.15] interl above del ‘if ’ 1.15 execrating] after del ‘having’ 1.15 many … anaesthetic 1.16] interl 1.17 annually] interl 1.17 for mere sport] interl after del ‘annually’ 1.18 every] after del ‘for’ 1.18 which] after del ‘of ’ 1.18 in my youth] interl 1.18 witnessed.] after del ‘have been a’ To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   21 April [1881] 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added

To G. R. Jesse   23 April 1881 1.6 sent privately] above del ‘written’ 1.6 have] after del ‘one of whom had note from you’ 1.6 more] above del ‘the most’ 1.7 should] interl 1.7 was] interl 1.8 own] interl 2.1 faithfully] after del ‘very’ 2.1 Darwin] before del blue crayon ‘Some years ago my wife & myself [‘but without’ del] spent much labour & time on trying [through short] paper about traps but as far [interl] we could judge without doing the least good’

To G. J. Romanes   25 April 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.10 that] added in margin

To Eduard Koch   30 April 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added

To C. E. Norton   30 April 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.6 I … one,] interl 2.3 be … of] above del ‘despise’ Enclosure: 1.1 Dr Franklin … XVI” 8.11] in the hand of an amanuensis 1.1 (written … 1803).] added in CD’s hand; square brackets in ms

To W. E. Gladstone   2 May 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added

To W. E. Darwin   4 May [1881] 1.2 but … hurry] interl

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   7 May [1881] 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.2 (&] opening parenthesis over comma 1.5 addressed] interl

To Francis Galton   8 May [1881] 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.4 when … leisure] interl

To Alpheus Hyatt   8 May 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added

To E. W. Bok   10 May 1881 0.1 (Railway… S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.5 as … experience 1.6] interl

To T. D. Spain   23 April 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added

To Daniel McAlpine   10 May 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added

To J. C. Lyell   25 April 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   10 May [1881] 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added

Manuscript alterations and comments To Werner von Voigts-Rhetz   14 May 1881 1.1 am] above del ‘had’ 1.1 vivisection] above del ‘the subject of experiments on living animals.’ 1.2 compels] after del ‘lea’ 1.2 it] above del ‘you briefly’ 1.3 deliberated on] above del ‘& anxiously reflected on’ 1.5 though too briefly,] interl 1.5 do] above del ‘did’ 1.6 granted not] interl above del ‘formed’ 1.7 sufficient] above del ‘good’ 1.7 & … unfounded] interl 1.9 referred to] above del ‘had witnessed cruelties in’ 1.10 not] interl 1.10 any] above del ‘no’ 1.10 Dr … Englishness 1.12] interl 1.11 suspect] below del ‘believe’ 1.11 spoke] after del ‘was [saddened with regret] &’ 1.12 Englishness] below del ‘English admiration’ 1.12 point] after del ‘cr’ 1.13 to the Times is] ‘to the Times’ above ‘is’; ‘is’ above del ‘was’ 1.13 useless suffering 1.14] above del ‘cruelty’ 1.14 & probably is still] interl; ‘probably’ below del ‘perhaps’ 1.14 positively know 1.15] above del ‘*ascertained that [above del ‘have known’]’ 1.15 atrociously] after del ‘cases of ’ 1.15 accusations] after del ‘& atrocious’ 1.15 have] after interl and del ‘of cruelty’ 1.17 as authority] interl before ‘Zollner’ and transposed 1.17 I am] after del ‘I have never heard that he has attended to physiology &’ 1.17 trust] above del ‘think’ 1.18 Cuvier … Physiology] interl; ‘never attended to’ above del ‘was not’; ‘Physiology’ altered from ‘Physiologist’ 1.18 though … physicists 1.19] interl 1.19 about … biology;] above del ‘of Biology’ 1.20 that] after del ‘that his [above del ‘the’] opinion *on vivisection [interl] which he expressed had been’ 1.20 anti] above del ‘against’ 1.20 vivisectionist] ‘ist’ added 1.20 to whom … subject 1.21] interl 2.1 cannot modify my] above del ‘must repeat beg leave to repeat my’ 4.1 Baden] above del ‘Grand Duché | de Baden’

To Francis Darwin   16 and 17 May 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added

4.3 is strong] ‘is’ after del ‘he’ 4.5 have] interl 4.8 hints] above del ‘hints’ 4.9 consider … not 4.10] interl 7.2 Nanna] ‘N’ over ‘M’ 8.1 Mrs] interl 13.2 in Sweden.] interl 14.2 clearly] interl 14.4 already] interl above del ‘&’

To J. V. Carus   18 May 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.5 together] added 1.7 that] interl 2.2 in answer.] interl 2.4 guess] above del ‘gues’

To Ernst Krause   18 May 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.7 you] interl after del ‘I’ 1.15 the Denudation] ‘the’ interl 1.16 or … any] interl 1.20 to do] over ‘it the’

To Francis Darwin   20 May 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.4 cannons] above del ‘cannot’ 1.4 God] ‘G’ over ‘g’ 2.4 me] above del ‘me’ 3.1 come … to you, 3.2] interl

To W. E. Darwin   20 May [1881] 1.1 £3000,] comma after del ‘which’ 1.2 Railways] above del ‘Ry. C’ 3.2 about … investment] interl 3.2 in] after del illeg

To Francis Darwin   22–3 May 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 2.1 still] interl 2.2 E.] interl 2.6 three] interl above del ‘3’ 4.1 by the time] interl

To Francis Darwin   27 May 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added

717

718

Manuscript alterations and comments

To G. J. Romanes   27 May 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.2 is] above del ‘was’ To Francis Darwin   [after 27 May 1881] 2.6 whole] after del illeg To Yves Delage   29 May 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added To Francis Darwin   30 May [1881] 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.2 but] above del ‘&’ 2.2 (& … passage) 2.3] interl 2.3 crystalline] above del ‘crystalline’ 2.4 & … protoplasm.] interl 3.1 name] above del ‘name’ 3.3 poisonous.] above del ‘injurious.—’ 3.3 (If … some)] interl 7.1 I] interl To C. E. Norton   1 June 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.3 to me] ‘to’ added in margin 1.3 by] above del ‘of ’ 2.4 (when] after del ‘that’ 2.6 like] above del ‘this’ 3.2 wish] above del ‘wish’ To James Dawson   [3 June 1881] 1.1 greatly] above del ‘most’ 1.2 ‘Aust] after del ‘on the’ To James Paget   3 June 1881 0.1 Penrith] above del ‘Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.’

To Francis Darwin   4 [June 1881] 1.6 on] after del ‘of ’ 2.2 a klinostat] after del ‘the’ 3.2 to pay] ‘to’ over ‘&’ 3.3 causing] above del ‘causing’ 3.4 of the radicle] interl 3.6 Why] after del ‘W’ 3.8 really] after del ‘reall’ 6.3 Mr.] above del ‘Mr.’ 6.3 all the way] interl

To Francis Darwin   [c. 6 June 1881] 1.2 in Ch VII] interl 1.3 soon] interl 1.5 this] after del comma To G. H. Darwin   8 June [1881] 0.1 Penrith] above del ‘Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.’ 2.2 much] interl 2.4 rather] interl 3.1 nominally] interl 4.2 Christian] interl To J. H. Gilbert   8 June 1881 0.1 Glenrhydding … Penrith] above del ‘Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.’ To J. D. Hooker   15 June 1881 0.1 Penrith.] above del ‘Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.’ 1.2 I am] ‘I’ interl 1.3 already] interl 1.12 or strength] interl 2.4 all] interl

To Francis Darwin   [16 June 1881] 1.2 in the ground, 1.3] interl

To R. M. Lloyd   17 June 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added

To ?   17 June 1881 0.1 Penrith] above del ‘Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.’

To J. D. Hooker   20 June [1881] 0.1 Penrith] above del ‘Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.’ 2.4 Tear … receipt.— 2.5] added

To Fritz Müller   21 June 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.2 as it] ‘it’ after del ‘I’ 1.6 note] interl 1.8 sent me] ‘me’ interl

Manuscript alterations and comments 2.5 contrary it] ‘it’ after del ‘I’ 2.6 lasting] interl To J. B. Hannay   22 June 1881 1.1 which] interl in CD’s hand 2.1 some] added in CD’s hand 2.10 &c] 2d ‘&c’ interl in CD’s hand

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2.3 movements of 2.4] interl 2.7 organism] altered from ‘organisms’ 2.7 great] above del ‘grt’ 2.8 sugar] after del ‘ma’ 5.3 had] ‘d’ over ‘ve’ 5.3 place] after del ‘use’ 7.2 & evolution] interl

To T. H. Huxley   22 June 1881 0.1 Penrith] above del ‘Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.’ 1.2 a scientific] ‘a’ interl

To J. V. Carus   29 June 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.5 for the … book, 1.6] interl 3.1 no] interl

To G. J. Romanes   24 June [1881] 1.5 by … intelligence] interl 3.1 at] after del ‘at’ 3.3 discharged] after interl & del ‘incidentally’ 3.6 to try] after del caret 3.8 or near it] interl

To Francisco de Arruda Furtado   3 and 6 July 1881 0.1 Kent.] before del ‘(Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.)’ 5.1 in] above del ‘of ’ 5.4 was formerly] above del ‘had been’ 6.3 alimentary] after del ‘ali’ 8.1 in … currents] interl 9.3 wide] interl

To R. A. Blair   25 June 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added To Ernst Haeckel   25 June 1881 0.1 Penrith] above del ‘Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.’ 1.5 about] above del ‘in’ To Francis Darwin   26 June [1881] 1.2 said that] ‘that’ over ‘you’ 1.3 with it,] interl To G. J. Romanes   27 June [1881] 0.1 Glenrhydding … Penrith.—] above del ‘Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.’ 3.1 We have] ‘have’ after del ‘were’ 6.1 My dear Romanes] inserted 7.1 a very] ‘a’ above del ‘of ’ To Francis Darwin   28 June [1881] 0.1 Glenryhydding House.] above del ‘Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.’ 1.2 on which they] interl 1.2 were flagellate] after del ‘on’ 2.1 We leave … special] double scored both margins

To Fritz Müller   4 July 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.) 0.2] parentheses added 1.7 (I … Africa) 1.8] interl 2.2 the structure] interl above del ‘it’ 4.1 flowers of the] interl 4.4 Melastomaceous] interl 5.1 of Oxalis sepium 5.2] interl 5.3 during] above del ‘in’ 5.3 when] interl 5.4 they] after del ‘do’

To G. J. Romanes   4 July [1881] 1.3 about] after del ‘that’

To F. M. Balfour   6 July 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 2.3 (or Libraries)] interl 2.5 in] after del illeg

To A. B. Buckley   6 July [1881] 0.1 Mr.] altered from ‘Mrs.’

To Francis Darwin   [c. 8 July 1881?] 1.1 The … C.D 2.1] pencil

720

Manuscript alterations and comments

To Francis Darwin   8 July 1881 1.1 have had] ‘had’ interl 1.2 only a few] interl 1.4 at] interl 2.1 & to you] interl 3.9 greatly] above del ‘great’ 3.11 & Desmodium &c] interl

4.1 mention] above del ‘mention’ To G. H. Darwin   23 July 1881 0.2 July … 1881] in left margin 1.1 just published] interl 1.3 yet that] ‘that’ interl 1.3 thoroughily] interl before del ‘throughily’ 3.1 of me] interl

To Francis Darwin   [9 July 1881] 1.8 with … cases] interl To W. C. Holbrook   27 July 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added To W. W. Gull   12 July 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.] parentheses added To A. R. Wallace   12 July 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.1 of you.] interl 1.2 order] above del illeg 1.4 effect on] above del ‘state’ 3.2 even] added 3.4 of life] interl 4.2 (not)] interl To Axel Blytt   13 July 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added To C. G. Semper   19 July 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added blue ink 0.2 July … I 4.2] blue ink 1.4 any criticism] after del black ink ‘according to’ 1.6 that] interl 2.5 on] black ink 2.6 certain] interl 2.7 several] underl black ink 2.8 moreover] black ink above del black ink ‘moreover’ 2.10 weight] interl black ink 2.11 of exposure 2.12] interl 4.1 the] over ‘an’ 4.2 said … Darwin 6.1] black ink To Joseph Sinel   19 July 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.3 effect] above del ‘result’ 1.3 of the skin,] interl 1.4 moles] above del ‘they’ To Emily Talbot   19 July 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added

To Japetus Steenstrup   28 July 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.7 your] after del ‘th’

To R. F. Cooke   29 July 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added

To J. V. Carus   30 July 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added

To Ernst Krause   30 July 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.3 begs] below interl & del ‘to’ 1.3 to defer] after del caret 1.4 (though … ready)] parentheses over commas 1.6 clean] interl 2.3 mind] above del ‘it’ 2.4 natural] interl

To E. L. Jellinek   [after 30 July 1881] 1.1 relates to a subject] above del ‘is’ 1.1 & doubtful] interl 1.2 note.] before del ‘Everyone mus’

To R. F. Cooke   31 July 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added

To John Lubbock   2 August 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 2.1 thoughts &] interl 3.4 for … Address] interl 3.4 think that] ‘that’ interl 3.5 recent] after del ‘the’

Manuscript alterations and comments To T. L. Brunton   [4 August 1881] 0.1 Anne St.] above del ‘Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.’ To W. E. Darwin   4 August [1881] 1.1 the money 1.2] ‘the’ over illeg 2.1 crowd] above del ‘crowd’ 2.3 opposite to] ‘to’ interl 3.1 he looks] ‘he’ after del ‘who’ 3.3 introduce me] ‘me’ after del ‘to’ 3.4 bowed] after del ‘he then’ 3.4 a foreigner] ‘a’ interl To William Martindale   4 August 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 2.3 at once, 2.4] interl To Leopold Würtenberger   5 August 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added

To William Clowes & Sons   6 August [1881] 0.1 Dear] after del ‘In’ 1.3 as before 1.4] interl 4.1 think] after del ‘do not’ To J. D. Hooker   6 August 1881 1.3 much] interl 1.5 Your] after del ‘(1)’ 2.1 now] above del ‘know’ 2.2 on] over ‘in’ 2.2 Plants] after del ‘the’ 4.1 3] above del ‘4’ 5.1 I believe] interl 5.3 Dana’s, views] ‘’s’ added; ‘views’ interl 5.3 the doctrine] ‘the’ interl 5.4 cared] above del ‘cared’ 5.5 that of my] above del ‘date of ’ 5.11 approximate] interl 6.2 groaning] above del ‘groaning’ 6.2 Lignite] ‘L’ over ‘l’ 7.2 the Tertiary] ‘the’ interl 7.4 hardly] above del ‘non-’ 8.1 without any order] interl 8.3 yet] interl 10.3 very] interl 10.3 of … States] interl 11.2 important.)] square bracket in ms 12.1 (Nothing] after del ‘Few view’; square bracket in ms

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12.1 extraordinary] after del ‘w’ 12.3 somewhere] interl 12.5 a few … ago] interl 12.9 the higher] interl 12.9 , by] after del ‘like our present ones’ 13.2 the peat-beds] ‘the’ interl 13.4 astronomical] interl 14.1 (I … you.) 14.2] interl; square brackets in ms 15.3 the careers of our] above del ‘ones’ 18.1 Do … me.—] added on verso blue crayon

To G. J. Romanes   7 August [1881] 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.1 & … you] interl 1.2 book in] ‘in’ after del comma To August Dupré   8 August 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added To Raphael Meldola   8 August 1881 1.1 the translation of 1.2] interl 1.4 write to] ‘to’ interl

To E. B. Aveling   11 August [1881] 1.1 courteous] after del ‘very’ 1.1 for the] interl; ‘the’ after del ‘your’ 1.1 work] after del ‘book’ 1.3 dislike persons] above del ‘object to anyone’ 1.4 from me] interl 1.4 or] after del ‘in their [added] judgment from me’ 1.4 extending] after del caret 1.4 their] after del illeg, above del illeg 1.5 safe] above del ‘fair or advisable’ 1.5 see] after del ‘it’ 1.5 compliment] above del ‘honour’ 1.5 to] over ‘in’ 1.5 much] interl 1.6 as I] after del ‘I’

To J. D. Hooker   12 August 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.2 first] interl 3.1 belonging … forms] interl 4.3 I think … cases. 4.4] added in margin

To Williams & Norgate   16 August [1881] 0.1 (Down … S.E.R.)] parentheses added

722

Manuscript alterations and comments

To ?   20 August 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added

To J. D. Hooker   21 August 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.4 before the Origin;] interl 1.6 Introduction in] ‘in’ after del ‘to’ 1.9 closely allied] interl 1.9 have been] above del ‘are’ 2.1 papers] after del ‘b’ 2.2 by] over ‘—’ 4.2 meaning of the] interl 4.2 between] above del ‘of ’ 4.2 & as] ‘as’ interl 4.3 did] interl 6.1 I … passage] added in margin of third page

To G. H. Darwin   24 August [1881] 1.1 (which … stolen)] parentheses added pencil

To G. H. Darwin   [28 August 1881] 2.1 of men] interl

To T. H. Farrer   28 August 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 2.1 just] interl 2.2 in which] above del ‘where’ 3.2 having … designed] interl 3.3 in … species.] interl 3.4 This] above del ‘which’ 3.4 chance,] interl 4.3 so-called] interl 5.2 see] above del ‘see’ 5.6 dreadfully] after del ‘dred’

To G. H. Darwin   30 August [1881] 1.2 agents] after del ‘for’

To A. A. W. Hubrecht   31 August 1881 2.2 I were] ‘I’ interl

To Francisco de Arruda Furtado    2  September  1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.1 a lover] ‘a’ interl 2.3 hereafter] interl

To G. J. Romanes   2 September 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 3.4 still] interl 3.5 in] above del ‘with’ 4.5 Address] ‘A’ over ‘a’ 4.6 thing] altered from ‘think’ 11.1 none of] interl To J. D. Hooker   3 and 4 September [1881] 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.1 reading] interl 2.1 I] over ‘&’ 4.4 a Tertiary] ‘a’ interl 4.4 & … Andes.] interl 4.5 floras] interl 6.3 such] after del ‘th’ To John Lubbock   3 September [1881?] 2.2 in … &c”] interl 2.4 to] above del ‘in’ To ?   5 September 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.2 so] interl To G. H. Darwin   8 September [1881] 2.8 now] interl 2.10 & said 2.11] interl 2.17 , that … so.] interl

To T. H. Huxley   9 September 1881 0.1 Worthing] above del ‘Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.’ 1.3 for you] interl 1.6 as yet] interl 1.12 short] interl 1.12 implied] above del ‘said’ 1.16 (I … large) 1.17] interl 3.1 note] interl

To Fritz Müller   10 September 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.3 your letter] interl above del ‘it’ 1.5 from … one] interl above del ‘a’ 1.7 experimentise] after del ‘try’ 3.2 & … leaves] interl 3.6 great] interl 4.2 for] interl

Manuscript alterations and comments To W. M. Hacon   11 September 1881 1.1 accession] after del ‘considerable’ 1.1 from my late] above del ‘left me by’ 1.2 present] interl 1.3 codicils;] semicolon over ‘—’ 1.3 & … letter] interl 1.4 either the] above del ‘the any’ 1.4 or duplicate copies] interl after del caret and ‘copies’; before interl & del ‘of them’, before del ‘where I possess them’ 1.5 my … signed.] interl above del ‘making & signing my new will.’ 1.5 with] after del ‘[‘exc’ del] but I suppose it is of no use’ 1.6 namely that] above del ‘that I wish’ 1.6 be] after del ‘to’ 1.6 divided … children] before del ‘&’; above del ‘given’ 1.7 For instance] above del ‘So that at the’ 1.7 if my] ‘my’ interl 1.8 only] interl 1.8 12,000£] ‘£’ above ‘12,000’ 1.9 7000£] ‘£’ above ‘7000’ 1.9 As all] after del ‘I su’ 1.9 above] after del illeg 1.10 is] above del ‘are’ 1.10 stock] after del ‘5000£’; ‘£’ above ‘5000’ 1.11 5000£] ‘£’ above ‘5000’ 1.11 has been] above del ‘was’ 1.11 the wife of] interl 1.11 additional 5000£ 1.12] ‘£’ above ‘5000’ 1.12 on her] interl 1.12 property] after del ‘st’ 1.12 was] interl 1.12 into … hands. 1.13] interl 1.12 her] interl 2.1 Had … deposit] large opening square bracket 2.1 my new] above del ‘the’ 2.1 the different] above del ‘one copy [‘at’ del] in some [‘oth’ del] safe’ 2.2 places,] ‘s’ added; comma below del ‘?’ 2.2 or … caution?] added 3.1 1000£] ‘£’ above ‘1000’ 3.1 Duty] after del ‘Legacy’ 3.2 affection … them 3.3] after del ‘friendship *with them [interl] & admiration [below del ‘respect’ and ‘admiration of ’] *for them [below del ‘of the service to Sciences’]’ 4.1 be] after del ‘always’ 4.1 new] interl 4.1 by Post] after del ‘when’ 4.1 as soon as you,] interl

723

4.2 I will] ‘will’ above del illeg 4.2 who] after del ‘as a witness’ 4.3 might … witnesses] above del ‘will I [hope]’ To Francisco de Arruda Furtado   12 September  1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.1 very] above del ‘very’ 2.2 have been] above del ‘are’ 2.3 (he … island)] square brackets in ms 2.5 & this … interesting] interl 2.7 earth from] ‘from’ above del ‘of ’ 2.7 or] after del comma 2.7 the side] ‘the’ interl 2.8 by] after del ‘by’ To W. E. Darwin   13 September [1881] 1.10 short] interl To J. B. Innes   15 September 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.3 been as] ‘as’ over illeg 1.4 made] after del ‘making’ 1.5 wriggled] after del ‘got’ 1.8 of nests] interl To the Darwin children   16 September 1881 0.3 (Circular … children.)] square brackets in ms 1.4 for Boys] ‘for’ over ‘to’ 1.5 Boys] above ‘12’ 1.5 girls] above ‘8’ 1.5 this] altered from ‘the’ 1.9 & Land] after del black ink ‘all Trust money’ 1.9 £282,000] ‘£’ above ‘282,000’ 1.9 excluding £35,000 trust] interl black ink 1.11 £53,000] ‘£’ above ‘53,000’ 1.11 £34,000] ‘£’ above ‘34,000’ 2.3 £76,250] ‘£’ above ‘76,250’ 3.1 as before, but] interl 3.1 scale] after del ‘same’ To J. D. Hooker   18 September [1881] 1.1 all] after del ‘the’ 1.2 them] interl To John Lubbock   [18 September 1881] 1.2 the] interl 1.5 or most important] interl

724

Manuscript alterations and comments

1.6 azoic] interl 1.14 on] above del ‘up’ 3.1 was] after del ‘di’ To J. B. Innes   22 September [1881] 1.3 any other] above del ‘another’ 1.4 curved] above del ‘curved’ 1.5 were] after del ‘had’ 1.6 up] interl 1.8 surrounding] interl To Herbert Spencer   [after 22 September 1881] 1.2 such] after del ‘any body, the meetings of which I could never attend [above del ‘join’]’ 1.3 never attend] ‘never’ above del ‘not’ 1.3 its meetings] after del ‘any’ 1.3 & … members.] added 2.1 I do] ‘I’over ‘Nor’ 2.1 not] below del ‘I’ 2.1 knowledge] after del ‘political’ 2.1 good] interl 2.1 judgment] before del ‘of ’ 2.1 any] above del ‘any’ 2.1 on any political 2.2] below del ‘on some of the’, above del ‘on any politi’ To H. N. Moseley   25 September 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.1 from] interl 1.3 other] interl To H. T. Stainton   28 September 1881 0.1 (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.)] parentheses added To A. G. More   [after 28 September 1881] 1.1 but] after del ‘& it gr’ 1.3 you] interl 1.4 fill] after added and del ‘well’ 1.4 well.] interl above del point 2.1 I cannot] after del ‘Pray excuse me’ 2.1 Yrs] after del ‘My dear Sir’ To B. J. Sulivan   30 September [1881] 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added To ?   5 October 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.2 I have] interl

To J. S. Billings   8 [October 1881] 0.1 (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.)] parentheses added 2.1 full] after del ‘most’ 3.1 &] interl 4.1 note] above del ‘not’ To Lawson Tait   12 October 1881 0.1 Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added To G. J. Romanes   14 October [1881] 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.4 work] after del ‘man’ 1.5 that] interl To Francis Darwin   17 October 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.7 part,] interl 1.10 tensions] ‘sions’ over ‘sions’ 2.5 of the book] interl 3.1 more] interl 4.2 which success] ‘success’ interl 4.2 placing] above del ‘plcng’ 5.4 all] after del ‘the’ 8.2 & her maids are] interl above del ‘is’ To L. C. Harrison   18 October [1881] 1.3 himself or herself] interl

To Francis Darwin   22 [October 1881] 1.2 Wiesner.] point over comma 1.3 on Heliotropism,] interl 3.1 of radicles;] interl 3.2 power of] interl 3.3 measure] above del ‘mesure’ 3.3 upper] after del ‘t’ 3.4 I … important.] added

To J. D. Hooker   22 October 1881 0.1 Cambridge] before del ‘Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.’ 1.3 a Papaw] ‘a’ after del caret 1.3 but failed] interl 1.4 Dionæa] interl 1.5 on chlorophyll] after del ‘which’ 1.5 the] ‘e’ over ‘ese’ 1.7 alternate] after del ‘generally’ 1.7 in] after del ‘, forming’

Manuscript alterations and comments 1.9 most] interl 2.1 (Now] square bracket in ms 2.4 & the drawings] interl 2.8 always … done 2.9] interl 4.3 almost] interl 4.3 retrying] after del ‘going over’ Enclosure: 1.1 (Young] square bracket in ms 2.1 (Sarracenia … ) 2.2] square brackets in ms 3.1 (Drosophyllum … )] square brackets in ms 4.1 (Any] square bracket in ms 4.2 I possess] after del ‘wd d’

To Fritz Müller   22 October 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 3.2 but] interl

To J. B. Dancer   25 October [1881] 0.1 Mr.] altered from ‘Mrs.’ 1.1 find] above del ‘see’

To S. H. Vines   1 November 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.3 solid] interl 1.3 in the cells of plants 1.4] interl 1.6 dug] after del ‘pull’ 1.9 green] interl 1.10 rounded] interl 1.11 Pure] interl 3.2 yet] added in margin 4.4 matter is] ‘is’ after del ‘lies’ 4.4 immediately] interl 4.4 thin] interl 4.4 a few] interl 7.1 slices] after del ‘slices’ 7.2 after] after del ‘into’ To J. V. Carus   2 November 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added To L. J. Jones   2 November 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added

To Francis Darwin   28 [October 1881] 3.1 retry] above del ‘retry’ 3.4 leaves] above del ‘leaves’ 3.6 the contents of] interl 3.7 nature] above del ‘contents’ 4.3 very good] interl 4.4 & drown 4.5] interl 4.8 well] interl

To W. B. Tegetmeier   3 November 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.5 or] over ‘&’

To B. J. Sulivan   28 October [1881] 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added

To J. D. Hooker   4 November [1881] 1.2 so] interl

To J. D. Hooker   30 October 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 2.4 wedge-like] interl 2.5 some of] interl 2.5 & cut … leaves.] added; ‘&’ over ‘—’ 2.8 named … hothouse] interl 2.10 rootlet on] ‘on’ after del ‘shd’

To Francisco de Arruda Furtado   31 October 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 2.3 residue.] point over comma 2.4 bearing … case] interl 3.1 again] interl 3.1 the fact] ‘the’ altered from ‘they’

To F. B. Zincke   3 November 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.2 18] after del ‘3’ 2.1 arctic] above del ‘artic’

To S. H. Vines   4 November 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 2.1 I use … no 8] added in box 3.2 from Schmalhausen] added 3.2 (I … sooner) 3.3] interl 3.4 in … position] interl 3.6 exactly … cells] interl 3.7 granular] after del interl ‘brow’ 3.7 brownish] interl 3.8 the great] interl 3.12 certain cells 3.13] after del ‘the’ 3.13 in … cells 3.14] interl To L. J. Jones   6 November 1881 0.1 (Railway …S.E.R.)] parentheses added

725

726

Manuscript alterations and comments

1.5 as … weeks] interl 3.2 for acre] ‘for’ interl

To John Lubbock   12 November [1881] 1.1 that] interl

To John Lubbock   6 November 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.3 I] interl 1.4 to belong] ‘to’ over ‘m’ 1.4 shd. be] ‘be’ interl 2.2 great lakes] interl 2.6 Lyell. I] point over comma; ‘I’ over ‘&’

To G. J. Romanes   12 November 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added by CD 1.4 what] added in margin 1.4 found] after del ‘th’

To Camilla Pattrick   [after 6 November 1881] 1.2 just] interl 2.2 a stimulus 2.3] ‘a’ interl

To F. B. Zincke   7 November 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.4 upper] interl 1.7 besides the celts] interl 3.1 French] interl

To T. M. Reade   8 November 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.3 roots] above del ‘they’

To Francis Darwin   9 November [1881] 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.2 are,] interl above del ‘;’ 2.3 I … it.] interl 2.4 has arrived] interl 4.3 radicles] above del ‘roots’ 4.6 of E. peplus] interl 4.8 the alternate] ‘the’ interl 4.13 De Bary’s … I shall 4.14] added in margin, pencil, in another hand

To J. F. Galbraith   11 November 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.2 you] interl

To Archibald Geikie   11 November 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.2 strata.] after del ‘m’ 1.2 Scorpions] ‘S’ over ‘s’ 1.5 work.] after del ‘a’ 1.7 £100 or £200] ‘£’ above ‘100’; ‘£’ above ‘200’ 1.9 palæontological] interl

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   12 November [1881] 0.1 (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.2 your] interl 1.8 under De Bary] interl To Fritz Müller   13 November 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 2.2 read] above del ‘read’ 3.1 have for] ‘have’ above del ‘have’ 3.2 observing] above del ‘observing’ 4.6 all] above del ‘all’ To S. H. Vines   15 November 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.2 very] interl 1.2 little way] ‘way’ interl 1.2 by] ‘b’ over ‘I’ 1.4 of Euphorbia peplus 1.5] interl 1.7 usually alternate] interl 1.9 own that] above del ‘own’ 1.13 very much] ‘very’ interl 1.15 cells] interl below del interl ‘milk-tubes’ 1.15 with … matter 1.16] interl 1.16 mature] interl 1.16 only] interl To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   16 November 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added To G. H. Darwin   19 November [1881] 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added To K. M. Lyell   20 November 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.5 , probably tomorrow,] interl 1.6 a sin] ‘a’ interl To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   20 November [1881] 0.1 Mr.] altered from ‘Mrs.’

Manuscript alterations and comments To W. C. McIntosh   [after 21 November 1881] 1.1 & … success, 1.2] interl 1.2 stultify] after del ‘stultf ’ 1.3 assure] after del ‘can’ 1.3 pains] above del ‘vexes’ 1.3 may be] del and stet below del ‘can may hardly be’ 1.3 whether] above del ‘that’, above del ‘how far’ 1.4 any value] above del ‘valueless’; ‘less’ added to ‘value’ 1.4 unless … evolutionists,] after del ‘*any elector [above del ‘anyone’]’ 1.4 unless … evolutionists,] above del ‘who is not evolutionist; & I’ 1.4 which] after del ‘imagine that’ To W. P. Snow   22 November 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.4 the nature] ‘e’ of ‘the’ over ‘eir’ 1.5 of the Fuegians.] interl To S. H. Vines   22 November 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 0.3 Do … leisure.] circled red crayon 1.3 2, 3, 4 or 5] above del ‘the’ 1.9 rows of] interl 1.12 & that] ‘that’ interl 1.13 This is] ‘is’ interl 1.13 & function] added 1.14 of anything] ‘of ’ added 4.1 I … power.] in box next to signature To W. R. Browne   23 November 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.3 discussing] above del ‘deciding’ To P. P. C. Hoek   23 November 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added To A. R. Wallace   23 November 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.7 Please … Post.— 1.8] added 1.7 answer] after del ‘send’ To G. H. Darwin   25 November [1881] 0.1 Mr.] altered from ‘Mrs.’ To J. V. Carus   26 November 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.1 I] after del ‘Th’

727

To C.-F. Reinwald   27 November 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added

To S. H. Vines   27 November 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.1 merely] above del illeg 1.3 and I] ‘I’ interl 1.3 some of] interl 2.2 rather] interl 2.3 dark-coloured] interl 2.5 containing] above del ‘with’ 2.9 (I … Ammonia) 2.10] square brackets in original 2.11 (in … Pelagonium)] interl To E. F. Gladwin   28 November 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added

To D. F. Nevill   29 November 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added

To J. C. Clutterbuck   [after 29 November 1881] 1.1 mould] after del ‘specimen of ’ 1.2 specimen] after del ‘one.’

To Hugo de Vries   [December 1881?] 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added

To B. J. Sulivan   1 December 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added

To James Paget   3 December 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added, blue ink

To F. G. M. Powell   [after 3 December 1881] 1.1 very] above del ‘extremely’ 1.5 declare] above del ‘fight’ 1.5 which] after del ‘in’ 1.5 to be just] interl 1.6 you] interl 1.6 total] after del ‘[sadism] &’ 1.7 remain] after del ‘from the bottom of my heart. & I’

To Arthur Hall   6 December 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added

728

Manuscript alterations and comments

To J. V. Carus   8 December 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added

1.3 immediately … breakfast.] interl 1.6 I shd] after del ‘& you’ 1.6 much] interl

To G. J. Romanes   8 December 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.1 £ … d.] ‘£’, ‘s.’, ‘d.’ above figures 1.3 by the subscribers.] interl

To G. J. Romanes   [17 December 1881] 0.1 Bryanston St—] above del ‘Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.’

To Horace Darwin   9 December 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added To Patrick Geddes   9 December 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added To D. J. Wintle   9 December 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added To G. J. Romanes   10 December [1881] 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 0.3 (My … fit) 0.4] square brackets in ms; salutation underl red crayon 1.4 very] interl To James Geikie   [after 15 December 1881] 1.1 are] above del ‘wd be’ 1.2 great] after del ‘very’ 1.2 works] after del ‘great’ 1.3 relating] interl 1.3 later] after del ‘last’ 1.3 are] above del ‘are’ 1.4 after] after del ‘I am’ 1.4 be able to] above del ‘be’ 1.5 excite] after del ‘able to’ 1.5 all] above del ‘any’ 1.6 corner-stone in] above del ‘most important part’ 1.6 work] above del ‘art’ 2.1 Earnestly] ‘E’ over ‘e’; after del ‘Wishing’ & ‘I’ 2.1 wishing] above del ‘wish’ To A. P. Tilt   16 December 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.1 from you] interl 1.3 Congress] ‘C’ over ‘c’

To G. J. Romanes   17 [December 1881] 1.1 without] after del ‘too’ 1.3 immediately] after del closing parenthesis

To Francis Darwin   [18 December 1881] 1.2 this morning] interl 2.2 P.] over ‘c’ To Francis Galton   18 [December 1881] 0.1 4. Bryanston St.] above del ‘Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.’ 1.3 early] interl To Albert Günther   19 December 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.2 (in … interest)] parentheses over commas 1.4 2] over ‘[tw]’ To Fritz Müller   19 December 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 2.1 relation to] ‘to’ after del ‘of ’ 2.6 the lower] ‘the’ interl 2.6 quite] interl 2.8 have observed] ‘have’ interl 4.2 & … you] interl 4.4 all] interl 4.4 the same plant] after del ‘different’ 4.4 sometimes] below del ‘were apt to’ 5.1 of the Lupinus] interl To F. W. Surman   19 December [1881] 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added by CD 1.2 (4)] ‘4’ over illeg To the Darwin children   20 December 1881 1.1 £250] ‘£’ above ‘250’ 1.4 annual] above del interl ‘anual’ To Gustaf Retzius   21 December 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added

To Albert Günther   22 December [1881] 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added

Manuscript alterations and comments To F. W. Surman   22 December 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added

To Víctor López-Seoane   27 December 1881 5.2 Dear] added in CD’s hand

To John Price   27 December 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 2.2 her] added 2.2 at Patterdale] interl

To Walter Baily   28 December 1881 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added

729

BIOGRAPHICAL REGISTER This list includes all correspondents and all persons mentioned in the letters and notes that the editors have been able to identify. Dates of letters to and from correspondents are given in chronological order. Letters to correspondents are listed in roman type; letters from correspondents in italic type; third-party letters are listed with the name of the recipient or sender given in parentheses. Abbe, Ernst (1840–1905). German physicist, entrepreneur, and social reformer.  Professor extraordinarius of physics, Jena University, 1870–9; professor of physics, 1879–96; director of the observatory, 1877–91. From 1866, collaborated with Carl Zeiss, the owner of a precision-engineering workshop in Jena, in developing the theoretical foundations for substantial improvements in optical technology. Partner in the firm, 1876; sole director, 1888. Introduced health and retirement benefits for employees and established the Carl Zeiss Foundation in 1889. (DSB; NDB.) Acland, Henry Wentworth (1815–1900). Physician. Lee’s Reader in anatomy at Christ Church, Oxford, 1845–58. Regius professor of medicine, University of Oxford, 1857–94. Medical adviser to the prince of Wales, 1859. FRS 1847. Created baronet, 1890. (ODNB; Physicians.) Adams, John Couch (1819–92). Astronomer and mathematician. Co-discoverer, by mathematical calculation, of the planet Neptune. Fellow and tutor, St John’s College, Cambridge, 1843–52; Pembroke College from 1853. Lowndean Professor of astronomy and geometry, Cambridge University, 1859–92; director of the Cambridge Observatory, 1861–92. FRS 1849. (DSB; ODNB.) Adler, Hermann (1841–1921). German physician and naturalist. Studied medicine at Heidelberg and Kiel. Practised medicine at an asylum in Schleswig, 1869–70, 1873–1916; served in the Franco-Prussian War. Wrote on neurological topics. Worked on generation in gall wasps. (Allgemeine Zeitschrift für Psychiatrie 77 (1921–2): 214–15.) Agassiz, Alexander (1835–1910). Swiss-born zoologist, oceanographer, and mining engineer. Son of Louis Agassiz. Emigrated to the United States in 1849. Joined the US survey of Washington Territory boundaries in 1859. Superintendent, Calumet copper mine, Michigan, 1867; later president of the corporation. Curator of the Harvard Museum of Comparative Zoology, 1874. (DAB.) 16 April 1881, 5 May 1881, 19 May 1881, 1 [June] 1881 Agassiz, Jean Louis Rodolphe (Louis) (1807–73). Swiss-born zoologist and geologist. Professor of natural history, Neuchâtel, 1832–46. Emigrated to the United States in 1846. Professor of zoology and geology, Harvard University,

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1847–73. Established the Museum of Comparative Zoology at Harvard in 1859. Foreign member, Royal Society of London, 1838. (ANB; DAB; DSB; Record of the Royal Society of London.) Airy, George Biddell (1801–92). Astronomer. Plumian Professor of astronomy and director of the Cambridge Observatory, 1828–35. Astronomer royal, 1835– 81. Knighted, 1872. FRS 1836. (DSB; ODNB.) Albert Edward. See Edward VII. Alberts, Karl (fl. 1876–97). German publisher. Director of Ernst Günther, Leipzig. Published the periodical Kosmos and the German edition of Erasmus Darwin. (Correspondence vol. 27, letter from Ernst Krause, 1 September 1879; Deutsche Biographie, deutsche-biographie.de (accessed 24 August 2017).) Alexander, Samuel Maxwell (1834/5–86). Irish landowner. Of Roe Park, Limavady, Northern Ireland. (Belfast News-Letter, 14 June 1886, p. 1; letter from James Torbitt, 10 March 1881, enclosure.) Allen, Charles Grant Blairfindie (Grant) (1848–99). Canadian-born writer on science and evolution. BA, Oxford, 1871. Taught in schools in Brighton, Cheltenham, and Reading. Professor of mental and moral philosophy at a college in Spanish Town, Jamaica, 1873–6. Developed his own theory of evolution based largely on the works of Herbert Spencer. A regular contributor to magazines. Wrote popular novels, some under pseudonyms. (ODNB.) 17 February 1881, 19 February [1881], 10 December [1881] Allen, Henry George (1815–1908). Barrister and politician. Second son of John Hensleigh Allen, Emma Darwin’s maternal uncle. BA, Oxford, 1837. Called to the bar, Lincoln’s Inn, 1841; QC 1880. Liberal MP for Pembroke, 1880–5; for Pembroke and Haverfordwest, 1885–6. (Alum. Oxon.; Pembrokeshire Herald and General Advertiser, 27 November 1908, p. 2; South Wales Daily News, 20 March 1884, p. 4, and 5 December 1885, p. 2; Wedgwood and Wedgwood 1980.) Alley, Joseph John (1841–1912). Draughtsman and architect. Worked as a decorator, illustrator, and journalist. Designed a number of theatres in Manchester in the 1890s. (Architects of Greater Manchester 1800–1940, https:// manchestervictorianarchitects.org.uk/architects/joseph-john-alley (accessed 3 September 2020).) Allman, George James (1812–98). Botanist and zoologist. Professor of botany, Dublin University, 1844; regius professor of natural history, Edinburgh University, 1855–70. President of the Linnean Society of London, 1874–83. FRS 1854. (ODNB.) Andrews, Thomas (1813–85). Chemist. Professor of chemistry at Queen’s College, Belfast, 1849–79. FRS 1849. (ODNB.) Anon. 17 June 1881, 18 July 1881, 31 July [1881?], 20 August 1881, 21 August 1881, 21 August 1881, 5 September 1881, 5 October 1881, 23 November 1881 Anthony, John (1814–95). Physician. MB 1850. Member of the Royal College of Physicians, London, 1850; fellow, 1876. MD, Cambridge, 1860. A pupil of

Biographical register

733

Charles Bell. Senior physician at the Birmingham Dispensary, 1855; stipendiary consulting physician, 1884. Physician to the Birmingham and Midland Free Hospital for Sick Children. (Alum. Cantab.; Birmingham, England, Church of England baptisms, 1813–1919 (Ancestry.com, accessed 4 November 2020); Report of the Royal Commission on vivisection, p. 129.) D. Appleton & Co. New York publishing house. Founded by Daniel Appleton (1785–1849) in 1831. His son William Henry Appleton (1814–99) was taken into partnership in 1838. American publishers of works by CD and Herbert Spencer. (ANB.) 17 March 1881, 3 November 1881 Arouet, François Marie (François Marie Voltaire) (1694–1778). French writer and philosopher. (DSB; EB.) Arruda Furtado, Francisco de (1854–87). Portuguese naturalist. Born and educated on the Azores; worked as a clerk. Collaborated with the physician and teacher Carlos Maria Gomes Machado to establish natural history museums at Ponta Delgada and São Miguel. Adjunct to the zoological section of the Museum of Natural History, Lisbon, 1885–7; published a catalogue of its molluscs and shells. Specialised in malacology and anthropology. Died of tuberculosis. (Felismino et al. 2016.) 13 June 1881, 3 and 6 July [1881], 29 July 1881, 17 August 1881, 2 September 1881, 12 September 1881, 16 October 1881, 22 October 1881, 31 October 1881, 21 November 1881 Asher & Co. Booksellers in Berlin, London, and St Petersburg. Founded by Adolf Asher (1800–53). After Asher’s death, the business was continued by Albert Cohn (1827–1905). (Asher Rare Books, https://www.asherbooks.com/about.html (accessed 9 June 2020); Paisey 1997.) 28 November 1881, 29 November [1881] Ashley-Cooper, Anthony, 7th earl of Shaftesbury (1801–85). Philanthropist and politician. Tory MP, 1826–46. Opposed parliamentary reform in 1831, and campaigned for shorter hours of work, especially for children, resulting in the Factory Act of 1833. An ardent Evangelical and moralist. Promoted education and emigration. Succeeded to the earldom in 1851. Active in the House of Lords. (ODNB.) Audubon, John James (1785–1851). American ornithologist and illustrator. His published illustrations, such as those in The birds of America (1827–38), introduced him to the scientific community in Europe. (ANB; DSB.) Aveling, Edward Bibbens (1849–98). Socialist. BSc, University College, London, 1870. Assistant to the physiologist Michael Foster in Cambridge. Teacher of elementary physics and botany, North London Collegiate School for Girls, 1872–6. Lecturer in comparative anatomy, London Hospital, 1876–81. In 1879, made a public pronouncement that he had been an atheist for two or three years. Wrote, lectured, and taught for the National Secular Society; vice-president, 1880–4. Wrote several articles and pamphlets on Darwinism. Lived with Karl Marx’s

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daughter, Eleanor, from 1884; with her, founded the Socialist League. (ODNB.) 9 August 1881, 11 August [1881], 27 September [1881] Axon, William Edward Armytage (1846–1913). Journalist, antiquarian, bibliographer, and social reformer. Began work at the Manchester Free Library, 1861; sub-librarian, 1867. On the literary staff of the Manchester Guardian, 1874– 1905. A founder member of the Lancashire and Cheshire Antiquarian Society. An ardent vegetarian and a member of the Anti-Tobacco League. (ODNB.) Babington, Charles Cardale (1808–95). Botanist, entomologist, and archaeologist. Involved in natural history activities at Cambridge for more than forty years; an expert on plant taxonomy. A founding member of the Cambridge Entomological Society and the Cambridge Antiquarian Society. Editor of Annals and Magazine of Natural History from 1842. Chairman, Cambrian Archaeological Association, 1855–85. Professor of botany, Cambridge University, 1861–95. FRS 1851. (DSB; ODNB.) Bache, Benjamin Franklin (1769–98). American newspaper editor and publisher. Grandson of Benjamin Franklin, with whom he travelled to Paris as a boy in 1776. Educated in Paris and Geneva before returning to Philadelphia in 1785. BA, Pennsylvania, 1787. Founded the republican newspaper, the General Advertiser, in 1790; the name changed to the Aurora and General Advertiser in 1794. (ANB.) Bacon, Booth (1821–84). Railway company administrator. Secretary of the Penarth Harbour, Dock and Railway company from circa 1860. From 1862, CD invested heavily in the company. (Bradshaw’s railway guide 1859–85; CD’s Investment book (Down House MS); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1995 (Ancestry.com, accessed 6 October 2020); England & Wales, non-conformist and non-parochial registers, 1567–1970 (Ancestry.com, accessed 6 October 2020).) Badel, Pauline (b. 1851/2 d. 1894 or later). Swiss children’s nurse. Looked after Bernard Darwin from February 1881. Employed by Harriet Wolryche-Whitmore from December 1886. Returned to her brother in Neuchâtel, Switzerland; visited Emma Darwin in 1894. (Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/855/83/1); F. Darwin 1920b, pp. 43, 63; letter from Emma Darwin to W. E. Darwin, [13 December 1886] (DAR 219.1: 203); letter from Emma Darwin to G. H. Darwin, 4 September 1894 (DAR 210.3: 211).) Baer, Karl Ernst von (1792–1876). Estonian zoologist and embryologist. Professor of anatomy at Königsberg University, 1819; professor of zoology, 1826–34. Professor of zoology at the Academy of Sciences, St Petersburg, 1834–67. Demonstrated the existence of the mammalian egg, 1826. Propounded the influential view that embryological development proceeds from the general to the specific. Foreign member, Royal Society of London, 1854. (DSB; NDB; Record of the Royal Society of London.) Baily, Walter (1837–1917). Government official. BA, Cambridge, 1860. Entered Lincoln’s Inn; called to the bar, 1862. Government inspector of schools,

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1870–90. Vice-president of the Physical Society of London, 1890–5. Member of management committees of University College, London, 1893–1915. (Alum. Cantab.; The Times, 3 April 1917, p. 8.) 28 December 1881 Bain, Alexander (1818–1903). Scottish philosopher and psychologist. Graduated from Marischal College, Aberdeen, 1840; stayed as assistant and teacher in philosophy. Assistant secretary, metropolitan sanitary commission of the Board of Health, London, 1846. Lecturer at Bedford College, 1851, with other posts following. Professor of logic, University of Aberdeen, 1860. Founded the journal Mind in 1876; editor until 1892. Considered a founder of modern psychology. (ODNB.) Baird, Spencer Fullerton (1823–87). American zoologist and scientific administrator. Professor of natural history, Dickinson College, 1846. Assistant secretary and curator of the Smithsonian Institution, 1850; secretary, 1878–87. Science editor for Harper’s Weekly, 1871–9. (ANB.) 3 May 1881 Baker, John Gilbert (1834–1920). Botanist. Draper in Thirsk, Yorkshire, 1847– 64. Active in the Thirsk Natural History Society. Assistant in the herbarium at the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, 1866–90; keeper of the herbarium, 1890–9. Lectured on botany at the London Hospital Medical School, 1869–81, and at the Chelsea Physic Garden, 1882–96. Contributed to colonial floras. Authority on ferns. FRS 1878. (DSB; ODNB.) Balfour, Francis Maitland (1851–82). Biologist. Brother of Arthur James Balfour. Specialised in comparative embryology. Studied natural sciences at the University of Cambridge, 1870–3; from 1874, fellow, Trinity College, Cambridge, where he directed a morphological laboratory. Appointed lecturer on animal morphology, University of Cambridge, 1876; professor, 1882. (Alum. Cantab.; ODNB.) 12 January 1881, 13 January [1881], 28 January 1881, 6 July 1881, 10 July 1881 Balfour, Isaac Bayley (1853–1922). Botanist. BSc, Edinburgh, 1873; MD 1883. Botanist and geologist on an expedition to Rodriguez Island to observe the transit of Venus, 1874. Regius professor of botany, Glasgow, 1879; Sherardian Professor of botany, Oxford, 1884. Founded Annals of Botany in 1887. Professor of botany, Edinburgh, 1888. FRS 1884. Knighted, 1920. (ODNB.) Ball, Robert Stawell (1840–1913). Astronomer and mathematician. Professor of applied mathematics and mechanism, Royal College of Science, Dublin, 1867–74; Andrews Professor of astronomy, University of Dublin, 1874–92. Professor of astronomy and director of the university observatory, Cambridge, 1892–1913. (ODNB.) Barnes, Katherine W. Savage (Kate) (1837–1903). American. Daughter of Joseph Savage, ice merchant, and his wife Lydia. Wife of Dr Charles Barnes (1838–94), dentist. Secretary of the Syracuse Botanical Society, 1881. (Letter from Kate Barnes, 18 April 1881; United States Federal Census 1860 (Syracuse Ward 4, Onondaga, New York 1057), 1880 (Syracuse, Onondaga, New York

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211/251A) (Ancestry.com, accessed 10 November 2020); U.S., Find a grave index, 1600s–current (Ancestry.com, accessed 10 November 2020).) 18 April 1881 Barnum, Phineas Taylor (1810–91). American entrepreneur, showman, and circus owner. Founded Barnum’s American Museum in New York, displaying animals and curiosities, in 1842. Made a lucrative tour of England with the dwarf Tom Thumb, 1844–7. Opened a circus in Brooklyn in 1871. (ANB.) Bartleet, Robert Smith (1831/2–1902). Manufacturer. Needle and fish-hook manufacturer. JP for Worcestershire. (Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/2920/50/30); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1861–1941 (Ancestry.com, accessed 27 July 2012).) 15 November 1881 Bary, Anton Heinrich (Anton) de (1831–88). German botanist and physician. Studied medicine in Heidelberg, Marburg, and Berlin, 1849–53. Professor extraordinarius of botany, Freiburg im Breisgau, 1855; professor, 1859. Professor of botany, Halle, 1868; Straßburg (Strasbourg), 1872. Discovered lichen symbiosis and the sexuality of fungi. (DBE; DSB.) Basket, Fuegia. See Yokcushlu. Batalin, Alexander Fedorovich (Александр Федорович Баталин) (1847–96). Russian botanist and plant physiologist. Lecturer in botany, Mining Institute, 1870–9. Conservator, St Petersburg Botanical Garden, 1870; director, 1892. Founded a station at the garden for testing seeds and for economic botany in 1877. Professor of botany at the Imperial Military Medical Academy, St Petersburg, 1884–93. Wrote mostly on experimental plant physiology. (Bol’shaya entsiklopediya; GSE.) Bates, Henry Walter (1825–92). Entomologist. Undertook a joint expedition to the Amazon with Alfred Russel Wallace, 1848–9; continued to explore the area, after Wallace returned to England, until 1859. Provided the first comprehensive scientific explanation of the phenomenon subsequently known as Batesian mimicry. Published an account of his travels, The naturalist on the River Amazons, in 1863. Assistant secretary, Royal Geographical Society of London, 1864–92. President, Entomological Society of London, 1868, 1869, and 1878. FRS 1881. (DSB; ODNB.) 3 January 1881, 7 January 1881 Baxter, William Walmisley (1829–1900). Chemist. Succeeded his father in business at 40 High Street, Bromley, Kent, with branches in Dartford and Greenwich, 1857; opened another branch in Beckenham; retired in 1897. Churchwarden, manager of the National Schools, trustee of the Philanthropic Society, and honorary secretary of Bromley Literary Institute. (BMD (Death index); England, select births and christenings, 1538–1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed 18 August 2014); Horsburgh 1980, pp. 406–7.) 9 February 1881

Biographical register

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Beach, Julia Backus (1832/3–1910). American. Eldest daughter of Ebenezer Backus Jones, merchant, of Penn Yan, New York. Married John Newton Beach (1829–90), of Atlanta, Georgia, in 1853. Living in England in Liverpool, 1871; London, 1881. (Census returns of England and Wales 1871 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG10/3803/142/5), 1881 (RG11/19/39/16); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858– 1995 (Ancestry.com, accessed 29 October 2020); First Presbyterian Church of Penn Yan, births, marriages and deaths from 1823 (yates.nygenweb.net/church/ PresbyJ.htm, accessed 29 October 2020); United States Federal Census 1850 (Milo, Yates, New York [1]/196b) (Ancestry.com, accessed 29 October 2020); U.S., Presbyterian church records, 1701–1970 (Ancestry.com, accessed 29 October 2020).) Beach, Nellie Knickerbacker (1865–1909). Eldest daughter of John Newton Beach and his wife, Julia Backus Beach; granddaughter of Ebenezer Backus Jones of Penn Yan, New York. Brought up in Liverpool and London. Married Colonel George Stewart Ommanney (1859–1918), Third Gurkha Rifles, at St Stephen’s, Paddington, in 1907. Died in India. (BMD (Birth index); Census returns of England and Wales 1871 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG10/3803/142/5), 1881 (RG11/19/39/16); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1995 (Ancestry.com, accessed 29 October 2020); India, select births and baptisms, 1786–1947 (Ancestry.com, accessed 29 October 2020); London, England, Church of England marriages and banns, 1754–1932 (Ancestry.com, accessed 29 October 2020); The Times, 1 April 1909, p. 1.) Bear, William Edwin (1840–1918). Farmer and agricultural journalist. Farmer at Thorpe, Essex, 1871. Editor of the Mark Lane Express, a journal advocating the rights of the tenant farmer, 1881; journalist and author, 1891; journalist, author and fruit grower at Hailsham, East Sussex, 1901, 1911. (BMD (Birth index); Census returns of England and Wales 1871 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG10/1678/14/20), 1881 (RG11/838/8/17), 1891 (RG12/456/116/51), 1901 (RG13/890/117/27), 1911 (RG14/4879/54); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1995 (Ancestry.com, accessed 15 June 2020).) Beethoven, Ludwig van (1770–1827). German composer and pianist. (ADB.) Behrens, Georg Wilhelm Julius (Wilhelm) (1854–1903). German botanist. Assistant to Julius Sachs in Würzburg; later became a private teacher in Göttingen. Author of influential textbooks on botany and microscopical technique. Editor of the Zeitschrift für wissenschaftliche Mikroskopie und mikroskopische Technik. (NDB.) Belt, Thomas (1832–78). Geologist, naturalist, and mining engineer. Member of Tyneside Naturalists’ Field Club. Joined the Australian gold rush in 1852, and studied geology. Returned to England in 1862 and established himself as a consultant mining engineer; worked in Nova Scotia, Wales, Nicaragua (1868– 72), Siberia and southern Russia, and the United States. Fellow of the Geological Society of London. (Lightman ed. 2004; ODNB.)

738

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Beman, Isabella (1834–1922). American. Second daughter of Ebenezer Backus Jones, merchant, of Penn Yan, New York. Married Henry DeWitt Beman (1830– 91), lawyer and farmer from Georgia, in 1855. (United States Federal Census 1850 (Milo, Yates, New York [1]/196b) (Ancestry.com, accessed 28 October 2020); U.S., Find a grave index, 1600s–current (Ancestry.com, accessed 29 October 2020); U.S., school yearbooks, 1900–1999 Yale, 1851 (Ancestry.com, accessed 29 October 2020); Yates County, New York, Swann vital records collection, 1723– 2009 (Familysearch.org, accessed 29 October 2020).) Bennett, James Risdon (1809–91). Physician. MD, Edinburgh, 1833. FRCP 1846. Assistant physician to St Thomas’s Hospital, 1843; physician, 1849. First physician to the newly founded City of London Hospital for Diseases of the Chest, 1848. One of the first physicians to introduce the use of the stethoscope in England. President, Royal College of Physicians, 1876–80. Knighted 1881. FRS 1875. (ODNB.) Bentham, George (1800–84). Botanist. Moved his botanical library and collections to the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, in 1854, and was provided with facilities there for his research from 1861. President of the Linnean Society of London, 1861–74. Published Genera plantarum (1862–83) with Joseph Dalton Hooker. FRS 1862. (DSB; ODNB.) Bentham, Jeremy (1748–1832). Philosopher, jurist, and reformer. An English Utilitarian, who along with works on jurisprudence and legal reform, wrote about logic and the theory of meaning. (ODNB.) Beveridge, Andrew (1796–1872). Scottish-born Australian sheep farmer. Father of Andrew and Peter Beveridge. (Scotland, select births and baptisms, 1564–1950 (Ancestry.com, accessed 13 May 2020); Victoria, Australia, wills and probate records, 1841–2009 (Ancestry.com, accessed 13 May 2020).) Beveridge, Andrew (1822–46). Scottish-born cattle and sheep grazier in Australia. Elder brother of Peter Beveridge. Speared to death by Aboriginal people in an argument over stolen sheep. (Aust. dict. biog, s.v. Beveridge, Peter; Scotland old parish registers births, 10 March 1822, Dunfermline Associate (Scotlandspeople. gov.uk, accessed 25 November 2020).) Beveridge, Peter (1829–85). Scottish-born Australian landowner and breeder of cattle and sheep. Author of various ethnological works on Aboriginal peoples. Brother of Andrew Beveridge. (Aust. dict. biog.) 3 October 1881 Beyrich, August Heinrich Ernst (Ernst) (1815–96). German geologist and palaeontologist. One of the founding members of the German geological society, 1848. Professor of geology, University of Berlin, 1865. First director of the Museum für Naturkunde, 1873. Prussian state geologist, 1873. (DBE; NDB; Sarjeant 1980–96.) Billings, John Shaw (1838–1913). American army surgeon and library organiser. BA, Miami College, Ohio, 1857; MD, Medical College of Ohio, 1860. Surgeon, hospital administrator, and medical statistician in the US Army in the Civil War

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and after. A leading expert on hospital design and administration. Officer in charge of the library of the surgeon general’s office; compiled the Index catalogue and the Index medicus of the library. First director of the New York Public Library, 1896. (ANB.) 7 October 1881, 8 [October 1881] Bird, Isabella Lucy (1831–1904). Traveller and writer. Attempted to cure her spinal complaint by living an open-air life. Travelled to North America in 1854 and 1857; New Zealand, Australia, and the Sandwich Islands (Hawaii) in 1872; China and Japan in 1876; India in 1889; Iran and Kurdistan in 1890; and Korea in 1894. Married John Bishop (d. 1886) in 1881. Published accounts of her travels. (ODNB.) Birkett, Thomas (1835–91). Clergyman. BA, Cambridge, 1858. Ordained priest, 1860. Curate of Yealand Conyers, Lancashire, 1858–68. (Alum. Cantab.; Crockford’s clerical directory 1881.) 22 November 1881 Bishop, Esther Mary (1828–1915). American. Daughter of Abraham Marcy of Burlington, Otsego, New York. Married to John Bishop (1822–1911), tailor, later farmer, of Burlington, by 1850. Mother of Irving Prescott Bishop. (D. Hamilton Hurd, ‘History of Otsego County, New York, 1740–1878’, theusgenweb.org/ ny/otsego/bios/miniburlington.htm (accessed 29 October 2020); New York, State Census, 1865 (Ancestry.com, accessed 28 October 2020); United States Federal Census 1850 (Burlington, Otsego, New York [1]/16b) (Ancestry.com, accessed 29 October 2020); U.S., Find a grave index, 1600s–current (Ancestry.com, accessed 28 October 2020).) Bishop, Irving Prescott (1849–1913). American school science teacher. Attended Cornell University, 1874–5. Principal, High School, Perry, New York, 1878–85; Chatham, New York, 1885–8. Instructor in geology and physics, Chautauqua, 1885–1904. (AMS; New York, death index, 1852–1956 (Ancestry.com, accessed 30 September 2019).) 24 April 1881 Bishop, Washington Irving Wellington (Washington Irving) (1856–89). American medium. Son of the medium Eleanor Fletcher Bishop. Worked exposing mediums before taking up thought reading as well. In the UK, 1878– 84. Toured Europe before returning to the US in 1886. (Wiley 2012.) Blair, Jessie Alice (1875–1969). American. Daughter of Reuben Almond Blair. (United States Federal Census 1880 (Sedalia, Pettis, Missouri 127/244C), 1940 (80–27/25A) (Ancestry.com, accessed 17 January 2017); U.S. Find a grave index, 1600s–current (Ancestry.com, accessed 17 January 2017).) Blair, Reuben Almond (1841–1902). American retail clothier and amateur naturalist. From Sedalia, Missouri. (Freeman 1978; United States Federal Census 1880 (Sedalia, Pettis, Missouri 127/244C) (Ancestry.com, accessed 19 August 2016); U.S., Find a grave index, 1600s–current (Ancestry.com, accessed 26 October 2017).) 9 June 1881, 25 June 1881

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Biographical register

Bloxam, Francis Richard Turner (1851–1939). Solicitor. Partner in the London firm Paterson, Snow and Bloxam. (BMD (Birth index); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1995 (Ancestry.com, accessed 9 September 2020); Law list.) Blyth, Edward (1810–73). Zoologist. Druggist in Tooting, London, circa 1832–7. Wrote and edited zoological works under the pseudonym Zoophilus. Curator of the museum of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Calcutta, India, 1841–62. Provided CD with information on the plants and animals of India in correspondence between 1855 and 1858 and later. Returned to Britain in 1863, and continued to write on zoology and on the origin of species. (Correspondence vols. 5–7; DSB; ODNB.) Blytt, Axel Gudbrand (Axel) (1843–93). Norwegian botanist. Son of Mathies Numsen Blytt. (Barnhart comp. 1965.) 13 July 1881 Boas, Johan Erik Vesti (1855–1935). Danish zoologist. Assistant in anatomy, Veterinary and Agricultural University, Copenhagen; professor, 1885; professor of zoology, 1903. (DBL.) Bogle, Blanche Eleanora Bourchier (1844/5–1932). Daughter of Bourchier Wrey Savile. Married John Du Terreau Bogle in 1869. (BMD (Birth index, Marriage index, Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1851 (The National Archives: Public Record Office HO107/1893/665/25).) Bogle, John Du Terreau (1845–1917). Army officer. In the Royal Engineers. (BMD (Death index); British Army lists, 1882–1962 (Ancestry.com, accessed 12 June 2020); Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/2169/48/36).) Bok, Edward William (1863–1930). Dutch-born American editor, philanthropist, and peace advocate. Emigrated to the US with his family in 1870. Worked as an office boy for Western Union from the age of 13, and as a reporter for the Brooklyn Eagle. Started the Bok Syndicate Press in 1886. From 1889 to 1919, editor of the Ladies’ Home Journal, which he used as a platform for progressive reform. Famous for his autograph collection, which he started at a young age. (ANB.) 10 May 1881 Bonney, Thomas George (1833–1923). Geologist. BA, Cambridge, 1856. Ordained priest, 1858. Fellow of St John’s College, Cambridge, 1859; tutor, 1868. College lecturer in geology, 1869–81. Yates-Goldsmid Professor of geology, University College, London, 1877–1901. FRS 1878. (ODNB.) Bonnier, Gaston (1853–1923). French botanist. Doctorate, 1879. Professor of botany, University of Paris (Sorbonne), 1887. In addition to works on French flora, systematics, biogeography, and plant physiology, he published several works on pedagogy in many areas of natural science. (DBF; DSB.) Bonwill, William Gibson Arlington (1833–99). American dentist, researcher, and inventor. Doctor in dental surgery, Pennsylvania College of Dental Surgery, 1866. Attended Jefferson Medical College. Invented several dental devices, as well

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as combine harvesters, kerosene lamps, boilers, lighters, and more. Developed a method for anaesthesia through rapid breathing of the patient. (Serrula 2006.) Bosanquet, Mary Henrietta (1832–1914). Daughter of John and Sarah Arkwright of Hope under Dinsmore, Herefordshire. Married Samuel Courthope Bosanquet in 1862. Died in France. (BMD (Marriage index).; England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1995 (Ancestry.com, accessed 29 June 2021); England, select births and christenings, 1538–1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed 29 June 2021).) Bosanquet, Samuel Courthope (1832–1925). Barrister. Educated at Christ Church college, Oxford, and Lincoln’s Inn; called to the bar, 1857. JP in Monmouthshire. Resided in Wotton, Surrey, 1881. (Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office, RG11/794/97/19); England and Wales national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations) 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 7 January 2014); Men-at-the-bar.) Bouillaud, Jean-Baptiste (1796–1881). French physician. MD, Paris, 1823. Professor of clinical medicine at the Charité hospital, Paris, 1831. His clinical work on brain diseases suggested the physical location in the brain of the speech centre. Elected to the French chamber of deputies, 1842. Member of the Académie des sciences, 1868. (DBF.) Bowman, William, 1st baronet (1816–92). Ophthalmic surgeon. Author of works on physiology. Assistant surgeon, King’s College Hospital, London, 1839– 56; surgeon, 1856–62. Elected joint professor of physiology and of general and morbid anatomy, King’s College, London, 1848. Assistant surgeon at the Royal London Ophthalmic Hospital, Moorfields, 1846–51; surgeon, 1851–76. Created baronet, 1884. FRS 1841. (DSB; ODNB.) Boycott, Thomas (1814–86). Surgeon. Practised in London at 46 Montague Square. FRCS England, 1860. MD, St Andrews, 1861. (Medical directory 1875; Roll of the Indian Medical Service.) Bradlaugh, Charles (1833–91). Freethinker, author, and politician. Editor of the National Reformer, 1860–4; 1866–90 (owner from 1862). Founder of the National Secular Society, 1866. Liberal MP for Northampton, 1880–91. (ODNB.) Brand, Henry Bouverie William, 1st Viscount Hampden, 23d Baron Dacre (1814–92). Politician. Liberal MP for Lewes, 1852–68; for Cambridgeshire, 1858–84. Speaker of the House of Commons, 1872–84. Following his retirement in 1884, devoted himself to agricultural experiments at Glynde, Sussex. (ODNB.) Bree, William Thomas (1786–1863). Clergyman and naturalist. BA, Oxford, 1808. Ordained deacon, 1810; priest, 1811. Rector of Allesley, Warwickshire, 1823. Author of articles on natural history and cited by CD in Variation. (Alum. Oxon.; Crockford’s clerical directory; England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 17 March 2015); Variation 2: 329; Warwickshire, England, baptisms, marriages, and burials, 1535–1812 (Ancestry.com, accessed 17 March 2015).) Breese, Charles James (1830/1–98). Business manager. Resided in London. Fellow of the Linnean Society of London, 1871. (BMD (Death index); Census

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returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/263/4/2); Proceedings of the Linnean Society 111 (1898–9): 46.) 7 November 1881 Breitenbach, Wilhelm (1819–90). German engineer and manufacturer. Father of Wilhelm Breitenbach (1856–1937). Born in Sieghütte, Siegen, son of Johannes Breitenbach and Anna Margarethe Boecking. Married firstly Bertha Sophia Horsch (1832–58), daughter of Conrad Horsch and Wilhelmine Schoeneberg, in Iserlohn in 1852; secondly, Caroline Wilhelmine Bernhardine Bremme (1832– 87), daughter of Wilhelm Bremme and Wilhelmine Stechmann, in Unna in 1860. Opened a machine factory and iron foundry in Unna in 1856. (Germany, select births and baptisms, 1558–1898 (Ancestry.com, accessed 4 June 2021); Germany, select marriages, 1558–1929 (Ancestry.com, accessed 11 September 2020); Nöthlich 2009, p. 22.) Breitenbach, Wilhelm (1856–1937). German naturalist, traveller, journalist, and publisher. Studied at the Realschule, Lippstadt, where Hermann Müller taught, 1872–7. Studied natural sciences at Jena, 1877–80; wrote his dissertation on the structure of the proboscis in butterflies. After graduation, travelled to Brazil, where he met Fritz Müller. In 1883, set up a press in Germany and began publishing a newspaper, the Odenkirchener Zeitung. Editor, Frankfurter Journals, 1885. A popular lecturer on natural history topics. Between 1904 and 1913, published a biography of Ernst Haeckel, a series of Darwinist lectures and essays, and, with Haeckel, a book on nature as an artist. Co-founder of the German Monist League; edited the monist journal, Neue Weltanschauung, from 1908. President of the Bielefeld Natural History Society, 1914. (Nöthlich 2009.) [before 20 June 1881], 20 [June] 1881, 9 September 1881 Brewer, Thomas Mayo (1814–80). American ornithologist, journalist, and publisher. Practised medicine briefly after graduating from Harvard Medical School in 1838. Editor of the Boston Atlas and Washington correspondent for the paper during the 1840s and 1850s. Became a partner in the publishing firm Swan & Tileston, 1857; later head of Brewer & Tileston, a position he held until his retirement in 1875. Worked on birds’ eggs and contributed to bird guides and lists. (ANB.) Bridges, Bertha Milman (1879–1968). Daughter of Thomas Bridges. Married Percival Alfred Reynolds in 1903. (British families in southern Patagonia, https:// patbrit.org/bil/supp/a0105.htm (accessed 29 August 2019).) Bridges, Mary Ann (1842–1922). Teacher. Of Harberton, Devon. Married Thomas Bridges in 1869 and settled in Ushuaia, Tierra del Fuego. (ODNB s.v. Bridges, Thomas c. 1842–98.) Bridges, Mary Ann Varder (1870–1922). Daughter of Thomas and Mary Ann Bridges. Born in the Falklands. Travelled to Britain in 1880 to attend boarding school in Bristol; returned to Tierra del Fuego in 1888. Married the missionary Wilfrid Barbrooke Grubb in 1901 after an eleven-year engagement. Lived in Scotland from 1909. (British families in southern Patagonia, https://patbrit.org/

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bil/supp/a0105.htm (accessed 28 August 2019); ODNB s.v. Bridges, Thomas, c. 1842–98, and Grubb, Wilfrid Barbrooke.) Bridges, Stephen Lucas (1874–1949). Rancher. Son of Thomas Bridges. Established Viamonte ranch, Argentina, 1902. Served in the British Army from around 1914. Rancher in Southern Rhodesia, 1920–2. Ranch manager at River Baker, Aysén, Chile, 1923. (British families in southern Patagonia, https:// patbrit.org/bil/supp/a0105.htm (accessed 29 August 2019).) Bridges, Thomas (b. c. 1842 d. 1898). Dictionary compiler, missionary, and sheep farmer. Missionary on Keppel Island, West Falklands, 1856–68; established a mission at Ushuaia in the Beagle Channel, 1867. Settled permanently in Ushuaia with his wife, Mary Ann Varder, and daughter in 1871. Abandoned missionary work in 1884 and became a sheep farmer near Ushuaia from 1887. Author of a Yahgan–English dictionary and Yahgan grammar. (Bridges 1948; ODNB.) Bridges, Thomas Despard (1872–1935). Rancher. Son of Thomas Bridges. Worked at Viamonte ranch, Argentina, 1907–13. Rancher at Devuli Ranch, Southern Rhodesia, 1923. (British families in southern Patagonia, https:// patbrit.org/bil/supp/a0105.htm (accessed 29 August 2019).) Bridges, William Samuel (1876–1951). Rancher. Son of Thomas Bridges. Worked on the family ranch in Harberton, Beagle Channel, from 1887; at Viamonte, Argentina 1901. Returned to Harberton around 1920. (British families in southern Patagonia, https://patbrit.org/bil/supp/a0105.htm (accessed 29 August 2019).) Bright, John (1811–89). Manufacturer, statesman, and orator. Joined his father’s cotton business in the late 1820s. A leader, with Richard Cobden, of the AntiCorn-Law League. MP for Durham, 1843; Manchester, 1847–56. Denounced the Crimean war, 1854. Elected MP for Birmingham, 1857. A supporter of parliamentary reform. President of the Board of Trade, 1868–70. Chancellor of the duchy of Lancaster, 1873–4, 1880–2; retired from the cabinet, 1882. (ODNB.) Bristowe, Henry Fox (1824–93). Barrister. Called to the bar, 1847; incorporated at Lincoln’s Inn, 1854. Nephew of William Darwin Fox. Married Selina Bridgeman in 1850. Knighted, 1887. (Alum. Cantab.; Darwin pedigree.) Brooks, William Keith (1848–1908). American zoologist. BA, Williams College, 1870; PhD, Harvard, 1875. When Johns Hopkins University was founded in 1876, he became one of the first fellows and an associate in biology. Associate professor of morphology, Johns Hopkins, 1883; professor, 1889; head of the biology department, 1894–1908. A descriptive evolutionary morphologist; specialised in marine invertebrates, especially oysters. (ANB.) Brown, Nicholas Edward (1849–1934). Botanist. Assistant, Kew herbarium, 1873; assistant keeper, 1909–14. An authority on succulents, asclepiads, and Cape plants. A philatelist. (R. Desmond 1994; Nature, 22 December 1934, p. 961.) Browne, Edward Harold (1811–91). Clergyman. BA, Cambridge, 1832. Ordained deacon, 1836; priest, 1837. Norrisian Professor of divinity, Cambridge, 1854. BD 1855; DD 1864. Bishop of Ely, 1864; Winchester, 1873–90. (ODNB.)

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Browne, Walter Raleigh (1841–84). Engineer and religious writer. BA, Cambridge University, 1865. Managing director of Bridgewater Engineering Company, 1874–8. Founding member of the Society for Psychical Research, 1882. Lecturer for the Christian Evidence Society. (Alum. Cantab.) [after 7] January 1881, [20–2] November [1881], 23 November 1881 Brown-Séquard, Charles Édouard (1817–94). French physiologist. Practised medicine in France and the United States before accepting a professorship at Virginia Medical College, Richmond, in 1854. Returned to Paris in 1855; moved to England in 1858. Physician, National Hospital for the Paralysed and Epileptics, 1860–3. Professor of physiology and pathology, Harvard Medical School, 1864–7. Professor of medicine, Collège de France, 1878–94. Conducted pioneering research in neurology and endocrinology. FRS 1860. (DBF; DSB; Record of the Royal Society of London.) Bruce, Henry Austin, 1st Baron Aberdare (1815–95). Politician. Liberal MP for Merthyr Tudful, 1852–68. Under-secretary at the Home Office, 1862–4. Privy councillor, 1864–6. Home secretary, 1868–73. MP for Renfrewshire, 1869– 73. Interested in education. Created Baron Aberdare, 1873. FRS 1876. (ODNB.) Bruhns, Carl Christian (1830–81). German astronomer and meteorologist. Mechanic at the Berlin Observatory, 1851; second assistant, 1852; first assistant, 1854. Doctorate in astronomy, Berlin, 1858. Professor extraordinarius of astronomy, Leipzig, 1860; professor and director of the observatory on the death of his predecessor, August Ferdinand Möbius, 1868. Set up a network of meteorological stations from 1863, and the Meteorological Bureau for Weather Forecasts in the Kingdom of Saxony in 1878. (ADB (s.v. also Möbius, August Ferdinand; Leipzig Lexikon (leipzig-lexikon.de/biogramm/Bruhns_Carl_Christian.htm, accessed 27 May 2021); Monthly Notices of the Royal Astronomical Society 42 (1882): 147–8.) Brunton, Louisa Jane (1848–1909). Daughter of Edward Adderley Stopford, archdeacon of Meath. Married Thomas Lauder Brunton in Dublin in September 1879. (ODNB s.v. Brunton, Thomas Lauder; Pall Mall Gazette, 23 September 1879, p. 3; UK and Ireland, Find a grave index, 1300s–current (Ancestry.com, accessed 27 March 2018).) Brunton, Thomas Lauder, 1st baronet (1844–1916). Physician and pharmacologist. MB, Edinburgh, 1866; MD 1868. Studied pharmacology in Vienna and Berlin, and physiological chemistry in Amsterdam and Leipzig, 1868–70. Lecturer in materia medica and pharmacology, Middlesex Hospital, 1870; St Bartholomew’s, 1871. Casualty physician, St Bartholomew’s, 1871–5; assistant physician, 1875–97; physician, 1897–1904. Studied the physiology of digestion and experimented on insectivorous plants for CD. Created baronet, 1908. FRS 1874. (Complete dictionary of scientific biography; Correspondence vol. 21, letter from T. L. Brunton, 2 December 1873; ODNB.) 10 January 1881, 14 February 1881, [4 August 1881], 11 October 1881, 17 October 1881, 19 November 1881, 21 November 1881, 22 November 1881, 27 November 1881, 17 December 1881

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Buch, Christian Leopold von (1774–1853). German geologist and palaeontologist. Travelled extensively in Europe and became a supporter of the geological catastrophe theory of Cuvier. After 1826, devoted himself mainly to palaeontology. Recognised the chronological significance of fossils. Foreign member, Royal Society of London, 1828. (DBE; DSB.) Buchanan, John Young (1844–1925). Oceanographer and marine chemist. Participated in the Challenger oceanographic expedition, 1872–6. FRS 1887. (DSB; ODNB.) Büchner, Friedrich Karl Christian Ludwig (Ludwig) (1824–99). German materialist philosopher and physician. Lecturer in medicine, especially forensic medicine, at Tübingen University, 1854–5. Following the publication of his first work, Kraft und Stoff (1855), he was debarred from academic teaching and returned to general medicine. (DBE; NDB.) Buckland, Anne Walbank (1832–99). Anthropologist. One of the first women to join the Anthropological Society of Great Britain and Ireland after membership was opened to women in 1875. Published a collection of essays, Anthropological studies (1891). Awarded a civil list pension a few years before her death. (Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland 28 (1899): 325–6; Wiltshire, England, Church of England births and baptisms, 1813–1916 (Ancestry.com, accessed 26 May 2020).) 9 October 1881, 10 October [1881] Buckland, Francis Trevelyan (Frank) (1826–80). Naturalist, popular sciencewriter, and surgeon. Son of William Buckland. Trained and practised medicine at St George’s Hospital, London, 1848–53. Assistant surgeon in the Second Life Guards, 1854–63. Staff writer for the Field, 1856–65. In 1865, appointed scientific referee to the South Kensington Museum, where he established an exhibit on pisciculture. Launched a weekly journal, Land and Water, in 1866. Inspector of salmon fisheries from 1867. (Bompas 1885; ODNB.) Buckland, William (1784–1856). Geologist and clergyman. Reader in mineralogy, Oxford University, 1813; reader in geology, 1819–49. President of the Geological Society of London, 1824–5 and 1840–1. Dean of Westminster from 1845. FRS 1818. (DSB; ODNB; Record of the Royal Society of London.) Buckle, Henry Thomas (1821–62). Historian. Heir to a London shipowner. Travelled widely and published a number of volumes on the history of English and European civilisation. (ODNB.) Buckley, Arabella Burton (1840–1929). Popular scientific author, specialising in natural history. Secretary to Charles Lyell, 1864–75. Wrote in particular for young readers, and encouraged an active pursuit of natural history. A supporter of Darwinism; emphasised the importance of mutualism and dependence as forces of evolution. (ODNB.) 4 January 1881, 7 January [1881], 11 January 1881, 13 January 1881, 6 July [1881], 11 July 1881, 26 August [1881] Bulley, Frederick (1810/11–85). College president. BA, Oxford, 1829. BD 1840; DD 1855. President of Magdalen College, 1855–85. (Alum. Oxon.; Foster 1893.)

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Bunsen, Robert Wilhelm Eberhard (Robert) (1811–99). German chemist. Professor of chemistry, University of Marburg, 1842; University of Heidelberg, 1852–89. Carried out important work in spectroscopy in the 1860s. Foreign member, Royal Society of London, 1858. (DSB; NDB.) Burdett-Coutts, Angela Georgina, Baroness Burdett-Coutts (1814–1906). Heiress and philanthropist. Daughter of Sir Francis Burdett (ODNB). Assumed the additional surname of Coutts on inheriting a share in the London banking firm Coutts in 1837. Endowed two geological scholarships at Oxford University in 1861. Presented Wilhelm Philipp Schimper’s herbarium of mosses to the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, in 1880. Patroness of a wide range of charities. (Nature, 8 July 1880, p. 228; ODNB.) Burdon Sanderson, Ghetal (1832/3–1909). Daughter of Ridley Haim Herschell (ODNB) and Helen Skirving Herschell, née Mowbray, and sister of Farrer Herschell (ODNB). Married John Scott Burdon Sanderson in 1853. (ODNB s.v. Herschell, Ridley Haim, and Sanderson, John Scott Burdon.) Burdon Sanderson, John Scott, baronet (1828–1905). Pathologist and physiologist. MD, Edinburgh, 1851. Studied physiology under Claude Bernard in Paris. Medical registrar, St Mary’s Hospital, Paddington, 1853; medical officer of health for Paddington from 1856. Medical inspector to the Privy Council from 1860 to 1865 or 1866. Worked on the causes and transmission of infectious disease. Professor of practical physiology and histology, University College, London, 1870; Jodrell Professor of human physiology, 1874. Professor-superintendent of the Brown Institute, University of London, 1872–8. Waynefleet Professor of physiology, Oxford, 1882; regius professor of medicine, 1895–1904. Created baronet, 1899. FRS 1867. (ODNB.) Burnaby, Emma (1806–95). Daughter of Anthony and Elizabeth Rich of Hendon, and sister of Anthony Rich (1804–91). Married William Dyott Burnaby in 1832. Lived in London. Her three children predeceased her. (England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 7 July 2017); London, England, Church of England baptisms, marriages and burials, 1538–1812 (Ancestry.com, accessed 7 July 2017); London, England, Church of England deaths and burials, 1813–1980 (Ancestry.com, accessed 7 July 2017); London, England, Church of England marriages and banns, 1754–1921 (Ancestry.com, accessed 7 July 2017).) Burnaby, William Dyott (1807–82). Chief clerk. Husband of Emma Burnaby. Anthony Rich’s brother-in-law. Chief clerk of the police court, Bow Street, from at least 1843 until c. 1880. (BMD (Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG9/177/89/34); British imperial calendar 1843; England, select births and christenings, 1538–1975 (Ancestry. com, accessed 14 July 2017); P. Fitzgerald 1888, 1: 13.) W. & J. Burrow. Bottling works in Malvern run by Walter Becker Burrow and his brother John Severn Burrow; sold soda water (based on natural spring

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water), initially in association with Lea & Perrins, and later in association with Schweppes. (B. Osborne and Weaver 2012, pp. 155–6.) 18 July 1881 Burrows, George, 1st baronet (1801–87). Physician. MD, Cambridge, 1831. Lecturer, St Bartholomew’s Hospital, London, from 1832; physician, 1841–63. Physician-extraordinary to Queen Victoria, 1870; physician-in-ordinary, 1873. President, Royal Medical and Chirurgical Society, 1869. Fellow, Royal College of Physicians, 1832; president, 1871–5. Created baronet, 1874. FRS 1846. (ODNB.) Büsgen, Moritz Heinrich Wilhelm Albert Emil (Moritz) (1858–1921). German botanist. Studied at Bonn, Berlin, and Straßburg (Strasbourg), where he studied under Anton de Bary and later was his assistant at the Zoological Station at Naples. PhD, Straßburg, 1882; Privat-dozent, then professor extraordinarius in botany, Jena, 1886–92. Professor of botany, school of forestry, Eisenach, 1893– 1901; Hann. Münden, 1901–21. Made research expeditions to the Dutch East Indies, 1902–3; Cameroon and Togo, 1908–9. (Deutsches Kolonial-Lexikon (1920), www.ub.bildarchiv-dkg.uni-frankfurt.de/Bildprojekt/Lexikon/lexikon.htm (accessed 2 September 2020); NDB.) Butakoff, Aleksey Ivanovich (Алексей Иванович Бутаков) (1816–69). Russian naval officer, navigator, and hydrographer. Explored and surveyed the Aral Sea, 1848–9; applied Mercator’s projection and enabled publication of the first map of the sea in 1850. (GSE s.v. Butakov, Aleksei Ivanovich; Russkii biograficheskii slovar’.) Butakova, Olga Nikolaevna (Ольга Николаевна Бутакова) (1830–1903). Daughter of Nikolai Mikhailovich Bezobrazov (1789–1839). Married to Aleksey Ivanovich Butakoff. (Geni, https://www.geni.com (accessed 4 November 2020).) Butler, Samuel (1835–1902). Author and artist. Grandson of Samuel Butler (1774– 1839). Emigrated to New Zealand in 1859; returned to Britain after publishing an account of his time farming in the colony, A first year in Canterbury settlement (1863). Published books on art, music, literature, and philosophy, including the novels Erewhon (1872) and The way of all flesh (1903); published a two-volume life of his grandfather, Life of Samuel Butler, bishop of Lichfield (1896). Became a critic of Darwinism from the 1870s. (Autobiography, pp. 167–219; DNB.) Button, Jemmy. See Orundellico. Button Sulivan, James. See Cooshaipunjiz. Bynoe, Benjamin (1803–65). Ship’s surgeon and naturalist. Born on Barbados. Member, Royal College of Surgeons, 1825. Assistant surgeon, Royal Navy, 1825. Served on the Beagle as assistant and acting surgeon, 1825–36; surgeon, 1837–43. Served on a number of other ships, retiring in 1863. Collected many natural history specimens. (ODNB.) Byron, George Gordon Noel, 6th Baron Byron (1788–1824). Poet. (ODNB.) Caird, James (1816–92). Agriculturalist, author, and politician. Managed farms near Stranraer and Wigtown, 1841–60. MP for Dartmouth, 1857–9; Stirling

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Burghs, 1859–65. Member of the inclosure commission (renamed the land commission in 1882), 1865–89. Director of the land department of the Board of Agriculture, 1889–91. Wrote on free trade, farming, farm management, and land administration in Britain, Ireland, Canada, the US, and India. President of the Royal Statistical Society, 1880–2. Knighted, 1882. FRS 1875. (ODNB.) 3 January 1881 (to T. H. Farrer) Caldwell, William Hay (1859–1941). Scottish zoologist and businessman. Scholar of Gonville and Caius College, Cambridge, 1878–83. Demonstrator in comparative anatomy, Cambridge University, 1882. Fellow of Gonville and Caius College, Cambridge, 1883–9. First holder of the Balfour studentship. Confirmed the long-disputed fact that the platypus laid eggs. Went into business as a paper manufacturer in Inverness-shire in 1893. (Alum. Cantab.; Nature, 8 November 1941, pp. 557–9.) Campbell, Colin (1853–95). Politician and barrister. Fifth son of George Douglas Campbell, eighth duke of Argyll. Educated at Eton and Trinity College, Cambridge. MP for Argyllshire, 1878–85. Called to the bar, 1886. Married Gertrude Elizabeth Blood in 1881; following judicial separation in 1883, both parties filed for divorce (Campbell accused his wife of adultery, she accused him of cruelty and knowingly infecting her with syphilis), but it was not granted. Practised as a barrister in Bombay, 1888–95. Died in Bombay as a result of venereal disease. (Alum. Cantab.; ODNB s.v. Campbell, Gertrude Elizabeth.) Campbell, George Douglas, 8th duke of Argyll (1823–1900). Scottish statesman and author of works on science, religion, and politics. A defender of the concept of design in nature. Chancellor of St Andrews University, 1851– 1900. President of the Royal Society of Edinburgh, 1860–4. Privy seal, 1852–5, 1859–60, 1860–6, and 1880–1; postmaster-general, 1855–8 and 1860; secretary of state for India, 1868–74. Succeeded to the dukedom in 1847. FRS 1851. (ODNB.) [7 January 1881] Candolle, Alphonse de (1806–93). Swiss botanist, lawyer, and politician. Son of Augustin Pyramus de Candolle. Active in the administration of the city of Geneva until 1860. Responsible for the introduction of postage stamps to Switzerland. Professor of botany and director of the botanic gardens, Geneva, from 1835. Concentrated on his own research after 1850. Foreign member, Royal Society of London, 1869. (DSB; Record of the Royal Society of London.) 18 January [1881], 24 January 1881 (from Francis Darwin), 6 July [1881], 9 July 1881 Candolle, Anne Casimir Pyramus (Casimir) de (1836–1918). Swiss botanist. Son of Alphonse de Candolle; assistant and colleague of his father. Published monographs of several families of plants. Foreign member, Linnean Society of London, 1893. (Dictionnaire historique & biographique de la Suisse; Proceedings of the Linnean Society of London (1918–19): 51–2.) Candolle, Anne Françoise Robertine de (1782–1854). Daughter of Pierre Torras and his wife Anne Jeanne Louise Gardelle. Married Augustin Pyramus

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de Candolle in 1802. Mother of Alphonse Pyramus de Candolle. (Société Genevoise de Généalogie, https://www.gen-gen.ch/.) Candolle, Augustin de (1736–1820). Father of Augustin Pyramus de Candolle. (Société Genevoise de Généalogie, https://www.gen-gen.ch/.) Candolle, Augustin Pyramus de (1778–1841). Swiss botanist. In Paris, 1796–1808; professor of botany, École de médecine and Faculté des sciences, Montpellier, 1808–16; professor of natural history, Academy of Geneva, 1816–35. Foreign member, Royal Society of London, 1822. (DSB; Record of the Royal Society of London.) Candolle, Louise Eléonore de (1751–1817). Daughter of Jacob Brière and his wife Sara Le Fort. Married Augustin de Candolle in 1777. Mother of Augustin Pyramus de Candolle. (Société Genevoise de Généalogie, https://www.gen-gen.ch/.) Capes, Frederick (1816–88). Solicitor and proctor. (Register of baptisms (London Metropolitan Archives, Saint Mary, Newington, P92/MRY/023); Census returns of England and Wales 1871 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG10/695/14/21); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 17 August 2012).) 21 November 1881, 23 November 1881 Carlyle, Jane Baillie Welsh (1801–66). Letter writer. Married Thomas Carlyle in 1826, and lived with him in London from 1834. (ODNB.) Carlyle, Mary Carlyle (1848–95). Niece of Thomas Carlyle: daughter of his sister Jane and her husband James Aitken, painter and glazier in Dumfries. Cared for her uncle from 1866 until his death in 1881. Married her cousin Alexander Carlyle at The Hill, Dumfries, in 1879. Disagreed with James Anthony Froude about the publication of Carlyle’s reminiscences in 1881. Helped Charles Eliot Norton to edit Carlyle’s letters. (Carlyle 1888, p. viii; Census returns of Scotland 1851 (The National Archives of Scotland: Dumfries 6/9); Cumming ed. 2004, p. 77; ODNB s.v. Carlyle, Thomas; Scotland statutory marriages 821/94 Dumfries (Scotlandspeople.gov.uk, accessed 26 May 2021).) Carlyle, Thomas (1795–1881). Essayist and historian. (ODNB.) Carpenter, William Benjamin (1813–85). Naturalist. Fullerian Professor of physiology at the Royal Institution of Great Britain, 1844–8; physiology lecturer, London Hospital, 1845–56; professor of forensic medicine, University College, London, 1849–59. Registrar of the University of London, 1856–79. President of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1872. Founding member of the Marine Biological Association. FRS 1844. (DNB; DSB; Modern English biography; Royal Institution of Great Britain, www.rigb.org.) Carpenter, William Lant (1841–90). Soap and candle manufacturer. Son of Louisa and William Benjamin Carpenter. Wrote on a variety of scientific and social subjects. (Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/182/63/15); WorldCat identities, https:// www.worldcat.org/identities/lccn-n92009946/ (accessed 4 May 2020).) Carte, Alexander (1805–81). Irish natural historian and museum director. BA, Trinity College, Dublin, 1830; MB 1840; MD 1860. Curator of the museum

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of the Royal College of Surgeons in Ireland, 1846. Director of the natural history museum of the Royal Dublin Society (later incorporated into the Dublin Museum of Science and Art), 1851–81. (Dictionary of Irish biography.) Carter, Robert Brudenell (1828–1918). Ophthalmic surgeon and general practitioner. MD, London, 1851. Developed an early interest in nervous diseases. Staff surgeon during the Crimean War; wrote letters to The Times from the front. Served on the editorial staff of the Lancet and The Times. Ophthalmic surgeon to the Royal Eye Hospital, Southwark, 1869–77; St George’s Hospital, 1870. (Plarr 1930.) 17 October 1881, 21 October 1881 Carus, Julius Victor (1823–1903). German comparative anatomist. Conservator of the Museum of Comparative Anatomy, Oxford University, 1849–51. Professor extraordinarius of comparative anatomy and director of the zoological museum, University of Leipzig, 1853. Translated the third German edition of Origin (1867) and, subsequently, twelve other works by CD. (DSB; NDB.) 23 March 1881, 18 May 1881, 21 May 1881, 24 June 1881, 29 June 1881, 30 July 1881, 2 November 1881, 26 November 1881, 6 December 1881, 8 December 1881 Cayley, Arthur (1821–95). Mathematician and conveyancer. Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, 1842–52. Studied law at Lincoln’s Inn; called to the bar, 1849. Practised law until 1863. Honorary fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, 1872; fellow, 1875. Sadlerian Professor of pure mathematics at Cambridge, 1863– 95. FRS 1852. (Alum. Cantab.; DSB; ODNB.) Challis, James (1803–82). Astronomer and physicist. Ordained priest, 1830. Plumian Professor of astronomy and experimental philosophy, Cambridge University, 1836–82. FRS 1848. (ODNB.) Chamberlain, John Henry (1831–83). Architect. Known for his Gothic Revival buildings in Birmingham. Professor of architecture, Society of Artists; vicepresident from 1879. (ODNB.) 17 October 1881 Chamberlain, Joseph (1836–1914). Industrialist and politician. Built up a very successful screw-manufacturing business in Birmingham, 1854–74. Mayor of Birmingham, 1873–6; MP for Birmingham, 1876–85; Birmingham West, 1885–1914. President of the Board of Trade, 1880–5; president of the Local Government Board, 1886; secretary of state for the colonies, 1895–1903; leader of the opposition in the Commons, 1906. (ODNB.) Charles IX (1550–74). French king. Son of Henry II and Catherine de’ Medici. King of France, 1560–74. (EB.) Chesebrough, Robert Augustus (1837–1933). American chemist. Discovered petroleum jelly at the Pennsylvania oil fields in 1859. Set up a factory for the purification of petroleum jelly in 1870. From 1872, the purified product was sold under the trade name Vaseline. (‘Vaseline’, http://www.vaseline.co.uk/article/ vaselinestory.html (accessed 20 August 2019); WWWA.) Cheshire, William Wilder (1830–1909). American clerk. BS, Miami University, Oxford, Ohio. Clerk of the circuit court, Lake County, Indiana, 1867–75. County

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superintendent of schools, Crown Point, Lake County, 1878–82. Examiner in the Pension Office, Washington DC, 1882–5 and from 1889. (Evening Star, 17 January 1909 (Ancestry.com, accessed 30 September 2020); [Tobey ed.] 1892; United States Federal Census 1870 (Center, Lake, Indiana [1]/352A), 1880 (Crown Point, Lake, Indiana [1]/11), 1900 (Washington, Washington, District of Columbia 0124/15) (Ancestry.com, accessed 19 May 2021); U.S., Find a grave index, 1600s–current (Ancestry.com, accessed 30 September 2020).) 15 December 1881 Child-Villiers, Victor Albert George, 7th earl of Jersey (1845–1915). Landowner and colonial governor. A lord-in-waiting to Queen Victoria, 1875– 7. Lord-lieutenant of Oxfordshire from 1887. Governor of New South Wales, 1891–2. Chairman of the Light Railways Commission, 1896–1905. (ODNB.) Christie, William Henry Mahoney (1845–1922). Astronomer. BA, Cambridge (Trinity College), 1868; fellow, 1869. Chief assistant at the Royal Greenwich Observatory, 1870; astronomer royal, 1881. President of Royal Astronomical Society, 1888–90. Retired in 1910. Transformed Greenwich Observatory into a modern scientific establishment, and observed solar eclipses. Knighted, 1904. (ODNB.) Ciesielski, Theophil (1846–1916). Polish botanist. A student of Ferdinand Julius Cohn at Breslau (Wrocław); PhD 1871. Professor of botany and director of the botanic garden, University of Lemberg (Lwów; now Lviv), 1872–94. Founder and editor of the beekeeping journal Bartnik postępowy, 1875–1914. (Klemm 2002; Mularczyk 2008.) Clark, Andrew, 1st baronet (1826–93). Scottish physician. MD, Aberdeen, 1854. Physician to the London Hospital, 1866–86. Physician to William Ewart Gladstone from 1868, and to many prominent people, including Thomas Henry Huxley. One of the physicians who attended CD in his final illness. Created baronet, 1883. FRS 1885. (ODNB; The Times, 21 April 1882, p. 5.) Clark, Frances Matilda (1845–1908). Daughter of Sir Andrew Buchanan, diplomatist, and his first wife, Frances Katherine Mellish. Born in St Petersburg, Russia. Married John Willis Clark at Holy Trinity, Chelsea, in 1873. Buried with her husband in Mill Road cemetery, Cambridge. (London Metropolitan Archives P74/TRI/016 (Ancestry.com, accessed 16 August 2021); millroadcemetery.org. uk/life-stories/university/trinity-college/, accessed 16 August 2021; ODNB s.v. Buchanan, Andrew, and Clark, John Willis; Russia, select births and baptisms, 1755– 1917 (Ancestry.com, accessed 16 August 2021).) Clark, John Willis (1833–1910). University administrator, naturalist, and architectural historian. BA, Cambridge (Trinity College), 1856; fellow of Trinity, 1858. Superintendent of the Zoological Museum, University of Cambridge, 1866–91; registrary, University of Cambridge, 1891–1910. Published papers in natural history, and a number of historical works including a four-volume account of the architecture of the University of Cambridge, and a biography of Adam Sedgwick. Fellow of the Society of Antiquaries, 1887. One of the honorary secretaries of the Darwin Centenary Committee of the University of Cambridge, 1909. (Richmond 2006; ODNB.)

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Clutterbuck, James Charles (1801–85). Clergyman. BA, Oxford, 1826; fellow of Exeter College, 1822–31. Vicar of Long Wittenham, Berkshire, 1830–85. Served on the Board of Thames Conservancy. (Alum. Oxon.; Modern English biography.) 13 November 1881, 29 November 1881, [after 29 November 1881] Cobbe, Frances Power (1822–1904). Writer and philanthropist. Wrote extensively on religious and ethical subjects. Leading campaigner for women’s rights and against animal vivisection. (ODNB.) Cohen, Emil Wilhelm (Emil) (1842–1905). German mineralogist. Studied chemistry and physics at Berlin and Heidelberg; habilitated in 1871. In 1873–4, visited the gold and diamond fields of South Africa. Professor extraordinarius of petrography, Straßburg (Strasbourg), 1878; professor, 1884. Director of the geological survey of Elsaß-Lothringen (Alsace-Lorraine). Professor of mineralogy and geology, Greifswald, 1885. Microscopically analysed the diamonds in meteorites and isolated from a meteor a form of iron carbide later named Cohenite in his honour. Considered to be a founder of modern petrography. (NDB.) Cohn, Ferdinand Julius (1828–98). German botanist and bacteriologist. Professor extraordinarius, University of Breslau, 1859; professor, 1872. Founded the first institute for plant physiology, at Breslau, in 1866. In 1870, founded the journal Beiträge zur Biologie der Pflanzen, in which the earliest articles on bacteriology appeared. Worked on unicellular algae, and attempted to devise a system of classification for lower plants based on Darwinian transmutation theory. Foreign member, Royal Society of London, 1897. (DSB; NDB.) Cole, Henry (1808–82). Civil servant. Secretary, Society for the Encouragement of Arts, Manufactures, and Commerce. A leading organiser of the Great Exhibition (1851); later promoted the government purchase of land in South Kensington for a complex of museums and schools of science and the decorative and industrial arts, including the South Kensington Museum (later divided into the Victoria and Albert Museum and the Science Museum). Knighted, 1875. (ODNB.) Coleridge, Samuel Taylor (1772–1834). Poet and philosopher. (ODNB.) Collier, John (1850–1934). Painter and writer. Studied art in London, Munich, and Paris. First exhibited at the Royal Academy, London, in 1874. Painted portraits of several men of science. Son-in-law of Thomas Henry Huxley. (ODNB.) Collier, Marian (1859–87). Artist. Daughter of Henrietta Anne and Thomas Henry Huxley. Studied art at the Slade School, London. Exhibited at the Royal Academy, 1880–4. Married artist–author John Collier in 1879. Her sketch of CD, made when she was 18, is in the National Portrait Gallery. (Bibby 1959; Bryan’s dictionary of painters and engravers; Clark 1968, p. 97 and passim; A. Desmond 1994–7; Petteys 1985.) Cooke, Robert Francis (1816–91). Publisher. Cousin of John Murray and partner in his publishing company, which published many of CD’s books. (Correspondence vol. 13, letter from John Murray, 1 April 1865; Modern English biography.) 10 April 1881, 11 April 1881, 12 April 1881, 28 July 1881, 29 July 1881, 30 July 1881, 31 July 1881, 10 September 1881, 3 October 1881, 5 October 1881, 7 October 1881,

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8 October 1881, 14 October 1881, 25 October 1881, [after 25 October 1881?], 5 November 1881, 6 November 1881 Cooper, Thomas (1805–92). Chartist and religious lecturer. Opened a school in Gainsborough in 1828. Moved to Lincoln, where he became involved in the mechanics’ institute and the choral society. Moved to London in 1839; Leicester, 1840. Worked as a journalist and editor of a number of Chartist journals. Arrested after the riots in the Potteries, 1842, and sentenced the following year to two years in prison. Travelled throughout Britain as a religious lecturer for two decades from 1856 and published collections of these lectures. (ODNB.) Cooshaipunjiz ( James Button Sulivan, James FitzRoy Button) (b. c. 1871). Fuegian. Grandson of Orundellico ( Jemmy Button). Orphaned at the age of 6. Lived at the orphanage established by the South American Mission Society at Ushuaia in the Beagle Channel, Patagonia. Given (in error) the name James Button Sulivan when support was provided for him by Bartholomew James Sulivan and others; later renamed James FitzRoy Button. (Correspondence vol. 27, letter from B. J. Sulivan, 13 October 1879; Hazlewood 2000, p. 343; South American Missionary Magazine, 1 October 1879, p. 223.) Cope, Edward Drinker (1840–97). American biologist and palaeontologist. Worked on the reptile collection at the Smithsonian Institution, 1859. Studied the collections of Harvard Museum of Comparative Zoology and the Academy of Natural Sciences, Philadelphia, in the 1860s. Taught zoology at Haverford College, Pennsylvania, 1864–7. Made several palaeontological expeditions to the western states from the early 1870s. Professor of geology and later zoology, University of Pennsylvania, from 1889. (ANB.) Cornu, Maxime (1843–1901). French botanist and mycologist. PhD, natural sciences, Paris, 1872. Aide-naturaliste, Muséum d’histoire naturelle, Paris, 1874; lecturer in organography and vegetable physiology from 1876; later professor of horticulture. Director of the viticulture station, Cognac, 1876. Inspector general of agriculture, 1881. Specialised in cryptogams and plant disease agents such as Phylloxera vastatrix. (DBF.) Crabbe, Edmund Thornton (fl. 1880s). Alleged swindler. The name is probably assumed. Claimed to be a collateral descendant of the poet George Crabbe. Offered CD a manuscript of an unknown poem, Materialism, by Erasmus Darwin for £10 in 1881. (Letter from E. T. Crabbe, 27 November 1881.) 27 November 1881 Crabbe, George (1754–1832). Poet and clergyman. Curate of Aldeburgh, Suffolk. (ODNB.) Crépin, François (1830–1903). Belgian botanist. Secretary of the Royal Society of Botany of Belgium, 1866. Director of the State Botanic Garden in Brussels, 1876– 1901. Worked on the taxonomy of roses, plant geography, and palaeobotany. (Annuaire de l’Académie royale des sciences, des lettres et des beaux-arts de Belgique 72 (1906): 83–190.) Crew, Charles (1840/1–93). Businessman. Lived in Millbrook, South Stoneham, Hampshire, 1871. Chairman and managing director of the Antwerp Waterworks

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Company in Belgium, living in Antwerp as well as Millbrook, 1881. Lived at Lewcombe House, East Chelborough, Dorset, 1891. A friend of William Erasmus Darwin. (Census returns of England and Wales 1871 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG10/1200/19/30), 1891 (RG12/1660/22/7); Directory of directors 1881; England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1995 (Ancestry.com, accessed 20 May 2021); letter from W. E. Darwin, 23 May 1881.) Croll, James (1821–90). Scottish geologist. Keeper, Andersonian Museum, Glasgow, 1859. In the 1860s, began publishing papers on physical geology. Secretary to the Geological Survey of Scotland, 1867; retired after suffering a mild stroke in 1880. Until his death, wrote papers and books on cosmology, on oceanic circulation patterns, and on climate change and the causes of the glacial epoch. FRS 1876. (ODNB.) 22 October 1881 Crüger, Hermann (1818–64). German pharmacist and botanist. Apothecary in Trinidad in the West Indies from 1841; government botanist and director of the botanic garden, Trinidad, from 1857. Collected plants in Jamaica, Trinidad, and Venezuela. (R. Desmond 1994; S[chlechtenda]l 1864.) Crum Brown, Alexander (1838–1922). Scottish chemist. MD, Edinburgh, 1861. Extramural lecturer in chemistry, Edinburgh University, 1863–9; professor, 1869–1908. President, Chemical Society, 1891–3. FRS 1879. (DSB; ODNB.) Cunningham, Daniel John (1850–1909). Scottish anatomist. Demonstrator in anatomy, University of Edinburgh, 1876–82. Professor of physiology, Edinburgh Veterinary College. Professor of anatomy in the school of the Royal College of Surgeons in Ireland, 1882. Professor of anatomy, Trinity College, Dublin, 1883. Succeeded William Turner as professor of anatomy at Edinburgh, 1903. (ODNB.) Cuvier, Jean Léopold Nicolas Frédéric (Georges) (1769–1832). French systematist, comparative anatomist, palaeontologist, and administrator. Professor of natural history, Collège de France, 1800–32; professor of comparative anatomy, Muséum d’histoire naturelle, 1802–32. Permanent secretary to the Académie des sciences from 1803. Foreign member, Royal Society of London, 1806. (DBF; DSB.) Cyon, Élie de (Elias Cyon, Илья Фаддеевич; Цион) (1842–1912). Russian– French physiologist, journalist, and political agent. Born Ilya Fadeyevich Tsion. Studied at Warsaw and Kiev (MD 1864), Berlin, 1865, the Military MedicalSurgical Academy, St Petersburg, 1867, Leipzig, and Paris. Director of the university physiological laboratory, St Petersburg, 1868; professor of anatomy, 1870. Professor of physiology and chairman of the Medical–Surgical Academy of St Petersburg, 1873. Sent by the Russian government on a research trip to Leipzig, where he wrote a handbook on physiological experimentation and vivisection, published in 1876. Made a privy councillor by Alexander II. Added ‘de’ to his name when he returned to Paris in late 1875 as an agent of the imperial Russian government. Worked for Claude Bernard. Editor of Le Gaulois, 1881; also wrote for La nouvelle revue and Russky vestnik. (Fox 1997; Zimmer 2004.)

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Dallas, William Sweetland (1824–90). Entomologist, author, and translator. Prepared lists of insects for the British Museum, 1847–58. Curator of the Yorkshire Philosophical Society’s museum, 1858–68. Assistant secretary to the Geological Society of London, 1868–90. Translated Fritz Müller’s Für Darwin (1869); prepared the index for Variation and the glossary for Origin 6th ed. Editor, Annals and Magazine of Natural History, 1868–90, Popular Science Review, 1877–81. (Freeman 1978; Geological Magazine n.s. decade 3, vol. 7 (1890): 333–6; Modern English biography; Sarjeant 1980–96.) 25 January 1881 Dallinger, William Henry (1842–1909). Clergyman and biologist. Became a Wesleyan minister in 1861; served in Liverpool, 1868–80. Made microscopical researches into minute septic organisms, especially flagellate protozoa, 1870– 80. With John James Drysdale, showed that flagellates could acclimatise to ordinarily lethal temperatures, and that their spores were also resistant to very high temperatures. Conducted a study (1880–6) to test whether adaptive changes could be rapidly induced in organisms with short life-cycles, in order to show evolutionary change. Governor and principal of Wesley College, Sheffield, 1880–8. President of the Royal Microscopical Society, 1884–7; of the Quekett Club, 1890–2. FRS 1880. (Haas 2000; ODNB.) Dalyell, John Graham, 6th baronet (1775–1851). Antiquary and naturalist. Knighted, 1836; succeeded as sixth baronet in 1841. (ODNB.) Damseaux, Adolphe (1838–1916). Belgian agriculturalist. Professor of general agriculture, Institut Agricole de l’Etat (State Agricultural Institute), 1860–1908. Wrote a work on fertilisers in 1887. Mayor of Gembloux, 1906–16. (Gembloux. blog, https://gembloux.blog/2019/02/02/damseaux-rue-adolphe/ (accessed 8 October 2020).) 19 November 1881 Dana, James Dwight (1813–95). American geologist and zoologist. Geologist and mineralogist with Charles Wilkes’s expedition to the South Seas, 1838–42; wrote reports on the geology, zoophytes, and Crustacea. An associate editor of the American Journal of Science and Arts from 1846. Professor of natural history, Yale University, 1855–64; professor of geology and mineralogy, 1864–90. Foreign member, Royal Society of London, 1884. (ANB; DSB; Record of the Royal Society of London.) Dancer, John Benjamin (1812–87). Inventor, optician, and instrument maker. Worked in Manchester. Made inventions in photography, the development of the voltaic battery, thermometers, and microscopes. (Memoirs and Proceedings of the Manchester Literary & Philosophical Society 4th ser. 1 (1888): 149–53; Modern English biography.) 25 October [1881] Darwin, Bernard Richard Meirion (Bernard) (1876–1961). Essayist and sports writer. Son of Francis Darwin. Golf correspondent of The Times, 1907– 53. Played in the British amateur golf championships (semi-finalist 1909, 1921);

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captained the British Walker Cup team in America in 1922. Captain of the Royal and Ancient Golf Club, 1934. (ODNB.) Darwin, Catherine. See Langton, Catherine. Darwin, Charlotte Maria Cooper (1827–85). Daughter of William Brown Darwin. Of Creskeld Hall, Otley, Yorkshire. Second cousin of CD, and first cousin of William Darwin Fox. In 1849, married Francis Rhodes, who changed his surname to Darwin in 1850 under the terms of the will of his wife’s brother, Robert Alvey Darwin. (Darwin pedigree.) Darwin, Elizabeth (1747–1832). Née Collier. Illegitimate daughter of Charles Colyear, the second earl of Portmore. Married Edward Sacheverel Pole (d. 1780) in 1769. Became Erasmus Darwin’s second wife in 1781. (Darwin pedigree; England, select marriages, 1538–1973 (Ancestry.com, accessed 8 December 2015).) Darwin, Elizabeth (Bessy, Lizzy) (1847–1926). CD and Emma Darwin’s daughter. (Darwin pedigree; Freeman 1978.) 3 January 1881, 16 September 1881, 20 December 1881 Darwin, Emma (1808–96). Youngest daughter of Josiah Wedgwood II. Married CD, her cousin, in 1839. (Emma Darwin (1904) and (1915).) [14 October 1881] (to G. H. Darwin) Darwin, Emma Cecilia Ida (Ida) (1854–1946). Only daughter of Thomas Henry Farrer and Frances Farrer (née Erskine); distantly related to Charles and Emma Darwin. When her father remarried, became stepdaughter of Katherine Euphemia (Effie) Wedgwood. Married Horace Darwin in 1880; resided at The Orchard, Cambridge, from 1884. Active in Cambridgeshire charities related to mental health. (Cattermole and Wolfe 1987; Wedgwood and Wedgwood 1980.) Darwin, Erasmus (1731–1802). CD’s grandfather. Physician, botanist, and poet. Advanced a theory of transmutation similar to that subsequently propounded by Jean Baptiste de Lamarck. FRS 1761. (DSB; King-Hele 1999; ODNB.) Darwin, Erasmus (1759–99). Lawyer. Second son of Erasmus Darwin (1731–1802) and his first wife, Mary. CD’s uncle. Wished to retire at the age of 40. Purchased Breadsall Priory. Drowned in the river at the bottom of his garden; his death was thought to be suicide by many family members, including CD. (King-Hele 1999, pp. 324–8; King-Hele ed. 2003, pp. 74 and 143.) Darwin, Erasmus (1881–1915). Son of Horace and Ida Darwin. BA, Cambridge, 1904. Became a director of the Cambridge Scientific Instrument Company (his father’s company) in 1903. Worked for Mather and Platt, Manchester, then Bolckow and Vaughan, Middlesbrough. Joined the army in September 1914; killed in action, April 1915. (Cattermole and Wolfe 1987; The Times, 30 April 1915, p. 7.) Darwin, Erasmus Alvey (1804–81). CD’s brother. Attended Shrewsbury School, 1815–22. Matriculated at Christ’s College, Cambridge, 1822; Edinburgh University, 1825–6. Qualified in medicine but never practised. Lived in London from 1829. (Alum. Cantab.; Freeman 1978.) Darwin, Francis (1848–1925). CD and Emma Darwin’s son. Botanist. BA, Cambridge (Trinity College), 1870. Qualified as a physician but did not practise.

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CD’s secretary from 1874. Collaborated with CD on several botanical projects. Lecturer in botany, Cambridge University, 1884; reader, 1888–1904. Published Life and letters of Charles Darwin and More letters. President of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1908. Knighted, 1913. FRS 1882. (DSB; ODNB.) 3 January 1881, 24 January 1881 (to Alphonse de Candolle), [after 10 February 1881] (to Ernst Krause), 12 May [1881], 14 May 1881, 16 and 17 May 1881, 19 [May 1881], 20 May 1881, 22–3 May 1881, 23 [May 1881], 25 May [1881], 27 May 1881, [after 27 May 1881], 30 May [1881], [before 4 June 1881], 4 [ June 1881], [c. 6 June 1881], [16 June 1881], 17 June 1881, [after 17 June 1881], [19 June 1881], 26 June [1881], 28 June [1881], [c. 8 July 1881?], 8 July 1881, [9 July 1881], 16 July 1881, [25 July 1881], 16 September 1881, 17 October 1881, [21 October 1881], 22 [October 1881], 28 [October 1881], 9 November [1881], 14 November [1881], [after 14 November 1881], [after 21 November 1881], [18 December 1881], 20 December 1881 Darwin, Francis Rhodes (1825–1920). Born Francis Rhodes; married Charlotte Maria Cooper Darwin in 1849. Assumed the name Darwin in 1850 after inheriting the estate of his brother-in-law, Robert Alvey Darwin. Resided at Creskeld Hall, Yorkshire, and Elston Hall, Nottinghamshire. Justice of the peace for Nottinghamshire and Yorkshire, a role in which he was very active. (Alum. Cantab.) Darwin, George Howard (1845–1912). CD and Emma Darwin’s son. Mathematician. BA, Cambridge (Trinity College), 1868; fellow, 1868–78; re-elected in 1884. Studied law in London, 1869–72; called to the bar, 1872, but did not practise. Plumian Professor of astronomy and experimental philosophy, Cambridge University, 1883–1912. President of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1905. Knighted, 1905. FRS 1879. (DSB; Men-at-the-bar; ODNB.) 3 January 1881, 20 January [1881], 27–8 February [1881], 8 June [1881], [9 June 1881], 23 July 1881, 21 August 1881, 24 August [1881], [after 26 August 1881], [28 August 1881], 28 August 1881, [29 August 1881], 30 August [1881], [7 September 1881], 8 September [1881], [9 September 1881], 16 September 1881, [6 October 1881], [14 October 1881] (from Emma Darwin), 15 October 1881, [after 15 October 1881], [18 October 1881], [before 25 October 1881], 17 November 1881, 19 November [1881], [20 November 1881], [22 November 1881], 25 November [1881], [6 December 1881], 20 December 1881 Darwin, Horace (1851–1928). CD and Emma Darwin’s son. Civil engineer. BA, Cambridge (Trinity College), 1874. Apprenticed to an engineering firm in Kent; returned to Cambridge in 1877 to design and make scientific instruments. Founder and director of the Cambridge Scientific Instrument Company. Mayor of Cambridge, 1896–7. Knighted, 1918. FRS 1903. (Alum. Cantab.; ODNB.) 3 January 1881, 16 September 1881, 9 December 1881, 20 December 1881 Darwin, Leonard (1850–1943). CD and Emma Darwin’s son. Military engineer. Attended the Royal Military Academy, Woolwich. Commissioned in the Royal Engineers, 1871; major, 1889; retired, 1890. Served on several scientific

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expeditions, including those for the observation of the transit of Venus in 1874 and 1882. Instructor in chemistry and photography, School of Military Engineering, Chatham, 1877–82. Intelligence service, War Office, 1885–90. Liberal Unionist MP, Lichfield division of Staffordshire, 1892–5. President, Royal Geographical Society of London, 1908–11; Eugenics Education Society, 1911–28. Chairman, Bedford College, London University, 1913–20. (ODNB; WWW.) 3 January 1881, [10 January 1881] (to Leslie Stephen), 16 September 1881, 8 October 1881 (from W. M. Hacon), 11 October 1881 (from W. M. Hacon), 12 October [1881], 14 October 1881 (from W. M. Hacon), 20 December 1881 Darwin, Marianne. See Parker, Marianne. Darwin, Mary Anne (1811–97). Daughter of Charles Rogers Sanders; married Reginald Darwin in 1843. (BMD (Marriage index); England, select births and christenings, 1538–1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed 11 October 2017); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 11 October 2017).) Darwin, Reginald (1818–92). Son of Francis Sacheverel Darwin, CD’s father’s half-brother. (BMD (Death index); Freeman 1978.) Darwin, Robert Waring (1766–1848). CD’s father. Physician. Had a large practice in Shrewsbury and resided at The Mount. Son of Erasmus Darwin (1731–1802) and his first wife, Mary (1740–70). Married Susannah (1765–1817), daughter of Josiah Wedgwood I, in 1796. FRS 1788. (Freeman 1978.) Darwin, Sacheverel Charles (1844–1900). Naval officer. Son of Reginald Darwin. Entered the Royal Navy in 1858. Midshipman to HMS Phoebe, 1862; lieutenant, 1866; commander, 1877; captain, 1885. Retired in 1892. Rear-admiral, 1899. (Colburn’s United Service Magazine (1862) pt 3: 447; Darwin pedigree; The Times, 8 January 1900, p. 4.) Darwin, Sara (1839–1902). American. Daughter of Sara Ashburner and Theodore Sedgwick. Sister of Susan Ridley Sedgwick Norton. Married William Erasmus Darwin in 1877. (Freeman 1978; Turner 1999.) Darwin, Susan Elizabeth (1803–66). CD’s sister. Lived at The Mount, Shrewsbury, the family home, until her death. (Darwin pedigree; Freeman 1978.) Darwin, Susannah (1765–1817). CD’s mother. Daughter of Josiah Wedgwood I. Married Robert Waring Darwin (1766–1848) in 1796. (Darwin pedigree.) Darwin, Violetta Harriot (1826–80). Daughter of Francis Sacheverel Darwin and Jane Harriett Darwin. Lived with her sister Ann Eliza Thomasine Darwin in Derby in 1871. Book illustrator and member of the Anastatic Drawing Society, the purpose of which was to delineate the remains of antiquity. (Anastatic Drawing Society (1858): iii and vi; Census returns of England and Wales 1871 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG10/3569/56/11); Darwin pedigree.) Darwin, William (1655–82). Son of William Darwin of Lincoln’s Inn (1620–75). Married Anne Waring in 1680. CD’s great-great-grandfather. (Darwin pedigree.) Darwin, William Erasmus (1839–1914). CD and Emma Darwin’s eldest son. Banker. BA, Cambridge (Christ’s College), 1862. Partner in the Southampton

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and Hampshire Bank, Southampton, 1861. Chairman of the Southampton Water Company. Amateur photographer. (Alum. Cantab.; F. Darwin 1914; ODNB.) 1 January 1881, 3 January 1881, 3 January [1881], 6 January 1881, 13 January [1881], 14 January [1881], [16 January 1881], 25 January 1881, 30 January [1881], 31 January [1881], 3 February [1881], 4 February 1881, 4 February [1881], 5 February [1881], 6 February 1881, 8 February [1881], 16 February 1881, 18 February 1881, 19 February [1881], [27 February 1881], [13 March 1881], [24 April 1881], 4 May [1881], 7 May 1881, 20 May [1881], 23 May 1881, 4 August [1881], 13 September [1881], 16 September 1881, [7 October 1881], [13 October 1881], 20 October [1881], 1 November 1881, 21 November 1881, 9 December 1881, 14 December [1881], 20 December 1881, 29 December 1881 David, Tannatt William Edgeworth (Edgeworth) (1858–1934). Geologist. BA, Oxford, 1881. Assistant geological surveyor, New South Wales, Australia, 1882. Professor of geology, Sydney, 1891. Leader of an expedition to Funafuti atoll in the Ellice Islands (now Tuvalu) to bore a deep section, 1897–8. Joined Ernest Shackleton’s Antarctic expedition, 1907–9. Knighted, 1920. (Aust. dict. biog.) Dawkins, William Boyd (1837–1929). Geologist and palaeontologist. Member of the Geological Survey of Great Britain, 1861–9. Curator of natural history, Manchester Museum, 1869. Professor of geology, Owens College, Manchester, 1874–1908. Specialised in fossil mammals. FRS 1867. (ODNB.) Dawson, James (1806–1900). Scottish farmer and amateur ethnologist. Migrated to Australia, arriving in 1840. Dairy and cattle farmer until he was bankrupted in 1845. Profited by the gold rushes and sold his station in 1866. Settled at Camperdown as a farmer, taxidermist, and protector, friend, and student of the Aboriginal people. Published Australian Aborigines: the languages and customs of several tribes of Aborigines in the Western District of Victoria, Australia (1881). (Aust. dict. biog.) [3 June 1881], 30 July 1881 Delage, Yves (1854–1920). French zoologist. Doctor of medicine, Paris, 1880; of science, 1881. Apprentice at the Biological Station, Roscoff, 1881; director 1901. Lecturer, Paris, 1882; Caen, 1883. Professor of zoology, anatomy, and physiology, Sorbonne, 1886. (DSB.) 29 May 1881 De la Rue, Warren (1815–89). Printer, astronomer, and chemist. Educated in Paris. Entered his father’s printing firm, De la Rue & Sons. Published researches on practical chemistry and astronomy that he conducted at his private laboratory and observatory. Noted for his work on celestial photography. President of the Royal Astronomical Society, 1864–6; of the Chemical Society, 1867–9 and 1879– 80. FRS 1850. (DSB; ODNB.) Despard, George Packenham (1813–81). Clergyman. Secretary of the Patagonian Mission Society, and of the Bristol and Clifton Clerical Association. Missionary in Tierra del Fuego, based on Keppel Island, 1856–61. In the 1860s, emigrated to Australia, where he was minister of St Paul’s, Sandhurst, until 1881. (Alum. Cantab.)

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Detmer, Wilhelm Alexander (Wilhelm) (1850–1930). German plant physiologist and agriculturalist. Studied agriculture at the Agricultural Academy, Hohenheim, 1868. PhD, Leipzig, 1871. Assistant, Agricultural-Physiological Institute, University of Leipzig, 1871. Habilitated in plant physiology at Jena in 1875 and taught at the university; professor, 1923. Lectured on soil science, seed physiology, and plant physiology; published a textbook on plant physiology in 1883. (Böhm 1997.) Dew-Smith, Albert George (1848–1903). Zoologist and instrument maker. BA, Cambridge (Trinity College), 1873. Added Smith to his name on succeeding to property in 1870, but was known to his friends as ‘Dew’. A student and benefactor of Michael Foster; co-authored several papers with Foster on the heartbeat. Carried out research at the Naples Zoological station in 1874. Established the Cambridge Scientific Instrument Company in partnership with Horace Darwin in 1878. A noted amateur photographer. (Alum. Cantab.; Geison 1978, pp. 107, 176, 222–38.) Dickson, Alexander (1836–87). Scottish botanist. Professor of botany, Dublin University, 1866–8; at the Royal College of Science, Dublin, 1868; at Glasgow University, 1868–79. Professor of botany, Edinburgh University, and regius keeper of the Royal Botanic Garden, Edinburgh, 1879–87. (R. Desmond 1994; ODNB.) Dickson, Johanna Wilhelmina Augusta (Augusta) (1831/2–1913). German-born lady’s maid. Née Hübener. Married Robert William Dickson, steward, in London in 1865. Employed at Coombe Wood House, Kingston, Surrey, 1871. Emma Darwin’s lady’s maid from 1880. Living with her daughter-in-law, Anne Dickson, in Hackney, 1891; in Leyton, Essex, 1911. (BMD (Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1871 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG10/858/72/32), 1881 (RG11/855/83/1), 1891 (RG12/185/48/34), 1911 (RG14/9652/29); Emma Darwin’s account book (Down House MS); Westminster Church of England parish registers (City of Westminster Archives Centre STC/PR/1/5).) Disraeli, Benjamin, earl of Beaconsfield (1804–81). Statesman and author. Prime minister and first lord of the Treasury, 1868, 1874–80. Created earl of Beaconsfield, 1876. (ODNB.) Dohrn, Felix Anton (Anton) (1840–1909). German zoologist. Studied medicine and zoology at various German universities. PhD, Breslau, 1865. Studied with Ernst Haeckel and became Haeckel’s first assistant at Jena, where he habilitated in 1868. Founded the Zoological Station at Naples, built between 1872 and 1874. The station was the first marine laboratory, and served as a model for other similar institutions throughout the world. (DBE; DSB; Heuss 1991.) 18 February 1881, 22 February 1881 Donders, Frans Cornelis (Franciscus Cornelius) (1818–89). Dutch physiologist and ophthalmologist. MD, Leiden, 1840. Professor of anatomy at Utrecht military school; professor of physiology at the University of Utrecht, 1862. President of the science section of the Royal Amsterdam Academy of

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Sciences, 1865–83. Founder and director of a physiology laboratory at the University of Utrecht, 1866–88. Founder and director of the Netherlands Hospital for Eye Patients, 1858–83. FRS 1866. (NNBW; Proceedings of the Royal Society of London 49 (1890–1): vii–xxiv; Tort 1996.) Druitt, Thomas (1823/4–86). Banker. Manager, Union Bank of London, Charing Cross branch. (Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/330/71/20); Correspondence vol. 19, letter from Thomas Druitt, 30 September 1871; England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 25 May 2015).) Drysdale, John James (1816–92). Physician. MD, Edinburgh, and LRCS, 1838. Practised in Liverpool. Collaborated with William Henry Dallinger on microscopical investigations of flagellate protozoa. (BMD (Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1871 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG10/3784/4/1); Edinburgh Academy register; ODNB s.v. Dallinger, William Henry.) Du Bois-Reymond, Emil Heinrich (Emil) (1818–96). German physiologist. A founder of the Physikalische Gesellschaft in Berlin, 1845. Instructor in anatomy, Berlin Academy of Art, 1848–53. Elected member of the Prussian Academy of Sciences, 1851; permanent secretary, 1876. Appointed professor of physiology at the University of Berlin, 1858. Worked on animal electricity, and in 1850 invented the nerve galvanometer to measure the electrical impulses in nerve and muscle tissue. (ADB; DSB; NDB.) Duchesne, Antoine (1708–97). French architect. Superintendent of the king’s buildings at Versailles. Father of the botanist Antoine Nicolas Duchesne. (Paris ed. 2007, pp. 19–20.) Duchesne, Antoine Nicolas (1747–1827). French botanist. Professor of natural history, Ecole Centrale, Versailles, 1794. Best known for his Histoire naturelle des fraisiers (Natural history of strawberries, 1766). (DBF.) Duckworth, Robinson (1834–1911). Clergyman. BA, Oxford, 1857. Fellow of Trinity College, Oxford, 1860–76. DD 1879. Chaplain to Queen Victoria. Canon of Westminster, 1875; sub-dean, 1895. He was immortalised as the duck in the pool of tears and the duck in the jury box in Alice’s adventures in wonderland. (Alum. Oxon; Westminster Abbey famous people, www.westminster-abbey. org/abbey-commemorations/commemorations/robinson-duckworth (accessed 2 November 2020).) Duguid, William (b. c. 1849 d. 1923). Scottish gardener and estate agent. Son of a nurseryman. Employed at Down House, 1879–80. Left after being suspected of ‘mysterious dealings in cows’. Estate bailiff in Shenton, Leicestershire, from 1891 or earlier until 1901 or later; estate agent, Market Bosworth, circa 1911. (CD’s Classed accounts (Down House MS); Census returns of England and Wales 1891 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG/12/2506/55/21), 1901 (RG13/2965/51/11), 1911 (RG14/19031); Census returns of Scotland 1871 (The National Archives of Scotland: Leith North 20/13); F. Darwin 1920a, pp. 58–9; England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–

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1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 13 February 2018); letter from Emma Darwin to H. E. Litchfield, [4 November 1879], DAR 219.9: 214.) Dunbar-Brander, James Brander (1825–1902). Scottish army officer. Lieutenant in the Madras Cavalry; captain in the Scots Greys. JP and deputy lieutenant of Elgin. (Burke’s peerage s.v. Dunbar of Northfield.) 7 December [1881] Dupré, August (1835–1907). German analytical chemist. Moved to London in 1855. Lecturer in toxicology at Westminster Hospital medical school, 1864–97. FRS 1875. (ODNB.) 6 August 1881, 8 August 1881 Dupré, Frederick Harold (1879–1953). Analytical and consulting chemist. Twin son of August Dupré. (BMD (Birth index); Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/24/58/29), 1911 (RG14/34); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1995 (Ancestry.com, accessed 2 November 2020).) Dupré, Henry Augustus (1877–1956). Civil engineer. Son of August Dupré. Member of the Institution of Civil Engineers, 1907. Department of Inland Revenue, Ottawa, 1913. Emigrated to Canada in 1919. Employed by the Electrical Standards Laboratory, Trade and Commerce Department, Ottawa, from 1919. (Census returns of Canada 1921 (Library and Archives Canada: Ontario, Ottawa, St George’s p. 40); Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/24/58/29); Transactions of the Engineering Institute of Canada (1957): 62; UK, civil engineer lists, 1818–1930 (Ancestry.com, accessed 2 November 2020); UK, civil engineer records, 1818–1930 (Ancestry.com, accessed 2 November 2020).) Dupré, Percy Vivian (1879–1938). Analytical and consulting chemist. Twin son of August Dupré. (BMD (Birth index); Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/24/58/29), 1911 (RG14/2936/242); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1995 (Ancestry.com, accessed 2 November 2020).) Dupuy, Pierre Louis Eugène (Eugène) (1847–1924). Mauritian-born physician. Studied medicine in Paris. Worked for the Red Cross during the Franco-Prussian War, 1870. Dedicated his doctoral thesis to his mentor and friend Charles Édouard Brown-Séquard. MD, University of London. Professor of experimental medicine at the London School of Medicine for Women, 1874. Worked in Claude Bernard’s laboratory, 1875. Secretary to Brown-Séquard in Paris, London, and America. (Celestin 2014, p. 150; Dictionary of Mauritian biography.) Dutrochet, René Joachim Henri (Henri) (1776–1847). French physician and natural scientist. Military medical officer, 1808–9. Corresponding member of the Académie des sciences, 1819; full member, 1831. Wrote works on plant physiology; noted for his research on osmosis and diffusion. (DBF; DSB.) Duval-Jouve, Joseph (1810–83). French botanist, historian, and educator. Worked on self-fertilisation, plant movement, histology, and insectivorous plants. Principal

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of the college at Grasse, 1846. Inspector of the academy at Algiers from 1852, at Strasbourg from 1854, and at Montpellier from 1868. Honorary inspector by March 1874; retired through ill health in 1877. Published widely on botany, and also on the history of Montpellier. (DBF; Duval-Jouve 1874; Flahault 1884; Tort 1996.) Dykes, Lamplugh Brougham Ballantine (1804–86). Barrister. BA, Cambridge, 1827. Fellow of Peterhouse, 1828–85. Student of the Middle Temple, 1828; called to the bar, 1834. (Alum. Cantab.; England, select births and christenings, 1538–1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed 17 July 2019); Men-at-the-bar; Shrewsbury School register.) 1 September [1881] Easton, James (1830–88). Engineer. Partner in the firm of Easton and Anderson, Erith, Kent. Horace Darwin’s employer during his engineering apprenticeship; they remained on friendly terms. (Letter from W. E. Darwin, 23 May 1881; ODNB s.v. Darwin, Horace; Proceedings of the Institution of Civil Engineers 95 (1889): 370–1.) Eden, Robert (1804–86). Scottish clergyman. BA, Oxford, 1827. Held several curacies in England. Consecrated Scottish episcopal bishop of Moray and Ross, 1851. Elected primus of the Scottish episcopal church, 1862. (ODNB.) Edwards, Edward James Justinian George (Edward James) (1811/12–84). Clergyman. BA, Oxford, 1835. Vicar of Trentham, Staffordshire, 1841–84. (Alum. Oxon.; Shrewsbury School register.) 28 June 1881 Edwards, Henry (1827–91). Actor, entomologist, and botanist. Lived in Australia, 1853–66, and in San Francisco, Boston, and New York; worked as an actor and theatre manager and studied natural history in his spare time. Member of the California Academy of Sciences, 1867; vice-president, 1875–7. A founder and secretary of the New York Entomological Club, 1880–2. Editor of the journal Papilio, 1881–3. After his death, his entomological collection was bought by his friends and donated to the American Museum of Natural History. (Historical Records of Australian Science 11 (1996): 407–18; Weiss 1948.) 21 February 1881, [after 21 February 1881] Edward VII, king of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland and emperor of India (1841–1910). Eldest son of Queen Victoria and Prince Albert. Succeeded to the throne in 1901. As Albert Edward, prince of Wales, married Princess Alexandra of Schleswig-Holstein-Sonderburg-Glücksburg on 10 March 1863. FRS 1863. (ODNB.) Elfving, Fredrik Emil Volmar (Fredrik) (1854–1942). Finnish botanist and plant physiologist. Studied medicine at Helsinki, 1874–7; botany at Jena, 1878; Würzburg, 1879. PhD in botany, Helsinki, 1879; docent, 1881. Studied at Straßburg, 1881; at Copenhagen, Utrecht, and Paris, 1886–7. Professor of botany and director of the Botanical Institute, Helsinki, 1889–1926. While at Würzburg, demonstrated transverse geotropism of rhizomes, the subject of his doctoral dissertation. (Barnhart comp. 1965; Collander 1965, pp. 42–7.) Elie de Beaumont, Jean-Baptiste-Armand-Louis-Léonce (Léonce) (1798– 1874). French mining engineer and geologist. Participated in the drawing-up of a

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geological map of France, 1825–41. Professor of geology, Ecole des mines, 1827; professor, Collège de France, 1832. Foreign member, Royal Society of London, 1835. (DBF; DSB; Record of the Royal Society of London.) Elisabeth Amalie Eugenie (Elisabeth), empress of Austria, queen of Hungary, duchess in Bavaria (1837–98). Bavarian-born consort of Emperor Franz Joseph I, emperor of Austria from 1848. Assassinated by an Italian anarchist. (NDB.) Endlicher, Stephan Ladislaus (1804–49). German botanist. (NDB.) Engelhardt, Alphons Sigismund (Alphons) von, Baron von EngelhardtSchnellenstein (1861–1922). Baltic German landowner and journalist. From Belmont, Lautzen bei Dünaburg, Kurland (now Daugavpils, Latvia). Studied political economy at the university in Dorpat, Livonia (now Tartu, Estonia), 1882–6. Travelled widely in Germany, France, and the Orient. (Handbuch der kurländischen Ritterschaft, p. 235; Album Dorpat, p. 802.) 15 April [1881?], [after 15 April 1881?] Engler, Adolf Gustav Heinrich (Adolf ) (1844–1930). German botanist. PhD, Breslau (Wrocław), 1866. Privat-dozent and keeper of the herbarium, Munich, 1871–8. Professor of botany, Kiel, 1878; Breslau, 1884; Berlin, 1889. Founder of the journal Botanische Jahrbücher, 1880. Worked on taxonomy; a pioneer of phytogeography. (NDB.) English, John Francis Hawker (1822–75). Clergyman. LLB, Cambridge, 1844; LLD, 1853. Ordained, 1848. Vicar of Brentwood, Essex, from 1854. Lived at Warley House, Great Warley, Essex. A trustee of the marriage settlement of Francis Rhodes (from 1850 Francis Darwin) and Charlotte Maria Cooper Darwin, who married in 1849. (Alum. Cantab.; Census returns of England and Wales 1871 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG10/1651/49/27); Essex, England, Church of England births and baptisms, 1813–1918 (Ancestry.com, accessed 9 June 2021).) Ernst, Adolf (1832–99). German-born botanist and entomologist. Studied natural sciences, education, and modern languages at the University of Berlin. Emigrated to Venezuela in 1861. Founded the Society for Physical and Natural Sciences of Caracas in 1867 and the National Museum in 1874. Director of the National Library from 1876. (Barnhart comp. 1965; Biografías: Adolfo Ernst, http://www. venezuelatuya.com/biografias/adolfoernst.htm (accessed 6 September 2016); P. Gilbert 1977.) Eschricht, Daniel Frederik (1798–1863). Danish physiologist and zoologist. Professor of physiology, University of Copenhagen, from 1830; of physiology and anatomy, from 1832. Specialised in comparative anatomy and embryology. (DBL; Tort 1996.) Etheridge, Robert (1819–1903). Palaeontologist. Curator, Bristol Philosophical Institution, 1850–7. Assistant palaeontologist to the Geological Survey of Great Britain, 1857; palaeontologist, 1863. Assistant keeper in geology, British Museum, 1881–91. Vice-president of the Royal Society of London. FRS 1871. (DNB.)

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Evans-Lombe, Elizabeth (1820–98). Sister of Joseph Dalton Hooker. Married Thomas Robert Evans-Lombe in 1853. (L. Huxley ed. 1918; Allan 1967.) Ewart, James Cossar (1851–1933). Zoologist and anatomist. BM and Master of surgery, Edinburgh, 1874. Curator, Zoological Museum, University College, London, 1874–78. Travelled to museums in Europe and worked in Straßburg (Strasbourg), 1876. Lecturer in anatomy, extra-mural school of medicine, Edinburgh, 1878. Professor of natural history, Edinburgh, 1882–1927. FRS 1893. (Barr [1973]; Obituary Notices of Fellows of the Royal Society 1: 189–95.) Eyre, Edward John (1815–1901). Colonial administrator. Emigrated to Australia in 1833. Lieutenant-governor of New Zealand’s South Island, 1846–53. Governor of St Vincent, 1854–9. Temporary lieutenant-governor of Jamaica, 1862; governor, 1864–66. Suspended, 1866, then recalled for his role in the suppression of the uprising known as the Morant Bay rebellion. Faced criminal and civil charges but was never convicted and eventually received a government pension. (ODNB.) Fabre, Jean-Henri Casimir ( Jean-Henri) (1823–1915). French entomologist, teacher, and science writer. Professor of science, Avignon, 1853–70. Between 1879 and 1907 published the series Souvenirs entomologiques, notable for both scientific accuracy and accessible style. Particularly interested in the development of instinct in insects. Wrote textbooks on many scientific disciplines, as well as numerous works of popular science. (DBF; DSB.) 21 January 1881 Fairbanks, Annie Davis (1843–1920). American botanist. Treasurer of the Syracuse Botanical Club in 1881. Daughter of Henry Phelps, music store keeper, and his wife Harriet of Syracuse, New York. Married Captain Edward Richmond Fairbanks (1827–62) in 1861; he died at sea. (Bulletin of the Torrey Botanical Club 8 (1881): 60; North America, family histories, 1500–2000: Genealogy of the Fairbanks family in America, 1633–1897 (Ancestry.com, accessed 11 March 2021); United States Federal Census 1880 (Syracuse, Onondaga, New York 211/250C) (Ancestry.com, accessed 11 March 2021); U.S., Find a grave index, 1600s–current (Ancestry.com, accessed 11 March 2021).) Faraday, Michael (1791–1867). Natural philosopher. Apprentice to a bookbinder, 1805. Appointed chemical assistant at the Royal Institution of Great Britain, 1813; director of the laboratory, 1825; Fullerian Professor of chemistry, 1833. Noted for his popular lectures and for his extensive researches in electrochemistry, magnetism, and electricity. FRS 1824. (DSB; ODNB.) Farrar, Hilda Cardew (1863–1908). Daughter of Frederick William Farrar. Married John Stafford Northcote in 1881. (BMD (Birth index, Marriage index); Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office, RG11/117/8/9); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1995 (Ancestry.com, accessed 6 April 2021).) Farrer, Ida. See Darwin, Ida. Farrer, Katherine Euphemia (Effie) (1839–1931). Daughter of Hensleigh and Frances Emma Elizabeth Wedgwood. Married Thomas Henry Farrer in 1873. (Burke’s peerage 1980; Freeman 1978.)

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Farrer, Thomas Henry, 1st Baron Farrer (1819–99). Civil servant. BA, Oxford, 1840. Called to the bar, 1844; ceased to practise in 1848. Secretary of the marine department, Board of Trade, 1850, rising to sole permanent secretary of the Board of Trade, 1867–86. In 1854, married Frances Erskine, whose mother, Maitland, was the half-sister of Frances Emma Elizabeth Wedgwood; in 1873, married Katherine Euphemia Wedgwood, daughter of Frances and Hensleigh Wedgwood. Created baronet, 1883; created Baron Farrer of Abinger, 1893. (ODNB; Wedgwood and Wedgwood 1980.) 2 January [1881], 3 January 1881 (from James Caird), 18 January 1881, 27 August 1881, 28 August 1881, 5 November 1881 Fayrer, Joseph, 1st baronet (1824–1907). Surgeon and physician. Served in the Indian Medical Service, 1850–95. Professor of surgery at the medical college, Calcutta, 1859. President of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1867. Returned to Britain in 1872. President of the medical board of the India Office, 1873–95. Published on surgery, but most noted for his work, with Thomas Lauder Brunton, on snake venoms. Created baronet, 1896. FRS 1877. (ODNB.) [after 10 January 1881] Fegan, James William Condell (1851–1925). Non-conformist evangelical. Worked with poor boys in South London; founded Fegan’s Homes in Deptford in 1872. In 1880 his parents moved to Downe on retirement, and CD lent him the village Reading Room for services. (BMD (Birth index); Freeman 1978.) Fergusson, William, 1st baronet (1808–77). Scottish surgeon. Professor of surgery, King’s College, London, 1840–70. Surgeon-in-ordinary to the prince consort, 1849; surgeon extraordinary to Queen Victoria, 1855; sergeant-surgeon, 1867. Created baronet, 1866. FRS 1848. (ODNB.) Ferrers, Norman Macleod (1829–1903). Mathematician and university administrator. Fellow of Gonville and Caius College, 1852; master, 1880. Called to the bar (Lincoln’s Inn), 1855. Mathematical lecturer at Caius from 1856. Ordained priest, 1860. Vice-chancellor of the University of Cambridge, 1884–5. FRS 1877. (ODNB.) Ferrier, David (1843–1928). Scottish neurologist. Studied psychology at Heidelberg. MB, Edinburgh, 1868. Lecturer on physiology, Middlesex Hospital school, 1870. Demonstrator, King’s College, London, 1871; professor of forensic medicine, 1872; assistant physician, 1874; professor of neuropathology, 1889; physician, 1890. Retired in 1908. Carried out pioneering research into brain function and made significant contributions to the field of brain surgery. One of the founding editors of Brain, 1878. Knighted, 1911. (ODNB.) Ffinden, George Sketchley (1836/7–1911). Clergyman. Ordained priest, 1861. Curate of Monks Risborough, Buckinghamshire, 1860–1; Newport Pagnell, 1861–2; Moulsoe, Buckinghamshire, 1863–9. Domestic chaplain to Earl Carrington, 1871. Vicar of Down, 1871–1911. (BMD (Death index); Crockford’s clerical directory 1872; Freeman 1978.) 8 October 1881

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Fisch, Carl (1859–1913). German botanist and zoologist. Studied at Rostock, Würzburg and Straßburg (Strasbourg); PhD, Straßburg, 1880. Privat-dozent, Erlangen, 1881–6. Emigrated to the United States, 1888. MD, St Louis, 1893. Naturalised American citizen, 1898. Practised in St Louis. (Leonard ed. 1906; Missouri death certificates, 1910–69 (Ancestry.com, accessed 28 May 2021); Sitzungsberichte der physikalisch-medizinischen Societät zu Erlangen (1886): VI; United States Federal Census 1900 (Ward 24, St Louis City, Missouri 0358/6), 1910 (Ward 17, Saint Louis City, Missouri 0266/p. 8B) (Ancestry.com, accessed 28 May 2021); Verhandlungen des botanischen Vereins der Provinz Brandenburg 1880, p. XLVII.) Fitzgerald, Robert David (1830–92). Irish-born surveyor and naturalist in Australia. Studied civil engineering at Queen’s College, Cork. Emigrated to Sydney, Australia, in 1856. Draftsman to the Department of Lands, 1856; in charge of the roads branch, 1868; deputy surveyor-general, 1873. Chief mining surveyor, 1874–82. Made botanical collections on Lord Howe Island. Published Australian orchids in parts from 1875. Fellow of the Linnean Society, 1874. (Aust. dict. biog.) 9 February 1881 FitzRoy Button, James. See Cooshaipunjiz. FitzRoy, Robert (1805–65). Naval officer, hydrographer, and meteorologist. Commander of HMS Beagle, 1828–36. Tory MP for Durham, 1841–3. Governor of New Zealand, 1843–5. Superintendent of the dockyard at Woolwich, 1848– 50. Chief of the meteorological department at the Board of Trade, 1854; chief of the Meteorological Office from 1855. Rear admiral, 1857; vice-admiral, 1863. FRS 1851. (DSB; ODNB.) Fleming, George (1833–1901). Veterinary surgeon. Certificate from Edinburgh Veterinary College, 1855. Army veterinary service, 1855; served in Crimea, China, Syria, and Egypt. Diploma of the Royal College of Veterinary Surgeons, 1866. Inspecting veterinary surgeon at the War Office, 1879; principal veterinary surgeon to the army, 1883. President of the Royal College of Veterinary Surgeons, 1880–4. (ODNB.) Flourens, Marie Jean Pierre (Pierre) (1794–1867). French physiologist and historian of science. Permanent secretary of the Académie des sciences, 1833. (DBF; DSB.) Flower, William Henry (1831–99). Anatomist and zoologist. Curator of the Hunterian Museum, Royal College of Surgeons of England, 1861–84; Hunterian Professor of comparative anatomy, Royal College of Surgeons, 1870–84. Director of the Natural History Museum, London, 1884–98. President of the Zoological Society of London, 1879–99. President of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1889. Knighted, 1892. FRS 1864. (DNB; ODNB.) Forbes, Edward (1815–54). Zoologist, botanist, and palaeontologist. Naturalist on board HMS Beacon, 1841–2. Appointed professor of botany, King’s College, London, and curator of the museum of the Geological Society of London, 1842. Palaeontologist with the Geological Survey of Great Britain, 1844–54. Professor of natural history, Edinburgh University, 1854. FRS 1845. (DSB; ODNB.)

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Forrest, George Edward (1827–94). Gas engineer and land owner. Brass founder, lamp manufacturer, and gas fitter living in Islington, 1861. Lived in Down from at least 1876. Member of the Down school board, 1876; chairman, 1880. At Gorringes, a house in Down, 1881. (Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG9/150/41/2), 1881 (RG11/855/93/21); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1995 (Ancestry.com, accessed 19 November 2020); letter from Emma Darwin to Leonard Darwin, 22 July [1876] (DAR 239.23: 1.43); letter from Emma Darwin to W. E. Darwin, 19 January 1880 (DAR 219.1: 131); London, England, Church of England births and baptisms, 1813–1917 (Ancestry.com, accessed 19 November 2020).) Forster, Edward Morgan Llewellyn (Eddie) (1847–80). Architect. Father of the novelist and essayist E. M. Forster (1879–1970); died suddenly of tuberculosis. (ODNB s.v. Forster, Edward Morgan.) Forster, Laura Mary (1839–1924). A life-long friend of Henrietta Emma Litchfield, whom she met while staying in Wales in 1865. An aunt of E. M. Forster. Made observations on harvester ants in Algiers for John Traherne Moggridge in 1872. Lent her house to the Darwins in 1879 so that CD could have a complete rest. (England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 10 December 2018); L. M. Forster, ‘Journal’, f. 26 (King’s College Cambridge, PP/EMF/22 vol. 3/10); Freeman 1978; letter to L. M. Forster, 25 June 1879; Moggridge 1873.) [11 June 1881] (to H. E. Litchfield) Forsyth, Anne Noel (1853–87). Granddaughter of William Brown Darwin of Elston. Married Thomas Hamilton Forsyth (1844–1936), army officer, in 1873. (Darwin pedigree, p. 14; England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1995 (Ancestry.com, accessed 31 May 2021); Somerset, England, Church of England baptisms, 1813–1914 (Ancestry.com, accessed 31 May 2021).) Foster, Michael (1836–1907). Physiologist and politician. BA, University College, London, 1854; MD 1859. Practised medicine until 1866. Instructor in physiology and histology, University College, 1867; assistant professor, 1869. Fullerian Professor of physiology, Royal Institution of Great Britain. Praelector in physiology, Trinity College, Cambridge, from 1870; professor of physiology, Cambridge, 1883–1903. MP, University of London, 1900–6. Knighted, 1899. FRS 1872. (ODNB.) Franke, Constance Rose (1846–1903). Second-youngest child of Frances and Francis Wedgwood. Married Johannes Hermann Franke in 1880. Died in Germany. (England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1995 (Ancestry.com, accessed 26 February 2020); Freeman 1978.) Franke, Johannes Hermann (1847/8–1913). German musician and impressario. Married Constance Rose Wedgwood in 1880. Founder of the Hans Richter concerts and leader of the orchestra, 1880–6. (BMD (Marriage index); Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/855/83/1); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and

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administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 12 June 2019); Musical World 58 (1880): 279; 64 (1886): 761–2.) Franklin, Benjamin (1706–90). American natural philosopher and writer. (ANB.) Franklin, William Temple (1760–1823). American diplomat. Aide to his grandfather, Benjamin Franklin, 1776–85; secretary to the American delegation negotiating the Treaty of Versailles, 1782–3. As Benjamin Franklin’s literary executor, edited a three-volume set of his grandfather’s memoirs. (William Temple Franklin Papers, American Philosophical Library, www.amphilsoc.org/ collections (accessed 13 February 2020).) Frederick II, king of Prussia (1712–86). Known as Frederick the Great. King of Prussia, 1740–86. (EB.) Frederick William, Emperor Frederick III (1831–88). Married Victoria, princess royal of Great Britain, in 1858. Became crown prince of Prussia in 1861, and crown prince of the German Empire in 1871. On the death of his father, William I, in 1888, became Emperor Frederick III, three months before his death. (Chambers biographical dictionary.) Fredericq, Léon (1851–1935). Belgian physiologist and naturalist. PhD in natural sciences, Ghent, 1871; in medicine, 1875. Studied in Straßburg (Strasbourg), Paris, and under Lacaze-Duthiers at Roscoff, 1876. On his return to Ghent, worked on circulation and coagulation of blood. Professor of physiology, Liège, 1879; founder of the Institute of Physiology, 1887. (BNB.) Froude, James Anthony (1818–94). Historian and writer. Disciple of Thomas Carlyle; published History of England (1856–70), The English in Ireland in the eighteenth century (1872–4), and The English in the West Indies (1888). Editor of Fraser’s Magazine, 1860–74. Visited Cape Colony and the Orange Free State in 1875, on behalf of the Tory government, to promote south African federation, but became critical of the plan to annex the Transvaal. Appointed, with Thomas Henry Huxley, as a member of the Scottish universities commission, 1876. Author of a controversial biography of Carlyle (1882–4). Regius professor of modern history, Oxford University, 1892–4. (ODNB.) Fry, Edward (1827–1918). Lawyer and naturalist. A Quaker. Published widely on vertebrate morphology. Knighted, 1907. FRS 1883. (ODNB.) 24 October 1881 Galbraith, Julius Frazelle (1854–1934). Canadian farmer and publisher. Moved to Nelsonville (or Nelson), Manitoba, in 1875. Founded the Manitoba Mountaineer and published A sketch of both sides of Manitoba under the pseudonym Jeff Gee in 1880. In the early 1880s the buildings of Nelson were moved to Morden, where Galbraith started the Manitoba News in 1886. Moved to the west coast in 1906. (Manitoba Historical Society, www.mhs.mb.ca/docs/people/galbraith_jf.shtml (accessed 1 May 2012).) 20 October 1881, 11 November 1881 Gallesio, Giorgio (1772–1839). Italian botanist. Specialised in the hybridisation of fruit. Best known for his Traité du citrus (1811). (DBI.)

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Galton, Francis (1822–1911). Traveller, statistician, and scientific writer. Son of Samuel Tertius Galton and Violetta Galton, née Darwin; CD’s cousin. Explored in south-western Africa, 1850–2. Carried out various researches on heredity. Founder of the eugenics movement. FRS 1860. (DSB; ODNB.) 7 March 1881, 8 March [1881], 8 May [1881], 9 October 1881, 18 [December 1881] Galton, Louisa Jane (1822–97). Daughter of George Butler, the headmaster of Harrow. Married Francis Galton in 1853. (London, England, births and baptisms, 1813– 1906 (Ancestry.com, accessed 30 October 2014); ODNB s.v. Galton, Sir Francis.) Gardiner, Walter (1859–1941). Botanist. BA, Cambridge, 1882. Studied in Würzburg under Julius Sachs. Demonstrator in botany, Cambridge, 1884–8; university lecturer in botany, 1888–97. Bursar of Clare College, 1895–1913. Worked on the cellular structure of plant tissue. FRS 1890. (Obituary Notices of Fellows of the Royal Society 3 (1941): 985–1004.) Garfield, James Abram (1831–81). American politician. President of the United States, March to September 1881. (ANB.) Gärtner, Karl Friedrich von (1772–1850). German physician and botanist. Practised medicine in Calw, Germany, from 1796, but left medical practice in 1800 to pursue a career in botany. Travelled in England and Holland in 1802. Studied plant hybridisation from circa 1824. Elected a member of the Deutsche Akademie der Naturforscher Leopoldina, 1826. Ennobled, 1846. (ADB; DBE; DSB.) Gascoyne-Cecil, Robert Arthur Talbot, 3d marquess of Salisbury (1830– 1903). Politician. Conservative MP for Stamford, 1853–68. Became the third marquess of Salisbury in 1868. Secretary of state for India, 1874–8. Apppointed foreign secretary on the resignation of Lord Derby on 27 March 1878, and took a leading role in negotiating the settlements between Russia and the Ottoman Empire ratified at the Congress of Berlin in July 1878. Prime minister, 1885–6, 1886–92, 1895–1902. (ODNB.) Geddes, Patrick (1854–1932). Scottish botanist, sociologist, and urban planner. Studied at the Royal School of Mines with T. H. Huxley, who subsequently employed him as a demonstrator. Interested in applying the lessons of evolutionary science to human society; worked on urban renewal and the preservation of historic buildings in Edinburgh. Published The evolution of sex (1889), with his student, J. Arthur Thomson. Professor of botany, University College, Dundee, 1889; University of Bombay, 1919. Knighted, 1932. (R. Desmond 1994; ODNB.) 9 December 1881 Gegenbaur, Carl (1826–1903). German anatomist and zoologist. A supporter of CD; emphasised the importance of comparative anatomy in evolutionary reconstruction. Professor extraordinarius of zoology, Jena, 1855–8; professor of anatomy and zoology, 1858–62; of anatomy, 1862–73. Professor of anatomy and comparative anatomy, Heidelberg, 1873–1901. Elected to the Deutsche Akademie der Naturforscher Leopoldina, 1857. (DBE; DSB; NDB.) Geikie, Archibald (1835–1924). Scottish geologist. Appointed member of the Scottish branch of the Geological Survey in 1855. Director of the Geological Survey of Scotland, 1867–82. Director-general of the Geological Survey of

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Great Britain, 1882–1901. Murchison Professor of geology and mineralogy, Edinburgh University, 1871–81. Knighted, 1891. FRS 1865. (DNB; DSB.) 22 June 1881, 10 October 1881, 11 November 1881, 14 November 1881 Geikie, James Murdoch (1839–1915). Scottish geologist. A brother of Archibald Geikie. Joined the Scottish Geological Survey, mapping glacial deposits in central Scotland, in 1861; district surveyor, 1869. Published The great Ice Age (1874). Murchison Professor of geology, Edinburgh University, 1882–1914. FRS 1875. (DSB; ODNB.) 10 October 1881, 15 December 1881, [after 15 December 1881], 19 December 1881 George, Henry (1839–97). American economist and reformer. Worked for the San Francisco Times, eventually as managing editor. Published Progress and poverty (1879). Advocated a single tax on land, amongst other progressive measures. (ANB.) George III, king of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland (1738–1820). Succeeded to the throne in 1760. Elector of Hanover from 1760; king from 1814. (ODNB.) Gifford, Isabella S. (1832–1912). American botanist. Vice-president of the Syracuse Botanical Club until March 1881. Daughter of Pardon S. and Lydia Church Howland of New Bedford, Massachusetts. Married Shubael Henry Gifford (1824–1910), sea captain on whalers, in Fairhaven, Massachusetts, in 1852. (Bulletin of the Torrey Botanical Club 8 (1881): 60; Massachusetts, U.S., marriage records, 1840–1915 (Ancestry.com, accessed 12 March 2021); United States Federal Census 1880 (Syracuse, Onondaga, New York 216/352D) (Ancestry.com, accessed 12 March 2021); U.S., Find a grave index, 1600s–current (Ancestry.com, accessed 12 March 2021); whalinghistory.org/wri/AM2217, accessed 12 March 2021.) Gilbert, Joseph Henry (1817–1901). Agricultural chemist. Collaborated with John Bennet Lawes at the Rothamsted Agricultural Station, 1843–1900. Sibthorpian Professor of rural economy, Oxford University, 1884–90. Knighted, 1893. FRS 1860. (ODNB.) 5 February 1881, 22 February 1881, 25 February 1881, 7 March 1881, 15 March 1881, 5 June 1881, 8 June 1881 Gladstone, Helen (1849–1925). Educationalist. Daughter of William Ewart Gladstone. Attended Newnham College, Cambridge from 1877. Secretary to the vice-principal of Newnham, 1880–2; vice-principal, 1882–96. (ODNB.) Gladstone, John Hall (1827–1902). Chemist and educationalist. Studied chemistry at University College, London; PhD, University of Giessen, 1848. Member of the London School Board, 1873–94. Fullerian Professor of chemistry at the Royal Institution of Great Britain, 1874–7. Noted for papers on spectroscopy. Active in philanthropic and charitable work; an early supporter of the Young Men’s Christian Association, especially its international relationships, from 1850. FRS 1853. (ODNB.) Gladstone, William Ewart (1809–98). Statesman and author. Chancellor of the Exchequer, 1852–5 and 1859–66. Prime minister, 1868–74, 1880–5, 1886, and 1892–4. FRS 1881. (ODNB.) [4 January 1881], 6 January 1881, 7 January 1881, 30 April 1881, 2 May 1881

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Gladwin, Edgar Franklin (1863–1915). American autograph hunter. Clerk in a store in Brooklyn, New York, 1880. Bank accountant in Pueblo, Colorado, 1900. (United States Federal Census 1880 (Brooklyn, Kings, New York 083/181D), 1900 (Pueblo, Pueblo, Colorado 94/5) (Ancestry.com, accessed 19 November 2020); U.S., Find a grave index, 1600s–current (Ancestry.com, accessed 19 November 2020).) 28 November 1881 Glaisher, James Whitbread Lee (1848–1928). Mathematician. Second wrangler in the mathematical tripos, Cambridge University, 1871; fellow, lecturer, and assistant tutor of Trinity College from 1871. Member of many societies; wrote papers on astronomy, mathematics, and history of mathematics. Later interested in ceramics. FRS 1875. (ODNB.) Goebel, Karl Immanuel Eberhard (Karl) (1855–1932). German botanist. Studied theology and philosophy at Tübingen from 1873 before switching to botany. PhD, Straßburg (Strasbourg), 1877. In 1880, habilitated at Würzburg, where he had been assistant to Julius Sachs since 1878. Professor extraordinarius of botany, Straßburg, 1880; Rostock, 1882. Professor, Rostock, 1883; Marburg, 1887; Munich, 1891–1931. Editor of Flora, 1889. With royal support, founded the botanical institute and created the new botanical garden in Nymphenburg, Munich, 1908–14. Made several botanical excursions, notably to the South American Andes, New Zealand Alps, Brazilian Organ Mountains, and North American Rocky Mountains. President, Bavarian Academy of Sciences. Foreign Member, Royal Society, 1926. (Biographical Memoirs of Fellows of the Royal Society 1 (1933): 102–8; NDB.) Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von (1749–1832). German poet and naturalist. (DSB; NDB.) Goette, Alexander Wilhelm (Alexander) (1840–1922). Russian-born German zoologist. Studied medicine at the Universities of Dorpat and Tübingen. Assistant, Zoological Institute, University of Straßburg (Strasbourg); professor extraordinarius, 1877; director of the zoological collections of the museum, 1880. Professor of zoology and director of the zoological institute, university of Rostock, 1882–6. Professor of zoology, Straßburg, 1886–1914. Critic of generalisations of the theory of evolution, especially that of Ernst Haeckel. (DBE; DSB; NDB.) Goltz, Friedrich Leopold (1834–1902). German physiologist. Anatomical prosector at Königsberg University and self-taught physiologist. Professor of physiology, Halle, 1870; Straßburg (Strasbourg), 1872. Worked on reflex processes and the localisation of cerebral function in dogs; kept dogs without cerebrums alive for up to three years. (DSB; NDB.) Goodwin, William Henry (1826–87). Solicitor. Born in Shrewsbury. Solicitor’s articled managing clerk in Shrewsbury, 1861. Solicitor acting as managing clerk in Hastings, 1871; solicitor, 1881. (Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG9/1878/94/2), 1871 (RG10/1031/80/32), 1881 (RG11/1026/95/28); England & Wales, national probate

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calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1995 (Ancestry.com, accessed 5 November 2020); England, select births and christenings, 1538–1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed 21 January 2020).) 27 May 1881 Gordon, Charles George (1833–85). Army officer. Major-general, Royal Engineers. Killed at the siege of Khartoum, 1885. (ODNB.) Gordon, George (1801–93). Scottish botanist, geologist, and clergyman. Minister of Birnie, near Elgin, Morayshire, 1832–89. Specialised in the stratigraphy and fossil vertebrates of Elgin sandstone. Founded the Elgin and Morayshire Literary and Scientific Association. (R. Desmond 1994; Sarjeant 1980–96.) Graham, William (1839–1911). Irish philosopher and political economist. BA, Dublin, 1867. Coached students in mathematics and philosophy. Settled in London in 1874. Lecturer in mathematics, St Bartholomew’s Hospital. Author of Creed of science (1881). Professor of jurisprudence and political economy, Belfast, 1882–1909. (ODNB.) 3 July 1881, [before 5 August 1881], 5 August 1881, 5 October 1881 Graves, Anthony Elly (1816/17–90). Irish land owner. Of Rosbercon Castle, New Ross, county Kilkenny (now county Wexford). (England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1995 (Ancestry.com, accessed 20 November 2020); Ireland statutory deaths 5992367 New Ross (civilrecords. irishgenealogy.ie, accessed 20 November 2020).) 6 November 1881, 9 November 1881 Gray, Asa (1810–88). American botanist. Fisher Professor of natural history, Harvard University, 1842–73. Wrote numerous botanical textbooks and works on North American flora. President of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, 1863– 73; of the American Association for the Advancement of Science, 1872. Regent of the Smithsonian Institution, 1874–88. Foreign member, Royal Society of London, 1873. (DAB; DSB; J. L. Gray ed. 1893; Record of the Royal Society of London.) 27 January 1881, 29 January 1881 Gray, Jane Loring (1821–1909). American. Daughter of Charles Greely Loring, Boston lawyer and politician, and Anna Pierce Brace. Married Asa Gray in 1848. Edited the Letters of Asa Gray (1893). (Barnhart comp. 1965; Dupree 1959, pp. 177–84.) Greg, William Rathbone (1809–81). Essayist. Mill owner, 1832–50. Author of the Creed of Christendom (1851). Wrote articles for the leading quarterlies, and books, mostly on politics and economics. Comptroller of the Stationery Office, 1864– 77. (ODNB; Tort 1996.) Griffith, William (1810–45). Botanist. Travelled extensively in India, making natural history collections with the aim of compiling a flora of India. Superintendent of the Calcutta botanic garden and professor of botany at the Calcutta Medical College, 1842–4. Died of hepatitis in Malacca. (DSB; ODNB.) Grimshaw, Thomas Wrigley (1839–1900). Irish physician, surgeon, and statistician. BA, Trinity College, Dublin, 1860; MB 1861; MD 1867. Fellow of

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Royal College of Physicians of Ireland, 1869; Diploma in State Medicine, Trinity College, Dublin, 1873. Physician to Cork Street Fever Hospital and Dr Steevens’ Hospital. Registrar General of Ireland, 1879–1900. President, Statistical Society of Ireland, 1888–90; Dublin Sanitary Association, 1885–88; Royal College of Physicians of Ireland, 1895 and 1896. (Breathnach and Moynihan 2009.) Grisebach, August Heinrich Rudolf (1814–79). German botanist. Travelled through the Balkan Peninsula and north-western Asia Minor, 1839–40, studying the flora of these regions. Professor of botany, Göttingen University, 1847. (DSB; NDB.) Gull, William Withey, 1st baronet (1816–90). Physician. Son of a barge owner; his medical education was sponsored by Benjamin Harrison, the treasurer of Guy’s Hospital, London. MB, London, 1841; MD, FRCP, 1848. Fullerian Professor of physiology, Royal Institution of Great Britain, 1847–9. Assistant physician, Guy’s Hospital, 1851; physician, 1856–65. Member, General Medical Council, 1871–83; 1886–7. Knighted and created baronet, 1872. (ODNB.) 10 July 1881, 12 July 1881 Günther, Albrecht Carl Ludwig Gotthilf (Albert) (1830–1914). Germanborn zoologist. Began his association with the British Museum in 1857; made catalogues of the museum’s specimens of Amphibia, reptiles, and fish; officially joined the staff in 1862. Assistant keeper of the zoological department, 1872– 5; keeper, 1875–95. Edited the Record of Zoological Literature, 1864–9. FRS 1867. (NDB; ODNB.) 19 December 1881, 21 December 1881, 22 December [1881] Haberlandt, Gottlieb (1854–1945). Austrian plant physiologist. Professor of botany, Graz, 1888–1910; Berlin, 1910–23. (DSB.) 5 January 1881 Hacon, William Mackmurdo (1821–85). CD’s solicitor. Offices at 31 Fenchurch Street, London. Solicitor, 1854–85; formed partnerships with David Rowland, James Weston, and Edward Francis Turner at Leadenhall House, Leadenhall Street. Commissioner of oaths and affidavits, and examiner of witnesses in England, and for the High Court of Judicature, Bombay. (BMD (Death index); England & Wales, non-conformist and non-parochial registers, 1567–1970 (Ancestry.com, accessed 30 January 2014); Law list 1854–85.) 11 September 1881, 13 September 1881, 20 September 1881, 23 September 1881, 26 September 1881, 8 October 1881 (to Leonard Darwin), 11 October 1881 (to Leonard Darwin), 14 October 1881 (to Leonard Darwin) Haddon, Alfred Cort (1855–1940). Zoologist and anthropologist. BA in natural sciences, Cambridge, 1878. Professor of zoology, Royal College of Science, Dublin, 1880–1901. Studied islanders in the Torres Strait, 1888–9. Began lecturing in anthropology at Cambridge, 1894; appointed lecturer in anthropology, 1900; reader, 1909. Led an expedition to the Torres Strait and New Guinea, 1898–9. Deputy curator, Cambridge University Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology, 1920. FRS 1899. (ODNB.)

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Haeckel, Ernst Philipp August (Ernst) (1834–1919). German zoologist. MD, Berlin, 1857. Lecturer in comparative anatomy, University of Jena, 1861–2; professor extraordinarius of zoology, 1862–5; professor of zoology and director of the Zoological Institute, 1865–1909. Specialist in marine invertebrates. Leading populariser of evolutionary theory. His Generelle Morphologie der Organismen (1866) linked morphology to the study of the phylogenetic evolution of organisms. (DSB; NDB.) 9 February 1881, 9 February 1881, 21 June 1881, 25 June 1881, 26 June [1881], 1 July 1881 Hagen, Hermann August (1817–93). German-born surgeon and entomologist. MD, Königsberg, 1840. Surgeon in Königsberg, 1843–66. Published several volumes on termites, 1855–60. With the help of Carl von Osten-Sacken in the US, published Synopsis of the Neuroptera of North America (1861). Emigrated to the US at the invitation of Louis Agassiz; assistant in entomology at the Museum of Comparative Zoology, Harvard, 1867. Assistant professor, 1868; professor, 1870. (ANB.) Hagenbeck, Carl Gottfried Wilhelm Heinrich (Carl) (1844–1913). German animal dealer and zoo owner. Ran a business in Hamburg trading in animals from 1866. Organised expeditions to capture animals. Put on ‘people’s shows’ (circuses) from 1874. Founded a wildlife park in Stellingen in 1907. (DBE.) Hahn, Otto (1828–1904). Swabian lawyer, civil servant, naturalist, and social campaigner. Studied law and natural sciences at Tübingen. Worked at the Department of Justice and Department of the Interior, and spent four years in a religious commune before starting his own law firm. Promoted emigrationist colonialism as a solution for poverty in German agricultural communities, in particular by recruiting emigrants to Canada. Collected fossils and explored settlement opportunities in Canada in 1878. Moved to Toronto, Canada, in 1888, but returned to Germany in 1903. Awarded an honorary doctorate for his work on Eozoon canadense. (Sauer 2007.) Haliburton, Sarah Harriet (1804–86). Eldest daughter of William Mostyn Owen Sr of Woodhouse. Married Edward Hosier Williams (d. 1844) in 1831 and Thomas Chandler Haliburton (1796–1865; ODNB) in 1856. A close friend and neighbour of CD before the Beagle voyage. (BMD (Marriage index); Burke’s landed gentry 1952 s.v. Mostyn-Owen; Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/0843/38/13); Correspondence vol. 1 s.v. Owen, Sarah Harriet; London Gazette, 25 May 1888, p. 2983.) 8 September [1881] Hall, Arthur (1823–1906). Bookseller and publisher. Son of Thomas Henry Hall, hat maker, and his wife Maria of Finsbury, London. Apprentice hat maker, 1841. Bookseller in Lambeth, Surrey, 1851, 1861, 1871; at 72 Stamford Street, Lambeth, 1871, 1881. A widower living on private means, 1881. Living with his son, Gilbert, in Islington, London, 1891, 1901. (BMD (Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1841 (The National Archives: Public Record Office

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HO107/667/7/10/5), 1851 (HO107/1569/200/15), 1861 (RG9/363/18/33), 1871 (RG10/648/70/2), 1881 (RG11/584/23/40), 1891 (RG12/177/57/51), 1901 (RG13/200/114/46); England & Wales, non-conformist and non-parochial registers, 1567– 1936 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG4/4674; Ancestry.com, accessed 17 November 2021).) 5 December 1881, 6 December 1881 Hall, George Thomas (1843–1932). Clergyman and schoolteacher. BA, Cambridge, 1867. Ordained priest, 1869. Assistant master, Shrewsbury School, 1867–1900. Vicar of Allbrighton, 1899–1908; rector of Woolstaston, Shropshire, 1913–19; rural dean of Church Stretton, 1918–20. (Alum. Cantab.) Hamond, Janetta (1850–1909). Daughter of James Jervis Tucker (1802–86) and his wife, Sabine Anne Young. Married Robert Nicholas Hamond (1844–94) in 1877. (BMD (Birth index, Death index); Burke’s landed gentry 1952; Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/2316/137/17).) Hamond, Robert Nicholas (1809–83). Naval officer. Lieutenant, 1827. Midshipman on HMS Beagle, 1832–3. Bank manager in Falmouth, Cornwall. (Burke’s landed gentry 1952; Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/2316/137/17); Correspondence vol. 1, Appendix III; O’Byrne 1849.) Hamond, Robert Nicholas (1844–94). Naval officer. Eldest son of Robert Nicholas Hamond (1809–83). (BMD (Birth index, Death index); Burke’s landed gentry 1952.) Hankinson, Robert Chatfield (1824–1901). Banker. Partner in the Maddison, Atherley, Hankinson and Darwin bank in Southampton. (Banking almanac 1872; Cobbold family history trust, cobboldfht.com (accessed 25 June 2015).) Hanley, Sylvanus Charles Thorp (1819–1900). Conchologist. Author with Edward Forbes of A history of British Mollusca, and their shells (1848–53). (Modern English biography.) Hannay, James Ballantyne (1855–1931). Scottish chemist and inventor. Took out over seventy patents in Britain. In 1880, claimed to have synthesised diamonds. Fellow of the Royal Society of Edinburgh, 1875. In later years wrote on religion. (BHGW; New Scientist, 21 February 1980, p. 591; University of Dundee Archive Services Online Catalogue, MS 97 (accessed 21 January 2020).) 28 May 1881, 22 June 1881, 27 June 1881 Harcourt, William George Granville Venables Vernon (William Vernon) (1827–1904). Lawyer and statesman. Acquired a large practice at the parliamentary bar. Regular contributor to publications including the Morning Chronicle and the Saturday Review; from 1861, published many letters in The Times, under the signature Historicus, on matters of international law arising from the American Civil War. Whewell Professor of international law, University of Cambridge, 1869–87. Liberal MP for Oxford, 1868–80; for Derby, 1880–95; for Monmouthshire West, 1895–1904. Home secretary, 1880–5; chancellor of the Exchequer, 1892. Knighted, 1873. (ODNB; Dod’s parliamentary companion.)

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Hardaker, Martha A. (1844–84). American essayist and critical writer. Born in Maine, probably as Martha A. Kalloch, daughter of James Madison Kalloch (1812–92). BA, St Lawrence University, 1872. In 1880, published on the ethics of sex, arguing that women were intellectually inferior to men; continued to promote this view after being appointed to the staff of the Boston Evening Transcript in 1881. (Boston Transcript, 11 September 1884; Hardaker 1880; Massachusetts, State Census, 1855 (West Roxbury, Ward 3) (s.v. Hardacker; Ancestry.com, accessed 6 November 2020); Massachusetts, wills and probate records, 1635–1991 (Ancestry.com, accessed 6 November 2020); New Northwest, 1 September 1881, p. 4; United States Federal Census 1850 (Warren, Lincoln, Maine [1]/191a) (s.v. McKallock), 1880 (Boston, Suffolk, Massachusetts 712/9B) (s.v. Hodaker) (Ancestry.com, accessed 6 November 2020); U.S., Find a grave index, 1600s–current (Ancestry.com, accessed 10 November 2020).) Harker, James Allen (Allen) (1847–94). Zoologist. Professor of natural history, Royal Agricultural College, Cirencester, 1881–94. Vice-president, Cotteswold Naturalists’ Field Club. Wrote a manuscript account of local botany. (R. Desmond 1994.) Harmer, John (1852–93). Photographer. In Lewisham, Kent, 1871; in Leominster (or Lyminster), Sussex, 1881, 1891. (BMD (Birth index); Census returns of England and Wales 1871 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG10/773/19/31), 1881 (RG11/1119/24/39), 1891 (RG12/838/100/3); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1995 (Ancestry.com, accessed 13 May 2021).) 12 September 1881 Harrison, Lucy Caroline (1846–1919). Daughter of Caroline Sarah Wedgwood and Josiah Wedgwood III. CD’s niece. Married Matthew James Harrison in 1874. (Darwin pedigree; Freeman 1978; Wedgwood and Wedgwood 1980.) 18 October [1881] Hartnack, Edmund (1826–91). German microscope maker. Studied with Hirschmann in Berlin, and worked with Ruhmkorff and then Oberhäuser in Paris from 1847. Took over the business in partnership with the Polish refugee Prazmowski from 1864. Went to Potsdam in 1870 on the outbreak of the FrancoPrussian War, and sold the Paris business to Prazmowski in 1879. (W. A. S. Burnett 1992, p. 626; Meyers Konversationslexikon.) Hartung, Georg (1822?–91). German geologist. Investigated Madeiran geology with Charles Lyell, 1852–3. Author of numerous travel books. (Freeman 1978; NUC.) Haughton, Samuel (1821–97). Irish clergyman, mathematician, geologist, and palaeontologist. Professor of geology, Trinity College, Dublin, 1851–81. Became registrar of the medical school after graduating in medicine in 1862. Co-editor of the Natural History Review, 1854–60. President of the Royal Irish Academy, 1886–91. FRS 1858. (R. Desmond 1994; ODNB; Sarjeant 1980–96.) Hawkins, John Luther (1857–1937). Clerk at biscuit factory. Of Reading, Berkshire. Head of department at biscuit factory, 1911. (BMD (Birth index); Census

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returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/1307/121/11); 1911 (RG14/6592/41); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry. com, accessed 29 September 2017).) Hawkshaw, Cicely Mary (1837–1917). Daughter of Francis and Frances Wedgwood. Emma Darwin’s niece. Married Clarke Hawkshaw in 1865. (Freeman 1978; Wedgwood and Wedgwood 1980.) Hawkshaw, John Clarke (Clarke) (1841–1921). Civil engineer. Son of John Hawkshaw (1811–91). Married Cicely Mary Wedgwood in 1865. Member of the council of Hawkshaw and Hayter, civil engineers; retired, 1915. Member of the Alpine Club, 1860–1921. (Alum. Cantab.; Freeman 1978.) Haydon, George Henry (1822–91). Writer and artist. Apprenticed to an architect, 1837. Moved to Melbourne, Australia, in 1840, where he worked in a bookshop, as an architect, in a storehouse, and as a drawing master. Sold drawings to the newspapers. Collected natural history specimens for friends. Sympathetic towards Indigenous peoples, and studied their culture. Returned to Exeter, Devon, in 1845. Gave lectures and became an authority on emigration. Steward of the Devon County Lunatic Asylum, Exminster, 1849, and of Bridewell and Bethlem hospitals, London, 1853–89. Called to the bar, 1865. Published fact and fiction based on his Australian travels, and provided illustrations to Punch magazine and other publications. (Aust. dict. biog.) 12 September 1881 Haydon, Walton (1854–1932). Surgeon and physician. Son of George Henry Haydon. Surgeon with the Hudson Bay Company in Moose Factory, Ontario, Canada, 1877–83. Emigrated to Coos, Oregon, USA; practised as a doctor and became a US citizen. Photographed and collected natural history specimens and Indigenous material culture. (Census returns of Canada 1881 (Library and Archives Canada: Eastern Ruperts Land, Territories, Northwest Territories, p. 20); Census returns of England and Wales 1871 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG10/607/66/9); London, England, Church of England births and baptisms, 1813–1917 (Ancestry.com, accessed 4 June 2020); Oregon death index 1931– 1941 (Ancestry.com, accessed 4 June 2020); Photo Lot 150, Walton B. Haydon photographs of Cree, Ojibwa, and Inuit peoples, National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution, https://sova.si.edu/record/NAA. PhotoLot.150?s=0&n=10&t=C&q=Factories&i=5; United States Federal Census 1910 (Empire, Coos, Oregon 56/2A) (Ancestry.com, accessed 4 June 2020).) Head, P. R. (fl. 1880s). 27 October 1881 Hearne, Samuel (1745–92). Explorer, fur trader, and colonial administrator in Canada. (MDCB; ODNB.) Heckel, Édouard Marie (Édouard) (1843–1916). French pharmacist, physician, and botanist. Studied at the naval medical school, Toulon, then studied flora in Martinique for therapeutic agents in 1859. Pharmacist, first class, Montpellier,

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1867; MD 1869; doctorate in natural sciences, 1875. Botanised in Australia, China, Ceylon (Sri Lanka), and elsewhere. Served as a physician in the FrancoPrussian War; resigned from the navy in 1874. Professor of botany, Faculté des sciences, Marseilles, 1877; of materia medica, École de plain exercise de médicine et de pharmacie, 1879. Translated CD’s Cross and self fertilisation and other works into French. (M. A. Osborne 2014, pp. 165–9.) 7 January [1881?] Hector, James (1834–1907). Scottish geologist. Surgeon and geologist on the government expedition to the western parts of British North America, 1857– 60. Geologist to the provincial government of Otago, New Zealand, 1861–5. Director of the Geological Survey of New Zealand, 1865. Director of the meteorological department of the New Zealand Institute, of the Colonial Museum, and of the botanical garden, Wellington, 1866–1903. Knighted, 1887. FRS 1866. (DNZB.) Helmholtz, Hermann von (1821–94). German physiologist and physicist. Professor of anatomy and physiology at Bonn from 1855, and at Heidelberg from 1858. A close friend of William Thomson from 1853. Appointed professor of physics, Berlin, 1871. Foreign member, Royal Society of London, 1860. Copley Medal, 1873. (DSB; Record of the Royal Society of London.) Hément, Félix (1827–91). French educator. Bachelor of science and letters, Montpellier, 1848. Taught mathematics at Strasbourg, 1848–51. Assistant professor of physics, Chaptal college, 1856; professor of physics and mechanics, Turgot school, 1860. Inspector of primary schools, Paris, 1872; Seine department, 1882. Inspector of scientific education in primary schools, 1887; inspector-general for primary education, 1888. A founder of the Society for the Promotion of Female Education and promoter of education for the deaf and blind. (Havelange et al. 1986, pp. 396–7.) 24 December 1881 Henn, Edward Lovett (1851–1939). Irish equity draughtsman and conveyancer. BA, Cambridge, 1875. Called to the bar, 1879. Died in Algeria. (Alum. Cantab.; England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1995 (Ancestry.com, accessed 20 July 2020).) 28 October 1881 Henry, Mitchell (1826–1910). Irish politician. Trained at the Pine Street medical school in Manchester. Practised surgery in London, 1847–62. Abandoned medicine to become a partner in the family mercantile and warehouse firm. Purchased a large estate in county Galway, Ireland. MP for Galway, 1871–85; for Glasgow Blackfriars and Hutchesontown, 1885–86. (ODNB.) Hensen, Christian Andreas Victor (Victor) (1835–1924). German physiologist and marine biologist. Studied medicine at Würzburg, Berlin, and Kiel, 1854–9. Habilitated in anatomy and histology, Kiel, 1860; professor extraordinarius, physiology and embryology, 1864; professor, 1868–1911. Led several marine biological expeditions, notably the Atlantic plankton expedition, 1889. Worked

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on the physiology and comparative anatomy of the nervous system and sensory organs. (DSB; NDB.) 25 May 1881, 10 October 1881 Henslow, George (1835–1925). Clergyman, teacher, and botanist. BA, Cambridge (Christ’s College), 1858. Curate of Steyning, 1859–61; of St John’s Wood Chapel, 1868–70; of St James’s Marylebone, 1870–87. Headmaster at Hampton Lucy Grammar School, Warwick, 1861–4; at the Grammar School, Store Street, London, 1865–72. Lecturer in botany at St Bartholomew’s Hospital, 1866–80. Honorary professor of botany at the Royal Horticultural Society, 1880–1918. Author of a number of religious books, including Plants of the Bible (1907), and of children’s books on natural history. Younger son of John Stevens Henslow. (Alum. Cantab.; Crockford’s clerical directory; R. Desmond 1994; Lightman ed. 2004; ODNB s.v. Henslow, John Stevens.) Henslow, John Stevens (1796–1861). Clergyman, botanist, and mineralogist. CD’s teacher and friend. Professor of mineralogy, Cambridge University, 1822–7; professor of botany, 1825–61. Extended and remodelled the Cambridge botanic garden. Curate of Little St Mary’s Church, Cambridge, 1824–32; vicar of Cholsey-cum-Moulsford, Berkshire, 1832–7; rector of Hitcham, Suffolk, 1837–61. (DSB; ODNB; Walters and Stow 2001.) Herbert, John Maurice (1808–82). Lawyer. BA, Cambridge (St John’s College), 1830; fellow, 1832–40. Barrister, 1835. County-court judge, South Wales, 1847– 82. Friend of CD’s. (Alum. Cantab.; Correspondence vol. 1; Modern English biography.) 9 October 1881 Herdman, William Abbott (1858–1924). Marine biologist. Graduated from Edinburgh in 1879 and was awarded the Baxter natural science scholarship. Assisted Charles Wyville Thomson on the zoological collections of the Challenger voyage, specialising in tunicates. Professor of natural history, Liverpool, 1881. Founded Liverpool Marine Biology Committee, 1885; opened a research laboratory at Puffin Island, off Anglesey, which moved in 1892 to Port Erin, Isle of Man. Investigated pearl fisheries of Ceylon (Sri Lanka), 1901. FRS 1892. (ODNB.) Hering, Karl Ewald Konstantin (Ewald) (1834–1918). German physiologist and psychologist. MD, Leipzig, 1858; lecturer in medical physiology, 1862. Professor of physiology, Vienna, 1865–70; Prague, 1870–95; Leipzig, 1895–1918. In 1870, in a lecture on memory as a general function of organised matter, he postulated that since memory survives periods of unconsciousness, it must be inherent in brain substance and be regarded as a material process. (DBE.) Herschel, John Frederick William, 1st baronet (1792–1871). Astronomer, mathematician, chemist, and philosopher. Member of many learned societies. Carried out astronomical observations at the Cape of Good Hope, 1834–8. Master of the Royal Mint, 1850–5. Created baronet, 1838. FRS 1813. (DSB; ODNB.) Hicks, Henry (1837–99). Geologist and medical practitioner. Practised medicine at St David’s, 1862–71, then at Hendon, Middlesex; proprietor of a women’s

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asylum at Hendon. President of the Geological Society of London, 1896–8. Wrote more than sixty papers on geological subjects. FRS 1885. (Modern English biography; ODNB.) Higgins, John (1826–1902). Land agent and surveyor. With his brother Frederic, continued the family business started by his father, John Higgins (1795/6–1872), in Alford, Lincolnshire; they also became surveyors by 1892. Captain in the volunteer rifle battalion, Lincolnshire regiment, 1861–87. County magistrate, circa 1892–1900. (Army list 1861, 1887; England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 11 February 2015); England, select births and christenings, 1538–1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed 11 February 2015); Post Office directory of Lincolnshire 1892, 1900.) Hildyard, James (1809–87). Clergyman and classical scholar. Shrewsbury School, 1820–9. BA, Cambridge, 1833; fellow, Christ’s College, 1833. Ordained priest, 1834. Hebrew lecturer and tutor, 1840. Relished acrimonious disagreement in university politics. Incumbent of Ingoldsby, Lincolnshire, 1846–87. An advocate for the revision of the Book of Common Prayer. (ODNB.) Hilgendorf, Franz Martin (Franz) (1839–1904). German zoologist, palaeontologist, and museologist. Studied philology in Berlin, 1859–62. Received a doctorate from Tübingen for palaeontology, 1863. Assistant, zoological museum, Berlin, 1860–2, 1863–7. In 1865, spent several months doing further palaeontological research at Steinheim. Director, zoological garden and aquarium, Hamburg, 1868–70. Docent, Imperial Medical Academy, Tokyo, 1872–6. Returned to the zoological museum, Berlin, 1876; keeper, 1880. (Archiv für Naturgeschichte 72 (1) (1906): i–xii.) Hocken, Thomas Morland (1836–1910). New Zealand surgeon and collector. Born in England. MRCS 1859. Ship’s surgeon on the Australian run. Settled in Dunedin, in Otago, New Zealand, 1862. A leading figure in many medical institutions in Dunedin. A founder and three-times president of the Otago Institute, a scientific society. Made a significant collection of New Zealand and Pacific artefacts and documents relating to the history of the region. Fellow of the Linnean Society of London, 1883. (DNZB.) 21 February 1881 Hoek, Paulus Peronius Cato (1851–1914). Dutch zoologist. Studied at Leiden, 1872–5; doctorate, 1875. Assistant, Zoötomisch Laboratorium, 1874–81. Instructor in natural history, Leiden Gymnasium, 1878–88. Fisheries advisor to the government, 1888; director of the zoological station, Den Helder, 1890. First general secretary, International Council for Exploration of the Sea, 1902– 8. Worked on Cirripedia; published reports on cirripedes for the Challenger expedition (1883) and the Saboga expedition (1907 and 1913). Discovered that organs identified by CD as olfactory were maxillary glands. (Biografisch woordenboek van Nederland; W. A. Newman 1993, p. 428.) 23 November 1881 Hoffmann, Karl Heinrich Hermann (Hermann) (1819–91). German botanist and physician. Studied medicine at Gießen and Berlin, 1837–41. MD, Gießen,

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1841. Practised briefly in 1842; habilitated in medicine at Gießen, 1842. From 1843, began to lecture in physiological botany and left medicine in 1845. PhD in botany, Gießen, 1847; professor and director of the botanic garden, 1853. Worked on the systematics of fungi and was a pioneer in bacteriology. Also worked on variability, propagation, migration, and dissemination in plants. (DBE; NDB.) Hoffmeister, Werner Friedrich Ludwig Albert (Werner) (1819–45). German physician and naturalist. Completed a dissertation on earthworms in Berlin in 1842; wrote and illustrated a monograph on earthworms in 1845. In 1844, accompanied Prince Waldemar of Prussia as a personal physician on an expedition to India; killed in battle after the outbreak of a war with the Sikhs. (Barnhart comp. 1965; Database of scientific illustrators 1450–1950, https://dsi. hi.uni-stuttgart.de/ (accessed 10 June 2020); Pierer’s Universal-Lexikon.) Hoggan, George (1837–91). Physician and engineer. Appointed engineer in the Indian Navy circa 1856; took part in the China war, 1860, and the Abyssinian campaign, 1868. Left the navy in 1868 and entered medical school in Edinburgh; MB 1872. Practised in London until 1885, when he retired to Nice for health reasons. Campaigner against unrestricted vivisection; gave evidence to the Royal Commission in 1875. (British Medical Journal, 27 June 1891, p. 1411; Report of the Royal Commission on vivisection; Holmes and Friese 2020.) Holbrook, Watson Curtis (1848–1901). American teacher and civil engineer. Studied science and engineering at Wisconsin University. Worked as a teacher in Whiteside county, Illinois, until 1879. Elected county surveyor, 1878. (Biographical record of Whiteside county, Illinois, pp. 188–90; U.S., Find a grave index, 1600s–current (Ancestry.com, accessed 23 January 2020).) 27 July 1881 Holmgren, Frithiof (1831–97). Swedish physiologist. Studied medicine at Uppsala, 1850–60; also studied in Vienna, Leipzig, Berlin, and Paris. Professor of physiology, Uppsala, 1864. Worked on the retina’s electrical response to light and on colour-blindness. (DSB.) 7 April 1881, [14] April 1881, 8 May 1881, 26 May 1881 Hooker, Brian Harvey Hodgson (1860–1932). Fifth child of Frances Harriet and Joseph Dalton Hooker. Diploma in metallurgy, Royal School of Mines, South Kensington, 1881; further studies at the Mining Academy at Clausthal, Germany. (Allan 1967 s.v. ‘Hooker pedigree’; Correspondence vol.29, letter from J. D. Hooker, 4 August 1881.) Hooker, Frances Harriet (1825–74). Daughter of John Stevens Henslow. Married Joseph Dalton Hooker in 1851. Assisted her husband significantly in his published work. Translated A general system of botany, descriptive and analytical, by Emmanuel Le Maout and Joseph Decaisne (1873). (Allan 1967; Lightman ed. 2004.) Hooker, Grace Ellen (1868–1953). Social worker. Youngest child of Frances Harriet and Joseph Dalton Hooker. Worked among the poor in Bloomsbury, Islington, and Lambeth, from 1901 with Octavia Hill. Looked after her brother Reginald’s children after the death of his wife in 1933. (Allan 1967.)

Biographical register

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Hooker, Hyacinth (1842–1921). Daughter of William Samuel Symonds. Married Sir William Jardine of Applegirth, seventh baronet, in 1871; widowed in 1874. Married Joseph Dalton Hooker in 1876. (Allan 1967 s.v. ‘Hooker pedigree’; Burke’s peerage 1876.) 10 September [1881] Hooker, Joseph Dalton (1817–1911). Botanist. Worked chiefly on taxonomy and plant geography. Son of William Jackson Hooker. Friend and confidant of CD. Accompanied James Clark Ross on his Antarctic expedition, 1839–43, and published the botanical results of the voyage. Appointed palaeobotanist to the Geological Survey of Great Britain, 1846. Travelled in the Himalayas, 1847–9. Assistant director, Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, 1855–65; director, 1865–85. Knighted, 1877. FRS 1847. (DSB; ODNB.) 6 January 1881, 24 February [1881], 26 [February 1881], 12 June 1881, 15 June 1881, 18 June 1881, 20 June [1881], 4 August 1881, 6 August 1881, 11 August 1881, 12 August 1881, 20 August 1881, 21 August 1881, 29 August 1881, 30 August 1881, 3 and 4 September [1881], 7 September 1881, 18 September [1881], 22 October 1881, [23 October 1881], 27 October 1881, 30 October 1881, 4 November [1881], 17 December 1881, 22 December 1881 Hooker, Joseph Symonds (1877–1940). First child of Joseph Dalton Hooker and his second wife, Hyacinth Hooker. (Allan 1967 s.v. ‘Hooker pedigree’.) Hooker, Reginald Hawthorn (1867–1944). Sixth child of Joseph Dalton and Frances Harriet Hooker. Took B-ès-Sc. in Paris, and studied mathematics at Trinity College, Cambridge, 1886–9. Assistant to the director of the Intelligence Department of the Board of Agriculture, and subsequently head of the statistical branch until 1927. Secretary, Royal Statistical Society; president, Royal Meteorological Society, 1920–1. (Allan 1967; Alum. Cantab.; Royal Meteorological Society (www.rmets.org/history, accessed 22 June 2021).) Hooker, William Dawson (1816–40). Ornithologist and entomologist. Eldest son of William Jackson Hooker. MD, Glasgow University, 1838. Professor of materia medica, Anderson’s College, Glasgow. Sent to Jamaica to establish a medical practice and recover from consumption, 1839, but died on New Year’s Day 1840. (Allan 1967; R. Desmond 1994; Roll of the graduates of the University of Glasgow.) Hooker, William Jackson (1785–1865). Botanist. Father of Joseph Dalton Hooker. Regius professor of botany, Glasgow University, 1820–41. Appointed first director of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, 1841. Knighted, 1836. FRS 1812. (DSB; ODNB.) Hopkins, Josiah (1786–1862). American clergyman. Pastor of a Congregational church in New Haven, Vermont, 1809–30; of the First Presbyterian Church, Auburn, New York, 1830–48. Contributed hymns to the Christian lyre, 1830. Edited Conference hymns, 1848. ( Julian ed. 1907, pp. 532–3.) Horace (65–8 bce). Roman poet. (Oxford classical dictionary.) Horner, Arthur Claypon (1850–93). Physician and naturalist. Studied medicine at St Bartholomew’s Hospital, London. MRCS 1872; LRCP 1876. Surgeon and

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naturalist on the Pandora on the British Northwest Passage Expedition, 1875; on the relief expedition, 1876. Wrote about his experiences in Notes on Arctic natural history. Worked at various London hospitals before moving to Tonbridge, Kent, where he had a general practice and started a local branch of the St John’s Ambulance. (BMD (Birth index); Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/918/10/13); Jisc Archives Hub, Arthur Horner collection, archiveshub.jisc.ac.uk (accessed 16 October 2020).) 23 December 1881 Howell, Henry Hyatt (1834–1915). Geologist. Assistant geologist with the Geological Survey of Great Britain, 1850; geologist, 1857. District surveyor, 1872. Director for Scotland, 1882; director for Great Britain, 1888–99. (Flett 1937; Sarjeant 1980–96.) Hubbersty, Eliza Caroline (1814–99). Daughter of Edward and Elizabeth Manners of Nether Broughton, Leicestershire. Married William Evans Hartopp (1793–1852), rector of Harby, Leicestershire, in 1850. Married Nathan Hubbersty in 1854. (Alum. Cantab. s.v. Hartopp, William Evans; BMD (Marriage index, Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/3419/12/16); England, select births and christenings, 1538–1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed 4 May 2020).) Hubbersty, Nathan (1803–81). Schoolteacher and headmaster. BA, Cambridge, 1826. Assistant master at Shrewsbury School, circa 1826–8. Headmaster of Wirksworth Grammar School, 1832–51. (Alum. Cantab.) Hubrecht, Ambrosius Arnold Willem (1853–1915). Dutch zoologist. Studied at the Polytechnic School, Delft, 1869–70; from 1870, studied zoology at Utrecht, Leiden, Erlangen, and Heidelberg. PhD (Utrecht) on the anatomy, histology, and developmental history of some Nemertea, 1874. Curator of fish at the Rijksmuseum of Natural History, Leiden, 1875–82. Professor of zoology and comparative anatomy, Utrecht, 1882–1910; professor extraordinarius of comparative embryology, 1910–15. Founded the Institut International d’Embryologie (now the International Society of Developmental Biologists) in 1911. (DSB; Embryology History - Ambrosius Hubrecht, https://embryology.med. unsw.edu.au/embryology/index.php/Embryology_History_-_Ambrosius_ Hubrecht (accessed 1 May 2018); Huygens ING, http://resources.huygens.knaw. nl/bwn1880-2000/lemmata/bwn1/hubrecht (accessed 24 April 2018).) 31 August 1881 Hughes, Thomas McKenny (1832–1917). Geologist, speleologist, and archaeologist. BA, Cambridge University, 1857. Worked for the geological survey, 1861–73. Suceeded Adam Sedgwick as Woodwardian Professor of geology at Cambridge in 1873. Responsible for the planning and building of the Sedgwick Museum of Geology. FRS 1889. (ODNB.) Hughes, Trajan (1670–1743). Welsh artist. (ArtUK, https://artuk.org/discover/ artists/hughes-trajan-b-1670 (accessed 28 July 2020); Caernarfonshire, Wales, Lleyn and Eifionydd church registers and gravestone inscriptions, 1600–1902 (Ancestry.com, accessed 28 July 2020).)

Biographical register

785

Hult, Ragnar (1857–99). Finnish botanist. Docent in plant geography, Helsinki, 1881; in geography, 1890. (Collander 1965, pp. 74–7.) Humboldt, Friedrich Wilhelm Heinrich Alexander (Alexander) von (1769–1859). Prussian naturalist, geographer, and traveller. Official in the Prussian mining service, 1792–6. Explored northern South America, Cuba, Mexico, and the United States, 1799–1804. Travelled in Siberia in 1829. Foreign member, Royal Society of London, 1815. (DBE; DSB; NDB.) Hunter, John (1728–93). Surgeon and anatomist. His collection of zoological specimens formed the basis of the Hunterian Museum of the Royal College of Surgeons. FRS 1767. (DSB; ODNB.) Hunter, William (1718–83). Physician, anatomist, and man-midwife. His dissection of a full-term gravid uterus allowed him to determine the relationship between the maternal and foetal blood systems in the placenta. First professor of anatomy, Royal Academy, 1768. FRS 1767. (ODNB.) Huntington, Samuel (1731–96). American politician. Signatory of the Declaration of Independence, 1776. Elected president of the Continental Congress, 1779. Governor of Connecticut from 1786. (ANB.) Hurndall, Watkin Frank (Frank) (1855–1922). Clerk. Of Wavertree, Liverpool. Manufacturer of anti-fouling paint, living in Surrey, 1901. Director of Suter, Hartmann and Rahtjen’s Composition Co. Ltd, manufacturers of anti-fouling paint, 1914. (Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/3717/144/54), 1901 (RG13/670/37/65); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1995 (Ancestry. com, accessed 28 May 2020); Wales, select births and baptisms, 1541–1907 (Ancestry.com, accessed 28 May 2020); Whitaker’s red book of commerce 1914 s.v. Suter, Hartmann and Rahtjen.) 10 September 1881, 20 September 1881 Huth, Ernst (1845–97). German botanist and teacher. Secondary school teacher in Frankfurt from 1873. Author of Flora von Frankfurt (1895). (Taxonomic literature.) Hutton, Richard Holt (1826–97). Journalist and theologian. Studied philosophy and mathematics at University College, London, 1841–5; Bonn, 1845–6; Heidelberg, 1846–7. Prepared for a Unitarian ministry at Manchester New College, 1847–8. Vice-principal and chaplain of University Hall, Gordon Square, London, 1850. Professor of mathematics, Bedford College, London, 1856–7. Entered the Church of England in 1862. Proprietor and joint editor of the Spectator, 1861–97. (ODNB.) Huxley, Henrietta Anne (1825–1915). Born Henrietta Anne Heathorn. Emigrated to Australia in 1843. Met Thomas Henry Huxley in Sydney, Australia, in 1847, and married him in 1855. (A. Desmond 1994–7; Freeman 1978.) Huxley, Thomas Henry (1825–95). Zoologist. Assistant-surgeon on HMS Rattlesnake, 1846–50, during which time he investigated Hydrozoa and other marine invertebrates. Lecturer in natural history, Royal School of Mines, 1854; professor, 1857. Appointed naturalist to the Geological Survey of Great Britain, 1854. Hunterian Professor, Royal College of Surgeons of England, 1862–9.

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Fullerian Professor of physiology, Royal Institution of Great Britain, 1855–8, 1866–9. President of the Royal Society of London, 1883–5. FRS 1851. (Clark 1968; A. Desmond 1994–7; DSB; ODNB.) 3 January 1881, 7 January 1881, 8 January 1881, 22 January 1881, 24 January 1881, 5 March 1881, 6 March 1881, 22 June 1881, 28 June 1881, 28 June 1881 9 September 1881, 12 September 1881 Hyatt, Alpheus (1838–1902). American palaeontologist and marine biologist. BS, Harvard, 1862. Studied marine fossils with Louis Agassiz. Served in the army, 1862–5, during the American Civil War. Curator, Essex Institute, 1867. Co-founder and editor, American Naturalist, 1867–71. Custodian, Boston Society of Natural History, 1870–81; curator, 1881–1902. Taught zoology and palaeontology at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1870–88; Boston University, 1877– 1902. Founded a natural history laboratory at Annisquam, 1879; the laboratory was moved to Woods Hole, 1888, and incorporated as the Marine Biological Laboratory, with Hyatt as first president of its board of trustees. Palaeontologist to the US Geological Survey from 1889. (ANB.) 8 May 1881, 23 May 1881 Ihering, Hermann von (1850–1930). German naturalist and physician. Studied in Gießen, Leipzig, Berlin, and Göttingen; MD, Göttingen, 1873. DPhil. in geology and zoology and habilitated, Erlangen, 1876. Privat-dozent in zoology, Leipzig, 1878. Emigrated to Brazil in 1880; practised medicine in Taquara do Mundo Novo, Rio Grande do Sul. Travelling naturalist, National Museum, Rio de Janeiro, 1883. A founder and director of the zoological section of the São Paulo State Museum, 1887; director, 1893; lifetime officer of the museum, 1895. After retiring in 1916 without a pension, and the subsequent failure of a project to start a museum in Florianópolis, returned to Germany in 1920. Honorary professor of zoology and palaeontology, Gießen, 1926. His main interest was in zoogeography. (NDB.) Innes, Eliza Mary Brodie (1820–1909). Daughter of John Laidlaw of Dominica, West Indies, and his wife Mary Stuart. Married John Innes (from 1861 John Brodie Innes) at Hythe, Kent, in 1847. Died at Milton Brodie, Morayshire, Scotland. (Burke’s landed gentry 1879 s.v. Brodie-Innes, John; Gentleman’s Magazine n.s. 28 (1847): 80; Scotland statutory deaths 125/00 0005 (Scotlandspeople.gov.uk, accessed 26 March 2014).) Innes, John Brodie (1815–94). Clergyman. Son of John Innes, gentleman, and his wife Mary Leslie, of Brunswick Square, London, and Ibstone, Buckinghamshire. Perpetual curate of Down, 1846–68; vicar, 1868–9. Left Down in 1862 after inheriting an entailed estate at Milton Brodie, near Forres, Scotland; changed his name to Brodie Innes in 1861 as required by the entail. Priest in charge of Milton Brodie Mission and general licentiate of the diocese of Moray, 1861. Chaplain to the Bishop of Moray, 1861–80 and 1886–94. (Clergy list; County families 1864; Crockford’s clerical directory; Freeman 1978; London Metropolitan Archives, Bloomsbury St George, registers of marriages (P82/GEO1, Item 021) and baptisms (P82/GEO1, Item 004); J. R. Moore 1985.) 14 September 1881, 15 September 1881, 20 September 1881, 22 September [1881]

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Innes, John William Brodie (1848–1923). Barrister and novelist. Son of John Brodie Innes. BA, Cambridge, 1872. Called to the bar, 1876. Advocate at the Scottish bar, 1888. Interested in antiquarian research, romance, demonology, witchcraft, and criminology. (Alum. Cantab.; Freeman 1978.) Irving, Benjamin Atkinson (1826–1905). Schoolmaster. BA, Cambridge, 1850. Assistant master, Royal Institution School, Liverpool, 1851–5. Vice-principal, Windermere College. (Alum. Cantab.) 30 November 1881 Irving, Washington (1783–1859). American author. (ANB.) Jackson, Benjamin Daydon (1846–1927). Botanist and botanical bibliographer. Editor of Index Kewensis, 1893–5; co-editor of its supplement, 1901–6. Biographer of George Bentham and translator of a biography of Linnaeus, upon whose work and collections he was an authority. Botanical secretary, Linnean Society of London, 1880–1902; general secretary, 1902–26. (R. Desmond 1994; Proceedings of the Linnean Society of London (1927–8): 119–23.) Jackson, William (1850–1930). Butler. Agricultural servant in Leaveland, Kent, 1871. Butler at Down House, 1875–82. Married Sophia Steer at Down, 1880. Coachman in Orpington, 1891; publican, North Cray, Kent, 1901; beer house keeper, Croydon, 1911. Retired to Addiscombe, Surrey. (BMD (Birth indexes); Census returns of England and Wales 1871 (The National Archives, Public Record Office RG10/977/71/2), 1881 (RG11/855/92/20), 1891 (RG12/634/6/10), 1901 (RG13/694/141/16), 1911 (RG14/3333/8); Downe marriage register 1838–1911 (kent-opc.org, accessed 17 December 2019); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 17 December 2019); England, select births and christenings, 1538–1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed 3 February 2015); will proved at London, 17 March 1931.) Jäger, Gustav (1832–1917). German physician and zoologist. Co-founder and director of the Vienna zoological garden, 1858–66. Professor of zoology and anthropology, Hohenheim Academy, from 1867; Stuttgart Polytechnic, from 1870. Taught physiology and histology at the Veterinary School, Stuttgart, from 1874. Co-editor of Kosmos, 1877–9. Returned to medical practice in 1884. (DBE; Freeman 1978; NDB; Weinreich 1993.) Jardine, Hyacinth. See Hooker, Hyacinth. Jellinek, Edward Lincoln (1869–1943). Austrian-born lawyer. Attended Harvard University. Vice-president of a brewery in Buffalo, New York. (Brandeis 1971–8, 4: 31; Harvard class of 1889. Secretary’s report no. IV (Cambridge, Mass.: Edward W. Wheeler, 1901).) 30 July 1881, [after 30 July 1881] Jenner, William (1815–98). Physician. Professor of pathological anatomy at University College, London, 1849; Holme Professor of clinical medicine, 1860. Assistant, then full, physician to University College Hospital, 1849–76; consulting physician, 1879. Physician extraordinary to Queen Victoria, 1861; physician-in-ordinary, 1862. President, Royal College of Physicians, 1881–7. Established, through clinical studies, definitive evidence that typhus and typhoid were different diseases. FRS 1864. (DNB.)

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Jesse, George Richard (1820–98). French-born engineer. Worked as a civil engineer in England, India, and Egypt. Founded the Society for the Abolition of Vivisection in 1875. (Modern English biography.) 19 April 1881, 21 April 1881, 22 April 1881, 23 April 1881, 25 April 1881 Jeudwine, John (1772–1835). Schoolteacher. BA, Cambridge, 1794. Second master, Shrewsbury School, 1798–1835. (Alum. Cantab.) Jeudwine, John Wynne (1852–1928). Barrister. Grandson of John Jeudwine (1772– 1835). Admitted to Lincoln’s Inn, 1874; called to the bar, 1878. Later went to North Carolina and grew oranges. Author of several works in history. (Alum. Cantab.) 8 March [1881–2] Johnson, Henry (1802/3–81). Physician. A contemporary of CD’s at Shrewsbury School and Edinburgh University. Senior physician, Shropshire Infirmary. Member of Royal College of Physicians of London, 1859. Founder member and honorary secretary of the Shropshire and North Wales Natural History and Antiquarian Society, 1835–77. (Medical directory; Salopian Shreds and Patches 5 (1882): 2.) 15 October [1881] Johnson, Maria M. (1825/6–97). American. Daughter of Abraham Marcy of Burlington, Otsego, New York. Married William M. Johnson after 1860; widowed by 1865. (D. Hamilton Hurd, History of Otsego County, New York, 1740– 1878 (theusgenweb.org/ny/otsego/bios/miniburlington.htm, accessed 29 October 2020); New York, Death index, 1852–1956 (Ancestry.com, accessed 28 October 2020); New York, State Census, 1865 (Ancestry.com, accessed 28 October 2020); United States Federal Census 1860 (Burlington, Otsego, New York [1]/380) (Ancestry.com, accessed 29 October 2020).) Johnson, Mary Elisabeth (Mary) (1841–1900). Daughter of Henry Johnson, physician. Lived in Shrewsbury with her father. In Burnham, Somerset, with her father, 1881; in Alrewas, Staffordshire, 1891. (Census returns of England and Wales, 1871 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG10/2772/25/3), 1881 (RG11/2417/102/29), 1891 (RG12/2216/101/29); England, select births and christenings, 1538–1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed 11 December 2018); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 22 October 2019).) Johnson, Samuel (1709–84). Lexicographer and author. (ODNB.) Johnson, Samuel William (1830–1909). American agricultural chemist. Studied with Justus Leibig in Munich and Edward Frankland in Manchester. Professor of analytical chemistry at Yale, 1856–96. Campaigned for an agricultural experimental station in Connecticut, which was established in 1875. (ANB.) Jones, Ebenezer Backus (1808–92). American businessman. Dry goods merchant in Penn Yan, New York, from at least 1850. Resident in retirement in Auburn, New York, 1881. (United States city directories, 1822–1995 (Ancestry.com, accessed 21 October 2020); United States Federal Census 1850 (Milo, Yates, New York [1]/196b), 1860 (Milo, Yates, New York [1]/615), 1880 (Auburn, Cayuga, New

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York 6/813) (Ancestry.com, accessed 21 October 2020); U.S., Find a grave index, 1600s–current (Ancestry.com, accessed 21 October 2020).) Jones, Lawrence John, 4th baronet (1857–1954). Landowner. Son of Willoughby Jones, third baronet, of Cranmer Hall, Fakenham, Norfolk. BA, Cambridge, 1881. Law student, Inner Temple, 1881; called to the bar, 1882. President of the Society for Psychical Research, 1928–9. Succeeded as fourth baronet in 1884. (Alum. Cantab.; Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/96/63/4); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1995 (Ancestry.com, accessed 16 October 2020).) 1 November [1881], 2 November 1881, 6 November 1881 Jones, Lucy Ann (1813–89). American. Daughter of Dr Uri Judd and his wife Isabella. Married Ebenezer Backus Jones, merchant, of Penn Yan, New York, in 1831. (10,000 vital records of central New York, 1813–1850 (Ancestry.com, accessed 29 October 2020); Cuyler Reynolds, ed., Hudson-Mohawk genealogical and family memoirs (New York: Lewis Historical Publishing Company, 1911): Platt (schenectadyhistory.org/families/hmgfm/platt.html, accessed 27 October 2020); U.S., Find a grave index, 1600s–current (Ancestry.com, accessed 21 October 2020).) Judd, John Wesley (1840–1916). Geologist. Educated at the Royal School of Mines, London. Worked as a chemist and school inspector. Commissioned to study the volcanic districts of Europe, 1874–6. Professor of geology, Royal School of Mines, from 1877. Awarded the Wollaston Medal of the Geological Society, 1891. FRS 1877. (ODNB.) 10 October 1881 Kant, Immanuel (1724–1804). German philosopher. (DSB; NDB.) Kennard, Caroline Augusta (1827–1907). American feminist. Née Caroline Augusta Smith; married Martin Parry Kennard, a businessman in Boston, Mass., and anti-slavery activist, in 1846. Moved to Brookline, Mass., in 1854. Interested in the botany of ferns and mosses. Published a biography of Dorothea Dix (1888). A science scholarship was established in her name at Radcliffe College by her sister, Martha T. Fiske Collord. (Annual reports of the president and treasurer of Radcliffe College, 1907–1908, p. 66; Cassino, Samuel E., comp., The scientists’ international directory (Boston, Mass.: Cassino Art Company, 1885); Henderson, Harry and Henderson, Albert, The indomitable spirit of Edmonia Lewis: a narrative biography (Milford, Conn.: Esquiline Press, 2014); Massachusetts, U.S., death records, 1841–1915 (Ancestry.com, accessed 18 November 2021); Massachusetts, U.S., town and vital records, 1620–1988 (Ancestry.com, accessed 18 November 2021).) 26 December 1881 Kerr, Charlotte (1809–87). Second of eight daughters of vice-admiral James Young and his wife Charlotte Ann of Barton End, Horsley, near Stroud, Gloucestershire. Elder sister of Sophia, wife of Bartholomew James Sulivan. Married James Frederick Elton (1810–44, son of Jacob Elton and his wife Charlotte Young), lieutenant, Fortieth Regiment of Foot, in Horsley in 1835; living in Westbury on Trym, Gloucestershire, 1841. Married James Kerr of the

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Civil Department, Dublin Castle, at Kings Stanley, Gloucestershire, in 1850. Widowed by 1871. Lived in Hove, Sussex, 1881. (BMD (Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1841 (The National Archives: Public Record Office HO107/359/4/9/12), 1871 (RG10/2460/12/16), 1881 (RG11/1098/32/7); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1995 (Ancestry.com, accessed 27 May 2021); Essex, England, Church of England baptisms, marriages and burials, 1538–1812 (Ancestry.com, accessed 18 June 2020); Gloucester Journal, 6 April 1850, p. 3; Gloucestershire, England, Church of England baptisms, marriages and burials, 1538–1813 (Ancestry.com, accessed 18 June 2020); Gloucestershire, England, Church of England marriages and banns, 1754–1938 (Ancestry.com, accessed 18 June 2020); Sulivan ed. 1896, p. xii.) King, George (1840–1909). Scottish botanist. MB, Aberdeen, 1865; entered the Indian Medical Service, arriving in Calcutta in 1866. Temporary superintendent, Botanic Garden, Saharunpore (now Saharanpur), 1868–9. Indian forest service, 1869–71. Superintendent of the Royal Botanic Garden, Calcutta, and of cinchona cultivation in Bengal, 1871–98. Organised the botanical survey of India; first director, 1891. Knighted, 1898. FRS 1887. (ODNB.) 13 September 1881, 24 October 1881, 21 November 1881, [after 21 November 1881] Kirkman, Thomas Penyngton (1806–95). Mathematician and philosopher. BA, Trinity College, Dublin, 1833. Ordained, 1835. Rector, Croft-with-Southwark, from 1845. In mathematics, considered the founding father of design theory; also wrote on geometry. A critic of evolution and materialist philosophy, but also a supporter of free enquiry and free expression. (ODNB.) Klein, Edward Emanuel (1844–1925). Slavonian-born histologist and bacteriologist. MD, Vienna. Emigrated in 1871 to Britain, where he worked at the Brown Animal Sanatory Institute and lectured at St Bartholomew’s Hospital, London. Professor of bacteriology at the College of State Medicine, London, 1889–91. Naturalised British, 1887. FRS 1875. (ODNB.) Knickerbacker, Helen Louise (1836–1931). American. Third daughter of Ebenezer Backus Jones, merchant, of Penn Yan, New York. Married Thomas Adams Knickerbacker (1838–1922), banker, in 1862. (Lineage book of the daughters of the American colonists 5: 158 (Ancestry.com, accessed 28 October 2020); United States Federal Census 1850 (Milo, Yates, New York [1]/196b), 1880 (Troy, Rensselaer, New York 128/7A) (Ancestry.com, accessed 28 October 2020); U.S., Find a grave index, 1600s–current (Ancestry.com, accessed 28 October 2020).) Knowles, James Thomas (1831–1908). Journal editor and architect. Architect in London, circa 1854–83. Editor of the Contemporary Review, 1870–7; of Nineteenth Century, 1877–1908. (ODNB.) Koch, Eduard (1838–97). German publisher. Took over E. Schweizerbart’sche Verlagsbuchhandlung in 1867, after which the firm published mostly scientific titles. Published a multi-volume edition of CD’s works, translated by Julius Victor Carus. (Biographisches Jahrbuch und deutscher Nekrolog 2 (1898): 227.) 30 April 1881

Biographical register

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Kölliker, Rudolf Albert von (1817–1905). Swiss anatomist and physiologist. Professor of physiology and comparative anatomy, University of Würzburg, 1847–64; professor of anatomy, 1849–97. Foreign member, Royal Society of London, 1860. (DSB.) Koseritz, Karl von (1832–90). German-Brazilian journalist, politician, and ethnographer. Studied law briefly at Heidelberg, but wanted to travel, so signed on as a sailor, but left upon reaching Brazil, where he joined the army as an artilleryman, 1851–2. Taught at a high school in Pelotas until 1857 and began writing for various local papers as well as starting his own papers in both Portuguese and German. Editor, Deutsche Zeitung, 1864. From 1874, published the annual Deutschen Volkskalender für Brasilien, which described German immigrant life. Played a key role in the movement to integrate the German minority into Brazilian national life. (ADB.) Kovalevskaya, Sofia Vasilyevna (Софья Васильевна Ковалевская) (1850–91). Russian mathematician and author. Wife of Vladimir Onufrievich Kovalevsky. Studied mathematics with private tutors, in Heidelberg from 1869, then in Berlin under Karl Weierstrass from 1871. Doctorate in absentia from Göttingen, 1874. Lecturer in mathematics, University of Stockholm, 1883; professor, 1884. Life professorship, 1889. Wrote mathematical papers and autobiographical novels. (BDWS s.v. Kovalevskaia, Sofia Vasilyevna.) Kovalevsky, Vladimir Onufrievich (Владимир Онуфриевич Ковалевский) (1842–83). Russian palaeontologist. Graduated from the School of Jurisprudence in 1861. Thereafter published, translated, and edited works by CD, Charles Lyell, Louis Agassiz, and others. Studied natural science and palaeontology, travelling throughout Europe, 1869–74. Submitted his doctoral thesis on the palaeontology of horses at the University of Jena in 1872. Associate professor, Moscow University, 1880–3. (DSB.) 1 and 6 January 1881, 30 December 1881 Kraus, Gregor (1841–1915). German botanist. Professor and director of the botanical garden at Erlangen, 1869; Halle, 1872–98. Director of the Botanical Institute and the botanical garden, Würzburg, 1898–1914. Member of the Naturforschende Gesellschaft zu Halle (Natural Science Society of Halle); committee member, 1879. (DAR 229: 76; NDB.) Krause, Ernst Ludwig (Ernst) (1839–1903). German science writer. Also published under the pseudonym Carus Sterne. Trained as an apothecary, and studied natural sciences at the University of Berlin in 1857. Friendly with Ernst Haeckel from 1866. Doctorate, University of Rostock, 1874. Editor of Kosmos, 1877–83. His essay on Erasmus Darwin (1731–1802) was translated into English in 1879 at the suggestion of CD, who wrote a biographical preface for it. (DSB.) 2 January 1881, 4 January [1881], 8 January 1881, 10 January 1881, 12 January 1881, 29 January 1881, 7 February 1881, 10 February 1881, [after 10 February 1881] (from Francis Darwin), 15 May 1881, 18 May 1881, 30 July 1881 Krohn, Nicolai (1831/2–1909). Russian-born British wine merchant. Also known as Nicholas Krohn. In 1858, together with his brother Johann (or John), founded

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the wine producing and exporting firm of Krohn Brothers & Co. in Madeira. Married Wilhelmina Grant in Madeira in 1861. Naturalised British citizen, 1881. (Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/170/27/47); Cossart 1984; Direção Regional do Arquivo e Biblioteca da Madeira, abm.madeira.gov.pt/en/resources/archives/ (accessed 5 September 2019); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 5 September 2019); UK, naturalisation certificates and declarations, 1870–1916 (Ancestry.com, accessed 5 September 2019).) 16 December 1881, 18 December 1881 Kunkel, Adam Josef (1848–1905). German pharmacologist. Studied at Munich, Göttingen and Würzburg, where he received his doctorate in medicine, 1872. Habilitated at Würzburg in physiology, 1875. Privat-dozent, Würzburg, 1876–81. District physician, Hofheim, 1882. Professor extraordinarius, Würzburg, 1883; professor of pharmacology, 1888–1905; rector of the university, 1903–4. (GBBE.) Lamarck, Jean Baptiste Pierre Antoine de Monet ( Jean Baptiste) de (1744–1829). French naturalist. Held various botanical positions at the Jardin du roi, 1788–93. Appointed professor of zoology, Muséum d’histoire naturelle, 1793. Believed in spontaneous generation and the progressive development of animal types; propounded a theory of transmutation. (DSB.) Lamb, Charles (1775–1834). Essayist. (ODNB.) Langton, Charles (1801–86). Rector of Onibury, Shropshire, 1832–41. Left the Church of England in 1841. Resided at Maer, Staffordshire, 1841–7, and at Hartfield Grove, Hartfield, Sussex, 1847–63. Married Emma Darwin’s sister, Charlotte Wedgwood, in 1832. After her death, married CD’s sister, Emily Catherine Darwin, in 1863. After her death, lived in Bournemouth, Hampshire. (Alum. Oxon.; Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/1194/120/14); Emma Darwin (1915); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 19 August 2016); Freeman 1978.) Langton, Charlotte (1797–1862). Emma Darwin’s sister. Married Charles Langton in 1832. Resided at Maer, Staffordshire, 1840–6, and at Hartfield Grove, Hartfield, Sussex, 1847–62. (Emma Darwin (1915); Freeman 1978.) Langton, Emily Catherine (Catherine) (1810–66). CD’s sister. Resided at The Mount, Shrewsbury, until she married Charles Langton in 1863. (Darwin pedigree.) Lankester, Edwin Ray (1847–1929). Zoologist. Studied natural sciences at Oxford under George Rolleston, 1866–8; physiology at Leipzig and Vienna; morphology under Ernst Haeckel at Jena; marine zoology with Anton Dohrn in Naples, 1871–2. Fellow and tutor, Exeter College, Oxford, 1872–5; professor of zoology, University College, London, 1875–91; Linacre Professor of comparative anatomy, Oxford, 1891–8; director of the natural history departments and keeper of zoology, British Museum, 1898–1907. Knighted, 1907. FRS 1875. (ODNB.) 11 October 1881, 13 October [1881], 31 October 1881

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Laplace, Pierre Simon, marquis de Laplace (1749–1827). French mathematician, physicist, and cosmologist. (DSB.) Lasaulx, Arnold von (1839–86). German mineralogist, petrographer, and stratigrapher. Studied at Bonn and Berlin as well as in France; habilitated at Bonn, 1868. Professor extraordinarius of mineralogy, Breslau, 1875. Professor of mineralogy and geology, Bonn, 1880. Worked in vulcanology. (ADB; Sarjeant 1980–96.) Laslett, Isaac Withers (1830–87). Builder and undertaker. Son of Isaac Withers Laslett (1804–66), bricklayer of Down, and Hannah Laslett. Of Farnborough, Kent. (England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 27 January 2015); England, select births and christenings, 1538–1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed 27 January 2015).) Latreille, Pierre André (1762–1833). French naturalist. Professor of entomology, Muséum d’histoire naturelle, 1829. (DSB; NBU.) Lawes, John Bennet, 1st baronet (1814–1900). Agricultural chemist. Developed British industrial production of organic and chemical fertilisers and founded the Rothamsted Experiment Station near St Albans, Hertfordshire, in 1843. Created baronet, 1882. FRS 1854. (DSB; ODNB.) Lawson, Marmaduke Alexander (1840–96). Botanist. BA, Cambridge, 1862. Professor of botany, Oxford University, 1868–82. Director of the botanical department at Ootacamund (Udagamandalam), India, 1882–96. (Modern English biography.) Layton, Charles James (1826/7–1912). Publisher’s agent. London agent for D. Appleton & Co., New York City. (Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG9/382/71/7); Correspondence vol. 19, letter from Charles Layton, 22 November 1869; England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 26 January 2016).) 17 March 1881, 3 November 1881 Lecky, William Edward Hartpole (1838–1903). Historian and essayist. Elected to the Athenaeum Club, 1867. Privy councillor, 1897. One of the original fortyeight members of the British Academy, 1902. Wrote on Irish history and politics. (ODNB.) Leclerc, Georges Louis, comte de Buffon (1707–88). French naturalist, philosopher, and mathematician. Keeper, Jardin du roi, 1739–88. Outlined his theory of transmutation in Histoire naturelle (1749–1804). FRS 1739. (DBF; DSB; Record of the Royal Society of London.) Leibniz, Gottfried Wilhelm (1646–1716). German mathematician, metaphysician, and philosopher. (ADB; DSB; NDB.) Lettington, Henry (1822/3–1910). Gardener. Worked as a gardener at Down House, 1854–79, and occasionally in following years. Assisted CD with botanical experiments. Member of the Down Friendly Society, 1882. Son-in-law of William Brooks, who was also employed by the Darwins. (BMD (Death index);

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CD’s Classed account books (Down House MS); Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG9/462/70/2); F. Darwin 1920a, pp. 56–7; letter from Emma Darwin to G. H. Darwin, 5 July [1884] (DAR 210.3: 110); The National Archives (FS 1/232 626620); Recollections of CD by Francis Darwin (DAR 140.3: 90a).) Lewes, George Henry (1817–78). Writer. Author of a biography of Goethe (1855). Contributed articles on literary and philosophical subjects to numerous journals. Editor, Fortnightly Review, 1865–6. Published on physiology and on the nervous system in the 1860s and 1870s. Lived with Marian Evans (George Eliot) from 1854. (Ashton 1991; ODNB.) Lippert, Julius (1839–1909). Bohemian popular educator, politician, and historian. Studied law, then history, philosophy, and German philology at Prague. Professor at the Oberrealschule in Leitmeritz (Litoměřice), 1863. Head of the Volksschule in Budweis (České Budějovice), 1869; of the Kommunal-Oberrealschule, 1872. With the nationalisation of schools, came into conflict with the state because of his anti-clerical and liberal-minded views, and lost his teaching position, 1874. Went to Germany; involved with the Society for the Dissemination of Popular Education, becoming secretary and editor of the society’s newspaper, 1875–85. Returned to Bohemia in 1885. Elected to the Austro-Hungarian parliament, 1888. Deputy to the Oberstlandmarschall (supreme marshal) of Bohemia, 1895. Wrote on social and cultural history. (NDB.) [May 1881 or later] Lister, Joseph (1827–1912). Surgeon. Assistant surgeon to the Royal Infirmary, Edinburgh, 1856–60. Professor of surgery, Glasgow University, 1860–9; of clinical surgery, 1869–77. Announced his system of antiseptic surgery in the Lancet in 1867. Professor of surgery, King’s College, London, 1877–92. FRS 1860. (DSB; ODNB.) Litchfield, Henrietta Emma (1843–1927). CD’s daughter. Married Richard Buckley Litchfield in 1871. Assisted CD with his work. Edited Emma Darwin (1904) and (1915). (Burke’s landed gentry 1952; Correspondence; Freeman 1978.) 3 January 1881, 4 January 1881, 5 January [1881], 10 January 1881 (to Leslie Stephen), [11 June 1881] (from L. M. Forster), 16 September 1881, 20 December 1881 Litchfield, Richard Buckley (1832–1903). Barrister. BA, Cambridge (Trinity College), 1853. Admitted to the Inner Temple, 1854; called to the bar, 1863. Firstclass clerk in the office of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners. Married Henrietta Emma Darwin in 1871. A founder and treasurer of the Working Men’s College; taught mathematics there, 1854–70, and music from 1860. (Alum. Cantab.; Emma Darwin (1915) 2: 204, 206; R. B. Litchfield, Record, personal and domestic, vol. 1 (DAR 248/1).) 5 January [1881] Lloyd, Richard Mosley (1842–84). Civil engineer and conchologist. Queen’s College, Birmingham, 1859; King’s College, London,  1860–1. Engineer to

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the Water Department of Birmingham,  1861–84. Member of Birmingham Natural History and Microscopical Society. (BMD (Birth index); Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/3004/99/4); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 2 March 2020); Midland Naturalist 7 (1884): 70; private communication.) 14 June 1881, 17 June 1881 Loch, Emily Elizabeth (1848–1931). Courtier. Daughter of George Loch, commissioner to the Sutherland and Stafford estates, who succeeded his father James (ODNB) in the position, and his wife, Catharine. Lady-in-waiting to Princess Helena (ODNB; married name, Princess Christian), Queen Victoria’s third daughter, from 1882. (Poore 2007.) Lockyer, Joseph Norman (Norman) (1836–1920). Astronomer. Civil servant in the War Office from 1857; published papers on solar physics. Secretary to the royal commission on scientific instruction and the advancement of science, 1870– 5; seconded to the Science and Art Department at South Kensington from 1875; first director of the Solar Physics Observatory, and professor of astronomical physics, Royal College of Science, South Kensington, 1890–1911. Established the journal Nature in 1869. Knighted, 1897. FRS 1869. (DNB; DSB; ODNB.) Longden, James Robert (1827–91). Colonial governor. Governor of Ceylon (Sri Lanka), 1876–83. Knighted, 1876. (ODNB.) Loomis, Eben Jenks (1828–1912). American astronomer. Educated at Lawrence Scientific School, Harvard University, 1851–3. Astronomer in the office of the Nautical Almanac and later senior assistant to the American Ephemeris, 1850–1900. Member of the United States eclipse expedition to the west coast of Africa, 1889. (AMS; Howe ed. 1904, p. 277; Todd 1913.) [19 March 1881], 4 April 1881 López-Seoane, Víctor (1832–1900). Galician (Spanish) physician, naturalist, and zoologist. Studied medicine in Madrid and Santiago; MD 1861. Taught natural history, physics, and chemistry at the Institute of A Coruña, 1863–4. Practised medicine in Ferrol at the Hospital da Marina, 1864–9. Married Francisca Riobóo Alvarez (1834–1919) in 1869, after which he lived in A Coruña. His taxonomic research focused on amphibians and reptiles. Later found to have plagiarised other authors in his ornithological work and to have altered dates in order to claim priority. A secretary of the first international Congress of Zoology, Paris 1889. (Album da Ciencia, http://culturagalega.gal/ (accessed 3 September 2020); P. Gilbert 1977.) 19 December 1881, 27 December 1881 Louis XVI, king of France (1754–93). Succeeded to the throne in 1774. (EB.) Lovegrove, Henry (1838–1922). Farm bailiff. Employed by the Clutterbuck family in Long Wittenham, Berkshire (now in Oxfordshire). (BMD (Birth index, Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/1293/10/14); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index

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of wills and administrations), 1858–1995 (Ancestry.com, accessed 25 March 2021); Elizabeth McDougall, ‘A year in the life of Long Wittenham 1890’, Chronicle: the Journal of the Long Wittenham Local History Group no. 5 (November 1990): 29.) Lowne, Benjamin Thompson (1839–1925). Surgeon and naturalist. FRCS, LSA, 1873; MD, Durham, 1896. Collected plants in Palestine and Syria, 1863–4. Lecturer, physiology and general anatomy, Middlesex Hospital Medical School, 1871–95; Royal College of Surgeons, 1876–80. Junior surgeon, Great Northern Hospital, 1874–6; ophthalmic surgeon from 1876. Lecturer in botany, Royal Veterinary College, from 1885. (BMD (Birth index); R. Desmond 1994; Plarr 1930.) Lubbock, John, 4th baronet and 1st Baron Avebury (1834–1913). Banker, politician, and naturalist. Son of John William Lubbock and a neighbour of CD’s in Down. Studied entomology and anthropology. Worked at the family bank from 1849; head of the bank from 1865. Liberal MP for Maidstone, Kent, 1870–80; for London University, 1880–1900. President of the Linnean Society of London, 1881–6. Succeeded to the baronetcy in 1865. Created Baron Avebury, 1900. FRS 1858. (DSB; Hutchinson 1914; ODNB; Record of the Royal Society of London.) 16 April [1881?], 2 August 1881, 3 September [1881?], [18 September 1881], 6 November 1881, 12 November [1881] Lubbock, Montagu (1842–1925). Physician. Younger brother of John Lubbock. Worked in the City of London and held a commission in the 11th Kent Volunteers. MD, Paris, 1879. Assistant physician to the West London Hospital, 1881–94; Charing Cross Hospital, 1882–90. Lecturer on practical medicine, Charing Cross, 1882–5; curator of the museum, 1888–92. (Physicians.) 10 January 1881 Luther, Martin (1483–1546). German priest. Led the Protestant Reformation. (ADB.) Lyell, Charles, 1st baronet (1797–1875). Scottish geologist. Uniformitarian geologist whose Principles of geology (1830–3), Elements of geology (1838), and Antiquity of man (1863) appeared in many editions. Professor of geology, King’s College, London, 1831. President of the Geological Society of London, 1835–7 and 1849– 51; of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1864. Travelled widely and published accounts of his trips to the United States. CD’s scientific mentor and friend. Knighted, 1848; created baronet, 1864. FRS 1826. (DSB; ODNB.) Lyell, Charles Sr (1769–1849). Botanist and Dante scholar. Of Kinnordy, Forfarshire. Father of Charles Lyell (1797–1875). (R. Desmond 1994; DNB.) Lyell, Henry (1804–75). Army officer in India. Married Katharine Murray Horner in 1848. Brother of Charles Lyell. (Burke’s peerage 1980.) Lyell, James Carmichael (1843–1922). Jute spinner and pigeon fancier. Son of David Lyell, general practitioner, of Dundee. Married Kate Harriette Latham (1850–1934) in Calcutta in 1870. Ran a jute-spinning business in Monifieth, Angus, Scotland, at first with his brother Charles (1845–1912), 1873/4–1900. Of

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Monifieth House in 1881, 1891. Retired by 1901; living in London, 1911. Wrote on pigeon-fancying. (BMD (Birth index, Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1901 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG13/594/27/28), 1911 (RG14/136); Census returns of Scotland  1861 (The National Archives of Scotland: Dundee 7/30), 1881 (Monifieth 10/5), 1891 (Monifieth 9/24); Dundee directory 1874–1900; India, select marriages, 1792–1948 (Ancestry.com, accessed 11 June 2019); letter from J. C. Lyell, 25 April 1881; Scotland old parish registers births 282/190/139 and 282/190/217 Dundee (Scotlandspeople.gov.uk, accessed 11 June 2019); Scotland statutory deaths 274/59 Barry (Scotlandspeople.gov.uk, accessed 1 June 2021).) 25 April 1881 Lyell, Katharine Murray (1817–1915). Botanist and literary editor. Daughter of Leonard Horner. Married Henry Lyell, brother of Charles Lyell, in 1848. Compiled a geographical handbook of fern distribution in 1870. Her collection of plants from India was given to the British Museum; her fern collection was given to the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew. Edited Life, letters and journals of Sir Charles Lyell (1881), and Life and letters of Sir Charles J. F. Bunbury (1906). (BDWS; R. Desmond 1994; Freeman 1978.) 20 November 1881 Lyell, Mary Elizabeth (1808–73). Eldest child and first daughter of Leonard Horner. Married Charles Lyell in Germany in 1832. (Freeman 1978; ODNB s.v. Lyell, Charles.) McAlpine, Daniel (1849–1932). Scottish-born Australian vegetable pathologist. Studied at the Royal School of Mines. Professor of natural history, Veterinary College, Edinburgh; lecturer in biology and botany, Heriot-Watt College, 1877. Emigrated to Australia in 1884. Lecturer in biology, Ormond College, University of Melbourne, 1885. Vegetable pathologist, Victorian Department of Agriculture, 1890. Published on rusts and fungus diseases in various crops. (Aust. dict. biog.) 10 May 1881 McCormick, Robert (1800–90). Naval surgeon, explorer, and naturalist. Published accounts of his voyages. Surgeon in the Beagle, 1831–2. Accompanied James Clark Ross’s Antarctic expedition, 1839–43. (Correspondence vol. 1; ODNB.) M‘Culloch, John Ramsay (1789–1864). Scottish political economist. Studied at Edinburgh University. Wrote for the Scotsman; editor, 1817–21. Published and lectured on political economy, in Edinburgh, and, from 1824, in London. Professor of political economy, University of London, 1828–37. Comptroller of the Stationery Office, 1838–64. (ODNB s.v. McCulloch, John Ramsay.) MacCunn, John (1846–1929). Philosopher. First professor of logic, mental and moral philosophy, and political economy at the new University College, Liverpool, 1881–1910. (ODNB.) McDonnell, Robert (1828–89). Irish surgeon. Served as a surgeon in the Crimean War, 1855. Demonstrator of anatomy, Carmichael School of Medicine, 1856;

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afterwards lecturer on anatomy and physiology. Surgeon to Jervis Street Hospital, Dublin, 1863; to Steevens’s Hospital, 1866. Medical superintendent of the Mountjoy government prison, 1857–67. Elected president, Royal College of Surgeons of Ireland, 1877; president, Academy of Medicine in Ireland, 1885–8. FRS 1865. (DNB.) McElroy, Mary (Marie) (1854–1924). Scottish. Daughter of John McElroy (1802/3–76), housing developer and proprietor of houses, and his wife, Janet McKinlay Kidd. Of Craigrownie, Cove, Dunbartonshire, 1861; Clydehaugh House, Govan, Glasgow, 1881. (Belfast Newsletter, 21 January 1876, p. 1; Census returns of Scotland 1861 (The National Archives of Scotland: Rosneath 3/12), 1881 (Govan Church 20/1); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1995 (Ancestry.com, accessed 9 November 2020); Rosneath Peninsula Heritage Trail: west coast (thelochsidepress.com/ wp-content/uploads/2015/09/rosneath-peninsula-west-coast-heritage-trailleaflet-1.pdf, accessed 7 May 2021); Scotland, births and baptisms, 1564–1950 (Ancestry.com, accessed 9 November 2020).) 1 April 1881 McIntosh, William Carmichael (1838–1931). Physician and marine zoologist. MD, Edinburgh, 1860. Medical superintendent, Perth District Asylum, Murthly, 1863–82. Author of Monograph of British marine annelids (1873–1923). Professor of natural history, St Andrews, 1882–1917. FRS 1877. (DNB; DSB.) 9 October 1881, 30 October 1881, 21 November 1881, [after 21 November 1881] McKendrick, John Gray (1841–1926). Physiologist. Studied medicine at Aberdeen and Edinburgh; MD 1864. Assistant in physiology, Edinburgh University, 1869. Professor of physiology, Glasgow University, 1876. (ODNB.) McLennan, John Ferguson (1827–81). Scottish lawyer and social anthropologist. MA, King’s College, Aberdeen, 1849. Studied mathematics at Trinity College, Cambridge. Began practising law in Edinburgh in 1857. Moved to London in 1870. Appointed parliamentary draughtsman for Scotland, 1871. Published on kinship, marriage, and the law. Regarded as one of the founders of modern British social anthropology. (ODNB.) Magee, William Connor (1821–91). Irish-born clergyman. Studied at Trinity College, Dublin. Ordained priest, 1845. Curate of St Thomas, Dublin, 1844–6; of St Saviour, Bath, 1847–50. Minister of the Octagon, Bath, 1851–56. Perpetual curate of Quebec Chapel, London, 1856–64. Rector and vicar of Enniskillen, 1860–4. Dean of Cork, 1864–8. Dean of the Vice-Regal Chapel, Dublin, 1866–9. Bishop of Peterborough, 1868–91. Archbishop of York, 1891. Famous as an orator. (Crockford’s clerical directory; ODNB.) Magendie, François (1783–1855). French anatomist and physiologist. Brought up in an ardent republican family according to the principles of Jean Jacques Rousseau. Anatomy demonstrator, Faculty of Medicine in Paris, 1811–13. Taught a private course on physiology from 1813, and practised medicine. Founded a journal devoted to experimental physiology in 1821. His public demonstrations

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of vivisection experiments on dogs during a trip to England in 1824 provoked an antivivisection campaign. Professor of medicine at the Collège de France, 1831–47. (DSB.) Malm, August Wilhelm (1821–82). Swedish zoologist. Studied zoology in Lund with Sven Nilsson; at the national museum in Stockholm; in Copenhagen. Curator, Gothenburg Museum of Natural History, 1848; professor, 1881. Specialist in fish and molluscs. (SBL; Tort 1996.) Malthus, Thomas Robert (1766–1834). Clergyman and political economist. First professor of history and political economy at the East India Company College, Haileybury, 1805–34. Quantified the relationship between growth in population and food supplies in An essay on the principle of population (1798). FRS 1818. (DSB; ODNB.) Manners, John Robert (1862–1952). Barrister. BA, Cambridge, 1884. Called to the bar at the Middle Temple, 1893. (Alum. Cantab.; BMD (Birth index, Death index).) Marcy, Abraham (1793–1878). American farmer. From West Woodstock, Windham County, Connecticut; in Burlington, Otsego, New York, from 1826. (D. Hamilton Hurd, History of Otsego County, New York, 1740–1878 (theusgenweb.org/ny/ otsego/bios/miniburlington.htm, accessed 29 October 2020); United States Federal Census 1860 (Burlington, Otsego, New York [1]/380) (Ancestry.com, accessed 28 October 2020); U.S., Find a grave index, 1600s–current (Ancestry.com, accessed 28 October 2020).) Marcy, Newton A. (1832–1911). American postmaster. Son of Abraham Marcy. In Burlington Flats, Otsego, New York, from 1864. Married Harriet Waldby (or Walby) (1837–88) before 1860. (Appointments of U.S. postmasters, 1832–1971 (Ancestry.com, accessed 28 October 2020); D. Hamilton Hurd, History of Otsego County, New York, 1740–1878 (theusgenweb.org/ny/otsego/bios/miniburlington. htm, accessed 29 October 2020); United States Federal Census 1860 (Burlington, Otsego, New York [1]/380) (Ancestry.com, accessed 29 October 2020); U.S., Find a grave index, 1600s–current (Ancestry.com, accessed 28 October 2020).) Marie-Antoinette, queen of France (1755–93). Austrian-born consort of King Louis XVI of France, who succeeded to the throne in 1774. (EB.) Marion, Antoine Fortuné (1846–1900). French naturalist. Interested in geology, zoology, and botany. PhD, 1870. A schoolfriend of the writer Émile Zola and the artist Paul Cézanne in Aix en Provence. Established a marine laboratory with financial assistance from the city of Marseilles, 1878–87. Director of the Marseilles natural history museum, 1880. Collaborated with Gaston de Saporta on the publication of a work on the evolution of plants. (Danchev 2012, pp. 95–8; DSB.) Marshall, James Garth (1802–73). Industrialist and politician. Son of the wealthy industrialist John Marshall (1765–1845; ODNB), and father of Victor Marshall. Liberal MP for Leeds, 1847–52. Known for his innovations in flax spinning and the improvement of the education and welfare of the workers at his mills in Holbeck, Leeds. Bought the Monk Coniston estate near Coniston in the Lake District in 1835, and created the celebrated landscape of Tarn Hows.

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(‘History and restoration of Lakeland estate’, Cumberland & Westmorland Herald, 20 March 2008 (www.cwherald.com/a/archive/history-and-restoration-oflakeland-estate.305411.html, accessed 29 January 2018); London, England, Church of England marriages and banns, 1754–1932 (Ancestry.co.uk, accessed 20 November 2018); Minutes of the Proceedings of the Institution of Civil Engineers 38 (1874): 317–20.) Marshall, Sarah (1830–91). Daughter of the chief cashier of the Bank of England, Matthew Marshall. Provisional committee member of the Association of Liberal Thinkers, 1878. Made a generous bequest to Imperial College, London. (Census returns of England and Wales 1871 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG10/872/23/38), 1881 (RG11/50/112/15); Correspondence vol. 26, letter from M. D. Conway, 18 November 1878; England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 17 March 2014); England & Wales, non-conformist and non-parochial registers, 1567–1970 (Ancestry.com, accessed 17 March 2014); Nature, 26 December 1895, p. 184.) 7 November 1881 Marshall, Victor Alexander Ernest Garth (1841–1928). Landowner. Of Monk Coniston, Lancashire. BA, Cambridge (Trinity College), 1864. Son of James Garth Marshall and Mary Alicia Pery Spring Rice; a cousin of W. C. Marshall. (Alum. Cantab.; Burke’s peerage s.v. Monteagle.) Marshall, William Cecil (Bill) (1849–1921). Architect. BA, Cambridge (Trinity College), 1872. Son of Henry Cowper Marshall and Catherine Anne Lucy Spring Rice. Friend of Horace Darwin. Designed many tennis courts, and the billiard room with dressing room and bedroom above for Down House. (Alum. Cantab.; Correspondence vol. 24, letter to W. C. Marshall, 19 September 1876; England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 13 March 2013).) Marshall, William Prime (1816–1906). Engineer and amateur naturalist. Attended King’s College, London. Worked in the office of Robert Stephenson (1803–59) on drawings for the London and Birmingham Railway, 1835. Worked on design and construction of the North Midland Railway and was appointed locomotive superintendent, 1839–43. Consulting practice at Birmingham, 1848. Secretary of the Institution of Mechanical Engineers, 1849–77. Took part in founding the Birmingham and Midland Institute. Father of Arthur Milnes Marshall. (ODNB s.v. Marshall, Arthur Milnes; Proceedings of the Institution of Civil Engineers 168 (1907): 345–6.) 26 December 1881, 29 December 1881 Martindale, William (1840–1902). Pharmacist. Took over the New Cavendish Street pharmacy of Hopkin and Williams in 1873; the business became one of the most important and scientifically advanced in London. Invented many new dosage forms for various medicines. His book The extra pharmacopoeia (1883) went through ten editions in his lifetime. (ODNB.) 4 August 1881

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Martins, Charles Frédéric (1806–89). French botanist. Qualified as a doctor in Paris in 1834. Professor of botany and natural history, faculty of medicine, Montpellier, 1851. Director of the botanic garden, Montpellier, 1851–79. Also published on geology and meteorology. (Dictionnaire universel des contemporains; NBU; Rioux 2011.) Martius, Karl Friedrich Philipp von (1794–1868). German botanist and ethnologist. Assistant to the conservator of the Munich botanic garden, 1814. Accompanied the Austrian expedition to Brazil, 1817–20, returning with several thousand specimens for the botanic garden. Professor of botany, Munich, 1826; principal conservator of the botanic garden, institute, and collections, 1832. Secretary of the physiomathematical section of the Royal Bavarian Academy, Munich, 1840. (DSB.) Mayer, Julius Robert (Robert) (1814–78). German physician and physicist. Formulated the principle of the conservation of energy independently of the research of Joules and was awarded the Royal Society of London’s Copley medal in 1871. (DSB; NDB.) Mayer, Paul (1848–1923). German zoologist and microscopist. Student of Ernst Haeckel. Assistant at the Naples Zoological Station, 1877. While at Naples, developed new microscopical techniques and wrote guides on the subject. Editor of Zoologischer Jahresbericht, 1882–1913. (NDB.) Medici, Catherine de’, queen of France (1519–89). Italian noblewoman. Queen of France, 1547–59. (EB.) Meehan, Thomas (1826–1901). English-born botanist, horticulturist, and author. Gardener at the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, 1845–8. In 1848, emigrated to the United States, where he worked as a gardener. Established a nursery in Germantown, Pennsylvania, circa 1853. Editor, Gardener’s Monthly, 1859–87; Meehan’s Monthly, 1891–1901. Botanist on the Philadelphia state board of agriculture, 1877–1901. Elected to the Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia, 1860; to the American Philosophical Society, 1871. (Baker 1965; DAB.) Meetkerke, Cecilia Elizabeth (1823–1903). Author. Daughter of Edward Gore, a son of the second earl of Arran, and Mary Ann Gore. Married Adolphus Meetkerke in 1848. Published The guests of flowers, a botanical sketch for children (1880). (Derbyshire, England, Church of England baptisms, 1813–1916 (Ancestry.com, accessed 12 December 2019); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1995 (Ancestry.com, accessed 12 December 2019); Gloucestershire, England, Church of England marriages and banns, 1754–1938 (Ancestry.com, accessed 12 December 2019).) 7 January 1881 Meldola, Raphael (1849–1915). Chemist and entomologist. Studied at the Royal College of Chemistry, 1866–8. Assistant to the assayer of the Royal Mint, 1868–71. Worked in the coal-tar dye industry, 1871–3 and 1877–85. Took part

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in the Royal Society of London’s eclipse expedition to the Nicobar Islands, 1875. Professor of chemistry, Finsbury Technical College, from 1885. Interested in protective colouring and mimicry in moths; secretary of the Entomological Society of London, 1876–80. FRS 1886. (ODNB.) 12 March 1881, 8 August 1881, 10 August [1881] Mellersh, Arthur (1812–94). Naval officer. Midshipman and mate on HMS Beagle, 1825–36. Served off the coast of Syria, then in command of HMS Rattler in the Burma campaign in 1852. Served off the coast of China in the 1850s, suppressing piracy, and in the Caribbean and South America before retiring in 1864. (Modern English biography; The Times, 28 September 1894, p. 4.) Mengozzi, Giovanni Ettore (1811–82). Italian philosopher, author, and expert in homoeopathy. Founded the Accademia Nazionale, la Scuola Italica, in 1860, with the aim of restoring a more fundamental nationalistic Italian philosophy. (Giudice 2016, pp. 92–3.) 31 July 1881 Mer, Émile (1841–1921). French arboriculturist. Graduated from the École forestière de Nancy in 1862. Employed in forestry administration at Chaumont en Bassigny, 1871. Left forestry administration in 1871. Returned to research at the École forestière in 1886. Retired in 1902. Member of the Société botanique de France from 1871; secretary, 1877. (Bulletin de la Société botanique de France 18 (1871): xii; 24 (1877): 1; Pardé 1982, p. 274.) Miall, Louis Compton (1842–1921). Natural historian. Became interested in natural history through his brother, a medical student. Received no formal training, though later attended Leeds School of Medicine. Secretary of Bradford Philosophical Society, circa 1853. Appointed curator to the museum of the Leeds Philosophical Society, 1871. Professor of biology, Yorkshire College of Science, University of Leeds, 1876–1907. (BMD (Birth index); Entomologist’s Monthly Magazine 57 (1921): 93–4; P. Gilbert 1977.) Miles, Alice (1874–1943). Daughter of Samuel Miles and his wife Caroline (née Tasker), butler and cook to Sarah Elizabeth Wedgwood, Emma Darwin’s aunt, until her death in 1880. Dressmaker in Hampton, Middlesex, 1891. Married Sydney Thomas Mann (1867–1946), corn merchant and contractor, later civil servant, in Richmond, Surrey, in 1897. Living in retirement in Brighton, Sussex, 1939. (1939 England and Wales register (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG101/2439E); BMD (Birth index, Marriage index, Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/855/89/13), 1891 (RG12/616/67/9), 1901 (RG13/685/6/4), 1911 (RG14/26/7/2292).) Miles, Caroline (1838–96). Servant. Daughter of William and Mary Tasker of East Grinstead and later Hartfield, Sussex: William was groom and gardener to Sarah Elizabeth Wedgwood (Emma Darwin’s aunt) at The Ridge, Hartfield, 1861. Servant in East Grinstead, 1851. Cook to Charles and Charlotte Langton (Emma Darwin’s brother-in-law and sister) at The Grove, Hartfield, 1861.

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Married Samuel Miles as his second wife in 1867. Cook to S. E. Wedgwood in Down, Kent, 1871. At Tower House, Down, 1881. In Hampton, Middlesex, 1891; buried there. (Census returns of England and Wales 1841 (The National Archives: Public Record Office HO107/115/6/31/1), 1851 (HO107/1641/301/21), 1861 (RG9/578/81/15, RG9/578/81/16), 1871 (RG10/875/35/4), 1881 (RG11/855/89/13), 1891 (RG12/616/67/9); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 4 October 2019); England, select births and christenings, 1538–1975 (Ancestry. com, accessed 11 May 2021); London, England, Church of England marriages and banns, 1754–1932 (Ancestry.com, accessed 4 October 2019); gravestonephotos.com, accessed 4 October 2019.) Miles, Samuel (1827/8–1906). Butler. Son of Francis Miles, agricultural labourer, of Winslow, Bromyard, Herefordshire. House servant to Charles and Charlotte Langton (Emma Darwin’s brother-in-law and sister) at Mon Plaisir, St Brelade, Jersey, 1851. Married Ann James (b. 1823/4, d. before 1861), daughter of John James), the Langtons’ cook, in Bristol in 1859. Footman to the Langtons at The Grove, Hartfield, Sussex, 1861. Married Caroline Tasker (1838–96), the Langtons’ cook, at St Pancras, London, 1867. Butler, with Caroline as cook, to Sarah Elizabeth Wedgwood (Emma Darwin’s aunt) in Down, Kent, 1871; daughter Alice born 1874. Caretaker at Tower House, Down, after S. E. Wedgwood’s death, 1881. Jobbing gardener in Hampton, Middlesex, 1891. With his daughter Alice Mann in Bromley, Kent, 1901. Buried with Caroline in Hampton. (BMD (Birth index); Census returns of England and Wales 1841 (The National Archives: Public Record Office HO107/418/12/5/4), 1861 (RG9/578/81/15), 1871 (RG10/875/35/4), 1881 (RG11/855/89/13), 1891 (RG12/616/67/9), 1901 (RG13/685/6/4); Census returns of the Channel Islands 1851 (The National Archives: Public Record Office HO107/2529/269/40); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry. com, accessed 4 October 2019); England, select marriages, 1538–1973 (Ancestry.com, accessed 4 October 2019); gravestonephotos.com, accessed 4 October 2019; London, England, Church of England marriages and banns, 1754–1932 (Ancestry.com, accessed 4 October 2019).) Milne, Louisa Katherine (1846/7–1927). Daughter of Frederick Robert Partridge, solicitor, of King’s Lynn, Norfolk, and his wife, Emma. Married William Oswald Milne, architect, at Caston, Norfolk, in 1879. (England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1995 (Ancestry.com, accessed 25 August 2021); Norfolk, England, Church of England births and baptisms, 1813–1919 (Ancestry.com, accessed 25 August 2021); Norfolk, England, Church of England marriages and banns, 1754–1936 (Ancestry.com, accessed 25 August 2021).) Milne, William Oswald (Bill) (1847–1927). Architect. Colleague of Thomas Edward Champion Streatfeild at 39 Great Marlborough Street, London, from 1875, and also Edward Morgan Llewellyn Forster from 1878. (Beauman 1993, p. 17 n.; England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations),

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1858–1995 (Ancestry.com, accessed 25 August 2021); Norfolk, England, bishop’s transcripts, 1579–1935 (Ancestry.com, accessed 25 August 2021); Norfolk, England, Church of England marriages and banns, 1754–1936 (Ancestry.com, accessed 25 August 2021); Post Office London directory 1875, 1880.) Milton, John (1608–74). Poet. (ODNB.) Mivart, St George Jackson (1827–1900). Comparative anatomist. Converted to Catholicism, 1844. Called to the bar, 1851, but never practised. Established his reputation as an anatomist by his studies on primates. Lecturer in comparative anatomy, St Mary’s Hospital Medical School, London, 1862–84. Secretary, Linnean Society, 1874–80; vice-president, 1892. Professor of the philosophy of natural history, University of Louvain, 1890–3. Excommunicated, 1900. Vigorous critic of Darwinism. Attempted to reconcile evolutionary theory and Catholicism. FRS 1869. (DNB.) Möbius, Karl August (Karl) (1825–1908). German zoologist. Professor of zoology, Kiel, 1868. Professor of systematic zoology and animal geography, Berlin, 1888. (DSB; NDB.) 25 October 1881 Mohl, Hugo von (1805–72). German biologist. Professor of physiology, University of Bern, 1832–5; professor of botany, University of Tübingen, 1835–72. Known for his work on the microscopic anatomy of plants and for his study of the plant cell. Co-founder of Botanische Zeitung, 1843. Foreign member, Royal Society of London, 1868. (DSB; Record of the Royal Society of London.) Mojsisovics von Mojsvár, Johann August Georg Edmund (Edmund) (1839–1907). Austrian geologist, palaeontologist, and alpinist. Studied law, then geology and geography. Doctorate in jurisprudence, Graz, 1864. Volunteer, Royal and Imperial Geological Institute, 1865; head of geology, 1870; vicedirector, 1892. Privat-dozent in special geology, Vienna, 1871–86. Co-founder of the journal Beiträge zur Paläontologie und Geologie Österreich-Ungarns und des Orients. Worked on Triassic cephalopods. Co-founder of the Austrian alpine club, 1862; German alpine club, 1869. (NDB; ÖBL online.) 10 November 1881 Molisch, Hans (1856–1937). Austrian botanist. From  1875, studied science at the University of Vienna; doctorate, 1879; habilitation, 1885. Assistant to Julius Wiesner, whom he succeeded as professor of anatomy and physiology at the University of Vienna in 1909. (ÖBL online.) Möller, Alfred (1860–1922). German forest scientist and mycologist. Studied forestry at the academy at Eberswalde; director, 1906. Spent time with his uncle Fritz Müller in Brazil, where he studied the cultivation of fungi by ants, 1890–3. Published a biography and collected works and letters of Fritz Müller, 1915–21. (Berichte der Deutschen botanischen Gesellschaft 41: (75)–(83).) Montagu-Douglas-Scott, Walter Francis, 5th duke of Buccleuch and 7th duke of Queensberry (1806–84). Politician. MA, Cambridge, 1827. Lord privy seal, 1842–6. President of the Highland Agricultural Society, 1831–5 and

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1866–9. President of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1867. Knighted, 1835. FRS 1833. (ODNB; Record of the Royal Society of London.) Moore, David (1808–79). Scottish-born gardener and botanist. Baptised David Moir; also signed himself Muir, but Moore from 1830. Apprentice on the estate of the earl of Camperdown, Scotland. Foreman, Trinity College Garden, Dublin, 1828–34. Botanist to the Ordnance Survey of Ireland, 1834–8. Curator, and later director, Botanic Garden, Glasnevin, 1838–79. Specialist in mosses and liverworts. PhD, Zurich, 1863. (R. Desmond 1994; ODNB.) Moore, Norman, 1st baronet (1847–1922). Physician. BA, Cambridge, 1869. MD, St Bartholomew’s Hospital, London, 1876. Warden of the college, 1873–91; lecturer in anatomy, pathology, and medicine, and physician to the hospital, 1902. Created baronet, 1919. (Alum. Cantab.; ODNB.) More, Alexander Goodman (1830–95). Botanist and natural historian. Matriculated at Trinity College, Cambridge, 1850. Suffered ill health for many years and later settled in Ireland. Published his chief work, Cybele Hibernica, with David Moore, in 1866. Assistant, Natural History Museum, Dublin, 1867; curator, 1881–7. (Alum. Cantab.; R. Desmond 1994; Journal of Botany 33 (1895): 225–7.) 28 September 1881, [after 28 September 1881] Morley, Samuel (1809–86). Businessman, politician, and philanthropist. Ran the family hosiery firm, with factories in Nottingham and London. Liberal MP for Bristol, 1868–85. Helped finance the building of Congregationalist chapels and training colleges. (ODNB.) Morris, George Horton (1817–99). Solicitor’s clerk. Managing clerk to William Mackmurdo Hacon. (BMD (Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1871 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG10/561/44/36); letter from W. M. Hacon, 23 September 1881; London, England, Church of England births and baptisms, 1813–1917 (Ancestry.com, accessed 17 July 2018).) Morrison, Alfred (1821–97). Autograph and art collector. Studied at Edinburgh University, 1836–9, and Trinity College, Cambridge, 1839–40. Joined his father in Morrison, Sons & Co. from 1841 until it was wound up in the 1850s. Inherited the Fonthill estate near Hindon, Wiltshire, in 1857. Became a collector of objets d’art and formed large collections of engraved portraits, historical autographs, and gems. (ODNB.) Morrison, Charles (1817–1909). Merchant banker. Studied at Edinburgh and Cambridge Universities. Joined his father in Morrison, Sons & Co. from 1841 until it was wound up in the 1850s. Became an independent banker, specialising in mortgage, railway, and utility investments in Britain, the United States, and South America. Left an estate worth over £10 million on his death. (ODNB.) Moseley, Henry Nottidge (1844–91). Naturalist. BA, Oxford, 1868. Travelled to Vienna with Edwin Ray Lankester to study physiology in 1869; to Leipzig in 1871. Travelled around the world on the Challenger expedition, 1872–6. Fellow, Exeter College, Oxford, from 1876. Travelled along the west coast of the United States

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in 1877. Assistant registrar, University of London, 1879–81. Linacre Professor of human and comparative anatomy, Oxford, 1881–7. FRS 1879. (ODNB.) 24 September 1881, 25 September 1881, 7 October 1881, 9 October 1881, 27 November 1881, 9 December 1881 Mostyn Owen, Arthur (1813–96). Son of William Mostyn Owen Sr of Woodhouse. Attended Shrewsbury School, 1827–8, and the East India Company College, Haileybury, 1829–31. Served in the Indian Civil Service, 1832–48. High sheriff of Shropshire, 1876. (Modern English biography; Shrewsbury School register.) Mostyn Owen, Charles (1818–94). Army officer. Son of William Mostyn Owen Sr of Woodhouse. BA, Oxford, 1842. Served in South Africa during the Kaffir War of 1845–7. Chief constable of Oxfordshire from before 1877 until 1888. Married Frances, daughter of Edward Duncombe, rector of Barthomley, Cheshire, in 1855. (Burke’s landed gentry 1952; Modern English biography.) 29 May 1881, [after 29 May 1881] Mostyn Owen, Mary Susan (1836–93). CD’s niece. Daughter of Henry Parker and CD’s sister Marianne. Married Edward Mostyn Owen in 1866. (Darwin pedigree; England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 9 September 2019).) Mostyn Owen, Sobieski (b. c. 1833 d. 1882). Youngest daughter of William Mostyn Owen Sr of Woodhouse. (Burke’s landed gentry 1952; Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG9/43/65/12); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1995 (Ancestry.com, accessed 6 November 2020).) Mostyn Owen, William (1806–68). Eldest son of William Mostyn Owen of Woodhouse. Major, Royal Dragoons. (Burke’s landed gentry 1952.) Moulton, John Fletcher, Baron Moulton (1844–1921). Mathematician and judge. Senior wrangler at Cambridge University, 1868. Fellow of Christ’s College, Cambridge, 1868–75. Called to the bar, 1874. Judge of the Court of Appeal, 1906–12. Member of the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, 1912–21. Organised the manufacture of explosives and poison gas during the First World War. Created a life peer in 1912. FRS 1880. (Alum. Cantab.; ODNB.) Mudie, Charles Edward (1818–90). Founder of a lending library. In 1840, opened a shop in London selling newspapers and loaning books. Within two years, the book-lending side of the business was his main concern. Had over 25,000 subscribers and was influential in publishing because of his purchasing power (ODNB.) Mudie’s Select Library. Commercial subscription library, founded in 1842 by Charles Edward Mudie (1818–90), with main premises at New Oxford Street, London, from 1852. (EB s.v. Mudie, Charles Edward.) Mueller, Ferdinand Jakob Heinrich (Ferdinand) von (1825–96). Germanborn explorer and botanist. Emigrated to Australia in 1847. Government botanist, Victoria, 1852. Botanist to the North West Australia Expedition, 1855– 7. Director of the Botanical Gardens, Melbourne, 1857–73. President of the

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Australasian Association for the Advancement of Science, 1890. FRS 1861. (Aust. dict. biog.; R. Desmond 1994.) Mulder, Gerrit Jan von (1802–80). Dutch physician and organic chemist. Practised medicine in Amsterdam and Rotterdam, lectured at the Bataafsch Genootschap der Proefondervindelijke Wijsbegeerte, and taught botany to student apothecaries before joining the faculty at the new medical school in Rotterdam in 1828. Professor of chemistry, University of Utrecht, 1840–68. (DSB.) Müller, Heinrich Ludwig Hermann (Hermann) (1829–83). German botanist and entomologist. Brother of Johann Friedrich Theodor (Fritz) Müller. Schoolteacher in Schwerin, 1854–5. Studied blind cave insects in Krain, 1855. Teacher of natural sciences at the Realschule in Lippstadt, 1855–83; became director of the school. After settling in Lippstadt, studied the local flora, in particular the mosses. CD’s Orchids directed Müller’s attention to the pollination and fertilisation of flowers, on which he published several papers and books. (P. Gilbert 1977; Krause 1883; Science 2 (1883): 487–8.) Müller, Johann Friedrich Theodor (Fritz) (1822–97). German naturalist. Emigrated to the German colony in Blumenau, Brazil, in 1852. Taught mathematics at the Lyceum in Destêrro (now Florianópolis), 1856–67. Naturalista viajante of the National Museum, Rio de Janeiro, 1876–91. His anatomical studies on invertebrates and work on mimicry provided important support for CD’s theories. (ADB; DBE; Möller ed. 1915–21; NDB; West 2003.) 9 January 1881, 7 February 1881, 23 February 1881, 28 February 1881, 20 March 1881, 12 April 1881, 31 May 1881, 21 June 1881, 4 July 1881, 9 and 10 August 1881, 6, 7, and 9 September 1881, 10 September 1881, 22 October 1881, 29 October 1881, 13 November 1881, 19 December 1881 Müller, Peter Erasmus (1840–1926). Danish forester and naturalist. Studied agriculture and zoology at Copenhagen, 1856–61, 1863–7. Taught forestry at the Agricultural College, 1873–82. Published several articles in the Tidsskrift for Skovbrug ( Journal of Forestry) relating to forest soils. Editor of Tidsskrift for Skovbrug, 1875–91. Member of the Natural History Society’s committee for nature conservation, 1905–25; chairman, 1912–17. (DBL.) Murchison, Roderick Impey, 1st baronet (1792–1871). Geologist and army officer. Served in the British army, 1807–15. Noted for his work on the Silurian system. President of the Geological Society of London, 1831–3 and 1841–3; of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1846; of the Royal Geographical Society of London, 1843–4, 1851, 1857–8, 1862–70. Directorgeneral of the Geological Survey of Great Britain, 1855. Knighted, 1863; created baronet, 1866. FRS 1826. (DSB; Journal of the Royal Geographical Society; ODNB.) Murie, James (1832–1925). Physician and naturalist. MD, Glasgow, 1857; appointed pathologist to the Glasgow Royal Infirmary, 1857. Naturalist and medical officer on John Petherick’s expedition to the upper White Nile, 1861–3. Prosector to the Zoological Society of London, 1865–70. Assistant secretary, Linnean Society,

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1876–80; librarian, 1880–8. (R. Desmond 1994; Proceedings of the Linnean Society of London (1925–6): 92–4.) Murray, George Robert Milne (1858–1911). Botanist and algologist. Studied under Anton de Bary, 1875. Assistant, botanical department, British Museum, 1876; keeper, 1895. Lecturer on botany, St George’s Hospital medical school, 1882–6; Royal Veterinary College, 1890–5. Director of the civilian scientific staff of the national Antarctic expedition in HMS Discovery, 1901. Worked mainly on marine algae, fungi, and vegetable parasitism. Published three reports on the investigation of salmon disease, undertaken at the instance of Thomas Henry Huxley. FRS 1897. (ODNB.) John Murray. Publishers with premises in Albemarle Street, London. Published CD’s works. 10 April 1881, 11 April 1881, 12 April 1881, 28 July 1881, 29 July 1881, 30 July 1881, 31 July 1881, 10 September 1881, 3 October 1881, 5 October 1881, 7 October 1881, 8 October 1881, 14 October 1881, 25 October 1881, [after 25 October 1881?], 5 November 1881, 6 November 1881 Murray, John (1808–92). Publisher, and author of guide-books. CD’s publisher from 1845. (Freeman 1978; ODNB s.v. Murray family, publishers.) Murray, John (1841–1914). Canadian-born marine scientist and oceanographer. Went to Scotland to complete his education; studied at the University of Edinburgh, 1864–5, 1868–72, but did not graduate. Worked under Peter Guthrie Tait on the construction of an electrical deep-sea thermometer. Prepared scientific apparatus for the Challenger expedition, 1872; naturalist to the expedition, 1872–6. Chief assistant, Challenger office, Edinburgh, 1876–82; director, 1882–95. Editor of the Report on the scientific results of the voyage of HMS Challenger (1880–95). Knighted, 1898. FRS 1896. (ODNB.) Murray, John (1847–1925). Scottish gardener. Born at Tarbolton, Ayrshire. Worked at Cassencary, the residence of James Caird, near Creetown, Kirkcudbright. (Census returns of Scotland  1881 (The National Archives of Scotland: Kirkmabreck 3/8), 1891 (Kirkmabreck 3/8), 1901 (Kirkmabreck 3/9); letter from James Caird, 3  January  1881; Scotland old parish registers births 619/30 230 Tarbolton (Scotlandspeople.gov.uk, accessed 12 August 2019); Scotland statutory deaths 873/15 (Scotlandspeople.gov.uk, accessed 12 August 2019).) Murray, John Samuel (1778–1843). Publisher. Father of Darwin’s publisher, John Murray (1808–92). Publisher and friend of Byron. Also published works of Charles Lyell who introduced Darwin to him. (ODNB s.v. Murray family, publishers.) Myddelton Biddulph, Frances (Fanny) (1806/7–87). Second daughter of William Mostyn Owen Sr. Married Robert Myddelton Biddulph in 1832. A close friend and neighbour of CD before the Beagle voyage. (BMD (Death index) (s.v. Biddulph, Frances Myddelton); Burke’s landed gentry 1952; England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 15 April 2011).)

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Myers, Frances J. (1838/9–1917). American botanist. Daughter of William Jervis Hough. Married Mathew Myers in 1860. Secretary of the Syracuse Botanical Society, Syracuse, New York, USA, from its foundation in 1879; corresponding secretary, 1881; president, 1882–3. (Bulletin of the Torrey Botanical Club 6 (1875–9): 330, 8 (1881): 24, 9 (1882): 132; Find a grave (findagrave.com/ cgi-bin/fg.cgi?page=gr&GRid=83749847, accessed 17 March 2014); New York, state census, 1875 (Ancestry.com, accessed 9 March 2016); United States Federal Census 1850 (Cazenovia, Madison, New York: roll M432_526, p. 83A, image 172), 1880 (Syracuse, Onondaga, New York: roll 907, film 1254907, p. 248D; ED 211, image 0498); United States newspaper extractions from the Northeast, 1704–1930 (Ancestry.com, accessed 9 March 2016).) 20 January 1881 Nägeli, Carl Wilhelm von (1817–91). Swiss botanist. Maintained a teleological view of evolution. Originally studied medicine, but transferred to botany under Alphonse de Candolle at Geneva. Worked for eighteen months with Matthias Jacob Schleiden at the University of Jena, then worked in Zurich, where he collaborated with Carl Cramer, 1845–52. Professor of botany, University of Freiburg, 1852; University of Munich, 1857. (DSB s.v. Naegeli, Carl Wilhelm von.) Nash, Louis Darwin (1880–1961). American farmer. Of Lincoln County, Oregon. Son of Wallis and Louisa A’hmuty Nash. (Oregon death index 1898–2008 (Ancestry.com, accessed 13 October 2020); United States Federal Census 1910 (Nashville, Lincoln, Oregon T624_1281/3B) (Ancestry.com, accessed 13 October 2020); U.S., World War I draft registration cards, 1917–1918 (Ancestry.com, accessed 13 October 2020).) Nash, Wallis (1837–1926). Lawyer and agriculturalist. Studied at New College, University of London. Lived at The Rookery, north of Down, Kent, 1873–7. Emigrated to Oregon in 1879. Practised law and farming. Involved in founding the Oregon Pacific Railroad and Oregon Agricultural College. Editorial writer for the Oregon Journal. Wrote about his travels in Oregon. (K. G. V. Smith and Dimick 1976, pp. 78–9.) Nation, William (1826–1907). Botanist. Kew gardener, 1848. Travelled to Peru in 1850, first exploring the Amazon, then employed by José Rufino Echenique (1808–87), when he was president of Peru. Taught English and Latin and made extensive botanical and zoological collections. Professor at Guadeloupe College, Lima, from 1862. Died in Clapham, England. (Bulletin of Miscellaneous Information (Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew), 1908, p. 46; R. Desmond 1994; letter from William Nation to William Jackson Hooker, 29 December 1862 (Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew: Archives: Directors’ Correspondence, 65/310); letter from William Nation to Joseph Hooker, 29 December 1862 (Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew: Archives: Directors’ Correspondence, 65/310).) 22 September 1881 Nature. 22 February [1881], 14 April [1881], 13 July [1881], [before 15 September 1881], 7 November [1881]

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Naudin, Charles Victor (1815–99). French botanist. Joined the herbarium staff at the Muséum d’histoire naturelle and became professor of zoology at the Collège Chaptal, Paris, in 1846. Resigned his professorship almost immediately owing to a severe nervous disorder. Appointed aide-naturaliste at the Muséum d’histoire naturelle, 1854. Established a private experimental garden at Collioure in 1869, earning his living by selling seeds and specimens. First director of the state-run experimental garden at Antibes, 1878. Experimented widely on plants, particularly on acclimatisation and hybridity. Published a theory of transmutation based on hybridisation. (DSB; Taxonomic literature.) 19 August 1881 Neitzel, Otto (1852–1920). German composer and music journalist. Pupil of Franz Liszt. Director, Musikverein, Straßburg (Strasbourg), 1878; music director, Straßburger Stadttheater, and teacher, Straßburg Conservatory, 1879–81. Teacher at the Köln Conservatory, 1885; music critic, Kölnische Zeitung, 1887. Made a recording of a Chopin piano concerto on an Edison phonograph in 1890. (Akademie der Künste Mitglieder (Musik), www.adk.de/de/akademie/ mitglieder/index.htm?we_objectID=52467 (accessed 13 March 2020).) Neumayr, Melchior (1845–90). German geologist. Studied geology and palaeontology at Munich, 1863–7; DPhil. 1867. Habilitated at Heidelberg, 1872. Professor extraordinarius of palaeontology at Vienna, 1873; professor, 1879. Editor of Palaeontographia from 1887. Strong supporter of evolution theory. (OBL.) Nevill, Dorothy Fanny (1826–1913). Society hostess and horticulturist. Daughter of Horatio Walpole, third earl of Orford; married Reginald Henry Nevill in 1847. Developed a notable garden at Dangstein, near Petersfield, Hampshire, where she cultivated orchids, pitcher-plants, and other tropical plants; employed thirty-four gardeners. (ODNB.) 29 November 1881 Newman, Edward (1801–76). Naturalist. Founder of the Entomological Club, 1826. Founder of the Entomological Society, 1833; president 1853–4. Editor of several natural history journals; natural history editor of the Field, 1858–76. Published works on entomology and on ferns. Also wrote under the pseudonym Rusticus. Held anti-evolutionary views. (ODNB.) Newton, Alfred (1829–1907). Zoologist and ornithologist. Travelled throughout northern Europe and North America on ornithological expeditions, 1854– 63. Editor of Ibis, the journal of the British Ornithologists’ Union, 1865–70. Professor of zoology and comparative anatomy, Cambridge University, 1866– 1907. FRS 1870. (DNB.) 29 October 1881 Nicoll, John (1822/3–91). Scottish farmer. Of Bellfield House, Forfar. Known for breeding the Champion potato variety. (Census returns of Scotland 1881 (The National Archives of Scotland: Forfar 7/17); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–1995 (Ancestry.com, accessed 5 September 2018); Salaman 1985.)

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Nicols, Robert Arthur (Arthur) (1840–91). Writer and traveller. Wrote on zoology. (BMD (Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1841 (The National Archives: Public Record Office HO107/657/6), 1871 (RG10/1330/23/39); Correspondence vol. 19, letter from Arthur Nicols, 7 March 1871.) Nordenskiöld, Nils Adolf Erik (Adolf Erik), baron (1832–1901). Finnish– Swedish explorer, mineralogist, and geographer. Educated at the University of Helsinki, but moved to Sweden in 1858. Chief of mineralogy at the Swedish National Museum, 1858–1901. Made several voyages of Arctic exploration between 1857 and 1886, the chief of which was the Vega expedition, 1878–9, for which he was created baron by the Swedish government. Published seminal works in the history of cartography. (DSB.) 21 December 1881 Norgate, Frank (1842–1919). Ornithologist and naturalist. Of Sparham, Norfolk. Suffered from asthma, as a result of which he spent as much time as possible out of doors; became a noted field naturalist. Assisted other naturalists with their publications and contributed a few papers to the Norfolk and Norwich Naturalists’ Society. (British Birds 13 (1919–20): 21–2; Norfolk, England, Church of England births and baptisms, 1813–1915 (Ancestry.com, accessed 17 August 2020).) [8 March 1881] Norman, George Warde (1793–1882). Writer on finance. Merchant in the Baltic timber trade, 1810–30. A director of the Bank of England, 1821–72. A founder member of the Political Economy Club, 1821. Public works commissioner, 1831– 76. A director of the Sun Insurance Office, 1830–64. Succeeded to his father’s estate at the Rookery, Bromley Common, Kent, in 1830. A family friend of the Darwins. (Burke’s landed gentry 1965; ODNB; Post Office directory of the six home counties 1859.) 1 December 1881 Norman, Herbert George Henry (1838–1902). Barrister. Son of Henry Norman of Oakley, Kent; nephew of George Warde Norman. BA, Christ Church, Oxford, 1859. Entered Lincoln’s Inn, London, 1860. Called to the bar, 1863. (Alum. Oxon.; England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 16 August 2018); Filmer 1977; Men-at-the-bar; Post Office directory of the six home counties 1862.) North, Marianne (1830–90). Painter and traveller. In the 1870s, visited Canada, the US, Jamaica, Brazil, California, Japan, Borneo, Java, Ceylon (Sri Lanka), and India. Presented her collection of paintings to the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, for display in a gallery designed, furnished, and financed by herself. Visited Australia and New Zealand in 1880, South Africa and the Seychelles in 1882–3, and Chile in 1884–5. (ODNB.) 2 August 1881 Northcote, Cecilia Frances (1823–1910). Sister of Thomas Henry Farrer. Married Stafford Northcote in 1843. (ODNB s.v. Northcote, Stafford Henry (1818–1887).)

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Northcote, John Stafford (1850–1920). Clergyman. Son of Stafford Henry Northcote. Married Hilda Cardew Farrar, 1881. Curate of St Margaret’s, Westminster, London. (BMD (Marriage index); Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office, RG11/3398/109/34); Church of England births and baptisms, 1813–1917 (Ancestry.com, accessed 6 April 2021); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1995 (Ancestry.com, accessed 6 April 2021).) Norton, Catherine Jane ( Jane) (1824–77). American. Sister of Charles Eliot Norton. (Turner 1999, pp. 28, 272.) Norton, Charles Eliot (1827–1908). American editor, literary critic, and art historian. Graduated from Harvard College in 1846. Apprenticed himself in the East India trade, travelling widely in India and Europe. Gradually shifted to a literary career; wrote, translated, and edited books; contributed to the Atlantic Monthly; co-edited the North American Review, 1863–8; and co-founded and wrote for the Nation. Travelled and lived in England and continental Europe, 1868–73. Taught history of art and literature at Harvard, 1874–98. (ANB.) 30 April 1881, 17 May 1881, 1 June 1881 Norton, Elizabeth Gaskell (Lily) (1866–1933). American. Daughter of Charles Eliot and Susan Ridley Sedgwick Norton. (Massachusetts, death index, 1901–1980 (Ancestry.com, accessed 1 May 2019); U.S. passport applications, 1795–1925 (Ancestry. com, accessed 1 May 2019).) Ogle, William (1827–1912). Physician and naturalist. Took holy orders in 1853. MD 1861. Lecturer on physiology at St George’s Hospital, 1858–69; assistant physician, 1869–72. Medical officer for health for East Hertfordshire, 1873–9. Superintendent of statistics, General Register Office, 1880–1903. Translated Aristotle’s On the parts of animals into English in 1882. Published on flower structure and mechanisms for fertilisation. (Alum. Oxon.; Journal of the Royal Statistical Society 75 (1912): 659–61; Szreter 1996, p. 86 n. 37.) 17 January 1881 Oliver, Daniel (1830–1916). Botanist. Assistant in the herbarium of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, 1858; librarian, 1860–90; keeper, 1864–90. Professor of botany, University College, London, 1861–88. FRS 1863. (R. Desmond 1994; List of the Linnean Society of London, 1859–91; ODNB.) Ord, William Miller (1834–1902). Physician and medical administrator. Entered St Thomas’s Hospital Medical School, London, in 1852. MD 1877. Dean, St Thomas’s, 1876–87; physician, 1877–98. Worked on epidemiology and mental disease. (ODNB.) Orléans, Louis-Philippe-Albert d’, comte de Paris (1838–94). French nobleman. Pretender to the French throne. Grandson of the French king Louis Philippe I; heir apparent from 1842. Fled France for England after the abdication of Louis Philippe and the proclamation of the Second Republic in 1848. Served with the federal armies in the American Civil War, 1861–2, and wrote a sevenvolume account of the conflict. Returned to France, 1871; withdrew his claim to

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the French throne in favour of Henri d’Artois, comte de Chambord, in 1873. On the death of Chambord in 1883, attempted a monarchist revival, which resulted in his exile to England from 1886 until his own death. (ODNB.) Orundellico ( Jemmy Button) (d. 1861). A Fuegian of the Yahgan tribe. Given the name Jemmy Button by the Beagle crew. Brought to England in 1830 by Robert FitzRoy; returned to Tierra del Fuego on the Beagle in 1833. (Hazlewood 2000.) Ouless, Walter William (1848–1933). Portrait painter. Entered the Royal Academy Schools in 1865. Exhibited at the Royal Academy, 1869–1928. Painted a portrait of CD in 1875. (ODNB.) Owen, George Seymour (1844–1922). Civil engineer. Built bridges; also a draftsman and watercolourist. Spent some time in Brisbane, Australia. (Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/1229/9/12); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1995 (Ancestry.com, accessed 8 October 2020); Essex, England, Church of England births and baptisms, 1813–1918 (Ancestry.com, accessed 8 October 2020); Queensland Art Gallery 2014.) 19 December 1881 Owen, Richard (1804–92). Comparative anatomist. Assistant conservator of the Hunterian Museum, Royal College of Surgeons of England, 1827; Hunterian Professor of comparative anatomy and physiology, 1836–56. Superintendent of the natural history departments, British Museum, 1856–84; prime mover in establishing the Natural History Museum, South Kensington, 1881. President of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1858. Described the Beagle fossil mammal specimens. Knighted, 1884. FRS 1834. (DSB; ODNB.) Page, John Thomas (1855–1919). Autograph collector, journalist, and charity manager. Private secretary to Thomas John Barnardo (Dr Barnardo), 1881. Cashier of the Barnardo Homes until his retirement in 1909. Contributor to Notes and Queries for more than thirty years. (BMD (Birth index); Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/488/72/6); 1891 (RG12/1334/63/6); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 3 January 2020); Notes and Queries (1919): 112; Tower Hamlets Independent and East London Advertiser, 27 February 1909, p. 6.) 16 August 1881 Paget, James, 1st baronet (1814–99). Surgeon. Assistant surgeon at St Bartholomew’s Hospital, London, 1847; surgeon, 1861–71. Arris and Gale Professor of anatomy and surgery at the Royal College of Surgeons of England, 1847–52. Lectured on physiology in the medical school, St Bartholomew’s, 1859– 61; on surgery, 1865–9. Appointed surgeon-extraordinary to Queen Victoria, 1858; serjeant-surgeon, 1877. Created baronet, 1871. FRS 1851. (ODNB.) 1 June 1881, 3 June 1881, 1 December 1881, 3 December 1881 Palgrave, Cecil Grenville Milnes (1833–90). Eldest daughter of James Milnes Gaskell, MP. Married Francis Turner Palgrave in 1862. (Palgrave 1899; West

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Yorkshire, England, Church of England births and baptisms, 1813–1910 (Ancestry.com, accessed 13 August 2018).) Palgrave, Francis Turner (1824–97). Poet, critic, and educationalist. Assistant private secretary to William Ewart Gladstone, 1846. Joined the department of education in 1848; vice-principal, Kneller Hall, 1850–5; examiner and assistant secretary, 1855–84. Art critic for the Saturday Review. Professor of poetry, Oxford University, 1885–95. (DNB.) Pallas, Pyotr Simon (1741–1811). German naturalist and geographer. Travelled widely in the Russian empire. Foreign member, Royal Society of London, 1764. (ADB; DSB; Record of the Royal Society of London.) Palmer, Roundell, 1st earl of Selborne (1812–95). Lawyer and politician. Conservative MP for Plymouth, 1847–57; for Richmond, Yorkshire, 1861–72. Attorney-general, 1863–6. Lord chancellor, 1872–4, 1880–5. Created Baron Selborne, 1872. FRS 1860. (DNB.) Parfitt, Edward (1820–93). Naturalist and gardener. His interest in botany and entomology intensified during an enforced stay in the Cape Colony following a shipwreck. Became gardener to John Milford, Exeter, in 1848. Curator to the Archaeological and Natural History Society of Somerset, 1859–61. Librarian to the Devon and Exeter Institute, 1861–93. (ODNB.) 31 October 1881, 9 December 1881 Park, Mungo (1771–1806). Scottish surgeon and explorer. Conducted early explorations of the River Niger, and disappeared during his second trip. (R. Desmond 1994, ODNB.) Parker, Charles (1831–1905). Clergyman. CD’s nephew. Fourth son of Henry Parker and CD’s sister Marianne. BA, Oxford, 1850. Vicar of Ford, Shropshire, 1863–70; curate of Symondsbury, Dorset, 1870–1; curate of Eccleston, Cheshire, 1871–6; vicar of Betton-Strange, Shropshire, 1876–83. (Alum. Oxon.; Crockford’s clerical directory 1886; Darwin pedigree; Shrewsbury Chronicle, 24 November 1905, p. 5.) Parker, Henry (1827–92). Fine art specialist. Scholar, University College, Oxford, 1846–51; fellow of Oriel College, Oxford, 1851–85. Son of CD’s sister, Marianne Parker. (Alum. Oxon.; CDEL; Darwin pedigree.) Parker, Marianne (1798–1858). CD’s eldest sister. Married Henry Parker (1788– 1856) in 1824. (Darwin pedigree.) Parnell, Charles Stewart (1846–91). Politician and landowner. High sheriff of county Wicklow, 1874. MP, 1875; leader of the Irish Parliamentary Party, 1880. President of the Irish National Land League, 1879. Advocate of Irish home rule. (ODNB.) Parry, William Edward (1790–1855). Naval officer and explorer. Led three voyages between 1819 and 1825 in search of a north-west passage, and an unsuccessful expedition to the North Pole in 1827. Knighted, 1829. FRS 1821. (ODNB.) Parslow, Arthur (1846/7–95). Carpenter. Son of Joseph Parslow, CD’s butler. (BMD (Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG9/462/71).)

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Parslow, Eliza (b. c. 1812 d. 1881). Dressmaker. Daughter of John Richards, surveyor. Personal maid to Emma Darwin before she married CD’s servant Joseph Parslow in 1845. Lived at 18 Home Cottage, Down, Kent. Ran a dressmaking school. (BMD (Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG9/462/71/4); Certificate of Marriage, 20 May 1845, St George Hanover Square, London, General Register Office, England; Freeman 1978 s.v. Parslow, Joseph.) Parslow, Joseph (1811/12–98). Domestic servant. CD’s manservant at 12 Upper Gower Street, London, circa 1840–2, and butler at Down House until 1875. Member of the Down Friendly Society, 1882. (BMD (Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG9/462/74/10); Freeman 1978; Gloucestershire, England, baptisms, marriages and burials, 1538–1813 (Ancestry.com, accessed 26 January 2016); The National Archives (FS 1/232 626620).) Parslow, Mary Anne. See Westwood, Mary Anne. Pasteur, Louis (1822–95). French chemist and microbiologist. Professor of chemistry, Strasbourg University, 1849–54. Professor of chemistry and dean of the science faculty, Lille University, 1854–7. Administrator and director of scientific studies, Ecole normale, Paris, 1857–67; director of the laboratory of physiological chemistry, 1867–88. Professor of chemistry, the Sorbonne, Paris, 1867–74. Director of the Institut Pasteur, Paris, 1888–95. Renowned for his work on fermentation and for experiments providing evidence against the theory of spontaneous generation. Foreign member, Royal Society of London, 1869. (Dictionnaire universel des contemporains; DSB; Record of the Royal Society of London.) Paterson, William Benjamin (1818–1902). Solicitor. Licensed to practise, 1841. Partner in Hawkins and Co. (later Paterson, Snow, and Bloxam), the London agents of the Shrewsbury solicitor George Moultrie Salt, from 1866. (Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/1159/135/39); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 4 February 2020); Law list; Surrey, England, Church of England baptisms, 1813–1917 (Ancestry.com, accessed 4 February 2020).) Paton, John Brown (1830–1911). Congregational minister, teacher, and philanthropist. BA, London University, 1849; MA 1854. Principal of the Congregational Institute for training ministers, Nottingham, from 1863. Promoted education for workers, and training programmes for the unemployed and disabled. (ODNB.) Pattrick, Camilla Frederike Antonie (Camilla) (1837/8–1912). German-born governess. Daughter of Richard Ludwig, accountant, of Hamburg. Governess to the Darwin family, 1860–3. Translated German works for CD. Married Reginald Saint Pattrick, vicar of Sellinge, Kent (Alum. Oxon.), in 1874. (CD’s Classed account books (Down House MS); Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/1013/76/12); letter from

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R. S. Pattrick, 19 October 1881; England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 1 February 2016); Surrey, England, Church of England marriages, 1754–1937 (Ancestry.com, accessed 3 October 2018).) [after 6 November 1881] Pattrick, Reginald Saint (1834–97). Clergyman. BA, Oxford, 1858. Ordained deacon, 1859; priest, 1860. Curate of Bridgnorth, 1862–5; Newnton, 1865–8; Warborough, 1868–74. Married Camilla Ludwig, the Darwins’ German governess, in 1874. Vicar of Sellinge, Kent, 1874–97. (Alum. Oxon.; Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/1013/76/12); Crockford’s clerical directory 1898; England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 18 February 2015); Sherborne parish registers (PE/SH: RE 2/1–2/4) .) 19 October 1881 Payne, George (1841/2–1924). Gardener. Gardener at Abinger Hall from 1870 until at least 1914. (Burial records of St James’s, Abinger, Surrey (http:// www.stjameschurchabinger.org, accessed 17 November 2017); Census returns of England and Wales 1871 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG10/827/79/9), 1911 (RG14/3177/50); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 16 November 2017); Kew Guild Journal 2: 50 (www.kewguild.org.uk).) 14 June 1881 Peach, Benjamin Neeve (1842–1926). Geologist. Son of Charles William and Jemima Peach. Studied at the Royal School of Mines, London, 1860–1. Worked in Scotland on the Geological Survey, 1862–1905. Published on the geology and palaeontology of Scotland. FRS 1892. (ODNB.) Pearce, Elizabeth (Bessy) (1825–1912). Servant to the Darwin family. Born Elizabeth Harding, the daughter of Charles Harding of Maer, Staffordshire. Nursery maid with the Darwins visiting Maer, 1841; housemaid at Down, 1851. Known at Down as Bessy. Married James Pearce in Stoke-on-Trent, Staffordshire, in 1857. Thereafter known as Mrs Pearce. Servant at Erasmus Alvey Darwin’s house in London, 1861; housekeeper, 1871. Employed at Down House, 1872–80. Housekeeper at Erasmus Alvey Darwin’s house, 1881. Listed as a personal friend attending CD’s funeral, 1882. Needlewoman, lodging with William Pettit (E. A. Darwin’s butler in 1871 census) from at least 1884 to at least 1901; living with her daughter, Mary Ann Jane Treglown, in Stoke on Trent, 1911. (BMD (Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1841 (The National Archives: Public Record Office HO107/109/3/2/1), 1851 (HO107/1606/247/5), 1861 (RG9/72/111/16), 1871 (RG10/157/81/16), 1881 (RG11/140/47/1), 1891 (RG12/121/9/16), 1891 (RG13/138/109/25), 1911 (RG14/16555/384); Certificate of marriage, 16 March 1857, Stoke-on-Trent, Staffordshire (General Register Office, England); Emma Darwin’s Classed account books (Down House MS); England, select births and christenings, 1538–1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed 18 April

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2016); Freeman 1978; letter from Emma Darwin to G. H. Darwin, [21 April 1884] (DAR 210.3: 105); ‘Personal friends invited’ (DAR 215: 3c).) Pearce, James (b. 1832/3). Servant. Born in Ripon, Yorkshire. Employed by the Darwins at Down, 1850–7. Footman, 1851. Married Elizabeth Harding, also a servant to the Darwins, at Stoke on Trent, Staffordshire, in 1857; they appear to have separated by 1861. (CD’s Classed account books (Down House MS); Census returns of England and Wales 1851 (The National Archives: Public Record Office HO107/1606/247/5), 1861 (RG9/72/111/16); Certificate of marriage, 16 March 1857, Stoke-on-Trent, Staffordshire (General Register Office, England).) Peek, Francis (1834–99). Tea merchant and philanthropist. Partner in the firm Peek Brothers and Winch, tea importers. Chairman of the Howard Association for penal reform. Provided funds for church-building in East and West Dulwich. (The Dulwich Society, Who was who in Dulwich, https://www.dulwichsociety. com/local-history/797-who-was-who-in-dulwich (accessed 28 January 2021).) Penrose, Francis George (1857–1932). Physician. MB, University College London, 1884. Practised medicine in Harley Street, London. Lectured and published on medical topics. (Medical directory 1895; Physicians.) Perrier, Edmond (1844–1921). French zoologist. Held posts at the Muséum d’histoire naturelle from 1867; became director in 1900. Declared his acceptance of the theory of evolution in 1879 and became its principal defender in France. (DSB.) Peters, Wilhelm Karl Hartwig (Wilhelm) (1815–83). German zoologist and explorer. Professor of zoology, Berlin, 1858. (DBE.) Pfeffer, Wilhelm Friedrich Philipp (Wilhelm) (1845–1920). German botanist and plant physiologist. Studied chemistry at Göttingen and Marburg and qualified as an apothecary before moving to Berlin and then Würzburg to study botany. Appointed privat-dozent in Marburg, 1871, and began studies of plant irritability and osmosis. Appointed professor extraordinarius of pharmacy and botany, Bonn, 1873; moved to Basel in 1877, and to Tübingen in 1878. Professor of botany at the University of Leipzig, and director of the Botanical Institute, from 1887. (DSB.) 24 October 1881, 6 November 1881 Piggot, Horatio (1821–1913). Landowner, attorney, and solicitor. Practised in Chelmsford. Retired to Frant, near Tunbridge Wells, by 1871. Donated a herbarium of lichen specimens to the British Museum in 1889. (British Museum (Natural History) 1904–6, 1: 116; Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG9/1079/33/21), 1871 (RG10/1050/78/7); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 10 November 2014); England & Wales, non-conformist and non-parochial registers, 1567–1970 (Ancestry.com, accessed 10 November 2014).) 31 December 1881

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Piré, Louis Alexandre Henri Joseph (Louis) (1827–87). Belgian botanist. Secretary of the Royal Society of Botany of Belgium, 1862–7; president, 1880. Professor of natural history, Royal Athenaeum of Brussels. (BNB.) 2 May 1881 Pitt-Rivers, Augustus Henry (1827–1900). Archaeologist and anthropologist. Educated at the Royal Military College, Sandhurst, and commissioned into the Grenadier Guards in 1845. Became interested in archaeology during his military career and after 1867 concentrated on field excavation. Inspector of ancient monuments, 1882. FRS 1876. Adopted the name Pitt-Rivers in 1880 when he inherited a large estate, Rushmore, in Cranborne Chase, Wiltshire. (DNB s.v. Pitt-Rivers, Augustus Henry Lane Fox; ODNB s.v. Pitt-Rivers, Augustus Henry Lane Fox.) Platt, Katharine Judd (1847–1931). American. Youngest daughter of Ebenezer Backus Jones, merchant, of Penn Yan, New York. Married Joseph Curtis Platt (1845–98), civil engineer, in 1869. (Cuyler Reynolds, ed., Hudson-Mohawk genealogical and family memoirs (New York: Lewis Historical Publishing Company, 1911): Platt (schenectadyhistory.org/families/hmgfm/platt.html, accessed 27 October 2020); United States Federal Census 1850 (Milo, Yates, New York [1]/196b) (Ancestry.com, accessed 28 October 2020); U.S., Find a grave index, 1600s–current (Ancestry.com, accessed 21 October 2020).) Playfair, John (1748–1819). Mathematician and geologist. Professor of mathematics, Edinburgh University, 1785–1805; professor of natural philosophy, 1805. Expounded the geological theories of James Hutton in a short and clear form, 1802. FRS 1807. (DSB; ODNB.) Playfair, Lyon, 1st Baron Playfair of St Andrews (1818–98). Statesman and chemist. Chemist to the Geological Survey of Great Britain and professor of chemistry at the School of Mines, 1845. Secretary at the Department of Science and Art, 1853–8. President of the Chemical Society, 1857–9. Professor of chemistry, Edinburgh University, 1858–69. Liberal MP for the Universities of Edinburgh and St Andrews, 1868–85; for South Leeds, 1885–92. Postmaster general, 1873; chairman and deputy speaker of the House of Commons, 1880– 3. Knighted, 1883; created Baron Playfair of St Andrews, 1892. FRS 1848. (DNB; DSB.) Plimsoll, Joseph (1806/7–85). Naval surgeon, poet, and writer on religious topics. MD, Glasgow, 1829. (BLC; BMD (Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (Public Record Office RG11/2138/88/25); Navy list 1855–85; Roll of the graduates of the University of Glasgow.) 26 October 1881 Plücker, Julius (1801–68). German mathematician and physicist. Professor of mathematics at the University of Bonn, 1836–47; of physics, 1847–68. (DSB.) Pollock, Frederick, 3d baronet (1845–1937). Jurist. BA, Cambridge University, 1867; fellow of Trinity College, 1868. Called to the bar, 1871. Corpus Professor of jurisprudence, Oxford, 1883–1903. Founding editor of the Law Quarterly

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Review, 1885. Wrote extensively on legal topics. Succeeded as third baronet in 1888. (ODNB.) Popper, Josef ( Josef Popper-Lynkeus) (1838–1921). Austrian inventor. Born and raised in the Jewish ghetto in Kolin, Bohemia. Studied engineering in Prague, 1854–8. Settled in Vienna in 1858 as a railway official. Invented a steam valve in 1867; retired on the proceeds in 1898. Freethinker and author who published works on political economy, aeronautics, and the subconscious. He used the pseudonym Lynkeus when publishing on the subconscious, and by 1921 was referring to himself and was known as Popper-Lynkeus. A close friend of Ernst Mach and respected by Albert Einstein. (Blüh 1952, p. 216, n. 7; Johnston 1972, pp. 308–11; NDB.) 11 February 1881, 15 February 1881 Porter, James (1827–1900). College and university administrator. BA, Cambridge, 1851. Fellow of Peterhouse, 1853; master, 1876–1900. Vice-chancellor of the University of Cambridge, 1881–4. (Alum. Cantab.) Powell, Frederick Glyn Montagu (1845/6–1921). Naval officer, clergyman, and author. Lieutenant in the Royal Navy, 1867; retired, 1870. BA, Cambridge, 1873. Ordained deacon, 1872; priest, 1873. Served in several parishes, before becoming vicar of Frocester, Gloucestershire, 1880–2. Rector of Stroxon, Lincolnshire, 1882–5. Incumbent of St Matthews, Dunedin, New Zealand, 1885–7. Published on theosophy. (Alum. Cantab.; London Gazette, 6 September 1867, p. 4961, and 15 May 1870.) 3 December 1881, [after 3 December 1881] Powell, John Welstead Sharp (1807/8–81). Clergyman. Rector of Abinger, Surrey, 1850–77. (Alum. Cantab.) Preece, William Henry (1834–1913). Electrical engineer and administrator. Educated at King’s College, London. Superintendent, Electric Telegraph Company, from 1856. Worked on the Post Office telegraph system from 1870; electrician to the Post Office from 1877; engineer-in-chief, 1892–9. Published and lectured widely on telegraphy. Knighted, 1899. FRS 1881. (ODNB.) Prestwich, Joseph (1812–96). Geologist and businessman. Entered the family wine business in London in 1830; became proprietor in 1842. Professor of geology, Oxford University, 1874–88. President of the Geological Society of London, 1870–2. An expert on the Tertiary geology of Europe. Prominent in studies of human prehistory. Knighted, 1896. FRS 1853. (DSB; ODNB.) Preyer, William Thierry (William) (1841–97). English-born German physiologist. Studied medicine and natural science at Bonn, Heidelberg, Berlin, and Vienna. PhD, Heidelberg, 1862. Habilitated at Bonn, 1865. MD, Jena, 1866. Professor of physiology, Jena, 1869; Berlin, 1888–94. Worked mainly on developmental physiology. A proponent of science teaching in schools. (DBE.) 28 October 1881 Price, Elis (1839–90). Clergyman. Son of CD’s friend John Price. Attended Kings College, London. Ordained priest, 1866. Curate of Temple Balsall, Warwickshire,

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1865–7; Stoak, near Cheshire, 1871–3; Eversley, Hampshire, from 1873. (BMD (Birth index (Ellis Price); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 6 December 2019); Crockford’s clerical directory 1885.) Price, John (1803–87). Scholar, schoolteacher, and naturalist. Educated at Shrewsbury School with CD, 1818–22; BA, Cambridge (St John’s College), 1826. Assistant master, Shrewsbury, 1826–7. Headmaster of the junior department at Bristol College, then classics principal at Liverpool High School, before settling in Chester. A founding member of the Chester Natural Science Society. Member of the Plymouth Brethren. (Alum. Cantab.; Eagle (St John’s College, Cambridge) 15 (1888): 169–72; Modern English biography.) 3 September [1881], 17 September 1881, 27 December 1881 Price, John MacNeile (1843–1922). Civil engineer. Son of Richard Evan Price of Valparaiso. Harbour engineer, Sierra Leone. Surveyor general in Hong Kong, 1873–89. (Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/3588/92/24); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1995 (Ancestry.com, accessed 16 January 2018); Liverpool, England, Church of England baptisms, 1813–1906 (Ancestry. com, accessed 16 January 2018); MacKeown 2010, pp. 28, 31, 116.) Price, Mary Elizabeth (1841–1926). Daughter of John and Sophia Price. Lived with her parents in Chester, and then with her father following her mother’s death. Married Henry Stolterfoth, physician in Chester, in 1882. (BMD (Birth index, Marriage index); Census returns of England and Wales 1841 (The National Archives: Public Record Office HO107/126/11/21/36), 1881 (RG11/3558/46/2); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 6 December 2019); Find a grave, findagrave. com (accessed 6 December 2019); letter to John Price, 27 December 1881.) Price, Peter (1824–92). Architect, local politician, and magistrate. President of the Cardiff Naturalists’ Society, 1884. (England & Wales, non-conformist and nonparochial registers, 1567–1970 (Ancestry.com, accessed 28 April 2017); Evening Express (Cardiff), 5 October 1892, p. 3; Transactions of the Cardiff Naturalists’ Society 16 (1884): [ii].) [after 10 October 1881?] Price, Richard Evan (1786–1864). Merchant, mine owner, and agriculturalist in Chile. Arrived in South America (probably Buenos Aires, Argentina) about 1815. Married Josefa Claro y Salazar (d. 1830) in Santiago, Chile, in 1819. Settled in Valparaiso, Chile, in 1824. Met CD in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, in 1832. Married Francis or Frances (Fanny) Christopher Nugent Patrickson, daughter of John White, British vice-consul in Valparaiso, and widow of Thomas Patrickson (d. 1837, merchant in Valparaiso), in 1837. Father of John MacNeile Price, baptised in Liverpool in 1843. (‘Beagle’ diary, pp. 75, 79; Liverpool, England, Church of England baptisms, 1813–1906 (Ancestry.com, accessed 16 January 2018); Méndez Beltrán 2004, p. 188; The Times, 15 September 1828, p. 4.)

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Price, Stephen (fl. 1880s). Corresponded with CD about the possible transmutation of gnats into mosquitoes. Lived in Brompton, London, in 1881. (Letter from Stephen Price, 30 August [1881]; The Times, 5 September 1881, p. 10.) 30 August [1881], 1 September [1881] Pryor, Marlborough Robert (1848–1920). Businessman. BA, Cambridge, 1870; fellow of Trinity College, 1870. Chairman, Sun Life Insurance Co. (Alum. Cantab.) Pye-Smith, Philip Henry (1838/9–1914). Physician. BA, University College, London, 1858; MD, University of London, 1864. Studied in Vienna and Berlin. Assistant lecturer on comparative anatomy and zoology, Guy’s Hospital, 1865–75; demonstrator of anatomy, 1866–70; medical registrar, 1870; assistant physician, 1871–83; lecturer on physiology, 1873–80; physician, 1883–90; lecturer on medicine, 1884–99; senior physician, 1890–9. Examiner for the Royal College of Physicians, 1875–88. (British Medical Journal, 30 May 1914, pp. 1215–16.) 19 December 1881, 21 December 1881 Ralston, William Ralston Shedden- (1828–89). Librarian, folklorist, and Russian scholar. BA, Cambridge (Trinity), 1850. Entered Lincoln’s Inn, 1850; called to the bar, 1861, but never practised. Became involved with the Working Men’s College. Employed in the department of printed books at the British Museum, 1853–75. Became a Russian specialist, making translations and writing reviews and articles. His books included Krilof and his fables (1869), The songs of the Russian people (1872), Russian folk-tales (1873), and Early Russian history (1874). Helped to found the Folklore Society. (ODNB.) 18 October 1881 Ramsay, Andrew Crombie (1814–91). Geologist. Appointed to the Geological Survey of Great Britain, 1841; senior director for England and Wales, 1862; director-general, 1872–81. Professor of geology, University College, London, 1847– 52; lecturer on geology at the Royal School of Mines, 1852–71. President of the Geological Society of London, 1862–4. Knighted, 1881. FRS 1862. (DSB; ODNB.) Raynal, Harriet Alicia Joan (1824–98). Hyacinth Hooker’s aunt: a younger sister of her mother, Catharine Hyacinth Symonds (née Kent). Married Henri Emile Raynal (1829–1908), a merchant from Paris born in Hamburg, at Coln St Aldwyns, Gloucestershire, in 1862. With her husband in exile in London in 1871. (Census returns of England and Wales 1871 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG10/96/25/5); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 21 January 2020); England, select births and christenings, 1538–1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed 21 January 2020); Gloucestershire, England, Church of England marriages and banns, 1754– 1938 (Ancestry.com, accessed 21 January 2020); Paris & vicinity, France electoral rolls, 1891 (Ancestry.com, accessed 21 January 2020).) Reade, Thomas Mellard (1832–1909). Architect and geologist. Draughtsman for the London and North Western railway company, 1853–60. Set up in private practice as an architect and civil engineer in 1860; architect to the Liverpool School Board, 1870–1902. Joined the Liverpool Geological Society in 1870.

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Fellow of the Geological Society of London, 1872; awarded its Murchison medal, 1896. Worked on local glacial and post-glacial deposits; published nearly 200 scientific papers, and The origin of the mountain ranges (1886). (ODNB.) 6 November 1881, 8 November 1881 Reichenau, Wilhelm von (1847–1925). German naturalist and museum director. Officer in the army, 1866–71. Manager of an estate in Miesbach until 1875. Assistant librarian, state library, Mainz, 1875; taxidermist and librarian, 1878. Assembled the biological collection in Offenbach, 1880–2. From 1880, took an interest in meteorology and set up a weather station in the electoral palace at Mainz. Curator and city official, 1898. Honorary doctorate, Gießen, 1907. First director of the Natural History Museum, Mainz, 1910. (Naturhistorisches Museum Mainz / Landessammlung für Naturkunde Rheinland-Pfalz Bibliothek und Archiv, https://rlp.museum-digital.de (accessed 19 August 2020).) Reichert, Karl Bogislaus (Karl) (1811–83). German anatomist and physiologist. Professor of anatomy, Berlin, 1858–83. (NDB.) Reinke, Johannes (1849–1931). German botanist. Studied at Rostock, Bonn, Berlin, and Würzburg; DPhil., Rostock, 1871. Professor extraordinarius, botany and biology, Göttingen, 1873; professor, 1879. Professor of botany, Kiel, 1885. Leading member of the Keplerbund, an anti-monist organisation, and opponent of evolutionary theory. (BHGW; DBE.) Reinwald, Charles-Ferdinand (1812–91). German-born bookseller and editor. Founded a business exporting French books in Paris in 1849. Editor in particular of foreign scientific works, and of the Dictionnaire universel de la langue française, by M. P. Poitevin. Published the Catalogue annuel de la librairie française. (Dictionnaire universel des contemporains.) 2 November 1881, 24 November 1881, 27 November 1881 Retzius, Magnus Gustaf (Gustaf ) (1842–1919). Swedish anatomist and physiologist. Studied medicine in Uppsala and Stockholm; MD, Lund, 1871. Docent in anatomy, Karolinska Institute, 1871; professor extraordinarius, histology, 1877; professor of anatomy, 1889–90. After 1890, devoted all his time to research. Prolific writer in German and Swedish on anatomy, histology, and anthropology. (DSB; SBL.) 21 December 1881 Rich, Anthony (1804–91). Solicitor, author, and antiquary. BA, Cambridge, 1825. Honorary fellow, Caius College, 1886. Admitted at Lincoln’s Inn, 1824. Lived in Italy, 1842–9. Published antiquarian works. Left nearly all of his property to CD’s heirs. (Alum. Cantab.; Freeman 1978; London, England, Church of England baptisms, marriages and burials, 1538–1812 (Ancestry.com, accessed 7 July 2017).) 9 February 1881, 1 March 1881, 4 March 1881, 8 March 1881, 13 June 1881, 25 August 1881, 2 September [1881], 13 October 1881 Rich, Fanny Ricarda (1813–96). Wife of Francis Henry Rich. Anthony Rich’s sisterin-law. (England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 18 July 2017); England, select marriages,

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1538–1973 (Ancestry.com, accessed 18 July 2017); Gloucestershire, England, Church of England baptisms, 1813–1913 (Ancestry.com, accessed 18 July 2017).) Rich, Francis Henry (1802–78). Civil servant. Brother of Anthony Rich. Clerk in the registrar’s office, Court of Chancery, 1851; senior clerk, 1861. Living on his own means, 1871. (Census returns of England and Wales 1851 (The National Archives: Public Record Office HO107/1593/68/22), 1861 (RG9/2538/27/12), 1871 (RG10/1106/124/37); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 7 July 2017); Gloucestershire, England, Church of England baptisms, 1813–1913 (Ancestry.com, accessed 7 July 2017); London, England, Church of England baptisms, marriages and burials, 1538–1812 (Ancestry.com, accessed 7 July 2017).) Richard, Louis Claude Marie (Louis Claude) (1754–1821). French botanist. Studied mineralogy, zoology, comparative anatomy, and botany at the Collège Mazarin in Paris. Sent by the French government to French Guiana, where he was director of the botanic garden and took part in expeditions in that country, parts of Brazil, and the Antilles, 1781–9. Professor of botany at the École de médicine, Paris, 1795. ( JSTOR Global Plants, plants.jstor.org (accessed 24 June 2016); Urban ed. 1898–1928, 3: 111–12.) Richmond, William Blake (1842–1921). Painter. Son of the painter George Richmond. Entered the Royal Academy Schools in 1858. Slade Professor of fine art, Oxford, 1879–83. Knighted, 1897. (ODNB.) Richter, Hans (1843–1916). Austro-Hungarian conductor. Conducted a series of summer concerts in London, called the Richter Concerts, for twenty-three years from 1879. Music director, Vienna Philharmonic Orchestra, 1875–98. (Grove 2002.) Riley, Charles Valentine (1843–95). Entomologist. Emigrated to the United States circa 1859. Worked as a livestock farmer in Illinois. Wrote and illustrated for the Prairie Farmer in Chicago, 1863–8; served in a volunteer regiment in 1864. State entomologist of Missouri, 1868–76. Became a US citizen in 1869. Chief of the Department of the Interior’s US Entomological Commission, 1877–82. Entomologist with the Division of Entomology of the Department of Agriculture, 1878, 1881–94. Appointed honorary curator of the Department of Insects of the Smithsonian Institution, 1881. Organised the American Association of Economic Entomologists in 1889. (ANB.) 28 September 1881, 18 December 1881 Robertson, Charles Alexander Lockhart (1824/5–97). Physician. Assistant staff surgeon, Military lunatic asylum, Great Yarmouth, 1845–50. Appointed Linacre demonstrator in anatomy, Oxford, in 1860. Medical superintendent, Sussex County lunatic asylum, Hayward’s Heath, 1859–70. Lord chancellor’s visitor in lunacy, 1870–96. (Alum. Cantab.; BMD (Death index); Modern English biography.) Rolleston, George (1829–81). Physician and physiologist. Appointed physician to the British Civil Hospital at Smyrna (Izmir), Turkey, 1855, during the Crimean

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War. Physician to Radcliffe Infirmary, Oxford, and Lee’s Reader in anatomy at Christ Church, Oxford, 1857. Linacre Professor of anatomy and physiology, Oxford University, 1860–81. FRS 1862. (ODNB.) Rolleston, Grace (1832/2–1914). Daughter of Dr John Davy and niece of Sir Humphry Davy. Married George Rolleston in 1861. (Census returns of England and Wales 1871 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG10/1437/121/39); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 9 June 2016); ODNB s.v. Rolleston, George.) Rolleston, Humphry Davy (1862–1944). Physician. Son of George Rolleston. Educated at St Bartholomew’s Hospital, London and Cambridge; MB, Cambridge, 1888; MD 1891. Assistant physician, St George’s Hospital, London, 1893; physician, 1898. Physician-in-ordinary to King George V, 1923. Professor of physic, Cambridge, 1925. Knighted, 1918. (ODNB.) Romanes, Ethel (1856–1927). Writer and lecturer on religion. Married George John Romanes in 1879. Sat on the council of the Froebel Society (an organisation that promoted early childhood education and training for kindergarten teachers). Wrote a biography of her husband after his early death in 1894. Published devotional works and sat on the councils of the Pan-Anglican Congress in 1908. Member of the Christian Social Union. Converted to Catholicism in 1919. Published historical works and novels in the last part of her life. (ODNB.) Romanes, Ethel Georgina (Fritz) (Sister Etheldred) (1880–1914). Anglican nun. Daughter of George John Romanes and Ethel Romanes. From the age of 6, known as Fritz. Attended Lady Margaret Hall, Oxford, reading classics and theology, 1899–1902. Entered the Community of St Mary the Virgin, Wantage, Berkshire, 1908; became a nun in 1910. Served briefly in India before returning to England due to illness, 1914. (Census returns of England and Wales 1911 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG14/6479/115); E. D. Romanes 1918.) Romanes, George Ernest (1881–1910). Landed proprietor. Son of George John and Ethel Romanes. Married Mima Alexandra Allan Scott (1877–1940) in Cromarty in 1905. Emigrated to Colorado Springs in America in 1910 for health reasons, but died there a few months later. (England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1995 (Ancestry.com, accessed 20 January 2020); London, England, Church of England births and baptisms, 1813–1917 (Ancestry. com, accessed 20 January 2020); E. D. Romanes 1918, pp. 160, 182; Scotland statutory births 061/52 Cromarty, marriages 061/1 Cromarty (Scotlandspeople. gov.uk, accessed 20 May 2021).) Romanes, George John (1848–94). Evolutionary biologist. Of independent means. BA, Cambridge, 1871. Struggled to combine scientific reason and Christian faith. Carried out physiological studies on jellyfish, and wrote on the evolutionary psychology of animals and humans. Studied under John Scott Burdon Sanderson, 1874–6. Honorary secretary of the Physiological Society, set

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up to influence legislation on vivisection, 1876. FRS 1879. (Alum. Cantab.; DSB; ODNB; Record of the Royal Society of London.) 24 January 1881, 28 January 1881, 11 February 1881, [6 or 13 or 20 March 1881], 7 March [1881], 7 March 1881, 9 March [1881], 24 March 1881, 26 March 1881, 16 April 1881, 17 April 1881, 18 April 1881, 22 April [1881], 25 April 1881, 25 May [1881], 27 May 1881, 24 June [1881], 27 June [1881], 1 July [1881], 4 July [1881], 7 August [1881], 8 August 1881, 31 August 1881, 2 September 1881, 4 September [1881], 14 October [1881], 16 October 1881, 12 November 1881, 8 December 1881, 10 December [1881], 17 [December 1881], [17 December 1881], [after 25 December 1881] Romanes, Isabella Gair Rose (1810–83). Scottish. Daughter of the Rev. Robert Smith, parish minister of Cromarty. Married, in Canada, the Rev. George Romanes; mother of George John Romanes. The family returned to London in 1848. (E. D. Romanes 1896, pp. 1–2, 148; UK and Ireland, Find a grave index, 1300s– current (Ancestry.com, accessed 27 February 2017).) Rosas, Juan Manuel de (1793–1877). Argentinian dictator. Governor of Buenos Aires, 1829–32 and 1835–52; ruled as dictator of Argentina. After his overthrow in 1852, he took refuge in England and lived at Swaythling, near Southampton, till his death. (EB.) Roscoe, Henry Enfield (1833–1915). Chemist and university administrator. BA, University College, London, 1853; PhD, Heidelberg. Professor of chemistry, Owens College, Manchester, 1857. Helped to establish Manchester Working Man’s College and was active in the Literary and Philosophical Society. Established Science Lectures for the People, 1866. Recognised for his pedagogical writings and translations of classic German works. MP for South Manchester, 1885–95. Vice-chancellor, University of London, 1896–1902. Knighted, 1884. FRS 1863. (ODNB.) Ross, James Clark (1800–62). Naval officer and polar explorer. Joined the navy in 1812. Discovered the northern magnetic pole in 1831. Employed on the magnetic survey of the United Kingdom, 1835–8. Commander of an expedition to the Antarctic, 1839–43; and of a search expedition for John Franklin (ODNB), 1848– 9. Knighted, 1843. FRS 1828. (ODNB.) Rottenburg, Paul Immanuel (Paul) (1846–1929). German-born chemical merchant. Naturalised British subject, 1892. Member of several civic and scientific societies in Glasgow, including the Royal Scottish Geographical Society. Honorary LLD, Glasgow University, 1901. (England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 23 April 2020); Eyre-Todd 1909; Germany, Lutheran baptisms, marriages, and burials, 1500–1971 (Ancestry.com, accessed 23 April 2020); UK, naturalisation certificates and declarations, 1870–1916 (Ancestry.com, accessed 23 April 2020).) Roux, Wilhelm (1850–1924). German experimental embryologist. Studied medicine in Jena, Berlin, and Straßburg (Strasbourg), 1873–8. Assistant at

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the hygienic institute in Leipzig, 1878–9. Worked at the anatomical institute in Breslau (Wrocław), 1879–89. Professor of anatomy at Innsbruck, 1889–95. Director of the anatomical institute at the University of Halle, 1895–1921. (DSB.) Ruck, Lawrence (1819/20–96). Landowner. Married Mary Anne Matthews in 1841. Father of Amy Richenda Ruck, who married Francis Darwin in 1874. (BMD (Death index, Marriage index); Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/5478/64/18); Montgomeryshire collections 17: 52; ODNB s.v. Darwin, Bernard Richard Meirion, and Darwin, Sir Francis.) 10 January 1881, 12 January [1881] Ruck, Mary Anne (1821/2–1905). Née Matthews; married Lawrence Ruck in 1841. Lived at Pantlludw, near Machynlleth, Wales. Mother of Amy Richenda Ruck, who married Francis Darwin in 1874. (BMD (Death index, Marriage index); Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG9/15/12/28); Darwin pedigree; ODNB s.v. Ruck, Amy Roberta.) Ruskin, John (1819–1900). Author, artist, and social reformer. Concentrated on writing and lecturing on economic and social issues between 1855 and 1870. First Slade Professor of art, Oxford University, 1869–9 and 1883–4. (ODNB.) Rust, Margaret Sarah (1834–1911). Daughter of George Rust. Married Michael Foster, as his second wife, in 1872. (England, select births and christenings, 1538–1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed 12 May 2016); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 12 May 2016); ODNB s.v. Foster, Sir Michael.) Rust, Mary Olivia (1839–1913). American botanist. President of the Syracuse Botanical Club. Daughter of Stephen and Rosa Smith; married Stiles Mortimer Rust in 1859. (Bulletin of the Torrey Botanical Club 6 (1879): 330; North America, family histories, 1500–2000 (Ancestry.com, accessed 12 November 2019); U.S., Find a grave index, 1600s–current (Ancestry.com, accessed 30 September 2019).) Rutherford, William (1839–99). Scottish physiologist. Professor of physiology, King’s College, London, 1869. Fullerian Professor of physiology, Royal Institution of Great Britain, 1871. Professor of physiology, Edinburgh University, 1874–99. Co-editor of Journal of Anatomy and Physiology, 1875–6, and Journal of Physiology, 1878. FRS, Edinburgh, 1869; FRS 1876. (ODNB.) Ryan, Vincent William (1816–88). Clergyman. BA, Oxford, 1841; DD 1853. After ordination, held curacies in Alderney and Liverpool. Became principal of the Church of England Metropolitan Training Institution at Highbury, Middlesex, 1850. Bishop of Mauritius, 1855–67; consecrated new churches in Mahébourg, and in the Seychelles. Vicar of St Peter’s, Bournemouth, 1880–1. Held additional ecclesiastical posts in England until his death. (ODNB.) Sachs, Johanna. From Prague. Née Claudius. Married Julius Sachs in 1861. Confined to a private asylum circa 1881, but may later have lived with friends in Bonn. (Kutschera 2015; letter from Francis Darwin, [25 July 1881].) Sachs, Julius (1832–97). German botanist and plant physiologist. PhD, Prague, 1856. Research assistant, forestry academy, Tharandt, 1859. Professor of botany,

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agricultural training institute, Poppelsdorf, 1861; professor, Freiburg im Breisgau, 1867; Würzburg, 1868. Founded the institute of plant physiology, Würzburg. Ennobled, 1877. (DBE; DSB.) Sales, Harriet Sarah Jane ( Jane) (1835–65). Dressmaker and servant. Daughter of John Osborne, wheelwright and parish clerk, and his wife Mary. Apprenticed to Eliza Parslow, dressmaker, in 1851. Employed as a nurse by the Darwins at Down House, 1861. Married Sydney Sales, corn dealer of Down, in London in 1861. (Census returns of England and Wales 1841 (The National Archives: Public Record Office HO107/482/6/10/14), 1851 (HO107/1606/255/20), 1861 (RG9/462/74/10); Downe baptism register, burial register (kent-opc.org, accessed 1 June 2021); London Metropolitan Archives (P92/TRI/026) (ancestry.com, accessed 1 June 2021.) Sales, Sydney (1833–83). Corn dealer and landowner in Down. Son of William and Harriett Sales. Retired grocer and member of the Down Friendly Society, 1881. (BMD (Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG9/462/71/4), 1881 (RG11/855/89/13); Downe baptism register (kent-opc.org, accessed 2 October 2018); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry. com, accessed 17 June 2015); Freeman 1978; The National Archives (FS 1/232 626620); Post Office directory of the six home counties 1866.) Sales, William (1808–80). Publican and grocer. Licensee of the Queen’s Head in Down. (Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG 9/462/71/4); Downe baptism register (kent-opc.org, accessed 2 October 2018); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 10 May 2016); Post Office directory of the six home counties 1855, 1866.) Salt, George Moultrie (1825–1907). County attorney. Eldest son of Thomas Salt. Admitted to practise, 1845. Partner in the law firm Salt & Sons, Shrewsbury, 1848–1907. (Harris 2004; Law list 1848–1907.) Salt, Thomas (1793–1864). Solicitor and banker. Partner in the Shrewsbury law firm of Salt and Sons. (Harris 2004; Law list 1864; Post Office directory of Gloucestershire, with Bath, Bristol, Herefordshire, and Shropshire 1863.) Salt, William (1831–81). County attorney. Third son of Thomas Salt. Admitted to practise, 1854. Partner in the law firm Salt & Sons, Shrewsbury, 1855–81. (Harris 2004, Law list 1855–81.) Sambourne, Edward Linley (Linley) (1844–1910). Cartoonist and illustrator. Briefly attended the School of Art at South Kensington when he was 16. After a drawing of his was featured in Punch in 1867, he began an association with the magazine that lasted almost forty-three years. Cartoon junior, 1878; cartoonistin-chief, 1900. Exhibited at the Royal Academy from 1885. (ODNB.) Sandberger, Carl Ludwig Fridolin (Fridolin) (1826–98). German geologist, palaeontologist, and mineralogist. Studied at Bonn, Heidelberg, Marburg, and Gießen, where he received his PhD in 1846. Director, Natural History Museum,

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Wiesbaden, 1851. Professor of mineralogy and geology, Karlsruhe Polytechnic, 1855; Würzburg, 1863–96. From 1856 to 1863, directed the geological mapping of Baden-Württemberg. Published extensively in many areas of geology and palaeontology. (ADB; Stadtarchiv Wiesbaden: Stadtlexikon, www.wiesbaden.de/ microsite/stadtlexikon/index.php (accessed 3 July 2015).) Saporta, Louis Charles Joseph Gaston (Gaston) de, comte de Saporta (1823–96). French palaeobotanist. Specialist on the Tertiary and Jurassic flora. Wrote extensively on the relationship between climatic change and palaeobotany. (DSB.) 10 April 1881, 13 [May] 1881 Saussure, Henri Louis Frédéric (Henri) de (1829–1905). Swiss zoologist. Following his doctoral studies at the University of Giessen, travelled in the West Indies, Mexico, and the United States, 1854–6; returned to Geneva with significant collections. (HBLS; Larousse; NUC.) 14 March 1881, 17 March 1881 Savile, Bourchier Wrey (1817–88). Anglican clergyman and theologian. BA, Cambridge, 1839. Rector of Dunchideock with Shillingford St George, Devon, 1872–88. Published over forty volumes, mostly theological works, and openly expressed his premillennial views. (ODNB.) 27 September 1881, 30 September 1881, [before 8 October 1881], 10 October 1881 Sazikov (Сазиков). Russian jewellery manufacturers. Founded in Moscow by Pavel Fedorovich Sazikov (d. 1830) in 1793. Factory built in 1810. Business continued by Pavel’s son, Ignat Pavlovich (1793–1868), who introduced modern methods and labour specialisation, and opened a St Petersburg branch in 1842 and a training facility at the Moscow factory in 1845. Pavlovich’s sons Pavel (1815–77) and Sergei (1823–80) worked in Moscow, while Valentin (1830–77) worked in St Petersburg. Firm granted the rank of the court manufacturer of silver products. Exhibited at Russian and World Fairs, starting with London, 1851. The firm was acquired by Ivan Khlebnikov firm in 1887. (Museum COLLECTION: https://mus-col.com/ en/.) Scarth, Jonathan (1800/1–71). Solicitor, banker, and farmer. Resident in Shrewsbury from at least 1835. Solicitor and banker in Shrewsbury, 1851, 1861. Of Pimley Manor, Uffington, Shropshire, 1871. (Census returns of England and Wales 1851 (The National Archives: Public Record Office HO107/1992/476/26), 1861 (RG9/1873/15/24), 1871 (RG10/2767/21/7); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 28 July 2020); Westminster, London, England, Church of England marriages and banns, 1754–1935 (Ancestry.com, accessed 5 November 2020).) Schmalhausen, Ivan Fedorovich (Johannes Theodor Schmalhausen; Иван Фёдорович Шмальгаузен) (1849–94). Russian botanist and palaeobotanist. Studied botany at St Petersburg University; DPhil., 1877. Studied at Straßburg (Strasbourg) with Anton de Bary and at Zurich with Oswald Heer. Professor of botany at Kiev University, and director of the botanical garden,

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1879–94. Member, International Commission of Botanical Nomenclature, 1892–4. (Taxonomic literature.) Schmankewitsch, Wladimir (Владимир Шманкевич) (1839–80). Russian zoologist. Schoolteacher in Odessa. Carried out research on the brine shrimp and published several works between 1872 and 1877. Suggested that the brine shrimp, Artemia, could progressively transform into Branchipus (the fairy shrimp) in low saline conditions. Attacked for godlessness as a result of his work, he was accused of stealing a lens from a microscope; committed suicide. His experimental work was heavily criticised from the 1890s onwards. (Plavilshchikov 1941; Vucinich 1988, pp. 84–5, 158–9, 371.) Schmidt, Eduard Oskar (Oskar) (1823–86). German zoologist. Professor extraordinarius of zoology, Jena, 1849; director of the zoological museum, 1851. Professor of zoology and comparative anatomy, Graz, 1857; director of the agricultural and zoological museum, 1863. Professor of zoology and zootomy, Strasbourg, 1872. His major research interest was the anatomy of sponges. His inaugural lecture supporting Darwinism, made in 1865 at the University of Graz, led to conflict with the Catholic Church in Austria and sparked a wider debate between Catholics and German nationalists at the university. (ADB; OBL.) Schmiedeberg, Johann Ernst Oswald (Oswald) (1838–1921). German pharmacologist. MD, Dorpat (Tartu), 1866; assistant, Pharmacological Institute, 1866–8; professor of pharmacology, dietetics, and history of medicine, 1871. Professor of pharmacology and director of the Pharmacological Institute, Straßburg (Strasbourg), 1872. Known for his study of the formation of hippuric acid in the kidney. (NDB.) Schmiedeknecht, Otto (1847–1936). German entomologist. Studied under Ernst Haeckel at Jena, where he received his doctorate in 1877. Travelled widely in the Mediterranean region, North Africa, and the Middle East; collected, prepared, and sold insects. Keeper of the princely natural history collection in Rudolstadt, Thuringia, from 1903. (Bad Blankenburg Stadt & Bürger, www.bad-blankenburg.de (accessed 12 May 2020).) Schubert, Franz Peter (Franz) (1797–1828). Austrian composer. (Grove 2002.) E. Schweizerbart’sche Verlagsbuchhandlung. German publishing company in Stuttgart. Founded by Wilhelm Emanuel Schweizerbart in 1830; conducted by his nephew Christian Friedrich Schweizerbart from 1841, and by Eduard Koch from 1867. (Jubiläums-Katalog.) 30 April 1881 Sclater, Philip Lutley (1829–1913). Lawyer and ornithologist. One of the founders of Ibis, the journal of the British Ornithologists’ Union, 1858; editor, 1858–65 and 1878–1912. Secretary of the Zoological Society of London, 1860–1903. FRS 1861. (DSB; Scherren 1905.) Scott, John (1836–80). Scottish botanist. Gardener at several different country estates, before becoming foreman of the propagating department at the Royal Botanic Garden, Edinburgh, in 1859. Through CD’s patronage emigrated

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to India in 1864, and worked briefly on a Cinchona plantation before taking a position as curator of the Calcutta botanic garden from 1865 to 1879. Seconded to the opium department, 1872–8. Carried out numerous botanical experiments and observations on CD’s behalf. Fellow of the Linnean Society of London, 1873. (Lightman ed. 2004; ODNB.) Sedgwick, Adam (1785–1873). Geologist and clergyman. Woodwardian Professor of geology, Cambridge University, 1818–73. Prebendary of Norwich Cathedral, 1834–73. President, Geological Society of London, 1829–31; British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1833. FRS 1821. (DSB; ODNB; Record of the Royal Society of London.) Sédillot, Maurice (1849–1933). French amateur entomologist. Independently wealthy, he made several collecting voyages in Europe and North Africa, focusing particularly on the Iberian peninsula. He collected Coleoptera for a fauna of the Iberian region but never completed the project. Member of the Société entomologique de France from 1869. (Cambefort 2006, p. 897; Constância ed. 2002, pp. 65–73.) Semper, Carl Gottfried (1832–93). German zoologist. Studied engineering, Hannover, 1851–4. Studied zoology, histology, and comparative anatomy, University of Würzburg; completed his thesis in 1856. Travelled in the Philippines and Palau Islands, 1858–65, and acquired zoological and ethnographical collections. Appointed privat-dozent, University of Würzburg, 1866; professor and director of the Zoological Institute, 1869. Published on zoology (especially molluscs), geography, and ethnography. (DSB.) 6 February 1881, 16 July 1881, 19 July 1881 Semper, Johann Carl (1796–1881). German merchant and manufacturer. Of Altona. Father of Carl Gottfried Semper, and brother of the architect Gottfried Semper. (DSB s.v. Semper, Carl Gottfried; NDB s.v. Semper, Gottfried.) Semper, Wilhelm (1805–81). German apothecary. Of Hamburg. Uncle of Carl Gottfried Semper, and brother of the architect Gottfried Semper. (DSB s.v. Semper, Carl Gottfried; NDB s.v. Semper, Gottfried.) Seward, Anna (1742–1809). Poet. Active in Lichfield literary circles. Wrote a biography of CD’s grandfather Erasmus Darwin (1804). (ODNB.) Seymour, Horace Alfred Damer (1843–1930). Government official. BA, Cambridge, 1866. Clerk in the Treasury, 1867–85. Private secretary to various prime ministers, including William Ewart Gladstone, 1867–85. Deputy master and controller of the Mint, 1894–1902. (Alum. Cantab. .) 20 January 1881 Shaen, Margaret Josephine (1853–1936). Author and amateur photographer. A friend of Emma Darwin. Daughter of the lawyer William Shaen. Edited a memoir of her aunts, Catherine and Susanna Winkworth (1908), and wrote a biography of her father (1912). Photographed Emma Darwin in 1896. (BMD (Birth index); Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG9/18/64/55); Emma Darwin (1904) 1: facing p. 458;

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England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858– 1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 21 December 2016); Freeman 1978.) Sharp, Charles (1846–1927). Clergyman. BA, Cambridge, 1871. Ordained priest, 1872. Curate of St James’s, Holloway, 1871–2; St Paul’s, Darlington, 1872–4; Godalming, Surrey, 1874–5. Vicar of Long Cross, 1875–84; Addlestone, 1884– 1912. (Alum. Cantab.; Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/768/17/28.) Sharp, Elizabeth Jessie (1849–1928). Daughter of the Rev. Joseph Nevill Haughton Thomas and his wife Ann Everard, who married in London in 1839; Ann Thomas divorced her husband, who also used the surname Thompson, in 1860. Married the Rev. Charles Sharp in Stoke Damerel, Devon, in 1872. (BMD (Birth index); Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG9/1453/43/6), 1881 (RG11/768/17/28); Certificate of death, 2 July 1928, Loose, Kent (General Register Office, England); Court for Divorce and Matrimonial Causes: divorce and matrimonial causes files (The National Archives J 77/54/T34); Exeter and Plymouth Gazette, 12 October 1872, p. 3.) Sharpey, William (1802–80). Scottish physiologist. MD, Edinburgh University, 1823. Joint lecturer on systematic anatomy, Edinburgh University, 1832. Professor of anatomy and physiology, University College, London, 1836–74. Examiner in anatomy, London University, from 1840. Secretary of the Royal Society of London, 1853–72. Member of the General Medical Council, 1861–76. FRS 1839. (DNB; DSB.) Shelley, Percy Bysshe (1792–1822). Poet. (ODNB.) Sheridan, Richard Brinsley (1751–1816). Dramatist and parliamentary orator. (ODNB.) Sidgwick, Henry (1838–1900). Philosopher. BA, Cambridge, 1859; fellow and lecturer in classics, 1859–69; lecturer, 1869–83; Knightbridge Professor of moral philosophy, 1883–1900. Author of The methods of ethics (1874). First president of the Society for Psychical Research, 1882–5. Promoter of the higher education of women. (ODNB.) Siemens, Anne (1821/2–1901). Scottish. Daughter of Joseph Gordon, an Edinburgh lawyer. Married William Siemens in 1859. (BMD (Death index); ODNB s.v. Siemens, (Charles) William.) 13 June 1881 Siemens, Charles William (William) (1823–83). German-born electrical engineer and metallurgist. Born Karl Wilhelm, in Hanover. Studied at Göttingen University. In 1843, moved to England, where he sold a process he and his brother, Karl Heinrich Siemens, had developed to use electricity for gilding and silvering. Ran an engineering firm with his brother in England. Became a naturalised British subject in 1859. Elected first president, Society of Telegraph Engineers, 1871. One of the first to suggest transmission of power by electricity. Knighted, 1883. FRS 1862. (ODNB.) 13 June 1881

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Silveira da Motta, Ignacio Francisco, baron de Vila Franca (1815–85). Brazilian politician and farmer. Awarded the title of baron de Vila Franca in 1875. (https://www.geni.com/, accessed 26 September 2019.) Simon, Eugène (1848–1924). French arachnologist and naturalist. Educated at the Sorbonne and worked at the Muséum national d’histoire naturelle, Paris. Worked principally on spider taxonomy, but also on hummingbirds and phyllopods (branchiopod crustaceans). (Annales de la Société entomologique de France 94 (1925): 73–100.) Simon, Gustav Heinrich Victor Amandus (Heinrich, Henry) (1835–99). Prussian-born industrialist and inventor. Born in Brieg, Silesia; brought up in Zurich, Switzerland. Studied at the university of Breslau (Wrocław). Moved to Manchester as a consulting engineer, 1860. Developed successful roller-milling for flour in Britain. A great admirer of CD. (ODNB.) 10 December 1881 Simon, John (1816–1904). Surgeon and public-health officer. Apprentice at St Thomas’s Hospital, London, 1833–9; demonstrator in anatomy at King’s College, London, 1839–47; senior assistant surgeon, King’s College Hospital, 1840–53; lecturer in anatomical pathology at St Thomas’s Hospital, 1847–71; full surgeon at St Thomas’s, 1863–76. President of the Pathological Society, 1867. Council of the Royal College of Surgeons of England, 1868–80; president, 1878. First medical officer of health to the Sewers Commission of the City of London from 1848; chief medical officer of the Board of Health and its successors, 1855–76. Important sanitary reformer and publiciser of public-health problems. Knighted, 1887. (ODNB.) Simpson, James Frederick (1845–82). Musical composer. (BMD (Birth index, Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/29/43/30).) 4 November 1881, 8 November 1881, 1 December 1881 Sinclair, Alexander James (1847–89). Physician. MB, Edinburgh, 1868; MD 1872. Fellow of the Royal College of Physicians, 1874. Demonstrator of anatomy, Surgeons’ Hall, Edinburgh, 1868. Examiner at the Royal College of Physicians. (British Medical Journal, 9 March 1889, p. 587.) Sinel, Joseph (1844–1929). Naturalist and museum curator. Employed in a furniture store, circa 1860; became manager. Took up taxidermy. Built an aquarium at Havre-des-pas, Jersey, with his son in law, James Hornell, 1891. Attempted to revive oyster fisheries on Jersey. Curator of the museum of the Société Jersiaise, St Helier, 1907. (Balleine ed. [1949].) 19 July 1881 Sirk, Leopold (fl. 1880s). 5 June 1881 Sismondi, Jean-Charles Léonard de (1773–1842). Swiss historian. Married Emma Darwin’s aunt Jessie Allen in 1819. (ODNB.)

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Sismondi, Jessie de (1777–1853). Daughter of John Bartlett Allen. Married JeanCharles Léonard Simonde de Sismondi in 1819. Emma Darwin’s aunt. (Emma Darwin (1915).) Skertchly, Cyril Edwin Kemp (1873–80). Son of Sydney Barber Josiah Skertchly. Died in an accident in which his father was seriously injured. (BMD (Birth index); letter from S. B. J. Skertchly, 20 September 1881; Norfolk, England, Church of England deaths and burials, 1813–1990 (Ancestry.com, accessed 7 August 2020).) Skertchly, Sydney Barber Josiah (1850–1926). Geologist. Attended the Royal School of Mines, London. Assistant curator to the Geological Society of London; assistant geologist to the khedive of Egypt from late 1869. Geologist in the Fenlands and East Anglia for the Geological Survey of Great Britain in the 1870s. Member of the Geological Society of London, 1871. Assistant geologist, British Geological Survey, 1870–81. Went to California, Borneo, and China as a geologist. Moved to Brisbane, Australia, in 1891. Taught botany in Hong Kong in 1893. Assistant government geologist in the Geological Survey of Queensland, 1895–7. President of the Royal Society of Queensland, 1898. (Aust. dict. biog.; Pioneers of the British Geological Survey, www.bgs.ac.uk; Vincent 2017.) 20 September 1881 Smith, Adam (1723–90). Political economist. (ODNB.) Smith, John (1821–88). Scottish gardener. Gardener to the duke of Roxburgh; to the duke of Northumberland at Syon House, Middlesex, 1859–64. Curator, Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, 1864–86. (R. Desmond 1994.) Smith, Lucy Caroline (1818–81). Daughter of George Alexander Cumming of Henllan, Denbigh, Wales. Married William Henry Smith (d. 1872), a barrister, in 1861. Friend of John Price. (England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1995 (Ancestry.com, accessed 6 October 2020); England, select marriages, 1538–1973 (Ancestry.com, accessed 28 April 2020); letters to John Price, 3 September [1881] and 27 December 1881; Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/5530/89/7).) Smith, William (1813–93). Classical and biblical scholar. Taught classics at University College School; professor of classics, Independent College, St John’s Wood. Published many classical grammars and textbooks. Editor of the Quarterly Review, 1867–93. Knighted, 1892. (ODNB.) Snow, William Parker (1817–95). Merchant seaman, writer, and adventurer. Spent some years in Australia as a young man. Worked as an amanuensis in England; spent a year in America, returning in 1850. Joined the expedition to search for Sir John Franklin as purser, doctor, and chief officer on board the Prince Albert. Went to Patagonia, Tierra del Fuego, and the Falklands in command of the South American Missionary Society’s vessel Allen Gardiner in 1854; removed from command for disobedience by the superintending missionary at the Falkland Islands, 1856. Moved to New York and wrote and edited travel books. Spent the

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last years of his life in England researching the fate of the Franklin expedition. (ODNB.) 21 November 1881, 22 November 1881 Södling, Carl Erik (1819–84). Swedish teacher and folk-music historian. Taught gymnastics, drawing, and music in Västervik. Organist and singing teacher in Buenos Aires, 1850–8. Spanish deputy consul, 1863. (Nordisk familjebok.) 14 October 1881 Solla, Ruggero Felice (Rüdiger Felix) (b. 1859). Italian–Austrian botanist. Professor of natural history at the Forest Institute of Vallombrosa. (Calendario generale del regno d’Italia pel 1889; JSTOR Global Plants; https://plants.jstor.org (accessed 15 July 2020).) Solms-Laubach, Hermann Maximilian Carl Ludwig Friedrich (Hermann) zu, Graf zu Solms-Laubach (1842–1915). German botanist. Studied botany at Gießen, Freiburg, and Berlin; doctorate, Berlin, 1865. Habilitated at Halle, 1868. Professor of botany and director of the botanic gardens, Göttingen, 1879; Berlin, 1887, Straßburg (Strasbourg), 1888–1907. Worked mainly on the morphology and systematics of parasitic angiosperms, the history of cultivated plants, palaeobotany, and phylogeny. (NDB.) Sorby, Henry Clifton (1826–1908). Geologist. Pioneered microscopic petrology. President of the Geological Society of London, 1878–80. Established the chair of geology at Sheffield University. FRS 1857. (DNB; DSB.) 28 December 1881 Southey, Robert (1774–1843). Poet, historian, and miscellaneous writer. (ODNB.) Souza Corrêa, João Arthur (Arthur) de (1835/6–1900). Brazilian diplomat. Lieutenant in the Brazilian Navy and member of the Foreign Legion; fought in the Crimean War. Attaché to the Brazilian legations in London and Paris, 1859–89; minister resident in Spain and then envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary in Rome, 1889; minister in London, 1890–1900. (The Times, 24 March 1900, p. 9.) 28 December 1881 Spain, Thomas Dixon (1846–1925). Administrator and clergyman. Secretary to diocesan Church of England temperance societies (Lichfield 1874–85, Bath and Wells 1885–95, Lincoln 1895–1907). Author of A practical guide for the formation and management of district and parochial branches of the C.E.T.S. (1876). Ordained, 1886; incumbent of Rand with Fulnetby, 1895–1907; Long Sutton, Lincolnshire, 1907– 24. (BMD (Birth index); Crockford’s clerical directory 1925 s.v. Dixon-Spain, Thomas; England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1995 (Ancestry.com, accessed 8 October 2019).) 19 April 1881, 23 April 1881 Sparks, Jared (1789–1866). American historian, editor, and clergyman. Graduated from Harvard College, 1815; master’s degree in theological studies, 1819. Called to the Unitarian ministry, 1819. Published collections on George Washington and Benjamin Franklin and oversaw the publication of the Library of American

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biography. Professor of ancient and modern history, Harvard, 1838–53; president of the college, 1849–52. (ANB.) Spencer, Herbert (1820–1903). Philosopher. Apprenticed as a civil engineer on the railways, 1837–41. Became subeditor of the Pilot, a newspaper devoted to the suffrage movement, in 1844. Subeditor of the Economist, 1848–53. From 1852, author of books and papers on transmutation theory, philosophy, and the social sciences. (DSB; ODNB.) 22 September 1881, [after 22 September 1881] Spencer, John Poyntz, 5th Earl Spencer (1835–1910). Liberal politician. Succeeded as fifth Earl Spencer in 1857. Viceroy of Ireland, 1868–74, 1882–5. Lord president of the Council, 1880–2. First lord of the Admiralty, 1892–5. (ODNB.) Spottiswoode, William (1825–83). Mathematician and physicist. Succeeded his father as queen’s printer in 1846. Throughout his life pursued mathematical studies in which he supplied new proofs of known theorems and also did important original work; produced a series of memoirs on the contact of curves and surfaces. President of the mathematical section of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1865; of the Royal Society of London, 1878–83. FRS 1853. (DNB.) Spruce, Richard (1817–93). Botanist and schoolteacher. Schoolteacher at St Peter’s School, York, 1839–44. Collected plant specimens in the Pyrenees, 1845–6; in South America, 1849–64. PhD, Imperial German Academy, 1864. Retired in poor health to Coneysthorpe, Yorkshire, where he worked on his plant collections. (R. Desmond 1994; ODNB.) Squire, Elizabeth (b. 1844/5 d. 1886 or later). Cook. Born in Marylebone, London. Kitchen-maid to the rector of Hanwell, Middlesex, 1861. Employed as a cook by Erasmus Alvey Darwin, 1871, 1881. Employed by Elinor Dicey, 1886. (Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (The National Archives: Public Record Office (RG9/781/112/23), 1871 (RG10/157/81/16), 1881 (RG11/140/47/1); letter from Emma Darwin to G. H. Darwin, 14 August [1887] (DAR 210.3: 140).) Stahl, Christian Ernst (Ernst) (1848–1919). Alsatian-born German botanist. Received his doctorate in botany from Straßburg (Strasbourg), 1873. Julius Sachs’s assistant, Würzburg, 1874; habilitated, 1877. Professor extraordinarius of botany, Straßburg, 1880. Professor of botany and director of the botanic garden, Jena, 1881. Travelled to Java, where he collected mosses and liverworts, 1889–90; Mexico, 1894. Worked on various aspects of plant physiology, development, and ecology. (NDB.) Stainton, Henry Tibbats (1822–92). Entomologist. Founder of the Entomologist’s Annual, 1855–74, and of the Entomologist’s Weekly Intelligencer, 1856–61. Secretary to the Ray Society, 1861–72; to the biology section of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1864 and 1867–72. Co-founder, Entomologist’s Monthly Magazine, 1864. FRS 1867. (ODNB.) 28 September 1881

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Stanley, Edward Henry, 15th earl of Derby (1826–93). Politician and diarist. BA, Cambridge, 1848. MP for King’s Lynn, 1848–69. Visited the West Indies twice, 1848–50. First secretary of state for India from 1858. Foreign secretary from 1874. Colonial secretary from 1882. Succeeded to the earldom in 1869. (ODNB.) Stanley, Mary Catherine, countess of Derby (1824–1900). Political hostess. Daughter of George Sackville-West, fifth Earl De La Warr (1791–1869). Married James Brownlow William Gascoyne-Cecil in 1847. After his death, married Edward Henry Stanley, fifteenth earl of Derby, in 1870. Deeply involved in Conservative politics. (ODNB.) 16 October 1881 Stanley, William Ford Robinson (William Ford) (1829–1909). Scientific instrument maker. Went into business making drawing tools in 1854. Ceased using the name Robinson after 1857. Won a gold medal for making mathematical instruments in 1862. A pioneer in the use of aluminium. Began making surveying instruments in 1865. Author of works on surveying, physics, and instruments. Designed and endowed the Stanley Technical Schools in Norwood that opened in 1907, and bequeathed most of his estate to trade schools. (ODNB.) 15 December 1881, 21 December 1881 Stebbing, Thomas Roscoe Rede (1835–1926). Zoologist and clergyman. BA, King’s College, London, 1855. BA, Oxford (Worcester College), 1857; fellow, 1860–8; tutor, 1865–7; vice-provost, 1865; dean, 1866. Tutor and schoolmaster, Torquay, 1867–77; in 1877, moved to Tunbridge Wells and devoted his time to natural history. Specialised in amphipod Crustacea. His strong Darwinian views led to his being forbidden a parish. Lectured and wrote essays in favour of Darwinism. FRS 1896. (ODNB.) 11 February 1881 Steenstrup, Johannes Japetus Smith ( Japetus) (1813–97). Danish zoologist. Professor of zoology and director of the Zoology Museum, University of Copenhagen, 1846–85. Foreign member, Royal Society of London, 1863. (DBL; DSB.) 28 July 1881 Stephen, Julian Thoby (1880–1906). Son of Leslie Stephen and Julia Prinsep Stephen. Educated at Trinity College, Cambridge, 1899–1902. Called to the bar, Inner Temple, 1906. Member of the Bloomsbury group of artists and writers. Died of typhoid. (Alum. Cantab.; https://www.findagrave.com/ memorial/21427939/julian-thoby-stephen.) Stephen, Laura Makepeace (1870–1945). Daughter of Leslie Stephen. Lived in a series of asylums from 1891 until her death. (ODNB s.v. Stephen, Leslie.) Stephen, Leslie (1832–1904). Author and literary critic. Fellow, Trinity Hall, Cambridge, 1854–67; tutor, 1856–62. Left Cambridge for London in 1864 to pursue a literary career. Contributed articles to newspapers and journals on a wide variety of subjects. Editor of the Cornhill Magazine, 1871–82. First editor of the Dictionary of national biography from 1882. Knighted, 1902. (ODNB.)

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[10 January 1881] (from Leonard Darwin), 10 January 1881 (from H. E. Litchfield), 11 January 1881, 12 January [1881], 13 January 1881, 14 January 1881 Stephen, Vanessa (1879–1961). Painter. Daughter of Leslie Stephen. Studied art at the Royal Academy, 1901–4. Helped to establish the Bloomsbury group of artists and writers. Married Clive Bell in 1907. Collaborated on decorative and design work with Duncan Grant, with whom she lived from 1913. (ODNB.) Sternberg, George Miller (1838–1915). American army surgeon. Pioneer in the fields of bacteriology and disinfection; worked on typhoid, malaria, cholera, yellow fever, tuberculosis, and pneumonia. Much of his research was carried out at Johns Hopkins Hospital in Baltimore, under the auspices of the American Public Health Association. Appointed surgeon general, 1893. (Arlington National Cemetery website, www.arlingtoncemetery.net/gmsternb.htm (accessed 20 May 2020).) Steudel, Ernst Gottlieb (1783–1856). Swiss physician and botanist. Began medical practice in Esslingen, Switzerland, in 1806. Senior consultant, 1828–56. (ADB.) Stewart, Balfour (1828–87). Physicist and meteorologist. Assistant, Kew Observatory, 1856. Assistant lecturer, Edinburgh University, 1856–9. Director, Kew Observatory, 1859–71. Secretary to the government meteorological committee, 1867–9. Professor of natural philosophy, Owens College, Manchester, 1870–87. Worked on radiant heat and the phenomena of sunspots and terrestrial magnetism. With Peter Guthrie Tait, published Unseen universe, seeking to deduce the existence of immortal souls from scientific evidence. Co-founder, Society for Psychical Research. FRS 1862. (ODNB.) Still, Minerva C. (1823–95). American botanist. Vice-president of the Syracuse Botanical Club in 1881. Wife of Martin Still (1820–97), bookkeeper, of Syracuse, New York. (Bulletin of the Torrey Botanical Club 8 (1881): 60; United States Federal Census 1880 (Syracuse, Onondaga, New York 211/253A) (Ancestry.com, accessed 11 March 2021); U.S., Find a grave index, 1600s–current (Ancestry.com, accessed 11 March 2021).) Stokes, George Gabriel, 1st baronet (1819–1903). Physicist. Lucasian Professor of mathematics, Cambridge University, 1849–1903. Secretary of the Royal Society of London, 1854–85; president, 1885–90. President of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1869. Conservative MP for Cambridge University, 1887–91. Master of Pembroke College, Cambridge, 1902–3. Created baronet, 1889. FRS 1851. (DSB; ODNB.) Stolterfoth, Henry (1836–1907). Physician. Practised at the Chester general infirmary. JP for Chester. (Alum. Cantab.) Stone, Edward James (1831–97). Astronomer. BA, Cambridge, 1859. Chief assistant at the Royal Greenwich Observatory, 1860. Royal astronomer at the Cape of Good Hope, 1870. Radcliffe observer at Oxford, 1879. FRS 1868. (ODNB; Record of the Royal Society of London.) Story-Maskelyne, Mervyn Herbert Nevil (Nevil) (1823–1911). Mineralogist. Lectured on mineralogy, Oxford University, 1850–7; professor of mineralogy, 1856–95. Keeper of the mineral department, British Museum, 1857–80. MP for

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Cricklade, 1880–5; North Wiltshire, 1885–92. FRS 1870. (Alum. Oxon.; V. Morton 1987; ODNB.) Strahan, Alexander Stuart (1833–1918). Scottish publisher. Founded Strahan & Co. in partnership with William Isbister in 1858; moved to London in 1862. Founded the periodicals Good Words, the Sunday Magazine, Argosy, and the Contemporary Review. Forced to resign from Strahan & Co., 1872; in 1874 the firm’s name was changed to Isbister & Co. (ODNB.) Strasburger, Eduard Adolf (Eduard) (1844–1912). German botanist. Inspired by Ernst Haeckel’s enthusiasm for CD’s theory of evolution. Studied natural sciences in Paris, Bonn, and Jena from 1862. PhD in botany, 1866. Professor extraordinarius and director of the Botanical Institute, Jena, 1869; professor, 1871. Taught at the University of Bonn from 1881; rector, 1891–2. Travelled through Italy and Egypt, and around the Red Sea. Co-editor of Jahrbuch für wissenschaftliche Botanik from 1894. Published histological–cytological works on plant fertilisation. (DBE; DSB.) Streatfeild, Hannah (1812–95). Daughter of Elizabeth Fry, prison reformer (ODNB). Married William Champion Streatfeild, merchant, of Charts Edge Mansion, Westerham, Kent, in West Ham in 1832. Mother of Thomas Edward Champion Streatfeild. (Census returns of England and Wales 1851 (The National Archives: Public Record Office HO107/1613/499/1), 1881 (RG11/909/100/24); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1995 (Ancestry.com, accessed 26 August 2021); ODNB s.v. Fry, Elizabeth; Society of Friends’ registers, notes and certificates of births, marriages and burials (The National Archives: General Register Office RG6/415).) Streatfeild, Thomas Edward Champion (Ted) (1848–82). Architect. Son of William Champion Streatfeild and his wife, Hannah. Colleague of William Oswald Milne at 39 Great Marlborough Street, London, from 1875, and also Edward Morgan Llewellyn Forster from 1878. (Beauman 1993, p. 17 n.; BMD (Birth index); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1995 (Ancestry.com, accessed 25 August 2021); Essex, England, Church of England births and baptisms, 1813–1918 (Ancestry.com, accessed 25 August 2021); Post Office London directory 1875, 1880.) Strutt, Evelyn Georgiana Mary, Baroness Rayleigh (1846–1934). Daughter of James Maitland Balfour of East Lothian, and sister of Arthur James Balfour. Married John William Strutt, third Baron Rayleigh, in 1871. (City of Westminster Archives Centre STA/PR/4/25 (Ancestry.com, accessed 16 August 2021); ODNB s.v. Strutt, John William, third Baron Rayleigh.) Strutt, John William, 3d Baron Rayleigh (1842–1919). Experimental and mathematical physicist. BA, Cambridge (Trinity College), 1865; fellow of Trinity, 1866–71. Cavendish Professor of experimental physics, 1879–84. Professor, natural philosophy, Royal Institution of Great Britain, 1887–1905. Nobel prize, physics, 1904. Co-discoverer of the inert element argon. Became third Baron Rayleigh in 1873. FRS 1873. (Alum. Cantab.; ODNB.)

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Sulivan, Bartholomew James (1810–90). Naval officer and hydrographer. Lieutenant on HMS Beagle, 1831–6. Surveyed the Falkland Islands in HMS Arrow, 1838–9. Commander of HMS Philomel, 1842–6. Resided in the Falkland Islands, 1848–51. Commanded HMS Lightning in the Baltic, 1854–5. Naval officer in the marine department of the Board of Trade, 1856–65. Admiral, 1877. Knighted, 1869. (ODNB.) 18 March 1881, 20 March 1881, 29 September 1881, 30 September [1881], 28 October [1881], 29 November 1881, 1 December 1881, 3 December 1881 Sulivan, Frances Emma Georgina (1841–96). Daughter of Sophia and Bartholomew James Sulivan. (BMD (Birth index, Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG9/773/23/40).) Sulivan, Henry Norton (1848/9–1941). Merchant. Son of Sophia and Bartholomew James Sulivan; edited his father’s Life and letters. (BMD (Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/5070/67/20); Sulivan ed. 1896.) Sulivan, Sophia (1810/11–90). Third of eight daughters of Vice-Admiral James Young, of Barton End, Horsley, near Stroud, Gloucestershire. Married Bartholomew James Sulivan in 1837. (County families 1871, s.v. Sulivan, Bartholomew James; ODNB s.v. Sulivan, Bartholomew James; Sulivan ed. 1896, pp. xii, 395.) Sulivan, Sophia Henrietta (1837/8–1914). Daughter of Sophia and Bartholomew James Sulivan. Married the surgeon Henry Bullock in 1882. (Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/1194/136); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 1 February 2017); Hampshire Telegraph & Sussex Chronicle, 21 October 1882, p. 3.) Surman, Frederic William (1850–1933). Butler. Son of William Surman, gardener, and his wife Anne. Born in Horspath, Oxfordshire. Employed by Erasmus Alvey Darwin for about two years until Erasmus’s death in 1881. Butler in Wilton Crescent, Knightsbridge, 1891. Shopkeeper on his marriage to Catherine Elizabeth Penn (1865–1943) at St Stephen’s, Kensington, in 1895; confectioner, 1901; retired, 1911. (BMD (Birth index, Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/140/47/1), 1891 (RG12/71/46/21), 1901 (RG13/70/50/6), 1911 (RG14/355); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1995 (Ancestry.com, accessed 5 May 2020); Freeman 1978; letter to Albert Günther, 19 December 1881; London, England, Church of England marriages and banns, 1754–1932 (Ancestry.com, accessed 5 May 2020); Oxfordshire, England, Church of England births and baptisms, 1813–1915 (Ancestry.com, accessed 5 May 2020).) 19 December [1881], 22 December 1881 Sverchkov, Nikolai Yegorovich (Николай Егорович Сверчков) (1817–98). Russian painter. Known for his paintings of horses with troikas, and battle or

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hunting scenes. Member of the Imperial Academy of Art, 1852. (Entsiklopedicheskii slovar.) Swainson, Charles Anthony (1820–87). Theologian. Fellow of Christ’s College, 1841; master, 1881–87. Reader in divinity, 1879. Vice-chancellor of the University of Cambridge, 1885–86. (ODNB.) Symonds, Catharine Hyacinth (1818–1907). Daughter of Samuel Kent; married William Samuel Symonds in 1840. Mother of Hyacinth Hooker. (England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1995 (Ancestry.com, accessed 19 March 2020); England, select births and christenings, 1538–1975 (Ancestry. com, accessed 19 March 2020); England, select marriages, 1538–1973 (Ancestry.com, accessed 19 March 2020).) Symonds, William Samuel (1818–87). Geologist, author, and clergyman. Curate of Offenham, Worcestershire, 1843–5; rector of Pendock, Worcestershire, from 1845. Wrote papers on local archaeology and geology. Visited the Auvergne and the Ardèche, south-west France, 1874–6, to search for traces of ancient glaciers. (ODNB; Sarjeant 1980–96.) Taaffe, Eduard Franz Joseph (Eduard) von, Graf, 11th Viscount Taaffe of Corren and baron of Ballymote (1833–95). Austrian statesman of Irish descent. Held several positions in the Austrian government. (EB; NDB.) Tait, Archibald Campbell (1811–82). Clergyman and educationalist. Headmaster, Rugby School, 1842–50. Dean of Carlisle, 1850–6. Known as a university reformer; nominated a member of the Oxford University commission in 1850. Bishop of London, 1856–69. Archbishop of Canterbury, 1869–82. (ODNB.) Tait, Robert Lawson (Lawson) (1845–99). Scottish gynaecological surgeon. Studied in Edinburgh with James Young Simpson. House surgeon, Clayton Hospital, Wakefield, 1867–70. Started a practice in Birmingham in 1870. Junior surgeon, Birmingham and Midland Hospital for Women, 1871. Instigated a nurses’ training programme, and supported education and professional positions for women as nurses and doctors. Internationally recognised pioneer in abdominal surgery, especially ovariotomy. Professor of gynaecology, Queen’s College, Birmingham, 1887. Founding member of the Birmingham Medical Society; president of the Birmingham Medical Institute, 1889–93. (ODNB.) 29 July 1881, 12 October 1881 Talbot, Emily (1834–1900). American philanthropist and promoter of higher education for women. A teacher in Baltimore from 1854. Married Israel Tisdale Talbot, a homoeopathic doctor, in 1856; promoted and secured funds for his work in Boston. In 1877, helped to establish the Boston Latin School for Girls, which offered a college preparatory course for female students. Helped form the Association of Collegiate Alumnae, to improve, promote, and set standards for women’s higher education, in 1881. Secretary of the education department of the American Social Science Association. (ANB s.v. Talbot, Emily Fairbanks.) 19 July 1881 Tanner, Mary Willes (1836–1916). Daughter of John Roberts, professor of music, and Charlotte Elizabeth Roberts. Married Thomas Hawkes Tanner, physician, in

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1859. (BMD (Death index); England, select marriages, 1538–1973 (Ancestry.com, accessed 30 September 2015); London, England, births and baptisms, 1813–1906 (Ancestry.com, accessed 30 September 2015); ODNB s.v. Tanner, Thomas Hawkes.) 12 December 1881 Taylor, Beatrice Katherine (1863–1934). Daughter of Helen Biggs Taylor and her husband, Thomas Taylor, owner of a large cotton-spinning business in Wigan, Lancashire. Never married; lived with her mother and sister. (BMD (Birth index); Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG9/2767/75/15), 1911 (RG14/406); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1995 (Ancestry.com, accessed 26 May 2021).) Taylor, Isabella Park (1843–1929). Australian. Assisted her father, James Dawson, with his research on Aboriginal people. Married William Andrew Taylor in 1877. (Aust. dict. biog. s.v. Dawson, James; Australia cemetery index, 1808–2007 (Ancestry. com, accessed 25 February 2020); Australia, marriage index, 1788–1950 (Ancestry.com, accessed 25 February 2020); Victoria, Australia, birth index, 1837–1917 (Ancestry.com, accessed 25 February 2020).) Taylor, John Pitt (1811–88). Barrister and judge. BA, Oxford, 1834. Barrister, Middle Temple, 1837. Judge of county courts, 1852–85. (Alum. Oxon.; Modern English biography.) 14 November 1881, 16 November 1881 Taylor, Mabel Mary (1861–1918). Daughter of Helen Biggs Taylor and her husband, Thomas Taylor, owner of a large cotton-spinning business in Wigan, Lancashire. Never married; lived with her mother and sister. (BMD (Birth index); Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG9/2767/75/15), 1911 (RG14/406); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1995 (Ancestry.com, accessed 26 May 2021).) Taylor, Sara Helen Biggs (Helen Biggs) (1834–1929). Suffragist. Born in Leicester, second daughter of Thomas Biggs, merchant, and Elizabeth Biggs. Married Thomas Taylor (1808/9–92) of Wigan, Lancashire, owner of a cottonspinning business (Thomas Taylor and Brother), in 1857. A supporter of women’s suffrage; campaigned on behalf of the pit-brow women workers of Wigan, 1859–66, and canvassed for the re-election of John Stuart Mill in 1868. Lived in Hyde Park Gardens, London, and Aston Rowant, Oxfordshire. Mother of Mabel Mary and Beatrice Katherine Taylor. Author of Soups, savouries and sweets, with a chapter on breads, by a practical housewife (1889). (BMD (Birth index); Census returns of England and Wales 1841 (The National Archives: Public Record Office HO107/604/18/35), 1851 (HO107/1507/183/35), 1871 (RG10/19/8/8), 1881 (RG11/15/4/1); Eckersley 2018, p. 7; Leicester Chronicle, 21 March 1857, p. 3; Liverpool Mercury, 16 March 1892, p. 6; The Times, 16 February 1929, p. 7.) 18 April 1881 Taylor, Thomas (1769/70–1841). Surgeon-apothecary. Trained in London with the surgeon Henry Cline. Eloped with Lady Lucy Rachael Stanhope

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(1780–1814), youngest daughter of Charles Stanhope, third Earl Stanhope, in 1796. Appointed comptroller of the Customs by William Pitt the younger, his wife’s uncle. Father of John Pitt Taylor. (B. B. Cooper 1843, 1: 181, 182, 186; England, select marriages, 1538–1973 (Ancestry.com, accessed 22 November 2020); ODNB s.v. Stanhope, Charles, third Earl Stanhope; Surrey, England, Church of England baptisms, marriages and burials, 1538–1812 (Ancestry.com, accessed 22 November 2020); UK and Ireland, Find a grave index, 1300s–current (Ancestry.com, accessed 22 November 2020).) Teesdale, John Marmaduke (1818/19–88). Solicitor. A neighbour of CD from 1875; lived at Downe Hall. (BMD (Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/855/92/19); Correspondence vol. 23, letter from Emma Darwin to J. B. Innes, 24 December [1875].) Tegetmeier, William Bernhard (1816–1912). Editor, journalist, lecturer, and naturalist. Pigeon-fancier and expert on poultry. Pigeon and poultry editor of the Field, 1864–1907. Secretary of the Apiarian Society of London. (Field, 23 November 1912, p. 1070; ODNB; Richardson 1916.) 29 March 1881, 2 November 1881, 3 November 1881 Templeton, Robert (1802–92). Irish naturalist and artist. Studied at the Belfast Academical Institute; studied medicine in Edinburgh. A keen entomologist and gifted illustrator. Assistant surgeon, Royal Artillery, ordnance medical department, 1833; travelled to Mauritius and Ceylon (Sri Lanka), Rio de Janeiro, Malta, Corfu, and Albania. Stationed in Ceylon, 1839–52. Served in the Crimea; surgeon-major, 1855. Retired in 1860. (Dictionary of Irish biography to 2002.) Tennent, James Emerson (1804–69). Traveller, politician, and author. Assumed the name Tennent on the death of his father-in-law, William Tennent, in 1832. MP for Belfast, 1832–37, 1838–41, 1842–45. Civil secretary to the colonial government of Ceylon (Sri Lanka), 1845–50. Appointed governor of St Helena in 1850, but never assumed office. FRS 1862. (ODNB.) Tennyson, Alfred, 1st Baron Tennyson (1809–92). Poet. Poet laureate, 1850. Created Baron Tennyson, 1883. (ODNB.) Thackeray, William Makepeace (1811–63). Novelist. (ODNB.) Thiselton-Dyer, Harriet Anne (1854–1945). Second child of Frances Harriet and Joseph Dalton Hooker. Married William Turner Thiselton-Dyer in 1877. (Allan 1967 s.v. ‘Hooker pedigree’.) Thiselton-Dyer, William Turner (1843–1928). Botanist. Educated at Christ Church, Oxford. Professor of natural history at the Royal Agricultural College, Cirencester, 1868–70. Professor of botany, Royal College of Science, Dublin, 1870–2; Royal Horticultural Society, London, 1872. Directed botanical teaching at the Department of Science and Art, South Kensington, London, 1873, 1875, 1876. Appointed assistant director of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, by Joseph Dalton Hooker, 1875. Married Hooker’s eldest daughter, Harriet Anne, in 1877. Appointed director of Kew, 1885. Knighted, 1899. FRS 1880. (ODNB.) 21 March [1881], 1 April 1881, 3 April [1881], 9 April 1881, 21 April [1881],

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7 May [1881], 10 May [1881], 12 November [1881], 16 November 1881, 20 November [1881] Thomas, Sarah Ann (1822–1912). American. Daughter of Abraham Marcy of Burlington, Otsego, New York. Married Sylvanus Thomas (1826–85), farmer in Plainfield, Otsego, New York, by 1850. Living in Ripley, Huron, Ohio, from at least 1860. (D. Hamilton Hurd, History of Otsego County, New York, 1740–1878 (theusgenweb.org/ny/otsego/bios/miniburlington.htm, accessed 29 October 2020); United States Federal Census 1850 (Plainfield, Otsego, New York [1]/68b), 1860 (Ripley, Huron, Ohio [1]/89) (Ancestry.com, accessed 29 October 2020); U.S., Find a grave index, 1600s–current (Ancestry.com, accessed 29 October 2020).) Thompson, William (1823–1903). Horticulturist. Founded a nursery at Ipswich later known as Thompson and Morgan. Awarded the first Victoria Medal of Honour by the Royal Horticultural Society, 1897. (R. Desmond 1994.) 10 August 1881 Thompson, William Hepworth (1810–86). College head. BA, Cambridge, 1832; fellow, Trinity College, 1834. Ordained priest, 1838. Tutor, 1844–53. Regius professor of Greek, 1853–66. Master of Trinity, 1866–86. (ODNB.) Thomson, Charles Wyville (1830–82). Scottish naturalist and oceanographer. Professor of mineralogy and geology, Queen’s College, Belfast, 1854–62; of natural history from 1862. Professor of botany, Royal College of Science, Dublin, 1868–70. Appointed regius professor of natural history, University of Edinburgh, 1870. Interested in deep-sea researches; appointed chief of the civilian scientific staff of the Challenger expedition, 1872–6. Knighted, 1877. FRS 1869. (DSB; ODNB.) Thomson, Jane Ramage (1828–1911). Scottish. Daughter of Adam Dawson, deputy lieutenant of Linlithgow, and his wife, Helen Ramage. Married Charles Wyville Thomson in 1854. (ODNB s.v. Thomson, Sir Charles Wyville; Scotland old parish registers births 668/120 51 Linlithgow, marriages 668/120 492 Linlithgow (Scotlandspeople.gov.uk, accessed 19 May 2021); Scotland statutory deaths 668/93 Linlithgow (Scotlandspeople.gov.uk, accessed 19 May 2021).) Thomson, William, Baron Kelvin (1824–1907). Scientist and inventor. Professor of natural philosophy, Glasgow, 1846–99. Formulated laws of equivalence and transformation in thermodynamics and a doctrine of available energy. Pioneered telegraphic systems and assisted in the laying of the first transatlantic cable. Wrote on the age and cooling of the earth. Proposed a hydroelectric scheme for Niagara. Created Baron Kelvin of Largs, 1892. FRS 1851. Awarded the Copley Medal, 1883. (DSB; ODNB.) Thwaites, George Henry Kendrick (1811–82). Botanist and entomologist. Superintendent of the Peradeniya botanic gardens, Ceylon (Sri Lanka), 1849; director, 1857–80. FRS 1865. (R. Desmond 1994; ODNB.) Ticknor, George (1791–1871). American educator and author. Professor of French, Spanish, and belles-lettres at Harvard University, 1819–35. Travelled widely in Europe. (DAB.)

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Tieghem, Philippe van (1839–1914). French botanist. Professor, École normale supérieure, Paris, from 1864. Doctorate in botany, 1867. Worked on cryptogamy, fermentation, the anatomy and biology of phanerogams, the application of anatomy to classification, and plant physiology (DSB.) Tilt, Archibald Preston (1854–88). Artist. Son of Frederick Arnaud Clarke Tilt (1823–69). Painted Baroness Burdett-Coutts’ garden party at Holly Lodge, Highgate, for members of the International Medical Congress, 1881, 1882. (England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 2 October 2020); Sakula 1982.) 16 December 1881 The Times. 21 April [1881] Tollet, Ellen Harriet (1812–90). Daughter of George Tollet (1767–1855) and Frances Tollet. A close friend of the Wedgwood and Darwin families. (Burke’s landed gentry 1846; M. E. Smith ed. 2008.) Tomkins, George Gordon (1875–1949). Electrical engineer. Brought up in Down; neighbour of the Darwins as a small boy. (Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/855/88/12), 1901 (RG13/38/54/15); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1995 (Ancestry.com, accessed 24 January 2020); India, select births and baptisms, 1786–1947 (Ancestry.com, accessed 24 January 2020).) Torbitt, James (b. c. 1822 d. 1895). Irish wine merchant and grocer. Premises at 58 North Street, Belfast. Attempted large-scale commercial production and distribution of potato seeds to produce plants resistant to blight fungus. (DeArce 2008.) [5] January 1881, 8 January 1881, 10 March 1881, 15 March 1881, 18 May 1881, 20 May 1881 Torras, Anne Jeanne Louis (1763–1827). Married Pierre Torras in 1781. Mother of Anne Françoise Robertine Torras and grandmother of Alphonse de Candolle. (Société Genevoise de Généalogie, https://www.gen-gen.ch/.) Torras, Pierre (1757–1793). Father of Anne Françoise Robertine Torras and grandfather of Alphonse de Candolle. (Société Genevoise de Généalogie, https:// www.gen-gen.ch/.) Tournefort, Joseph Pitton de (1656–1708). French botanist. Professor of botany at the Jardin du roi, Paris, 1683. Collected plants throughout Europe and western Asia. His principal work was the Élémens de botanique (1694). (DSB.) Trelawny, Edward John (1792–1881). Writer and adventurer. Friend of Shelley and Byron. Author of Adventures of a younger son (1831) and Recollections of the last days of Shelley and Byron (1858). (ODNB.) Trench, Catherine Sabine (1842–1913). Daughter of Sophia and Bartholomew James Sulivan. Married William Wallace Trench in 1870. (BMD (Birth index, Marriage index, Death index); Burke’s peerage 1970, p. 123.)

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Treub, Melchior (1851–1910). Dutch botanist. Researcher and assistant at the botanical institute, University of Leiden, 1873–80. Director of the botanical gardens at Buitenzorg (now Bogor), West Java, 1880. (DSB.) Trevelyan, George Otto, 2d baronet (1838–1928). Politician and author. Educated at Harrow school and Trinity College, Cambridge. Travelled in India, 1857. Liberal MP and government minister. Took over as chief secretary of Ireland following the assassination of Frederick Cavendish in Dublin in 1882. An enthusiast for Latin and Greek classics. Author of works on Anglo-Indian politics and the American War of Independence. (ODNB.) Trimen, Roland (1840–1916). Zoologist and entomologist. Emigrated to South Africa in 1858. Arranged the Lepidoptera at the South African Museum. Held civil-service positions in the Commission of Land and Public Works, the governor’s office, and the colonial secretary’s office. Acting curator, South African Museum, 1866; curator, 1872–95. FRS 1883. (DSAB; Iziko: www.iziko.org.za/ images/uploads/iziko_entomology_manual.pdf, accessed 26 January 2012.) Tscherning, Friedrich August (1846–1914). German pharmacist and botanist. Studied botany at Tübingen; PhD 1872. Pharmacist in Münsingen and later Vienna. Collected local plants, especially mosses. (Barnhart comp. 1965; Frahm and Eggers 2001; Tscherning 1872.) 6 May 1881 Turner, George Webster (1860–1923). American businessman. Clerk to an insurance company in San Francisco, 1880; manager, 1900. (California, death index, 1905–1939 (Ancestry.com, accessed 2 October 2020); Sons of the American Revolution membership applications, 1889–1970 (Ancestry.com, accessed 2 October 2020); United States Federal Census 1880 (San Francisco, San Francisco, California, 74/707B/55); 1900 (3/0236) (Ancestry.com, accessed 2 October 2020).) 15 December 1881 Turner, William (1832–1916). Anatomist and administrator. Senior demonstrator to John Goodsir, professor of anatomy, University of Edinburgh, 1854–67; professor of anatomy, 1867–1916; principal, 1903–16. Published papers on anthropology and comparative anatomy from 1854. Knighted, 1886. FRS 1877. (DSB; ODNB.) Tylor, Edward Burnett (1832–1917). Anthropologist. Educated at the School of the Society of Friends, Grove House, Tottenham. Author of Primitive culture (1871). Keeper of Oxford University Museum, 1883; reader in anthropology, Oxford University, 1883; professor, 1896; professor emeritus, 1909. President of the Anthropological Society, 1879–80, 1891–2. Helped to establish anthropology as a legitimate field of scientific enquiry. Knighted, 1912. FRS 1871. (Men and women of the time 1899; ODNB.) 29 March 1881 Tyndall, John (1820–93). Irish physicist, lecturer, and populariser of science. Studied in Marburg and Berlin, 1848–51. Professor of natural philosophy, Royal

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Institution of Great Britain, 1853–87; professor of natural philosophy, Royal School of Mines, 1859–68; superintendent of the Royal Institution, 1867–87. Scientific adviser to Trinity House and the Board of Trade, 1866–83. FRS 1852. (DSB; ODNB.) Usborne, Alexander Burns (1808–85). Naval officer. Master’s assistant then master on HMS Beagle, 1831–5. Took command of a small schooner and surveyed the coast of Peru, 1835–6. Master on the Beagle in Australia, 1838–9. Surveyed the coasts of England and Ireland, 1847–65. Created staff commander, 1863; captain, 1867. Retired in 1868. (BMD (Death index); England, select births and christenings, 1538–1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed 21 April 2017); Freeman 1978; Narrative 2: 19–20; Navy list 1838–85.) Vaughan Williams, Margaret Susan (1843–1937). Daughter of Caroline Sarah Wedgwood and Josiah Wedgwood III. CD’s niece. Married Arthur Charles Vaughan Williams in 1869. Mother of Ralph Vaughan Williams (ODNB). (Emma Darwin (1915); Freeman 1978.) Veitch & Sons (fl. 1800s–1920s). Nurserymen. The family ran nurseries in Chelsea and Exeter throughout the nineteenth century, with a tree nursery in Fulham and land at Coombe Wood, Kingston Hill, Surrey. (Shephard 2003.) Verrill, Addison Emery (1839–1926). American zoologist. Graduated from Harvard (Lawrence Scientific School) in 1862; assistant to Louis Agassiz in the Museum of Comparative Zoology until 1864. Professor of zoology, Sheffield Scientific School of Yale University, 1864–1907. Superintended dredgings of the United States Fish Commission, 1871–88. Did extensive work as a systematic zoologist of marine invertebrates. (ANB.) Victoria, queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and empress of India (1819–1901). Succeeded to the throne in 1837; designated empress of India, 1876. (ODNB.) Vidal, Alexander Thomas Emeric (1792–1863). Naval officer. Entered the Royal Navy in 1803; achieved the rank of rear admiral in 1851. Surveyed the coast of Africa and the Azores. (ODNB.) Vines, Sydney Howard (1849–1934). Botanist. BSc, London, 1873. BA, Cambridge, 1876; ScD, 1887. Fellow, Christ’s College, Cambridge, 1876–88. University reader in botany, 1884–8. Sherardian Professor of botany, Oxford, 1888–1919. President, Linnean Society, 1900–4. Wrote a textbook on plant physiology. FRS 1885. (Alum. Cantab.) 1 November 1881, 2 November [1881], 4 November 1881, 15 November 1881, 22 November 1881, 24 November [1881], 27 November 1881 Virchow, Rudolf Carl (Rudolf ) (1821–1902). German physician, pathologist, medical reformer, and politician. Professor of pathological anatomy at the University of Würzburg, 1849–56. Professor of pathological anatomy and director of the Pathological Institute, University of Berlin, from 1856. Foreign member, Royal Society of London, 1884; awarded the Copley Medal, 1892. (BLA; DBE; DSB; Record of the Royal Society of London; Wrede and Reinfels eds. 1897.)

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Virgil (70–19 bce). Roman poet. (Oxford classical dictionary.) Vöchting, Hermann (1847–1917). German plant physiologist and botanist. Studied botany at Berlin and Göttingen. Professor extraordinarius of botany, Bonn, 1877. Professor and director of the botanic garden, Basel, 1878; Tübingen, 1887. Studied plant movement, organ formation, and the influence of light on flower formation and leaf position in his seminal work, Über Organbildung im Pflanzenreich (1878). Discovered the fixed polarity of the apexes and bases of shoots. (Leopoldina 54 (1918): 60.) Voigts-Rhetz, Werner Adolf Friedrich Wilhelm (Werner) von (1808–90). German civil servant. Imperial Russian chamberlain. Lived in Oberkirch, Baden, from 1863. Author of a work on the antivivisection movement (1881). Foreign member of the Victoria Street Society for the Protection of Animals from Vivisection, 1883. (Communication from Dr Irmgard Schwanke, Stadtarchiv, Stadt Oberkirch; Gothaisches genealogisches Taschenbuch; NUC; Zoophilist, 1 December 1883, p. 227.) [after 18 April 1881], 14 May 1881 Vries, Hugo de (1848–1935). Dutch botanist, cytologist, and hybridiser. Studied at Leiden, 1866–70; at Heidelberg with Wilhelm Hofmeister in 1870, and at Würzburg with Julius Sachs in 1871. Completed a doctorate in physiological botany in 1876. Professor extraordinarius, botany, Amsterdam, 1878; professor, 1881. Developed a theory of heredity inspired by CD’s hypothesis of pangenesis (Intracellulare pangenesis (1889)). Rediscovered Mendelian segregation laws in the 1890s, and published on them in Die Mutationstheorie (1901–3). (DSB; Tort 1996 s.v. de Vries, Hugo.) 15 October 1881, [18 October 1881], [December 1881?], 9 December 1881 Wagner, Moritz Friedrich (Moritz) (1813–87). German zoologist and explorer. Studied at the natural history colleges in Erlangen and Munich, 1834–5. Made a scientific expedition to Algeria in 1836. Editor of the Augsburger allgemeine Zeitung, 1838. Continued his studies in Göttingen in 1840. Made research trips to the Caucasus, Armenia, Persia, and South Asia, 1843–5; to North and Central America, 1852–5; to Panama and Ecuador, 1857–9. Professor at Munich University from 1862. Formulated the migration theory for fauna and flora in 1868. (DBE.) Wallace, Alfred Russel (1823–1913). Naturalist. Collector in the Amazon, 1848– 52; in the Malay Archipelago, 1854–62. Independently formulated a theory of evolution by natural selection in 1858. Lecturer and author of works on protective coloration, mimicry, and zoogeography. President of the Land Nationalisation Society, 1881–1913. Wrote on socialism, spiritualism, and vaccination. FRS 1893. (DSB; ODNB.) 1 January 1881, 2 January 1881, 7 January 1881, 8 January 1881, 10 January 1881, 29 January 1881, 9 July 1881, 12 July 1881, 18 October 1881, 23 November 1881 Wallich, Nathaniel (1786–1854). Danish-born botanist and surgeon. Surgeon at Serampore, India, 1807–13. Superintendent of the Calcutta botanic

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Biographical register

garden, 1817–46. Made collections of plants in India and Burma. FRS 1829. (R. Desmond 1994; DNB.) Wallis, Anthony (1879–1919). School inspector. Son of Henry Marriage Wallis. (BMD (Birth index); Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/1309/108/14); 1911 (RG14/29538); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1995 (Ancestry.com, accessed 16 August 2019).) Wallis, Henry Marriage (1854–1941). Corn merchant. Married Sarah Elizabeth Crosfield in 1878. Father of Anthony Wallis. (BMD (Birth index); Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/1309/108/14); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1995 (Ancestry.com, accessed 16 August 2019).) 14 March 1881, 22 March 1881, 27 March 1881, 31 March 1881 Walpole, Spencer (1839–1907). Historian and civil servant. Inspector of fisheries from 1867, with Francis Trevelyan Buckland. (ODNB.) Walton, Frederick Edward (bap. 1834 d. 1928). Inventor of linoleum. (ODNB.) Warington, Robert. Agricultural chemist. Worked in the Rothamsted Experimental Station laboratory, 1876–90. Left Rothamsted because of deteriorating relations with his colleague Joseph Henry Gilbert. Sibthorpean Professor of agriculture at Oxford University, 1894–7. FRS 1886. (ODNB.) Warner, Francis (1847–1926). Physician and reformer. MD 1870. Held junior appointments at King’s College Hospital, the Royal Surrey County Hospital, and Birmingham Children’s Hospital. Elected to the staff of the East London Hospital for Children. Registrar to the London Hospital, 1877; assistant physician, 1879; full physician, 1896. Specialised in behavioural and neurophysiological disorders in children. (Physicians.) 18 December 1881 Waterer, John (1826–93). Nurseryman. Proprietor of Bagshot Nursery, Surrey, acquired in 1829 by his uncle Michael Waterer (1770–1842) and bequeathed to his father, John Waterer (1783–1868), who worked it as John Waterer and Sons with his four sons, Frederick (1822/3–71), Michael (1824/5–81; retired by April 1881), John, and Hosea (1830/1–77; retired by 1871). It specialised in American plants and rhododendrons. (Census returns of England and Wales 1851 (The National Archives: Public Record Office HO107/1593/503/7), 1871 (RG10/1828/8/8), 1881 (RG11/770/77/12, RG11/770/83/23); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1995 (Ancestry.com, accessed 3 November 2020); Gardeners’ Chronicle, 19 February 1881, p. 248, and 28 May 1881, p. 681; Justice 2009; Surrey, England, Church of England burials, 1813–1997 (Ancestry.com, accessed 3 November 2020); Surrey History Centre, John Waterer & Sons, nurserymen of Bagshot: directors’ and shareholders’ records (https:// www.surreyarchives.org.uk/collections/getrecord/SHCOL_7520, accessed 24 May 2021); UK and Ireland, Find a grave index, 1300s–current (Ancestry.com, accessed 3 November 2020); will of Michael Waterer (Prerogative Court of Canterbury will registers, The National Archives: Public Record Office PROB 11/1971/335).)

Biographical register

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Waterhouse, George Robert (1810–88). Naturalist. A founder of the Entomological Society of London, 1833. Curator of the Zoological Society of London, 1836–43. Assistant in the mineralogical branch of the natural history department of the British Museum, 1843–50; keeper, mineralogical and geological branch, 1851–6; keeper, geology department, 1857–80. Described CD’s mammalian and entomological specimens from the Beagle voyage. (DNB.) Watson, Hewett Cottrell (1804–81). Botanist, phytogeographer, and phrenologist. Edited the Phrenological Journal, 1837–40. Collected plants in the Azores in 1842. Wrote extensively on the geographical distribution of plants. (DSB; ODNB.) Watson, Morison (1845–85). Physician. Professor of anatomy, Owens College, Manchester, 1874–85. (Edinburgh Medical Journal 30 (1885): 1068–70.) Watt, George (1851–1930). Scottish botanist. Studied at the universities at Aberdeen and Glasgow; MD 1873. Professor of botany at the Hugli and Patna Colleges of the University of Calcutta, 1873–84. Scientific and medical officer for the Burma–Manipur Boundary Commission. Reporter on economic products to the Government of India, 1887–1903. Administered the Industrial Museum at Calcutta, 1894–1903. Fellow of the Linnean Society of London. Knighted, 1903. ( JSTOR Global Plants https://plants.jstor.org/stable/10.5555/al.ap.person. bm000009120 (accessed 3 June 2021); Riddick 1998.) Webb, Philip Speakman (1831–1915). Architect. Designed Red House for William Morris, 1859–70. Founded with Morris the Society for the Protection of Ancient Buildings in 1877. (ODNB.) Wedgwood, Caroline Sarah (1800–88). CD’s sister. Married Josiah Wedgwood III, her cousin, in 1837. (Darwin pedigree.) 20 September [1881] Wedgwood, Frances (Fanny) (1806–32). Daughter of Bessy and Josiah Wedgwood II; sister of Emma Darwin. (Burke’s peerage 1980.) Wedgwood, Frances Emma Elizabeth (Fanny) (1800–89). Second child of James Mackintosh and Catherine Allen. Married Hensleigh Wedgwood in 1832. (Freeman 1978; O’Leary 1989.) Wedgwood, Francis (Frank) (1800–88). Master-potter. Emma Darwin’s brother. Partner in the Wedgwood pottery works at Etruria, Staffordshire, until 1876. Married Frances Mosley in 1832. (Alum. Cantab.) Wedgwood, Godfrey (1833–1905). Businessman. Son of Francis Wedgwood and Frances Mosley. Joined the Wedgwood pottery works in Staffordshire; partner, 1859; senior partner, 1875–1905. Married as his second wife, Hope Wedgwood. (Darwin pedigree; Freeman 1978; Wedgwood and Wedgwood 1980.) Wedgwood, Henry Allen (Harry) (1799–1885). Barrister. Emma Darwin’s brother. BA, Jesus College, Cambridge, 1821. Married Jessie Wedgwood, his cousin, in 1830. (Alum. Cantab.) Wedgwood, Hensleigh (1803–91). Philologist. Emma Darwin’s brother. Qualified as a barrister in 1828, but never practised. Fellow, Christ’s College, Cambridge, 1829–30. Police magistrate at Lambeth, 1831–7; registrar of metropolitan carriages, 1838–49. An original member of the Philological Society, 1842.

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Published A dictionary of English etymology (1859–65). Married Frances Emma Elizabeth Mackintosh in 1832. (Freeman 1978; ODNB.) Wedgwood, Hope Elizabeth (Dot) (1844–1935). Daughter of Hensleigh and Frances Emma Elizabeth Wedgwood. Married as his second wife Godfrey Wedgwood in 1876. (Freeman 1978; Wedgwood and Wedgwood 1980, pp. 310–11.) Wedgwood, Josiah I (1730–95). Master-potter. Founded the Wedgwood pottery works at Etruria, Staffordshire. Grandfather of CD and Emma Darwin. Interested in experimental chemistry. Contributed several papers on the measurement of high temperatures to the Royal Society of London’s Philosophical Transactions. Associated with scientists and scientific societies. FRS 1783. (DSB; ODNB.) Wedgwood, Josiah II (1769–1843). Master-potter. Emma Darwin’s father. Partner in the Wedgwood pottery works at Etruria, Staffordshire, 1795–1841. Resident at Maer Hall, Staffordshire. Whig MP for Stoke-on-Trent, 1832–4. (Burke’s peerage 1980; Emma Darwin (1915); Freeman 1978.) Wedgwood, Josiah III (1795–1880). Master-potter. Emma Darwin’s brother. Partner in the Wedgwood pottery works at Etruria, Staffordshire, 1841–4; moved to Leith Hill Place, Surrey, in 1844. Married CD’s sister Caroline, his cousin, in 1837. (Freeman 1978.) Wedgwood, Katherine Elizabeth Sophy (Sophy) (1842–1911). Daughter of Caroline Sarah Wedgwood and Josiah Wedgwood III. CD’s niece. (Darwin pedigree; Freeman 1978.) Wedgwood, Sarah Elizabeth (Elizabeth) (1793–1880). Emma Darwin’s sister. Resided at Maer Hall, Staffordshire, until 1847, then at The Ridge, Hartfield, Sussex, until 1862. Moved to London before settling in Down in 1868. (Emma Darwin (1915), Freeman 1978.) Wedgwood, Sarah Elizabeth (Sarah) (1778–1856). CD and Emma Darwin’s aunt. Resided at Camp Hill, Maer Heath, Staffordshire, 1827–47, then moved to Petleys, Down. (Emma Darwin (1915).) Wegner, Gustav Friedrich Edmund (Gustav) (1813/14–95). German official. Privy councillor, Cöslin (now Koszalin, Poland), 1842–86. (Berlin, Germany, deaths, 1874–1955 (Friedrich Gustav Edmund Wegner; Ancestry.com, accessed 8 February 2021); Geheimes Staatsarchiv, Preußischer Kulturbesitz, Archivdatenbank, https://gsta.preussischer-kulturbesitz.de/recherche/archivdatenbank/ (accessed 8 February 2021).) 24 November 1881 Weinland, David Friedrich (1829–1915). German theologian and zoologist. Travelled extensively in North America and Haiti. Assistant to Louis Agassiz, 1855–8. Lecturer in zoology at the Senckenberg Museum, Frankfurt, and secretary of the Zoological Society, 1858. Founder and editor of Der zoologische Garten, 1859. Director of the Senckenberg naturalists’ society, 1859–63. (DBE; Zoologischer Beobachter 57 (1916): 160.) Weir, John Jenner (1822–94). Naturalist and accountant. Worked in HM Customs as an accountant, 1839–85. Studied entomology, especially microlepidoptera;

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conducted experiments on the relations between insects and insectivorous birds and published papers in 1869 and 1870. Member of the Entomological Society of London from 1845, serving many times on the council. Fellow of the Linnean Society of London, 1865; Zoological Society of London, 1876. (Science Gossip n.s. 1 (1894): 49–50.) 27 December 1881, 29 December 1881 Weismann, Leopold Friedrich August (August) (1834–1914). German zoologist. Studied medicine at Göttingen, 1852–6; qualified as a doctor, 1858. Physician to Archduke Stephan of Austria, 1861–3. Studied zoology at Giessen in 1861; habilitated at Freiburg im Breisgau, 1863; privat-dozent in zoology and comparative anatomy, 1863; professor extraordinarius, 1866; professor of zoology, 1874. Best known for his work on heredity, especially the theory of continuity of the germ-plasm. (DBE; DSB.) Wellesley, Arthur, 1st Duke of Wellington (1769–1852). Army officer and statesman. Field marshal, 1816. Chancellor of Oxford University, 1834–52. FRS 1847. (ODNB; Record of the Royal Society of London.) Wells, Thomas Spencer (1818–97). Surgeon. Member, Royal College of Surgeons, 1841; fellow, 1844. Assistant surgeon, Royal Navy, 1841; surgeon 1848. Surgeon to the dispensary of the Samaritan Free Hospital for Women and Children, 1854. Hunterian Professor, Royal College of Surgeons, 1877; vice-president, 1879; president, 1883. Perfected techniques for ovariotomy and adopted Listerian antisepsis from 1878. Knighted, 1883. (ODNB.) Wesley, William (1813/14–91). Publisher and agent. Had premises at 28 Essex Street, London. (BMD (Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1871 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG10/673/129/27); Correspondence vol. 19, letter from L. H. Morgan, 1 August 1871; Post Office London directory 1871.) Westropp, Hodder Michael (1820–85). Archaeologist. BA, University of Dublin, 1844. Wrote on prehistoric archaeology, especially phallic symbolism in ancient religions. Published Handbook of archaeology in 1867, the first volume of its kind. Proposed the introduction of the term ‘Mesolithic’ in 1872. (Alum. Dublin.; CODA; Tort 1996.) 26 May 1881 Westwood, John Obadiah (1805–93). Entomologist and palaeographer. Founding member of the Entomological Society of London, 1833; honorary president, 1883. Hope Professor of zoology, Oxford University, 1861–93. Entomological referee for Gardeners’ Chronicle. Royal Society of London Royal Medallist, 1855. (ODNB; Transactions of the Entomological Society of London 1 (1833–6): xxxiv.) Westwood, Mary Ann (1854–1942). Children’s nurse. Daughter of Edward Westwood, cheesemonger and later cab proprietor, and Jane Westwood, of Finsbury, Middlesex. Bernard Darwin’s nurse. Married Arthur Parslow in April 1881. (BMD (Birth index, Marriage index, Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/855/85/6 s.v. Mary A. Westbrook); letter from Emma Darwin to H. E. Litchfield, [11]

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April 1881 (DAR 219.9: 261); London, England, Church of England births and baptisms, 1813–1906 (Ancestry.com, accessed 26 September 2016).) Wheeler, George Montague (1842–1905). Army engineer and geographer. Director, survey of the United States west of the 100th meridian, 1871–88. (DAB.) Wheler, Elizabeth Anne (1808–1906). Daughter of Samuel Tertius and Frances Anne Violetta Galton. Sister of Francis Galton. Married Edward Wheler in 1845. (Darwin pedigree.) Whitaker, William (1836–1925). Geologist. Employed by the Geological Survey, 1857–96. Considered a pioneer of English hydrogeology. President, Geological Society of London, 1898–1900. FRS 1887. (ODNB.) White, Henry Kirke (1785–1806). Poet and essayist. (ODNB.) Whiteman, Richard Gilbert (1809–93). Parcels clerk. Clerk for the Great Western Railway, 1864–5. Manager, Star Parcels Office, 61 Foregate Street, Worcester. (England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1995 (Ancestry.com, accessed 27 September 2019); England, select births and christenings, 1538–1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed 27 September 2019); UK, Midlands and various UK trade directories, 1770–1941 (Ancestry.com, accessed 27 September 2019); UK, railway employment records, 1833–1956 (Ancestry.com, accessed 27 September 2019).) 5 May 1881 Whitley, Charles Thomas (1808–95). Clergyman and mathematician. Attended Shrewsbury School, 1821–6. BA, Cambridge, 1830. Reader in natural philosophy and mathematics, Durham University, 1833–55. Vicar of Bedlington, Northumberland, 1854–95. (Alum. Cantab.; Modern English biography.) Wiesner, Julius (1838–1916). Austrian botanist. Lecturer in physiological botany, Polytechnical Institute, Vienna, 1861; professor extraordinarius, 1868. Professor of plant physiology, School of Forestry, Mariabrunn, 1870. Professor of the anatomy and physiology of plants, and founding professor of the Institute of Plant Physiology of the University of Vienna, 1873–1909. Ennobled, 1909. (DBE; DSB.) 1 October 1881, 4 October 1881, 11 October 1881, 25 October 1881, 11 November 1881 Wilberforce, Samuel (1805–73). Clergyman. Rector of Brighstone, Isle of Wight, 1830–40; of Alverstoke, Hampshire, 1840–3. Chaplain to Prince Albert, 1841. Dean of Westminster, 1845. Bishop of Oxford, 1845–69. Bishop of Winchester, 1869–73. FRS 1845. (ODNB; Record of the Royal Society of London.) Wild, Henriette (b. 1849/50). French governess. May have been employed for Elizabeth Gaskell (Lily) Norton, when Norton was staying with her aunt and uncle, Sara and William Erasmus Darwin, in Bassett, Southampton, 1880–1. Employed by the Langmores, neighbours of William Erasmus Darwin, in 1891. (Census returns of England and Wales 1891 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG12/929/117/21); letter from Emma Darwin to H. E. Litchfield, [19] June 1881 (DAR 219.9: 266).) Wilkes, John (1725–97). Politician and journalist. MP for Aylesbury, 1757–63. Wrote Essay on woman (1754), a parody of Alexander Pope’s Essay on man. Convicted of

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libel for denouncing the prime minister and the king’s speech, 1763–4; in exile until 1768. Lord mayor of London, 1774–5. Returned to Parliament, 1774–90. (ODNB.) Wilks, Samuel, baronet (1824–1911). Physician, anatomist, and medical biographer. MB, London, 1848; MD 1850. MRCP 1851; FRCP 1856. Physician at Guy’s Hospital, 1867–85; an editor of Guy’s Hospital Reports, 1854–65. His lectures on morbid anatomy were published as Pathological anatomy, 1859. Harveian orator of the Royal College of Physicians, 1879; vice-president, 1890; president, 1896– 9. FRS 1870. Created baronet, 1897. (ODNB.) William Clowes & Sons. Printers. William Clowes (1807–83), eldest son of William Clowes (1779–1847), joined his father’s printing business in 1823; the name of the firm was changed to William Clowes & Sons in 1839. Printed the official catalogue of the Great Exhibition of 1851. Introduced improvements in music printing. Printers to John Murray. (ODNB.) 6 August [1881] Williams & Norgate. Booksellers and publishers specialising in foreign scientific literature, with premises at Covent Garden, London, and South Frederick Street, Edinburgh. A partnership between Edmund Sydney Williams (1817–91) and Frederick Norgate. Publishers of the Natural History Review. (Modern English biography s.v. Williams, Edmund Sidney; Post Office Edinburgh directory.) 20 February 1881, 16 August [1881] Williamson, William Crawford (1816–95). Surgeon and naturalist. Surgeon to the Chorlton-on-Medlock dispensary, Manchester, 1842–68; to the Manchester Institute for Diseases of the Ear, 1855–70. Professor of natural history, anatomy, and physiology, Owens College, Manchester, 1851–91. Began a comprehensive study of the plants of the coal measures in 1858. FRS 1854. (DSB; ODNB.) Wilson, Alexander (1766–1813). Scottish-born American ornithologist and poet. Emigrated to America, arriving in 1794; became an American citizen in 1804. Collected, illustrated, and described American birds. Published American ornithology (1808–14). Elected to the Society of Artists of the United States, 1812; American Philosophical Society, 1813. (ODNB.) Wilson, Alexander Stephen (1827–93). Scottish civil engineer and botanist. Trained as a civil engineer and worked mostly on railways in the north of Scotland. After his marriage into the Stephen family of North Kinmundy, concentrated on botany; worked in particular on agricultural subjects, including ergot in grasses, and improving yields in turnips and wheat. (R. Desmond 1994; Gardeners’ Chronicle, 25 November 1893, p. 665.) 14 April 1881, 16 April 1881 Wilson, Edmund Beecher (1856–1939). American embryologist, cytologist, and geneticist. Educated at Antioch College, Ohio, Chicago, and Sheffield Scientific School at Yale. PhD, Johns Hopkins, 1881. Visited Cambridge, Leipzig, and Naples, 1882–3. Professor of zoology, Columbia University, 1891–1928. In embryology, he worked on determining cell lineage and the use of mesoderm formation to establish homologies in early embryonic development. Published

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his seminal work, The cell in development and inheritance, in 1896. Studied the role of chromosomes and cytoplasmic influence in inheritance and showed that sex was determined chromosomally. (ANB; DSB.) 5 December 1881, 21 December 1881 Wilson, Edward (1813–78). Australian newspaper proprietor. Left England for Australia in 1841; proprietor of the Argus newspaper from 1848. Founded the Acclimatisation Society of Victoria in 1861. Moved back to England in 1864; moved to Hayes Place, Bromley, Kent, in 1867. Continued to be active in Australian affairs and promoting assisted emigration. A founder of the Colonial Society, 1868, and member of the council from 1868. (Aust. dict. biog.; ODNB.) Wilson, William James Erasmus (Erasmus) (1809–84). Dermatologist and philanthropist. Founding fellow of the Royal College of Surgeons of England, 1843; president, 1881. FRS 1845. (ODNB.) Wilson, William Powell (1844–1927). American botanist. Student at Michigan State Agricultural College, 1864–6/7; studied under Asa Gray at Harvard University, 1873–8, then at Göttingen, Berlin, and Tübingen. Doctor of science, Tübingen, 1880. Professor of plant physiology, then director of the School of Biology, University of Pennsylvania, 1884–96. Member of the American Philosophical Society, 1887; curator, 1902–27. Life member of the Marine Biological Laboratory at Woods Hole, Massachusetts. Instrumental in setting up the Philadelphia Museums, and widely involved in US trade and diplomacy. (Clinger 1927.) Wintle, Douglas James (1853–1947). Solicitor. (BMD (Birth index, Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/2524/88/39).) [before 9] December 1881, 9 December 1881 Woodhouse, Alfred James (1824–1906). Dentist at 1 Hanover Square, London. The Darwin family dentist. (British Dental Journal 210 (2011): 179–82, 227–30; CD’s Account book (Down House MS); Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG 9/42/67/30 s.v. ‘Wardhouse’); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858– 1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 26 March 2015); London, England, births and baptisms, 1813–1906 (Ancestry.com, accessed 26 March 2015); Post Office London directory.) Wortmann, Julius (1856–1925). German mycologist and plant physiologist. Studied natural sciences in Berlin and Würzburg; PhD, Würzburg, 1879. Assistant to Anton de Bary, Straßburg (Strasbourg), 1880–3; habilitated, 1883; lecturer in plant physiology, 1883–91. Director, Royal Research Station for Viticulture, Pomology, and Horticulture, Giesenheim, 1891–1921; Imperial Biological Institute for Agriculture and Forestry, Dahlem, 1907–21. An editor of Botanische Zeitung, 1888–98. (Muth 1926.) Wundt, Wilhelm Maximilian (Wilhelm) (1832–1920). German psychologist. PhD in medicine, University of Heidelberg, 1855. Assistant to Hermann von Helmholtz at Heidelberg, 1858–63, focusing on the physiology of sense

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perception. Professor extraordinarius, 1864–70; professor, 1871–3. Professor of philosophy, University of Leipzig, 1875. Established the Institute for Experimental Psychology at Leipzig in 1879. In his later career, concentrated on the development of language, myth, and art (or ‘folk psychology’). (DBE; DSB.) Würtenberger, Leopold (1846–86). German palaeontologist and geologist. Studied at Karlsruhe Polytechnikum, but unable to complete his degree owing to financial difficulties. Sent his manuscript on ammonites to Ernst Haeckel in 1872, but was unable to take a doctorate for his work owing to inability to pay the necessary fees. Employed as a technical assistant at the mint in Karlsruhe, 1874–6; assistant at the permanent exhibition of agricultural tools, machines, and educational material, 1876–7; assistant at the Central meteorological station, Karlsruhe, 1882. Published Studien über die Stammesgeschichte der Ammoniten in 1880. Assistant at the Meteorological Station, Karlsruhe, 1882. (Svojtka et al. 2009.) 26 July 1881, 3 August 1881, 5 August 1881 Yarrell, William (1784–1856). Zoologist. Newspaper agent and bookseller in London. Author of standard works on British birds and fishes. Fellow of the Linnean Society of London, 1825. Member of the Zoological Society of London from its formation in 1826. (ODNB.) Yeo, Gerald Francis (1845–1909). Irish physiologist. Professor of physiology, King’s College, London, 1875–90. Founding member and first secretary of the Physiological Society, 1875–90. FRS 1889. (ODNB.) Yokcushlu (Fuegia Basket) (b. c. 1820 d. 1883 or later). A Fuegian girl of the Alakaluf tribe brought to England in 1830 by Robert FitzRoy. In 1832, she returned to Tierra del Fuego in the Beagle. Learned English, Spanish, and Portuguese. Married Elleparu (York Minister), and remarried after his death. (Hazelwood 2000.) Young, Archibald (1820–1900). Advocate and commissioner of Scotch salmon fisheries. (Scotland, national probate index (calendar of confirmations and inventories), 1876–1936 (Ancestry.com, accessed 17 September 2020); Scotland, select births and baptisms, 1564–1950 (Ancestry.com, accessed 17 September 2020); Walpole and Young 1881.) Young, Edward Harry (1864–1955). Farmer. Worked land in Beesby, Lincolnshire, belonging to William Erasmus Darwin, in 1881. (1939 England and Wales Register (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG101/6432C); Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/3260/95/18); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1995 (Ancestry.com, accessed 18 December 2019); Worsley 2017, pp. 118–19.) Young, John (1835–1902). Scottish physician and geologist. Physician at the Royal Infirmary and Royal Lunatic Asylum, Edinburgh, until 1866. Worked on the Royal Geological Survey, 1860–6. Keeper of the Hunterian Museum, University of Glasgow, 1866. Professor of natural history and Honeyman Gillespie lecturer on geology, University of Glasgow, 1866–1901. (Medical directory 1861–5; WWW.)

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Biographical register

Zeiss, Carl (1816–88). German mechanic and industrialist. Founder of the Carl Zeiss optical firm in Jena, 1846. Following his success in producing cheaper and better simple microscopes than his competitors, Zeiss began to collaborate with Ernst Abbe, a theoretical physicist, on the development of advanced compound microscopes. (ADB.) Zeuschner, Ernst L. (b. 1814/15 d. c. 1885?). American electropathic physician. Born in Prussia. Barkeeper, 1870. Manufacturer of electrical apparatus for medical and philosophical purposes at 189 Vine Street, Cincinnati, Ohio, in 1881. Believed magnetism to be the basis of all substances and matters. (United States Federal Census 1870 (Cincinnati, Hamilton, Ohio 2/166A), 1880 (Cincinnati, Hamilton, Ohio 135/190A) (Ancestry.com, accessed 10 November 2020); Williams’ Cincinnati directory, Cincinnati: Williams & Co., 1877, p. 1141, 1881, p. 1376, and 1885, p. 1605.) 16 April 1881 Zincke, Foster Barham (1817–93). Clergyman, traveller and writer. Vicar of Wherstead and Freston near Ipswich, 1840–93. Appointed one of the queen’s chaplains, 1852. Travelled in Ireland, the USA, Egypt, and Switzerland. Contributed articles to periodicals, and wrote several books on education, travel, and politics. (ODNB.) 1 November 1881, 3 November 1881, 7 November 1881, 8 November 1881, 8 December 1881 Zöckler, Otto (1833–1906). German Lutheran theologian. Studied theology at Giessen to become a secondary school teacher, 1851–4. Studied for entrance to the Lutheran clergy at Friedberg, 1856. Habilitated in theology at Giessen and began teaching in 1856. Attended lectures on botany, zoology, chemistry, and experimental physics. Wrote several critiques of Darwinism based on theological and philosophical arguments. (BJDN; Gregory 1991; Gregory 1992.) Zöllner, Johann Karl Friedrich (1834–82). German astrophysicist. Studied physics and natural sciences in Berlin and Basel; doctorate, Basel, 1859. Worked in a private observatory on his father’s estate, where he developed new instruments for photometry and spectroscopy. Assistant, Leipzig observatory, 1862. Habilitated, 1865; professor of astrophysics, Leipzig, 1872. Became interested in spiritualism after seeing performances by Henry Slade; tried to explain Slade’s abilities in terms of his concept of a fourth spatial dimension. (ADB; Stromberg 1989.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY The following bibliography contains all the books and papers referred to in this volume by author–date reference or by short title. Short titles are used for some standard reference works (e.g. ODNB, OED), for CD’s books, and for editions of his letters and manuscripts (e.g., Descent, LL, Notebooks). Works referred to by short titles are listed in alphabetical order according to the title; those given author–date references occur in alphabetical order according to the author’s surname. Notes on manuscript sources are given at the end of the bibliography. ‘A Hindu youth’. 1878. Political liberty and the best means for its attainment by the natives of India by a Hindu youth now residing in Europe. N.p.: Adi Brahmo Samaj Press. ‘Action of carbonate of ammonia on chlorophyll’: The action of carbonate of ammonia on chlorophyll-bodies. By Charles Darwin. [Read 6 March 1882.] Journal of the Linnean Society of London (Botany) 19: 262–84. ‘Action of carbonate of ammonia on roots’: The action of carbonate of ammonia on the roots of certain plants. By Charles Darwin. [Read 16 March 1882.] Journal of the Linnean Society of London (Botany) 19: 239–61. ADB: Allgemeine deutsche Biographie. Under the auspices of the Historical Commission of the Royal Academy of Sciences. 56 vols. Leipzig: Duncker & Humblot. 1875– 1912. Adler, Hermann. 1877. Beiträge zur Naturgeschichte der Cynipiden: I. Ueber Parthenogenesis bei Rhodites roasae L. Deutsche Entomologische Zeitschrift 21: 209–48. Agassiz, Alexander. 1872–4. Revision of the Echini. 4 parts and an atlas of plates. Cambridge, Mass.: University Press. ––—. 1880. Paleontological and embryological development. Proceedings of the American Association for the Advancement of Science 29: 389–414. ——. 1881a. (Letter No. 5.) — To Carlile P. Patterson, superintendent United States Coast and Geodetic Survey, from Alexander Agassiz, on the explorations in the vicinity of the Tortugas, during March and April, 1881. Bulletin of the Museum of Comparative Zoology at Harvard College 9 (1881–2): 145–9. ——. 1881b. Report on the Echinoidea dredged by H.M.S. Challenger, during the years 1873–1876. Report on the scientific results of the voyage of the H.M.S. Challenger during the years 1873–76. Zoology. Vol. 3, part 9. London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office. ——. 1882. Explorations of the surface fauna of the Gulf Stream, under the auspices of the United States Coast Survey: II. The Tortugas and Florida Reefs. [Read 15 November 1882.] Memoirs of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences n.s. 11 (1885): 107–33.

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Agassiz, Alexander. 1883. Exploration of the surface fauna of the Gulf Stream: under the auspices of the Coast Survey. [Report] 3, part 1, The Porpitidæ and Velellidæ. Memoirs of the Museum of Comparative Zoology at Harvard College 8: no. 2. ——. 1888. Three cruises of the United States Coast and Geodetic Survey Steamer ‘Blake’ in the Gulf of Mexico, in the Caribbean Sea, and along the Atlantic coast of the United States, from 1877 to 1880. Boston and New York: Houghton, Mifflin and Company. Agassiz, George Russell, ed. 1913. Letters and recollections of Alexander Agassiz, with a sketch of his life and work. London: Constable & Co. Agassiz, Louis. 1837. Upon glaciers, moraines, and erratic blocks; being the address delivered at the opening of the Helvetic Natural History Society, at Neuchâtel, on the 24th of July 1837. Edinburgh New Philosophical Journal 24 (1837–8): 364–83. ——. 1840. Études sur les glaciers. Neuchâtel: Jent and Gassmann. ——. 1851. Extracts from the report of Professor Agassiz to the superintendent of the Coast Survey, on the examination of the Florida reefs, keys, and coast. Annual Report of the Superintendent of the Coast Survey (1851): 145–60. ——. 1880. Report on the Florida reefs. Memoirs of the Museum of Comparative Zoology at Harvard College 7: no. 1. Album Dorpat: Album academicum der Kaiserlichen Universität Dorpat. Compiled by A. Hasselblatt and D. Otto. Dorpat: C. Mattiesen. 1889. Allan, Mea. 1967. The Hookers of Kew, 1785–1911. London: Michael Joseph. Allen, Grant. 1881. The evolutionist at large. London: Chatto & Windus. Almagauer, Cynthia et al. 2014. Humulus lupulus – a story that begs to be told. A review. Journal of the Institute of Brewing 120: 289–314. Alum. Cantab.: Alumni Cantabrigienses. A biographical list of all known students, graduates and holders of office at the University of Cambridge, from the earliest times to 1900. Compiled by John Venn and J. A. Venn. 10 vols. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1922–54. Alum. Dublin.: Alumni Dublinenses. A register of the students, graduates, professors and provosts of Trinity College in the University of Dublin (1593–1860). New edition with supplement. Edited by George Dames Burtchaell and Thomas Ulick Sadleir. Dublin: Alex. Thom & Co. 1935. Alum. Oxon.: Alumni Oxonienses: the members of the University of Oxford, 1500–1886: … with a record of their degrees. Being the matriculation register of the university. Alphabetically arranged, revised, and annotated by Joseph Foster. 8 vols. London and Oxford: Parker & Co. 1887–91. AMS: American men of science: a biographical directory. Edited by James McKeen Cattell. 2d edition. New York: Science Press. 1910. ANB: American national biography. Edited by John A. Garraty and Mark C. Carnes. 24 vols. and supplement. New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press. 1999– 2002. Andrews, Thomas. 1869. The Bakerian lecture: On the continuity of the gaseous and liquid states of matter. [Read 17 June 1869.] Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London 159: 575–90.

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Ansted, David Thomas and Latham, Robert Gordon. [1893.] The Channel Islands. 3d edition. Revised and edited by Edmund Toulmin Nicolle. London: W. H. Allen & Co. Army list: The army list. London: printed for the compiler of the annual official army list; Her Majesty’s Stationery Office. 1815–1900. Arruda Furtado, Francisco d’. 1880a. Indagações sobre a complicação das maxillas de alguns helices naturalisados nos Açores com respeito ás das mesmas especias observadas por Moquin Tandon em França. Era Nova 1 (1880–1): 135–43. ——. 1880b. A proposito da distribuição dos molluscos terrestres nos Açores. Era Nova 1 (1880–1): 267–81. ——. 1881a. On Viquesnelia atlantica, Morelet & Drouet. Annals and Magazine of Natural History 5th ser. 7: 250–5. ——. 1881b. Pequenas contribuições para o estudo da origem das espécies malacológicas terrestres das ilhas dos Açores. Sobre alguns exemplares de ‘Helix aspersa’ Mull. recolhidas em paragens elevadas e áridas da ilha de S. Miguel. Era Nova 1 (1880–1): 548–52. ——. 1882. On a case of complete abortion of the reproductive organs of Vitrina. Annals and Magazine of Natural History 5th ser. 9: 397–9. Ashton, Rosemary. 1991. G. H. Lewes: a life. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Ashworth, John B. 2001. The history of Helensburgh and the surrounding area. Helensburgh: Portico Gallery. Atkins, Hedley J. B. 1974. Down, the home of the Darwins: the story of a house and the people who lived there. London: Royal College of Surgeons. Audubon, John James. 1831–[9]. Ornithological biography, or an account of the habits of the birds of the United States of America accompanied by descriptions of the objects represented in the work entitled ‘The birds of America’ and interspersed with delineations of American scenery and manners. 5 vols. Edinburgh: Adam Black; Adam & Charles Black. Aust. dict. biog.: Australian dictionary of biography. Edited by Douglas Pike et al. 14 vols. [Melbourne]: Melbourne University Press. London and New York: Cambridge University Press. 1966–96. Autobiography: The autobiography of Charles Darwin 1809–1882. With original omissions restored. Edited with appendix and notes by Nora Barlow. London: Collins. 1958. Aveling, Edward Bibbins. 1881. The student’s Darwin. London: Freethought Publishing Company. ——. 1883. The religious views of Charles Darwin. London: Freethought Publishing Company. Baca, Katie Ana. 2019. Beyond the university: elite Bostonian women’s organizations as sites of science learning, 1868–1910. Doctoral dissertation, Harvard University, Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. Baer, Karl Ernst von. 1859. Über Papuas und Alfuren. Ein Commentar zu den beiden ersten Abschnitten der Abhandlung ‘Crania Selecta ex Thesauris Anthropologicus Academiae Imperialis Petropolitanae.’ Mémoires de l’Académie impériale des sciences naturelles de Saint-Pétersbourg 6th ser. 8: 269–346.

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NOTES ON MANUSCRIPT SOURCES The majority of the manuscript sources cited in the footnotes to the letters are either in the Darwin Archive, Cambridge University Library, or at Down House, Downe, Kent. Further details about the Darwin Archive are available in the Handlist of Darwin papers at the University Library Cambridge (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1960) and the unpublished supplementary handlist available at the library; a new catalogue of the papers is currently being prepared. Further details about the manuscripts at Down House are available in Philip Titheradge, ed. The Charles Darwin Memorial at Down House, Downe, Kent, revised ed. ([Downe: Down House Museum], 1981) and from the curator (The Curator, Down House, Downe, Kent, BR6 7JT). In addition, there are a number of named sources that are commonly used in the footnotes: for each of these, the editors have provided brief descriptive notes. Many manuscript sources are now available online through Cambridge Digital Library (cudl.lib.cam.ac.uk), the Darwin Manuscripts Project (www.amnh. org/our-research/darwin-manuscripts-project), and at The complete work of Charles Darwin online (darwin-online.org.uk). CD’s Account books (Down House MS). This series of seventeen account books begins on 12 February 1839, a fortnight after CD and Emma’s marriage, and ends with CD’s death. The books contain two sets of accounts. From the start, CD recorded his cash account according to a system of double-entry bookkeeping. On each left-hand page he recorded credits (i.e., withdrawals from the bank, either in the form of cash paid to himself or cheques drawn for others), and on each right-hand page he recorded debits (i.e., cash or cheques paid to others). CD also recorded details of his banking account from the start, but only noted them down in a single column at the bottom of the left-hand page of his cash account. In August 1848, however, he began a system of detailing his banking account according to double-entry book-keeping, in a separate chronological section at the back of each account book. On the left, he recorded credits to the account in the form of income (i.e., investments, rent, book sales, etc.). On the right, he recorded debits to the account (i.e., cash or cheque withdrawals). CD’s Classed account books (Down House MS). This series of four account books, covering the years 1839–81, runs parallel to CD’s Account books. For each year, September–August (after 1867, January–December), CD divided his expenditure into different classes; in addition, he made a tally for the year of his income, expenditure, cash in hand, and money in the bank. From 1843, CD also compiled at the back of each book a separate account of the total expenditure under the various headings in each year, and from 1844 he added

Notes on manuscript sources

907

a full account of his income in each year, and of capital invested and ‘paid’ up.CD’s Experimental notebook (DAR 157a). This notebook contains notes on some of the experiments carried out between 13 November 1855 (with some back references) and 20 May 1868; the majority of the notes date from before 1863. Often only the details of the experiment attempted are given, usually with cross-references to results recorded in CD’s portfolios of notes. The notebook also contains a number of letters to CD. CD’s Investment book (Down House MS). This book records for each of CD’s investments the income received during the period 1846–81. CD’s ‘Journal’. See Appendix II. CD’s Library catalogue (DAR 240). This manuscript catalogue of CD’s scientific library was compiled by Thomas W. Newton, assistant librarian of the Museum of Practical Geology, London, in August 1875. Additions to the catalogue were later made by Francis Darwin (who inherited most of his father’s scientific library) and by H. W. Rutherford, who apparently used this catalogue as a basis for compiling his Catalogue of the library of Charles Darwin now in the Botany School, Cambridge (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1908). However, there are items listed in this manuscript catalogue that do not appear in Rutherford’s published catalogue, and which must have been dispersed after being listed. Down Coal and Clothing Club account book (Down House MS). CD was for some years treasurer of this charitable organisation. The account book records subscriptions made by honorary subscribers between 1841 and 1876; between 1848 and 1869 the entries are in CD’s handwriting. For the years 1841–8 and 1868–76, there is also a statement of expenditures, though not in CD’s handwriting. Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242). This is a series of small pocket diaries, in which Emma recorded details of the health of family members, trips made by herself, CD, and their children, school holidays, and visits to Down by others. The collection at CUL comprises diaries for the years 1824, 1833–4, 1839–45, and 1848–96. H. E. Litchfield’s autobiography (DAR 246). This unfinished autobiography, written in 1926 on forty-two loose leaves, and chiefly concerning Henrietta Emma Darwin’s childhood, has never been published. List of pamphlets (DAR 252.4). This is a catalogue of CD’s pamphlet collection prepared by CD and Francis Darwin in 1878 (see the letter from Emma Darwin to Henrietta Emma Litchfield, [ June 1878] (DAR 219.9: 175)). From about 1878 CD began to arrange the articles, papers, and reprints he received into a numbered collection. CD maintained this reprint collection until his death, when it was taken over by Francis Darwin. Francis continued the collection, adding new items, the numbers running consecutively from those of his father. Evidently, until this catalogue was prepared, CD used a working index similar to that of his ‘List of reviews’. The catalogue is in two sections, a list of the quarto collection and one of the general collection. Both

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sections are alphabetically arranged with the entries pasted on sheets in a looseleaf folder. List of reviews (DAR 262.8: 9–18 (English Heritage MS: 88206151– 60)). This manuscript, headed ‘List Reviews of Origin of Sp & of C. Darwins Books’, was CD’s working index to his collection of reviews of his own books. It corresponds approximately to the review collection in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL, but includes some items that were dispersed after being listed. Reading notebooks. See Correspondence vol. 4, Appendix IV. These notebooks are divided into sections entitled ‘Books Read’ and ‘Books to be Read’. CD’s entries in ‘Books Read’ often include a brief opinion of the work. Scrapbook of reviews (DAR 226.1 and 226.2). Many of the reviews contained in these two volumes bear CD’s annotations and thus were evidently collected by CD. However, the scrapbook seems to have been assembled by Francis Darwin: the tables of contents are in the handwriting of H. W. Rutherford, an assistant at Cambridge University Library who acted as a copyist for Francis on several occasions (see Francis Darwin and A. C. Seward, eds. More letters of Charles Darwin (London: John Murray, 1903), 1: x, and Francis Darwin, ed. The foundations of the Origin of Species. Two essays written in 1842 and 1844 by Charles Darwin (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1909)). In addition, the scrapbook is identified as Francis’s in a note (DAR 226.1: 132a) made in 1935 by Arthur Keith, whose appeal led to the purchase of Down House as a Darwin memorial (see Arthur Keith, An autobiography (London: Watts & Co., 1950)). DAR 226.1 bears the inscription ‘Reviews of C. Darwin’s works’ on the spine, and contains, among others, reviews of Origin and Orchids; DAR 226.2 is inscribed: ‘Reviews. Descent. Expression. Insect. Pl. Eras. D.’ W. E. Darwin’s botanical notebook (DAR 117). This notebook contains observational and experimental notes on plants made by William, often in consultation with CD. The first observation bears the date 13 July 1862, and, although the date of the last observation is 26 June 1870, most of the notes were made between 1862 and 1864. The notebook originally contained letters from CD, but these were later removed. William entered notes made from botanical textbooks in a separate notebook (DAR 234). W. E. Darwin’s botanical sketchbook (DAR 186: 43). This sketchbook, which contains entries dated 1862–72, was evidently begun in parallel to William’s botanical notebook. It contains ink drawings of various parts of plants, and of sections, together with descriptions, which are sometimes very extensive.

INDEX The dates of letters to and from Darwin’s correspondents are listed in the biographical register and index to correspondents and are not repeated here. Darwin’s works are indexed under the short titles used throughout this volume and listed in the bibliography. The abbreviation FD refers to Francis Darwin, ED has been used for Erasmus Darwin (1731–1802), and CD is Charles Darwin. Abbe, Ernst 280 & 282 n8, 288 & n2, 288 & 289 n4, 669 & n8 Aberdeen, Free Church College 35 & 36 n1 Abies pectinata (silver fir; A. alba) 479 & n5 Abinger estate, Surrey 58 & 59 nn 1–2, 517 & n4, 580 & 581 n2, n4 aboriginal people: Ainu 88 & 90 n6; Australian 329 & nn 1–2; Fuegians xxii–xxiii, 139–40 & 140 nn 4–5, 144 & n2, 581 & 581–2 nn 2–5 absorption, in roots xx, 244 & 245 n4, 479 & 481 n5, 494 & 495 nn 12–13 Acacia 246 & 247 n5, 662 & 663 n5 Acacia farnesina 217 n3, 660 n3 Acacia lophantha (plume albizia; Paraserianthes lophantha) 301 & 302 n3, 350 & 351 n8, 675 & 676 n8 Academy: review of Movement in plants 115–16 & 117 n3 acidity, of soil 78–9 & 79 n1, 105 & 106 nn 1–11, 110 & nn 1–3 Acland, Henry Wentworth 184 Actiniaria (sea anemones) 465 & n4 actinic light 122 & n3 ‘Action of carbonate of ammonia on chlorophyll’ (CD) 480 n4, 697 & 699 n4 ‘Action of carbonate of ammonia on roots’ (CD) 481 n5, 495 nn 12–13, 506 nn 2–3, n5, 515 & 516 n7, 564 & n2, n4, 572 n3, n5 Adams, John Couch 548 & n3 ‘Adam’s apple’, fruit 365 & n2 Adam’s needle (Yucca filamentosa) 607–8 & 608 n4 Adler, Hermann 333 & 333–4 n2 Aegoceratidae 323 & 324 n4, 671 & 672 n4 Aequipecten opercularis see Pecten opercularis aeronautics 94 & n2, 97 & n1, 652 & n2

Africa, mountains 2–3, 7 & 8 nn 1–2, 111 & 112 n7, 356 & n7 Agassiz, Alexander: address, ‘Paleontological and embryological development’ 225 & n8; CD on Agassiz’s address xxiii–xxiv, 204–5 & 205 nn 7–8, 248 & n4; CD on connection between ocean trenches and mountain ranges 247–8 & 248 n3; CD on coral reef formation 203–4 & 205 nn 1–6; CD thanks for letter on coral reefs 247 & 248 nn 1–2; CD thanks for sending publications 248 & n5; coral reefs of the Tortugas and Florida 166–7 & 167 nn 1–4, 224–5 & 225 nn 1–7 Agassiz, Louis 166 & 167 n3, 410 n4 age, CD’s views on old age xvii, 152, 268 aggregation of protoplasm xx–xxi, 396 & 397 n6, 436 & n4, 468 & 469 nn 8–9, 509 & 510 nn 2–3, 545 & 546 n2 Agrius convolvuli see Sphinx convolvuli Ainu people 88 & 90 n6 air balloons 94 & n2, 652 & n2 Airy, George Biddell 256 & 257 n10 Alakaluf people 140 & 141 n5, 581 & 582 n5 Albert Edward, prince of Wales xxv, 249 & n1, 250 & nn 1–2, 252 & 253 n12, 305 & 306 n12, 309 & n2, 336 & 337 n4, 698 & 699 n21 Alberts, Karl 216 & 217 n5, 660 & 661 n5; decides to sell Kosmos 199 n2 albumin 289–90 & 290 n3, 292 & n8 Alcyonacea (soft corals; sea fans) 224 & 225 n3 Alcyonaria (Octocorallia) 633 & 634 n1 aleurone 509 & 510 n4, 567 & n3 Alexander, Samuel Maxwell 131–2 & 132 nn 5–6, 136 & n2 Alexandra, ship 427 & 428 n1

910

Index

algae 157 & n5, 620 n2, 654 & n5 alimentary canal 110, 452 & n3 Alisma macrophyllum (Echinodorus macrophyllus) 31 & 35 n3 Allen, Grant: CD asks about his health 98 & n2; CD comments on his book The evolutionist at large 98 & n1; CD contributed to a fund to send him and his family to the French Riviera 98 n2, 101, 589 & n1; CD sends Origin 6th ed. 589 & n3; in much better health and able to work as normal 101 & n3; publisher Chatto & Windus 98 & n3; reimburses those who subscribed to a fund that allowed him to spend winter on the Riviera 589 & n1; thanks CD for copy of Origin 6th ed. 594 & nn 1–2; thanks CD for his comments on The evolutionist at large 101 & nn 1–2 Allen, Henry George: visits Down 582 & n3 Alley, Joseph John 625 & n5, 695 & n5 Allium acuminatum (taper-tip onion) 352 & n5 Allium caeruleum (blue globe onion) 352 & n5 Allium descendens (round-headed garlic; A. sphaerocephalon sphaerocephalon) 352 & n5 Allium neapolitanum (white garlic) 352 & n5 Allium sativum (garlic) 352 & n3 Allman, George James: Civil List pension for A.R. Wallace 12 & n4, 12–13 & 13 n2 alpine plants 2–3 & 3 nn 1–2 Alstroemeria (lily of the Incas) 497 & 498 n5, 686 & n5 America see USA American Journal of Science 69 & n1, 70 & 71 n1 ammonites 323 & 324 nn 3–4, 671 & 671–2 nn 3–4 ammonium carbonate 479 & 480–1 nn 4–5, 494 & 495 nn 12–13, 500 & n5, 505 & 506 n1, 515 & 516 n1, 532 & n9, 539 & 540 n3, 563 & 564 n2, n4, 572 & nn 1–5, 697 & 699 n4 anaesthetics, use in vivisection 184, 189 Anagallis (pimpernels) 498 & n6, 686 & 687 n6 Anagallis arvensis (scarlet pimpernel) 498 & n7, 686 & 687 n7 Anagallis filiformis 498 & n7, 686 & 687 n7 Anagallis foemina (poorman’s weatherglass) 498 & n7, 686 & 687 n7 Andes, mountains 248 n3 Andrews, Thomas 289 & 290 n3 Anemone pulsatilla (pasque flower) 267 & 267–8 n1, 269 & n2 animals, humane treatment of 187 & 188 n5, 190 & n2, 198 & nn 2–3 Annelida 500–1 & 501 nn 1–5 Antarctic beech (Fagus antarctica; Nothofagus antarctica) 55 & 58 n10, 644 & 646 n10 Antarctica 344 & 346 n10

anteversion 204 & 205 n8 anthers: different colours xxi, 143 & 144 nn 2–4, n6, 145 & nn 2–4, 153 & n2, 159 & 159–60 n4, n8 anthocyanins 632 nn 1–2 Anthony, John 184 & 186 n19 Anthoptilum grandiflorum see Virgularia grandiflora Anthus chii (yellowish pipit; A. lutescens) 418 & 419 n4, 526 & 527 n7 Anti-Aggression League xxv, 420 & n1, 420 & n2 Antipatharia (black corals) 224 & 225 n3 ants 276 & 277 n7, 526 & n4, 546 & n2, 614 & n3, 622 & 624 n7, 666 & 667 n7 Antwerp Waterworks Company 233–4 & 234 nn 2–3 Apios tuberosa (groundnut; potato bean; A. americana) 70 & 71 n2 Apium graveolens (celery) 70 & 71 n2 Apodemus sylvaticus (wood mouse) 150 & 151 n6 D. Appleton & Co. 324 & 325 n2, 328 & 329 n2; royalties paid to CD from US editions 137–8 & 138 nn 1–2, 510–11 & 511 nn 1–2; sent presentation copy of Earthworms 703 & 704 n63 Arctic, fossils 344 & 346 n10 Ardea nycticorax (night-heron; black-crowned night heron; N. nycticorax) 499 & n1 Arecaceae see Palmae Argynnis selene (small pearl-bordered fritillary; Boloria selene) 128 & 129 n6 Ariannes delicatulus 262 & 264 n7, 665 & 666 n7 Arion ater (black slug) 636 & n5 Arion rufus (red slug) 636 & n5 Armati 323 & 324 n4, 671 & 672 n4 army ants (Neivamyrmex) 614 & n3 Arouet, François Marie 94 & 94–5 n3, 652 & n3 arrowroot (Maranta arundinacea) 31 & 35 n4 Arruda Furtado, Francisco de xxiii, 388 & 389 n8; CD informs that J.D. Hooker would be interested to see his seeds 398 & 399 n12; CD sends a copy of A.R. Wallace’s Geographical distribution 377 & nn 1–2, 381 & n5, 501 & 502 n1; CD suggests areas of research on the Azores 298–9 & 299 nn 1–8; CD suggests he investigate cypress trunks that J.D. Hooker says have been found in the Azores 398 & 399 n2; CD will contact J.D. Hooker about Arruda Furtado’s plant collecting 377 & n3, 380–1 & 381 nn 5–7; fauna and flora of the Azores 261–2 & 262–4 nn 1–8, 292 & n11, 664–5 & 665–6 nn 1–8; fossils found on the Azores 554 & 555 nn 3–5, n8, 692 & nn 3–5, 693 n8; on his research on the Azores 357–8 & 358 nn 1–5, 676–7 & 677 nn 1–5;

Index seed used as a snuff box by fishermen 554 & 555 nn 6–7, 692 & 693 nn 6–7; sends details of cockroach eggs covered in chalk 477 & 478 nn 1–3, 553–4 & 555 n2, 683 & nn 1–3, 692 & n2; sends details of cockroach eggs covered in chalk, CD’s response 501–2 & 502 n2; thanks CD for his letter suggesting areas of research on the Azores 325–6 & 326 nn 1–7, 672 & 673 nn 1–7; thanks CD for sending A.R. Wallace’s Geographical distribution 464 & n2, 682 & 683 n2; on A.R. Wallace’s books 358 & n4, 676–7 & 677 n4; writing to J.D. Hooker and sending plants 464 & nn 3–4, 682 & 683 nn 3–4 Artemia (brine shrimp) 81 & n4 Arthrostemma 145 & n5 ascidians 632 & n4 Asher & Co., booksellers: payment for a parcel addressed to CD 573 & n1 Ashley-Cooper, Anthony 191 n3, 197 n3, 208 & 209 n2 Aspidoceras 323 & 324 n4, 671 & 672 n4 Asplenium ruta-muraria (wall-rue) 60 & n6 Asplenium scolopendrium (hart’s tongue fern) 60 & n6 Asplenium trichomanes (maidenhair spleenwort) 142 & 143 nn 1–4, 154 & n1 Asteraceae see Compositae Asteroidea (starfish; sea stars) 224 & 225 n3 Astronomer Royal 256 & 257 n10 Athenæum 460 & n4; S. Butler’s letter regarding Evolution, old and new 15 n4, 28 n5, 70 & n2, 91 & 92 n10, 222 & 222–3 n3, 642 n5, 650 & 651 n10; negative review of Origin (1859) 599 & n2; review of Earthworms 515 n1 athletics meeting 400 & 401 n6 atolls 203–4 & 205 nn 2–6 Atyoida potimirim (tiny shrimp; neon shrimp; Potimirim potimirim) 222 & 223 n5, 481 & 482 n5 Audubon, John James 498–9 & 499 n1 Australia 329 & 329–30 nn 1–4, 334 & n2, 356 Australian aborigines (James Dawson) 329 & nn 1–2 Autographa gamma see Plusia gamma autographs (CD’s): E.W. Bok, CD sends to xxii, 209–10 & 210 n1; colleague of FD 315 & 316 n12; A. Engelhardt asks for and CD sends xxii, 165 & n2, 166 & nn 1–2, 654–5 & 655 n2; E.F. Gladwin, CD sends to 572 & 573 n1; W.H. Goodwin asks for 240 & nn 1–3; J.T. Page, CD sends to 357 & n1; G.W. Turner, asks for 599 Aveling, Edward Bibbens xxvi; CD thanks for sending book, The student’s Darwin 352–3 & 353 nn 1–3; requests meeting with CD for L. Büchner 423 & nn 1–2; sent presentation

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copy of Earthworms 702 & 704 n37; The student’s Darwin 348 & 349 n5, 349 & nn 1–2; teaches science classes 423 & n1; visits Down 423 & n2 Avena sativa (oat) 164 & 165 n4 Averrhoa bilimbi (bilimbi; cucumber tree) 107 & 108 n9 AWARDS AND POSITIONS (CD)

see Darwin, Charles Robert, AWARDS AND POSITIONS

awns 267–8 n1 ‘axles’ (Darwin family word) 226 & 227 n2 Axon, William Edward Armytage 624 & 625 n2, 695 & n2 azaleas (Rhododendron) 322 & 323 n6 Azores xxiii, 261–2 & 262–4 nn 1–8, 292 & n11, 298–9 & 299 nn 1–7, 325–6 & 326 nn 1–7, 357–8 & 358 nn 1–5, 377 & n3, 380–1 & 381 nn 5–7, 388 & 389 nn 7–8, 398 & 399 n2, 464 & nn 3–5, 554 & 555 nn 3–8, 664–5 & 665–6 nn 1–8, 672 & 673 nn 1–7, 676–7 & 677 nn 1–5, 682 & 683 nn 3–5, 692 & 692–3 nn 3–8 Azteca 276 & 277 n7, 666 & 667 n7 BAAS see British Association for the Advancement of Science babies 135 & 136 n1, 150 & n2, 152 & n3 see also child development Babington, Charles Cardale 592 & n3 Bache, Benjamin Franklin 199–200 & 200 n4, 220, 248 & 249 n2 Bacillus anthracis 595 n4 Bacon, Booth 336 & 337 n2 Badel, Pauline 236 & n3 Baer, Karl Ernst von 359 & 360 n3, 362 & n3 Baily, Walter: CD on beetles attacking worms, and the noise made by worms dragging leaves into their burrows 630 & nn 1–2 Bain, Alexander 435 & 436 n3 Baird, Spencer Fullerton 202 & nn 1–2 Baker, John Gilbert: article in Nature, ‘Plants of Madagascar’ 2 & 3 n2, 7 & 8 nn 1–2, 356 & 357 n8 Balfour, Francis Maitland 387 & n2, 475 & 476 n1; CD meets in Cambridge 481, 698 & 699 n29; CD on his translation of E. Krause’s letter in Nature 69 & n1, 71 & 72 n1; CD would like him to translate E. Krause’s letter and send to Nature 45 & nn 2–4, 69 & n1; opinion of S. Butler’s attack on CD 49 & nn 2–3; translated E. Krause’s letter and sent to Nature xviii, 38 & 39 n5, 45 & 46 n2, 49 & nn 1–2, 92 & 92–3 n12, 642 & 643 n2, 650 & 651 n12; A treatise on comparative embryology 628

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Index

Balfour, Francis Maitland, cont. & n2; A treatise on comparative embryology, CD thanks for volume 2, suggests giving spare copy to F. Müller 303 & nn 1–2, 309 & n1, 481 & 482 n4; visits Down 38 & 39 n5, 43 & n6, 45 & n1, 49 & n4, 415 & 416 n11, 698 & 699 n5, n26 Balfour, Isaac Bayley 592 & n5 Ball, Robert Stawell 259 & n6; admirer of G.H. Darwin’s work xxv, 256 & n2, 265 & 266 n11, 270 & 271 n11, 568 & n2 bamboo 32 & 35 n6 bankruptcy law 3 & 4 n5 barnacles 238 & 238 n2 Barnes, Kate: Syracuse Botanical Club elected CD honorary and corresponding member 174–5 & 175 n1 Barnum, Phineas Taylor 150 n2 barrier reefs 203–4 & 205 nn 2–6 Bartleet, Robert Smith: has read Earthworms, and asks about the behaviour of gnats 544–5 & 545 nn 1–3 Bary, Anton Heinrich de 495 n9, 515 & 516 n3, n6, 532 & n10, 545 & 546 n2, 605–6 n3; experiments on cress seedlings 274 & 275 n6; FD works in his laboratory at the Botanical Institute, Strasbourg xx, xxvi, 211 n1, 211 n4, 212 & 213 n2, 217 & 219 n1, 222 & 223 n7, 226–7 & 227 n11, 228 & n1, 231 & 231–2 nn 6–7, 232 & 233 n2, nn 5–6, 241–2 & 242 nn 1–4, 250–1 & 251 nn 5–7, 268 & 269 n7, 270 & n4, 278 & 279 n6, 314 & 315 n2, 392 & 393 n12, 469 n7, 537 & 538 n6, 679 & 680 n12; FD’s opinion of 270 & n4; sent presentation copy of Earthworms 703 & 704 n57 Basket, Fuegia (Yokcushlu) 140 & 141 n5, 581 & 582 n5 Batalin, Alexander Fedorovich 279 & 279–80 n4 Bates, Henry Walter 278 & 279 n8; CD informs that W.E. Gladstone has approved Civil List pension for A.R. Wallace 21 & n1; CD on memorial for a Civil List pension for A.R. Wallace 8 & nn 1–2; Civil List pension for A.R. Wallace 12 & n4, 12–13 & 13 n2; elected fellow of the Royal Society of London 155 & 156 n3 Bauhinia 162–3 & 163 n6 Baxter, William Walmisley: CD requests Vaseline, and bear’s grease to soften his beard 85 & nn 1–2 Beach, Julia Backus 193 & 195 n3, 313 & 314 n5 Beach, Nellie Knickerbacker 193 & 195 n4

Beachy Head, East Sussex 68 n4 Beagle voyage 19 & 20 n3, 60 n1, 142 n7, 203–4 & 205 n3, 326 & n3, 334 n2, 346 & n3, 560 n1, 571 & n3, 582 n5, 627 & 628 n1, 672 & 673 n3; longevity of crew 428 & nn 6–8, 429 & 430 n3 beans 31 & 35 n5, 89 & 90 n9 Bear, William Edwin 473 n3 beards 85 & n2 beargrass (Yucca angustifolia; Y. glauca) 426 n3, 607–8 & 608 n4 bears 205–6 & 206 nn 1–3 bear’s grease 85 & n2 Beaufort, North Carolina 583 & 585 n3 Beaulieu Abbey, Hampshire 68 & n2, 73 & n3 bees 61 & 62 n3, 128 & 129 n10, 159 & 160 n8, 286 & n3, 403 & 404 n1, 405 & nn 1–2, 416 n3 Beesby Farm, Lincolnshire 98–9 & 99 n3, 101 & 102 nn 2–3 Beethoven, Ludwig van 270 & n9 beetles 399 & n1, 635 & 636 nn 1–3 Behrens, Wilhelm 251 & n8 Belgium: cat racing 121 n2, 149 & n4; hops 549–50 & 550 nn 1–3, 691 & nn 1–3 Belgium Royal Botanical Society: elects CD as associate member 202 & nn 1–2, 659 & nn 1–2 Belt, Thomas 278 & 279 n8 Bembex (Bembix) 171 n9, 286 & n2 Bennett, James Risdon 615 & n6 Bentham, George 145 & n6, 273 & n3, 603 & 604 n1; work on Genera plantarum 268 & 268–9 nn 2–3 Bentham, Jeremy 182 & 186 n8 Berlin Zoological Gardens 581 & n2 Berman, Isabella 193 & 195 n3, 313 & 314 n5 Beveridge, Andrew (1796–1872) 431 & 433 n2 Beveridge, Andrew (1822–46) 431 & 433 n3 Beveridge, Peter: sends CD his observations on inheritance 431 & 433 nn 1–4, 433 Beyrich, Ernst 293 & 294 n2 Biddulph, Fanny see Myddelton Biddulph, Fanny bilby (rabbit-eared bandicoot; Macrotis lagotis) 329 & 330 n4 bilimbi (Averrhoa bilimbi) 107 & 108 n9 Billings, John Shaw: CD invites to Down and gives details of trains 440–1 & 441 nn 1–3; sends CD paper by G.M. Sternberg, and asks if he may visit Down 437 & 437–8 nn 1–5; visits Down 698 & 699 n27 Biophytum umbraculum see Oxalis sensitiva Bird, Isabella Lucy: observations on Ainu people of Sakhalin Island 88 & 90 n6

Index birds: bird-powered flying machines xxii, 94 & n2, 97 & n1, 652 & n2; as means of seed dispersal 7 & 8 n4 Birds (CD): Anthus chii 419 n4 bird’s foot euphorbia (Euphorbia ornithopus) 479 & 481 n5 Birkett, Thomas: asks whether earthworms eat grass roots 561 & nn 1–3 Birmingham Philosophical Society: elected CD first honorary member 454 n1 birthday greetings: F.A. Dohrn 99 & 100 n1; E. Haeckel 86 & 87 n2, 648 & 649 n2; E. Krause 90–1 & 92 n2, 649 & 651 n2 Bishop, Esther Mary 193 & 195 n6, 313 & 314 n7 Bishop, Irving Prescott: inheritance of physical characteristics 192–4 & 195 nn 1–7, 208 & nn 1–3, 313 & 314 n4 Bishop, Washington Irving 290 & 291 n5, 297 & 298 n6 black bear 205–6 & 206 nn 1–3 black bread mould (Mucor stolonifer; Rhizopus stolonifer) 227 n4, n6, 274 & 275 n4, 292 & n7 black corals (Antipatharia) 224 & 225 n3 Black Forest 232 & 233 n7 black locust (Robinia pseudoacacia) 50 & 51 n5, 52 & n7, 55 & 58 n5, 74 & n6, 76 & 77 n1, 643 & 646 n5 black slug (Arion ater) 636 & n5 black-crowned night heron (N. nycticorax) 499 & n1 bladderwort (Utricularia) 484 & n2 Blair, Jessie Alice 258 & n4, 287 & n3 Blair, Reuben Almond: CD congratulates on discovery of mastodon remains 287 & nn 1–2; on discovery of mastodon remains and admiration for Origin of species 257–8 & 258 nn 2–3; malformed goose wings 257 & 258 n1 Blatta 501–2 & 502 n2 Blattodea 477 & 478 n3, 609 n7, 683 & n3 bloodwood tree (Haematoxylon campechianum) 162 & 163 n3 bloom on plants 58 & n11, 159 & 160 n6, 189 & nn 1–3, 350 & 351 nn 8–9, 385 & 386 n1, 497 & 498 nn 4–5, 646 & n11, 675 & 676 nn 8–9, 686 & nn 4–5; CD’s work on 301, 360 & n8, 396 & 397 n5, 612 & 613 n4; FD’s work on 160 n6, 211 n2, 397 n5 blowfly (Musca vomitoria; Calliphora vomitoria) 360 & 361 n2 Bloxam, Francis Richard Turner 547 & 548 n1 blue globe onion (Allium caeruleum) 352 & n5 Blytt, Axel 345 & 346 n17, 354 & 355 n14, 355 & 356 n2, 360 & n7, 380 & 381 n2; CD thanks for essay and photograph 312 & nn 1–2

913

boa constrictor 622 & 623 n4 Boas, Johan Erik Vesti 83 & 84 n7, 647–8 & 648 n7 Bogle, Blanche Eleanora Bourchier 424 n1 Bogle, John Du Terreau 424 & n1 bogus yucca moth (Produxus decipiens) 607–8 & 608 n3 Bok, Edward William: CD sends his autograph xxii, 209–10 & 210 n1 Bolivia 78 n3 Boloria selene see Argynnis selene Bombus (humble bees) 128 & 129 n10, 286 & n3 Bonney, Thomas George 519 & 520 n3 Bonnier, Gaston: Les nectaires: étude critique, anatomique et physiologique 218 & 219 n7 Bonwill, William Gibson Arlington 219 n9 Borrowdale, Lake District 290–1 & 291 n6, 295 & n5 Bosanquet, Mary Henrietta 259 & 260 n3 Bosanquet, Samuel Courthope 259 & 260 n3 Bosca’s newt (Triton boscai; Lissotriton boscai) 611 & 612 n3, 694 & n3 Botanical Institute, Strasbourg xx, xxvi, 211 n1, 211 n4, 217 & 219 n1, 222 & 223 n7, 226–7 & 227 n11, 228 & n1, 231 & 232 n7, 232 & 233 n2, nn 5–6, 241–2 & 242 nn 1–4, 250–1 & 251 nn 5–7, 268 & 269 n7, 270 & n4, 278 & 279 n6, 314 & 315 n2, 392 & 393 n12, 469 n7, 537 & 538 n6; FD’s description of 212 & 213 n2 Botanische Jahresbericht 544 & n9 Botanische Zeitung 218 & 219 n14, 314 & 315 n4 Botrychium lunaria (moonwort) 60 & n6 Botrychium matricariaefolium (daisy-leaf moonwort; B. matricariifolium) 60 & n6 Botrychium simplex (least moonwort) 60 & n6 Bouillaud, Jean-Baptiste 182 & 186 n6 Bowman, William 482 & 483 n3, 614 & 615 n5, 618 & 619 n7 box (Buxus sempervirens) 500 & n6 Boycott, Thomas 112 & 114 n8 Brachystomia eulimoides see Odostomia eulimoides Bradlaugh, Charles 94 & 95 n5, 97 & n3, 652 & 653 n5 bramble (Rubus fruticosus) 275 & n8 Branchipus 81 & n4 Brand, Henry 621 n3, 621 & 622 n2 Brassica 535 & 536 n4, 689–90 & 690 n4 Brassica oleracea (cabbage) 174 n7 Brazil 276–7 & 277–8 nn 1–16, 317 & n1, 666–7 & 667–8 nn 1–16; Itajai Açu 498 & n6, 686 & 687 n6 Brazilian firetree (Schizolobium parahyba) 246 & 247 n5, 301 & 302 n4, 396 & 397 n3, 662–3 & 663 n5

914

Index

bread 110 & n5 breathing, rapid 218 & 219 n9 Bree, William Thomas 426 & n1 Breese, Charles James: sends CD abstract of a paper about luminous earthworms 525 & nn 1–2 Breitenbach, Wilhelm 282 & 283 n4, 301 & 302 n6, 350 & 351 n4, 675 & 676 n4; CD glad he has arrived safely in Brazil, and suggests areas of research 278 & 278–9 nn 1–8; CD sending a copy of Movement in plants 278 & 279 n6; research in Brazil 276–7 & 277–8 nn 1–16, 391–2 & 392 nn 3–11, 666–7 & 667–8 nn 1–16, 678–9 & 679 nn 3–11; thanks CD for sending a copy of Movement in plants 391 & 392 n2, 678 & 679 n2 Brewer, Thomas Mayo 499 & nn 1–2 Bridges, Bertha Milman 141 & 142 n6 Bridges, Mary Ann 141 & 142 n6 Bridges, Mary Ann Varder 141 & 142 n6 Bridges, Stephen Lucas 141 & 142 n6 Bridges, Thomas 144 & n2; compiling dictionary of Yahgan language 139–40 & 141 n4; returning to mission at Ushuaia, Tierra del Fuego 141 & 142 n6 Bridges, Thomas Despard 141 & 142 n6 Bridges, William Samuel 141 & 142 n6 Bright, John 73 & n10 Brighton Health Congress 467 & n1, 475 & 476 n2 brine shrimp (Artemia) 81 & n4 Bristow, Henry Fox 368 & n1 British Association for the Advancement of Science (BAAS) 289 & n6, 293, 361 & n3; Chemical Section 110 n6; G.H. Darwin writes a report for meeting in York 361 & n4, 369 & n11, 387 & n2, 389 & 390 n3, 401 & 402 n6, 436 & n3; J.D. Hooker president of Geographical Section 110 n5, 112 n5, 261 & n2, 273 & 274 n8, 280 n7, 377 & n3, 395 & n3; J.D. Hooker’s presidential address on geographical distribution xxiv, 109 & 110 n5, 273 & 274 n8, 279 & 280 n7, 337–8 & 338–9 nn 1–11, 344–5 & 346 nn 1–17, 353–4 & 355 nn 1–16, 355–6 & 356–7 nn 1–10, 359–60 & 360 nn 1–7, 361–2 & 362 nn 1–5, 380 & 381 nn 1–4, 381 & n9; T.H. Huxley’s address 394 & n5, 400 & 401 n5; J. Lubbock’s presidential address 333 & n1, 370 & n3, 378 & nn 7–8, 388 & 389 n9, 409 & 410 nn 2–7, 519 & 520 n1, 536 & nn 1–3. xxiv; meeting in Southampton (1882) 474 & n5; meeting in York 361 & n3, 365 & n3, 374 & n1, 378 & n6, 387 & n2 British Camp, Malvern Hills 195 n2 British Geological Survey 414 & n2

British Medical Association 555 & 556 n2 British Medical Journal 569 & n2 British Museum: CD invited to become a trustee xxv, 198 & 199 n1, 201 & n1; A. Günther keeper of the zoological department 617 & n4; principal trustees 617 & n2, 620 & 621 n2, 621 & 622 n2 Bromley railway station 605 & 606 n4 brood parasitism 416 & 419 n1, 418 & 419 nn 2–5, 526–7 & 527 nn 3–7 Brooks, William Keith 584 & 585 n5 Brown, Nicholas Edward 307 & n2, 315 & n6 brown aniline 245 n4 Browne, Edward Harold 592 & n3 Browne, Walter Raleigh: CD declines to write article 564 & n1; on formation of a committee of scientists who will promote religion 25–6 & 26 nn 1–3, 551 & nn 1–4 brown-headed cowbird see Emberiza pecoris Brown-Séquard, Charles Édouard 313–14 & 314 n8, 327 & 328 n3 Bruce, Henry Austin 12 & n4, 12–13 & 13 n2 Bruhns, Carl Christian 392 n10, 679 n10 Brunton, Louisa Jane 466 & 467 n3 Brunton, Thomas Lauder, 1st baronet 182 & 186 n7, 437 & 438 n3, 614 & 615 n3; apologises for omitting to send preface of his book The Bible and science 96 & 97 n2; asks CD to look at the preface and a chapter of his book The Bible and science 35–6 & 36 n2; CD decides he should not be the president of the proposed Science Defence Association 602 & nn 1–3, 615 & n7; CD sends copy of Earthworms 451 & n2; CD thanks for collection of his writings 451 & n1, 549 & n2; CD would like to subscribe to a fund for D. Ferrier xxxi, 548–9 & 549 n1, 561–2 & 562 n2, 569 & n1; CD would like to visit while he is in London 336 & nn 1–2; compares the calciferous glands in earthworms to tonsils in man 555–6 & 556 nn 4–6, 561 & 562 n1; fund set up by British Medical Association to aid physiologists facing prosecution for vivisection 555 & 556 nn 1–2, 569 & nn 1–3; health improved, intends to visit Davos 96 & 97 n4; inspiration for his lectures 96 & 97 n3; sends copy of the British Medical Journal listing subscribers to fund to aid physiologists 569 & nn 1–3; suffering from ague 36; thanks CD for copy of Earthworms 466 & 467 n1 Bryonia 315 & n7 Bryophyllum calycinum (cathedral bells; Kalanchoe pinnata) 33 & 35 n12 Buch, Christian Leopold von 361–2 & 362 n2

Index Buchanan, John Young 571 & n2 Büchner, Ludwig: visits Down and airs strong atheist views xxvi, 423 & 423–4 n2 Buckland, Anne Walbank: CD believes the owner’s imagination interpreted the marks as a clock 447 & nn 1–2; CD on the imagination of the mother not affecting the infant 447 & nn 3–4; eggs with clock face markings 443–4 & 444 n1 Buckland, Frank 24 & n5, 89 & 90 n11, 396 n1 Buckland, William 396 n2, 411 & 412 n2 Buckle, Henry Thomas 308 & n3 Buckley, Arabella Burton xviii, 311 & 312 n8; assisted CD in preparing memorial on Civil List pension for A.R. Wallace 24 & 25 n2, 50 & n2, 72 & n3; CD has sent memorial on Civil List pension for A.R. Wallace to W.E. Gladstone 11–12 & 12 nn 1–4; CD hopes she will enjoy British Association for the Advancement of Science meeting at York 365 & n3; CD informs that W.E. Gladstone has approved Civil List pension for A.R. Wallace 21–2 & 22 nn 1–6; CD on large orange-like fruit 365 & n2; CD would be pleased to read manuscript for her article on Charles Lyell 303 & 304 n3; CD’s comments on article on Charles Lyell for the Encyclopaedia Britannica xxix– xxx, 310 & nn 1–3; congratulates CD on his success in obtaining a Civil List pension for A.R. Wallace xviii, 49–50 & 50 nn 1–2; tells CD A.C. Haddon would like to meet him 44 & nn 3–4; thanks CD for writing to her about the memorial on Civil List pension for A.R. Wallace 43–4 & 44 nn 1–2; on A.R. Wallace’s move to Nutwood Cottage, Godalming 50 & n3 Bulimus decollatus (decollate snail; Rumina decollata) 525–6 & 526 n1 Bulley, Frederick 592 & n3 bumble bees (Bombus) 128 & 129 n10, 286 & n3 bumblebee orchid (Ophrys bombylifera; O. bombyliflora) 388 & 389 n2 Bunsen, Robert 176 n4 Burdett-Coutts, Angela Georgina 601 & 602 n3 Burdon Sanderson, Ghetal 113 & 114 n18 Burdon Sanderson, John Scott 188 n4, 595 n4, 614 & 615 n3, 618 & n5; CD attends his lecture at the Royal Institution 112 & 113–14 nn 7–8, 698 & 699 n9; T.H. Huxley’s anecdote about him forgetting to feed his guests 113 & 114 n18; G.J. Romanes defends against accusations of inhumane treatment of animals 197 & 198 n2; visits CD in London 604 & 605 n5, 606 n3, 698 & 699 n35

915

Burnaby, Emma 116 & 117 n8, 364 & 365 n5, 389 & 390 n5 Burnaby, William Dyott 116 & 117 n8, 364 & 365 n5 Burrows, George 184 & 186 n21 Büsgen, Moritz 232 & 233 n7 Butakoff, Aleksey Ivanovich 635 & n2 Butakova, Olga Nikolaevna 635 & n2 butcher bird (Lanius collurio; red-backed shrike) 128 & 129 n9 Butler, Samuel xvii–xviii; CD’s opinion of 70 & n2, 71; Evolution, old and new 4–5 & 7 n4, 5–6 & 7 n10, 36–7 & 37 n3, n5, 39–40 & 41 n1, n4, 91 & 92 n8, 637 & 639 n4, 638 & 639 n10, 650 & 651 n8; letter to Nature accusing CD and E. Krause of attacking his views 82 & nn 1–2, 88–9 & 90 n7, 90–2 & 92 n3, 95 & n1, 649–50 & 651 n3; letter to the Athenæum regarding Erasmus Darwin and Evolution, old and new 15 n4, 28 n5, 70 & n2, 91 & 92 n10, 222 & 222–3 n3, 642 n5, 650 & 651 n10; Life and habit 28 & nn 8–9, 91 & 92 n6, 641 & 642 nn 8–9, 650 & 651 n6; L. Stephen advises CD take no further notice of 47–8 & 48–9 nn 1–8; Unconscious memory, accusations made xvii–xviii, 4 & 7 n3, 26 & 26–7 nn 3–4, 28 n5, 39 & 41 nn 1–2, 44 & 45 n3, 48 & 49 n7, 88–9 & 90 n7, 90 n7, 176 & n7, 637 & 639 n3, 642 n5; Unconscious memory, E. Krause’s response 4–6 & 7 nn 1–14, 13 & 14 nn 1–4, 14–15 & 15 nn 1–12, 17 & 18 nn 2–8, 27–8 & 28 nn 1–9, 38 & 38–9 nn 1–6, 45 & nn 2–4, 45–6 & 46 n2, 49 & n2, 69 & n1, 71 & 72 n1, 73 & n7, 91–2 & 92 nn 11–12, 222 & 222–3 n3, 637–9 & 639 nn 1–14, 641–2 & 642 nn 1–9, 642 & 643 n2, 650 & 651 nn 11–12; Unconscious memory, G.J. Romanes’s review xviii, 70 & n1, 71 & 72 n3, 73 & n7, 74 & n4, 216 & 217 n6, 660 & 661 n6 see also Erasmus Darwin (CD); Krause, Ernst butterflies, dimorphism 536 & n3 butterfly peas (Centrosema) 385–6 & 386 n3 butterworts (Pinguicula) 153 & n1, 477 & n5, 479 & n7 Button, James FitzRoy (Cooshaipunjiz) 141 & 142 n7, 574 & 575 n1, 581 & n1 Button, Jemmy (Orundellico) 140 & 141 n5, 142 n7, 574 & 575 n1, 581 n1 Buxton, Derbyshire 427 & 428 n2 Buxus sempervirens (common box) 500 & n6 Bynoe, Benjamin 428 & n8 Byron, George Gordon Noel 116 & 117 n4, n6, 364 & 365 n7 cabbage (Brassica oleracea) 174 n7

916

Index

Caesalpinia bonducella (grey nicker; nicker bean; Guilandina bonduc) 554 & 555 n7, 692 & 693 n7 Caird, James 3 & 4 n2; potatoes, funding for J. Torbitt’s work 18 & 19 n2, 29 & 30 n3, 59 & n3, 132 n4, 224 & n1, 229 & n1; potatoes, would like to grow J. Torbitt’s varieties 9 & nn 2–3, 18 & 19 n5; J. Torbitt sends potatoes 131 & 132 n4, 136 & n2; on J. Torbitt’s report on potato experiments 8–9 & 9 nn 1–2 see also potatoes (J. Torbitt’s project) calciferous glands 555–6 & 556 n5, 561 & 562 n1, 576 n1 calcium carbonate 502 n2, 576 & n1 Calcutta, Royal Botanic Garden 403 nn 1–2, 542 & 543 n3, 558 & n3, 560 n2 Caldwell, William Hay 100 & n6 Caleana 85 & 86 n2 California manroot (Megarrhiza californica; Marah fabacea) 352 & n2 Calliphora vomitoria see Musca vomitoria calyxes 168 & n4 Cambridge: Zoology Museum 44 & n4 Cambridge Scientific Instrument Company xxv, 239 & 240 n9, 245 & n8, 517 & n8 Cambridge University: damage caused by gales 461 & 462 n8; Girton College 114 n13; mathematical tripos 361 & n4, 461 & 462 n9, 463 & n3; Newnham Hall 114 n13; Plumian professorship of astronomy and experimental philosophy xxv, 547–8 & 548 nn 2–3, 550 & n2, 552 & n2, 557 & 558 n5, 562 & nn 2–3; Senate vote on whether female students should have the right to sit final year examinations 113 & 114 nn 12–13 Campbell, Colin 113 & 114 n19 Campbell, George Douglas xxiv; adaptations in nature must be the result of design 536–7 & 537 nn 1–2; CD thanks for writing to W.E. Gladstone in support of Civil List pension for A.R. Wallace 22 & n1–3; CD visits 112–13 & 114 nn 9–10, 113 & 114 n19, 698 & 699 n11; invites CD to Inveraray Castle 113 & 114 n19; on presentation list for Earthworms 493 & 495 n5; support for CD’s memorial for a Civil List pension for A.R. Wallace 11 & 12 n3, 13 & n4, 20–1 n1, 22 & nn 4–5, 23 & 24 n2, 25 & n4, 43 & n7 canary grass (Phalaris canariensis) 165 n5, 174 n7, 488 & 489 n3 Canary Islands 361–2 & 362 n2 candlesticks, presented to CD by Royal Society 19 & 20 n9 Candolle, Alphonse de 345 & 346 n12, 354 & 355 nn 10–11; CD responds to Candolle’s

comments on Movement in plants xix, 62–3 & 63 nn 1–4; CD thanks for book 304 & n2; FD on inherited characteristics of Darwin family members 63 & 64–5 nn 1–4, 64; glad CD received his book 306 & n2, 670 & 671 n2; heredity 56–7 & 58 nn 14–18, 644–6 & 646–7 nn 14–18; La Phytographie 54–5 & 57 n4, 62 & 63 n2, 643 & 646 n4; remembers Emma Darwin’s visit to Geneva 306 & n4, 670 & 671 n4; sends his comments on Movement in plants 54–6 & 57–8 nn 1–13, 643–4 & 646 nn 1–13; visited Down (1880) 55 & 57–8 n4, n14, 63 & n6, 306 & n4, 643 & 646 n4, n14, 670 & 671 n4 Candolle, Anne Casimir Pyramus de 55 & 58 n9, 218 & 219 n5, 304 & n2, 644 & 646 n9 Candolle, Anne Françoise Robertine de 57 & 58 n16, 645 & 646 n16 Candolle, Augustin de 57 & 58 n17, 645 & 646 n17 Candolle, Augustin Pyramus de 55 & 58 n7, 354 & 355 n11, 643 & 646 n7 Candolle, Louise Eléonore de 57 & 58 n17, 645 & 646 n17 Canisius College 330 & n1 Cape of Good Hope 111 Capes, Frederick: CD thanks for letter 564–5 & 565 nn 1–3; toxicity of the sap of common spurge to earthworms 556–7 & 557 nn 1–3 caprification 108 & 109 n4, 247 & n7, 663 & n7 caprifig (wild fig) 108 & 109 n4, 247 & n7, 663 & n7 Caprimulgus europaeus (nightjar) 150 & n3, 152 & n4 Carabus 630 n1 carbonate of ammonia see ammonium carbonate Carbonell & Co. 366 & n2 carbonic acid 290 n3 Carex (true sedges) 270 & n2 Carica papaya (papaya; papaw) 479 & 480 n3 caricatures: CD in Punch 470–1 & 471 nn 1–2, 472, 473 & n3; T.H. Huxley 66 Carlyle, Jane Baillie Welsh 265 & 266 n5 Carlyle, Mary Carlyle 200–1 n6 Carlyle, Thomas: book, Reminiscences, published shortly after his death xxx, 200 & 200–1 n6, 265 & 266 nn 3–5 carnation (Dianthus caryophyllus) 635 & 636 n3 Carolina sphinx (Manduca sexta) 128 & 129 n12 Carpenter, William Benjamin 179 & 181 n11, 251 & n8, 297 & 298 n6, 657 & 659 n11 Carpenter, William Lant 109 & n2 Carte, Alexander: death of 424 & 425 n2 Carter, Robert Brudenell: asks for CD’s help in preparing a talk for the Brighton Health Congress about eyesight 467 & n1; on seeing a centipede attack an earthworm 475–6 &

Index 476 nn 3–6; thanks CD for referring him to F.M. Balfour’s work 475 & 476 nn 1–2 Carus, Julius Victor: CD on Carus’s health 223 & n3, 296 & n6; CD on Earthworms 146–7 & 147 n3, 295 & 296 nn 1–5, 328 & n1, 588 & 588–9 nn 1–3; CD on errata in Earthworms 507 & n1, 568 & 569 n1, 588 & n1, 701; CD on errata in Movement in plants 146–7 & 147 nn 1–2; CD on his use of term humus xxvii, 588 & 589 n2; CD on E. Krause wanting to publish a part of Earthworms in Kosmos 223 & nn 1–2, 295 & 296 nn 4–5; CD on proof-sheets of Earthworms 223 & n4; CD’s German translator xix, 222 & 223 n5, 229–30 & n2; editor of Zoologischer Anzeiger 391 & 392 n7, 678 & 679 n7; editor of Zoologischer Jahresbericht 100 & n5, 230 & n4; errata in Earthworms 585–6 & 586–7 nn 1–16; German translation of Earthworms 285 & nn 1–3, 327 & n4, 328 & n1, 507 n1, 569 n1; happy for E. Krause to publish a part of Earthworms in Kosmos but would like to translate it himself 229–30 & 230 nn 1–3, 285 & nn 1–3; health 147 & n4, 199 & n1, 223 n3, 230 & nn 4–5, 285 & n4; sent presentation copy of Earthworms 702 & 704 n45; translated Movement in plants for German edition 147 n1, 199 n1, 535 & 536 n5, 690 & n5 Cassencary, Creetown, Scotland 9 & n3 Cassia 32 & 35 n7, 106 & 107 n5, 159 & 160 n7, 162 & 163 n3, 246 & 247 n4, 350 & 351 n8, 662 & 663 n4, 675 & 676 n8 Cassia carynbosa 217 n3, 660 n3 Cassia floribunda (Senna floribunda) 350 & 351 n8, 675 & 676 n8 Cassia neglecta (Senna neglecta) 107 & n8 cathedral bells (Bryophyllum calycinum; Kalanchoe pinnata) 33 & 35 n12 Catholic church, in Germany 216 & 217 n7, 222 & 223 n8, 660 & 661 n7 cats: eye colour and deafness 152 & nn 1–2; homing instincts 120–1 & 121 n2, 147 & n2, 149 & n4 cattle 42 & n1, 46 & 47 nn 1–2, 52 & n4 caustic potash (potassium hydroxide) 540 & n6, 545 & 546 n2 Cayley, Arthur 548 & n3 Cecropia 276 & 277 n7, 666 & 667 n7 celery (Apium graveolens) 70 & 71 n2 cells 505–6 & 506 nn 1–5, 509 & 510 nn 1–4 Celsia arcturus (Cretan mullein; Verbascum arcturus) 154 n4 Celsia cretica (Cretan mullein; Verbascum creticum) 153 & 154 n3, 154 n4 celts (flint implements) 506 & 507 n2, 512 & n1, 527–8 & 528 n2

917

centipedes 475–6 & 476 nn 3–6 Centradenia floribunda 144 n3, n6, 159 & 159–60 n4 Centrosema (butterfly peas) 385–6 & 386 n3 cephalopods 325 & nn 1–3 Cerastoderma edule (common cockle) 127 & 129 n5 Ceylon 280–2 & 282 n2, 284 & 285 n1, 287 & 288 n1, 288–9 & 289 n5, 668–9 & 669 n2 chalk 58 & 59 nn 1–2 Challenger expedition 87 & n6, 111 & 112 n9, 167 & n4, 225 n6, 248 n2, 280 & 282 nn 6–7, 344 & 346 n7, 355 n9, 392 & n5, 439 & 440 n4, 446 & n4, 501 & n5, 565 n1, 571 & n2, 634 n1, 649 & n6, 668 & 669 nn 6–7, 679 & n5;H.N. Moseley member of scientific staff 422 & n4 Challis, James 547 & 548 n2, 550 & n2, 552 & n2, 557 & 558 n5, 562 & n3 Chamberlain, John Henry: on earthworms lining their burrows with leaves 467–8 & 468 nn 1–2 Chamberlain, Joseph 4 n5, 517 & n6 champagne 366 & n2 Charadrius morinellus (dotterel) 382 & 383 n4 Charing Cross Hospital, London 41 & 42 n1, 43 & n2 Charles IX, king of France 56 & 58 n15, 645 & 646 n15 Chatham, School of Military Engineering 74 & n3, 139 n2, 176 n5, 601 n4 Chatto & Windus 98 & n3 Chesebrough, Robert Augustus 85 n1 Cheshire, William Wilder: sends a photograph of a goose that has been shot with a bone arrow 597 & 598 nn 1–2 Cheviot Hills 448 & 449 n2 chicken cholera 161 & n5, 182 & 186 nn 5–6 chickens 150 & n3, 152 & n5; eggs 443–4 & 444 n1, 447 & nn 1–2 child development 319–20 & 320 nn 1–4 Child-Villiers, Victor Albert George 582 & 583 n2 Chile 78 n3, 571 & n3, 581 & 582 n4 chipilin (Crotalaria cajanaefolia; C. cajanifolia) 385–6 & 386–7 n2, n4, 469 & n11, 481 & 482 n2, 612 & 613 nn 5–6 chitin 541 & n5 chlorophyll 436 & n4, 468 & 469 n8, 479 & 480 n4, 539 & 540 n3, 547 n5, 591 & 592 n2, 697 & 699 n4 Chono people 140 & 141 n5 Christie, William Henry Mahoney 256 & 257 n10 Ciancarini, Alfredo 332 & n3, 673 & n3 Ciesielski, Theophil 269 & n5 circumnutation xxviii, 165 n5, 434 & n3, 468, 489 & 490 n8, 520–1 & 523 nn 8–9, 545 & 546 n4, 687–8 & 688 nn 8–9; false 251 & n9, 252 &

918

Index

circumnutation, cont. 253 n4; in fungi 212 & 213 n7, 218 & 219 n15, 226 & 227 nn 3–4, 231 & nn 3–4, 251 n3, 274 & 275 nn 3–5; in radicles 231 n5, 307 & n2, 315 & n6 Cirripedia 282 & n3, 325 & n1, 628 & n4 Cissampelos pareira (velvetleaf) 350 & 351 n8, 675 & 676 n8 Citrus 32 & 35 n11 Civil List pension, for A.R. Wallace 8 & nn 1–2, 11 & n1, 11–12 & 12 nn 1–4, 43–4 & 44 nn 1–2, 65 & 67 n3; W.E. Gladstone recommends xviii, 20 & 20–1 n1, 21 & n1, 21–2 & 22 nn 1–2, 22 & n2, 23 & n1, 23 & 24 nn 1–4, 24–5 & 25 nn 1–5, 26 & nn 1–2, 30–1 & 31 nn 1–3, 42 & 43 nn 1–5, 49–50 & 50 nn 1–2, 59 & n5, 61 & n2, 72 & n1, 74 & n5 civilisation 300 & 301 nn 3–4 Clark, Andrew: CD’s physician 604 & 605 n4, 605 & 606 n5, 615 & n6, 618 & 619 n7 Clark, Frances Matilda: visits CD in Cambridge 698 & 699 n31 Clark, John Willis: visits CD in Cambridge 698 & 699 n31 Clarkia elegans (elegant clarkia; C. unguiculata) 144 n3, n6, 145 & n4 classification of species 611, 694 Cleatham Estate, Lincolnshire 387 & n4, 390 & n6 cleavage, of rocks 409 & 410 n8 Clematis montana 207 & 208 nn 1–2, 210 & 211 n3 Cleome (spider flower) 498 & n6, 686 & 687 n6 click beetles (Elateridae) 635 & 636 nn 2–3 Climbing plants (CD): Dalbergia 349–50 & 351 n3, 675 & 676 n3 Climbing plants 2d ed. (CD) 60 & n3 Climbing plants US ed. (CD): sales 138 & n2, 510 & 511 n2 clinostats see klinostats clitellum 546 & n1 clouded buff butterfly (Euthemonia russula; Diacrisia sannio) 127 & 129 n6 clouded yellow butterfly (Colias edusa; C. croceus) 128 & 129 n10 William Clowes & Sons 156 & n1, 157 & 158 n2, 168 & 169 n1, 217 & 219 n1, 255 & 256 n2, 295 & 296 n3, 324 & 325 n3, 327 & n3, 328 & n1, 328 & 329 n3, 330 & 331 n1, 332 & n2, 487 & n1; CD’s comments on title page of Earthworms 342 & 344 nn 1–3, 343 Clutterbuck, James Charles: draft of letter of thanks for FD to send 575 & nn 1–2; sends CD observations on earthworms and soil samples 538–9 & 539 nn 1–3, 574 & n1

Cnidaria 391 & 392 n5, 678 & 679 n5 Cnidoscolus urens var. stimulosus (spurge nettle) 500 & n6 coal: formation of 310 & n2; frog found entombed in 395–6 & 396 n1 Cobbe, Frances Power xxiv, 188 & 189 n2, 190 & n4, 191 & n3, 195 & 196 n7, 196 & 197 nn 2–3, 197–8 & 198 n2, n5, 208 & 209 n2, 380 n2 Coccocypselum 349 & 351 n3, 675 & 676 n3 Coccyzus 526 & 527 n3 cockle (Cerastoderma edule) 127 & 129 n5 cockroaches 477 & 478 nn 1–3, 501–2 & 502 n2, 683 & nn 1–3 Codariocalyx motorius see Desmodium gyrans Coenonympha pamphilus (small heath butterfly) 128 & 129 n6 Coffea arabica 32–3 Cohen, Emil 270 & 271 n7, 272 & 272–3 nn 1–4 Cohn, Ferdinand Julius 396 & 397 n6 Cole, Henry 414 & n3 Coleridge, Samuel Taylor 4 & 7 n4, 6 & 7 n13, 13 & 14 n3, 14 & 15 n7, 637 & 639 n4, 638 & 639 n13 Colias edusa (clouded yellow butterfly; C. croceus) 128 & 129 n10 Collier, John xxv, 237 & n3, 241 & n3, 290 & 291 n3, 297 & 297–8 nn 2–3, 302 & n3, 321 & n2, 348 & 349 n3; CD’s opinion of 347 & n3 Collier, Marian 237 n3, 241 n3 coloration: eyes 152 & nn 1–2; seasonal 81 & n5 colouring agents 244 & 245 n4, 250 & 251 nn 4–5 colours of light 122 & n3, 125 & 126 n3 coltsfoot (Tussilago) 168 & n5 Commelynaceae (spiderwort; Commelinaceae) 83 & 84 n6, 647 & 648 n6 common bean (Phaseolus vulgaris) 31 & 35 n5 common box (Buxus sempervirens) 500 & n6 common cockle (Cerastoderma edule) 127 & 129 n5 common daffodil (Narcissus pseudonarcissus) 322 & n5 common European viper (Vipera berus) 611 & 612 n5, 694 & n5 common flax (Linum usitatissimum) 35 n3, 524 & n3 common groundsel (Senecio vulgaris) 168 & n5 common hop (Humulus lupulus) 549–50 & 550 n3, 691 & n3 common morning-glory (Ipomoea purpurea) 236 & 237 n2, 661 & n2 common nettle (Urtica dioica) 500 & n6, 572 & n5 common sallow (Salix cinerea) 128 & 129 n7 common spurge (Euphorbia peplus) 468 & 469 n9, 479 & 481 n5, 495 n12, 505 & 506 n1, 510 n2,

Index 532 & n9, 545 & 546 n1, 556–7 & 557 n1, 564– 5 & 565 n2, 572 & n2 common sundew (Drosera rotundifolia) 232 & 233 n8, 292 & n6, 397 n6 common sunflower (Helianthus annuus) 232 & 233 n5 common wasp (Vespula vulgaris) 171 n9 common wood sorrel (Oxalis acetosella) 273, 279 & 279–80 nn 3–4 Compositae (Asteraceae) 167–8 & 168 nn 3–5 Coniston, Lake District 253 n9, 256 & n4, 295 & n5 consciousness 124 & 125 n4, 130 & n3, 331 & n2 conservation of energy 291 & n7, 300 & 301 n1 Contemporary Review 26 n3, 551 & nn 3–4 continents 338 & 339 n6, 344 & 346 n6, nn 8–9, 355 & 356 nn 3–5, 359 & 360 nn 4–6 Convoluta schultzii (Symsagittifera schultzei) 591 & 592 n2 convolvulus hawk-moth (Sphinx convolvuli; Agrius convolvuli) 128 & 129 n12 Cooke, Robert Francis: CD asks Cooke to forward letter from India about evolution 158 & n2; CD on presentation copies of Earthworms 434–5 & 435 n1, n4; CD on publication date of Earthworms xxi, 327 & nn 1–4, 331–2 & 332 nn 1–3, 701; CD on terms for publication of Earthworms 158 & n1, 701; CD pleased by sales of Earthworms xxvi–xxvii, 490 & nn 1–2, 517 & 517–18 nn 1–2; CD sends manuscript of Earthworms 156 & nn 1–3, 158 n2; CD tells Cooke he sent an early copy of Earthworms to G.J. Romanes 434–5 & 435 nn 2–3; CD wishes to make corrections and additions to next reprint of Earthworms 517 & 518 n2; German translation of Earthworms 441 & n2; manuscript of Earthworms received, and J. Murray will publish on usual terms 157–8 & 158 nn 1–2; on presentation copies of Earthworms 433 & nn 1–2; on publication date of Earthworms 324 & 325 nn 1–3, 328 & 329 nn 1–3; remaining copies of Movements in plants; suggests printing more 394 & 395 nn 1–2; review copies of Earthworms sent 457 & nn 1–2; sales of CD’s works at sales dinner 516 & nn 1–2; sales of Earthworms, printing more copies xxvi–xxvii, 438 & nn 1–3, 441 & n1, 487 & n1, 701; sends early copy of Earthworms 394 & 395 n3 see also Murray, John (1808-92) Cooper, Thomas 205–6 & 206 n1, n3 Cooshaipunjiz (James Button Sulivan; James FitzRoy Button) 141 & 142 n7, 574 & 575 n1, 581 & n1

919

Cope, Edward Drinker 209 & n2 Copley medal, Royal Society of London: awarded to CD (1864) 19 & 20 n9 coral reefs 166–7 & 167 nn 1–4, 203–4 & 205 nn 1–6, 224–5 & 225 nn 1–7, 247 & 248 n2, 575 & n4, 579 & n5 Coral reefs (CD) 344 & 346 n6, 353 & 355 n4, 355 & 356 n3, 615 & n8; atolls and barrier reefs 204 & 205 n3 corals 272 & 273 n4 Cordilleras, mountains 248 n3 corncrake (landrail; Crex pratensis; C. crex) 150 & 151 n4 Cornu, Maxime 245 n4, 305 & 306 n5, 314 & 315 n2 Cornu aspersum see Helix aspersa Corvus frugilegus (rook) 127 & 129 n2 cosmic dust 446 & nn 2–4 cotyledons 32–3 & 35 n11, 164 & 165 nn 3–5, 171 & 171–2 nn 2–3 coxcomb prominent (Notodonta camelina; Ptilodon capucina) 128 & 129 n8 Crabbe, Edmund Thornton: offers CD manuscript of a previously unknown poem, Materialism, by ED 569–70 & 570 nn 1–2 Crabbe, George 570 crane flies (Tipulidae) 376 & nn 1–3, 545 n2 crape myrtle (Lagerstroemia indica) 82–3 & 84 nn 2–3, 115 & nn 2–3, 159 & n4, 160 n8, 497 & 498 n3, 612 & n1, 647 & 648 nn 2–3, 653 & nn 2–3, 685–6 & 686 n3 creeping woodsorrel (Oxalis corniculata) 260 & 261 n1, 268 & 269 n5, 273 & n1 Crépin, François 202 & n2, 659 & n2, 700 & n1 cress 274–5 & 275 nn 6–7, 292 & n7 crested newt (Triturus cristatus) 127 & 129 n4 Cretan mullein (Celsia cretica; Verbascum creticum) 153 & 154 n3, 154 n4 Crew, Charles 234 & n2 Crex pratensis (corncrake; landrail; C. crex) 150 & 151 n4 Croll, James 7 & 8 n3, 345 & 346 n17; annuity for 283 & n1; health much improved 478 & n2; sent presentation copy of Earthworms 702 & 703 n22; thanks CD for presentation copy of Earthworms 478 & n1 Cross and self fertilisation (CD) 86 n3, 144 n2, 236 & 237 n2, 661 & n2; bumble bees biting holes in flowers to obtain nectar 286 & n3; cited by V. Hensen 239 & 240 n6; flowers attracting insects 381–2 & 382 nn 3–4, n6 Cross and self fertilisation US ed. (CD): sales 138 & n2, 510 & 511 n2

920

Index

cross-fertilisation 85 & 86 n2, 108 & 109 n5 Crotalaria 385 & 386 n2, 469 & nn 10–11 Crotalaria cajanaefolia (chipilin; C. cajanifolia) 385–6 & 386–7 n2, n4, 469 & n11, 481 & 482 n2, 612 & 613 nn 5–6 Crotalus atrox (western diamond-back rattlesnake) 613 & 614 n1 Crotalus viridis (western rattlesnake) 613 & 614 n2 Cruelty to Animals Act (1876) xxxi, 181 & 186 n3, 549 n1, 562 n2, 614 & 615 n4, 618 n2 Crüger, Hermann 108 & 109 n5, 143 & 144 n3 Cruiser, ship 427 & 428 n1 Crum Brown, Alexander 501 & n6 crustaceans 243 & n1 cryptogams 156–7 & 157 n2, n5, 653–4 & 654 n2, n5 cuckoos (Cuculus) 526 & 527 n3 cucumber tree (Averrhoa bilimbi) 107 & 108 n9 Cucurbita (gourds) 232 & 233 n5 Cucurbita ovifera 217 n3, 660 n3 Cucurbitaceae 206 & 206–7 nn 1–3, 232 & 233 n10 Cudham Valley, near Down 52 & n5 Culex pipens 373 & n2, 544–5 & 545 n2 Culicidae 373 & n2 Cunningham, Daniel John 422 & n5 Cuphea (waxweed) 498 & n6, 686 & 687 n6 Cuvier, Georges 179 & 181 n11, 214 & 216 n7, 603 & 604 n5, 657 & 659 n11 cycads (Cycadeae; Cycadaceae) 354 & 355 n15 Cyclamen persicum 217 n3, 660 n3 Cyclas cornea (European fingernail clam; Sphaerium corneum) 127 & 129 n4 Cynareae 484 & 486 n2, 684 & n2 Cynipidae 333 & 333–4 n2 Cynthia cardui (painted lady; Vanessa cardui) 128 & 129 n10 Cyon, Elie de 179 & 181 n10, 657 & 658 n10 Cyperaceae (sedges) 268 & 269 n3 cypresses 388 & 389 n7, 398 & 399 n2, 464 & n3, 682 & 683 n3 daffodil (Narcissus pseudonarcissus) 322 & n5 dahlias 426 & n1 Daily News: obituary of E.A. Darwin 377–8 & 378 n3 daisies 259 & 260 n6 Daisy (Darwin family’s donkey) 236 & n3 daisy-leaf moonwort (Botrychium matricariaefolium) 60 & n6 Daktulosphaira vitifoliae see Phylloxera vastatrix Dalbergia 349–50 & 351 n3, 493 & 494 n3, 675 & 676 n3 Dallas, William Sweetland 5 & 7 n6, 13 & 14 n6, 14 & 15 n2, 17 & 18 nn 5–6, 38 & 39 n2, 39

& 41 n5, 457 & nn 1–2, 637 & 639 n6; CD on certificate for W.E. Darwin’s membership of Geological Society of London 67 & n1; informed CD that S. Butler had published Evolution, old and new 82 & n4, 91 & 92 n8, 650 & 651 n8; translated E. Krause’s article on ED 17 & 18 n6 Dallinger, William Henry 291 & 292 nn 2–3 Dalyell, John Graham 627 & 628 n2 Damseaux, Adolphe: decrease in amount of lupulin produced by hops 549–50 & 550 nn 1–3, 691 & nn 1–3 Dana, James Dwight 344 & 346 n6, 353 & 355 n6, 355 & 356 n4, 359 & 360 n4 Dancer, John Benjamin: CD cited his paper in Earthworms 487 & nn 1–2 Darwin, Bernard xvii, xxvi; attachment to L. Darwin 231 & 232 n8; CD gives FD news of xxvi, 218 & 219 n11, 219 & 220 n17, 228 & n1, 231 & 232 n8, 239 & n3, 242 & n6, 244–5 & 245 nn 5–6, 252 & 253 n10, 289 & n8, 292 & n10, 469 & n14, 494 & 495 n7; does not visit M.A Ruck due to scarlet fever outbreak 436 & 437 n6, 469 n14; expressions 244; FD does not mind what religion Emma Darwin teaches him xxvi, 232 & 233 n9; FD glad he has cheered up 213 & n12; FD sends messages to 227 & nn 12–13, 275 & n9, 315 & 316 n10; FD thanks for letter 250 & 251 n2; grand schemes to make A. de Bary send ‘Mr Dada’ home xxvi, 228; joins FD in Wales 544 & n10; listens to H. Richter play music at Down xxvi, 242 & n6; nicknames 219 & 220 n17, 232 & 233 n3, 289 & n8; paper soldiers xxvi, 227 & n13, 236 & n3, 239 & n3, 245 & n6, 252 & 253 n10, 275 & n9; sensitivity 245, 252; upset by news of sinking of a ship 218 & 219 n11, 227 & n12; visits Lake District 252 & 253 n10 Darwin, Charles Robert Beagle voyage 19 & 20 n3, 60 n1, 142 n7, 203–4 & 205 n3, 326 & n3, 334 n2, 346 & n3, 428 & nn 6–8, 429 & 430 n3, 560 n1, 571 & n3, 582 n5, 627 & 628 n1, 672 & 673 n3; birth of grandchild, Erasmus xxxi, 590 & 591 n1, 591 & n3; birthday (aged 72 on 12 February 1881) 86 & 87 n2, 90–1 & 92 n2, 99 & 100 n1, 648 & 649 n2, 649 & 651 n2; bred fancy pigeons (1885–6) 197 n2; S. Butler, allegations in Unconscious memory xvii–xviii, 13 & 14 nn 1–6, 14–15 & 15 nn 1–12, 38 & 38–9 nn 1–6, 44 & 45 n3, 45 & n4, 69 & n1, 70 & nn 1–2, 71 & 72 n2; S. Butler, L. Stephen’s advice xviii, 51 & n3, 52 & n3; S. Butler, letter to Nature 82 & nn

Index 1–2, 95 & n1; S. Butler, opinions of 70 & n2, 71; Cambridge University student 445 & n2, n4; caricature in Punch 470–1 & 471 nn 1–2, 472, 473 & n3; children xxv–xxvi, xxxi, 9–10 & 10 nn 1–2, 71 & nn 3–5, 407 & n7, 410–11 & 411 n2, 454 & 455 n7; Civil List pension for A.R. Wallace, memorial for 8 & nn 1–2, 11–12 & 12 nn 1–4, 12–13 & 13 nn 1–4, 42 & 43 nn 1–5; Civil List pension for A.R. Wallace, thanks W.E. Gladstone 23 & n1; Civil List pension for A.R. Wallace, W.E. Gladstone recommends xviii, 20 & 20–1 n1, 21 & n1, 21–2 & 22 nn 1–6, 22 & n2, 23 & 24 nn 1–4, 24–5 & 25 nn 1–5, 26 & nn 1–2, 49–50 & 50 nn 1–2, 72 & nn 1–3, 74 & n5, 89 & 90 n8; death of xxix; death of E.A. Darwin xxx, 367–8 & 368 nn 1–7, 368–9 & 369 nn 1–10, 370 & 371 n6, 372 & nn 1–2, 372–3 & 373 nn 1–2, 374 & n2, 379 & 380 n8, 381 & n8, 382 & 383 nn 1–3, 405 & n6, 429 & 430 n4, 436 & n2, 460–1 & 461 nn 1–7, 469–70 & 470 nn 1–4, 550 & nn 4–5; death of E.A. Darwin, inherits house at Queen Anne Street, London 597 & nn 1–3; death of E.A. Darwin, inscription on gravestone 458 & n6, 460–1 & 461 n2, 463 & n21; death of E.A. Darwin, letters of condolence 371–2 & 372 nn 1–3, 375–6 & 376 nn 1–3, 377–8 & 378 nn 1–4, 390 & nn 1–2, 445 & n3; dedications to, R.D. Fitzgerald 86 & n4; enjoyed H. Richter’s music at Down xxvi, 242 & n5; luncheon for the opening of the International Medical Congress, attended by the prince of Wales xxv, 249 & n1, 250 & nn 1–2, 252 & 253 n12, 309 & n1, 336 & 337 nn 4–7, 698 & 699 n21; memories of his mother xxxi, 415 & 416 nn 7–10; portrait for Linnean Society by J. Collier xxv, 237 & nn 1–3, 241 & nn 1–3, 247 & n3, 290 & 291 nn 2–3, 297 & nn 1–2, 321 & n2, 348 & 349 n3; on religious belief xxvi, 423 n2; Shrewsbury school, attended 126–7 & 127 n2, 293 & n1, 376 & n3, 383 n4, 408 & n2, 445 n4; support for W.E. Darwin’s membership of Geological Society of London xxv–xxvi, 51–2 & 52 nn 1–2, 62 & nn 1–2, 67 n1, 67 & n1, 68 & n1, 72 & 73 n2; views on old age xvii, 152, 268; views on work xxxi–xxxii, 144, 244 & 245 nn 2–3, 579 AWARDS AND POSITIONS: Copley medal, Royal Society of London (1864) 19 & 20 n9; county magistrate for Bromley division of Kent 70 & n5; Epping Forest and County of Essex Naturalists’ Field Club, honorary member 348 n3; Imperial Academy of Science,

921

Vienna, foreign corresponding member 573 n1; New York Entomological Club, honorary member 103 & n1; Otago Institute, Dunedin, New Zealand; congratulations on 21st anniversary of publication of Origin 103 & n1; Physiological Society, honorary member 374 & 375 n1; Royal Society of Sciences of Upsala, fellow 155 & n3; la Scuola Italica, Accademia Nazionale, honorary president 332 & nn 1–3, 673 & nn 1–3; Syracuse Botanical Club, honorary and corresponding member 174–5 & 175 n1 DIPLOMAS 20 & n11; Royal Botanical Society of Belgium, associate member 202 & n2, 659 & n2, 700 & n1 FINANCES: G. Allen, repayment of subscription for 589 & n1; bonds, money lost on London and St Katherine Docks investments 77 & 78 n3; bonds, purchases bonds in Pennsylvania Railroad Company 10 & n5; bonds and shares, advice from W.E. Darwin xvii, 1 & 2 nn 1–6, 73 & n6, 74 & n1, 75–6 & 76 n1, 77 & 78 n2, 233–4 & 234 nn 1–3; W.E. Darwin buys Leeds Corporation Stock for E.A. Darwin 97 & 98 n1, 98 & 99 nn 1–2; W.E. Darwin takes over management of his investments 591 n5; Emma Darwin’s trust 133 & 134 n5, 557 & 558 n1, 633 & n1; divides surplus income annually amongst his children xxx, 9–10 & 10 nn 1–2, 74 & n2, 407 & n7, 414; Down Coal and Clothing Club 441–2 & 442 nn 1–2; D. Ferrier, subscription for his defence xxxi, 548 & 549 n1, 561–2 & 562 n2, 569 & nn 1–3; Index Kewensis, annual payment for xxxi, 603 & 604 n3, 616 & n1, 621 & n1; H.E. Litchfield’s marriage settlement 410 & 411 n4, 454 & 455 n4; A. Mostyn Owen, loan 591 & n5; North Eastern Railway Company shares for Emma Darwin’s trust 133 & 134 n5; payment to E.A. Darwin’s former servants 610 n1; Penarth Harbour Dock and Railway Company shares 337 n2; Railway Company shares 114 & 115 n3; sale of furniture at Queen Anne Street 470 & n2; subscribed to A. Weismann’s Studies in the theory of descent 348 & n2; B.J. Sulivan, contributes towards sponsorship of orphan J. Button Sulivan 578 & 579 n1, 581 & n1; Taylors for furniture removals 458 & n5; W.B. Tegetmeier, CD buys book The natural history of cranes 151 & n1; United States Funded Loan shares 203 & n2, 207 & n2, 228–9 & 229 nn 1–4, 233 & 234 n1; US publications, D. Appleton & Co. 137–8 & 138 nn 1–2; value of CD’s property

922

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FINANCES,

cont. after his inheritance from E.A. Darwin 407 & n4; will, advice from W.E. Darwin 19 & 20 nn 1–12, 68 & n5; will, division of estate between his children xvii, xxx, 407 & nn 1–7, 410–11 & 411 nn 1–6, 414 & 415 n4, 454 & 455 nn 3–4, n7; will, rewrites after bequests from E.A. Darwin and A. Rich xxx, 389 & 390 n4, 397–8 & 398 nn 1–5, 400 & nn 1–5, 402 & nn 1–2, 420–1 & 421 nn 1–6; L. Würtenberger, gift of £30 xxxi, 341 & n1 HEALTH: better than it was 383; despondent xvii, 268; doctor tells him heart is alright after episode of pain and rapid pulse 605 & 606 n5; does not have the strength for a house visit 257; does not visit G.J. Romanes as not feeling well 595 n5, 604 & 604–5 n2; fairly well but always feels half dead with fatigue 8; false newspaper reports of ill health 59 & 60 n1, 258 & n5; feels he is growing very old xvii, 108, 144, 147, 288, 429, 563, 579, 634; hardly strength left to begin any new subject requiring much work 244, 268; idleness a downright misery 268; illness, due to heart disease, while staying with H.E. and R.B. Litchfield in London xvii, 604 & 604–5 n2, 605 & 606 n5, 606 & nn 1–3; invitations declined due to frail health 266; life has become very wearysome 311; not able to talk long with anyone 340–1, 441, 563; orders Vaseline, and bear’s grease to soften dry beard 85 & nn 1–2; shall never again write on difficult subjects xvii, 204–5, 471; state of health would not permit him to give a lecture 192 & n1; strength not sufficient to attend dinner for the opening of the International Medical Congress 310–11; strength not sufficient to attend regular meetings if a trustee of the British Museum 201; very unwell and feverish 244 & n2 OPPONENTS OF THEORIES see OPPONENTS OF CD’S THEORIES PUBLICATIONS see PUBLICATIONS (CD) READING see READING (CD) SCIENTIFIC VIEWS see SCIENTIFIC VIEWS (CD) SCIENTIFIC WORK see SCIENTIFIC WORK (CD) SUPPORT FOR THEORIES see SUPPORT FOR CD’S THEORIES TRIPS AND VISITS:

G.D. Campbell (London) 112–13 & 114 nn 9–10, 113 & 114 n19, 698 & 699 n11; E.A. Darwin (London; 3–5 Aug) 146 & n4, 305 & 306 n12, 332 & n3, 336 & n1, 339 & 340 n2, 698 & 699 n20; E.A. Darwin (London; 7–11 Dec, 1880) 36 & n3; H. Darwin (Cambridge; 20–27 Oct) 434 & n2, 458 & n7,

469 & n12, 474 & n6, 479 n1, 479 & 480 n1, 481 & 482 n3, 493–4 & 495 n7, 499 n1, 500 n5, 504 & n2, 698 & 699 n28; T.H. and H.A. Huxley (London) 113 & 114 n17, 114 & 115 n5, 604 & 605 n3, 605 & n2, 605 & 605–6 n3, 698 & 699 n10, n34; 7th International Medical Congress, attends luncheon for opening of xxv, 336 & 337 nn 4–7, 698 & 699 n21; J.W. Judd (London) 698 & 699 n33; H.E. and R.B. Litchfield (London; 24 Feb–3 Mar) 102 & n6, 110 & n4, 111 & 112 n2, 112 & 113 n2, 114 & n1, 117 & n9, 118 & 119 n1, 123 n2, 698 & 699 n8; H.E. and R.B. Litchfield (London; 13–20 Dec) 579 & 580 n2, 589 & n2, 595 & n5, 602 & nn 1–2, 604 & n2, 605 & n2, 605 & n3, 606 & n2, 621 n3, 698; Patterdale, Lake District; 2 June–4 Jul xx, xxvi, 89–90 & 90 n13, 115 & 117 n2, 231 & 232 n9, 239 & 239–40 n2, n8, 241 & n5, 244 & n2, 244 & 245 n2, 249 & n6, 250 & n2, 252 & 252–3 n1, n9, n10, 255 & 256 n3, 256 & 256–7 n1, nn 5–8, 257 & n2, 258 & 259 nn 4–5, 264–5 & 266 n3, 287–8 & n2, 290 & 291 n4, 290–1 & 291 n6, 302 & n2, 304 & n3, 305 & n1, 306 & n3, 311 & 312 n7, 383 & n5, 404 & n3, 629 & n2, 670 & 671 n3, 698 & 699 nn 15–17; Penrith, Lake District; 2 June, 4 Jul 291 & 292 n4, 301 & 302 n7, 302 & n2, 698 & 699 nn 16–17; A. Rich (West Worthing Hotel; 8–10 Sept) 89 & 90 n13, 264 & 266 n2, 363 & 365 nn 1–2, 378 & n5, 389 & 390 n2, 393 & 394 n1, 698 & 699 n25; A. Rich (Worthing; May 1879) 117 n1; Royal Institution of Great Britain, CD attends J.S. Burdon Sanderson’s lecture 112 & 113–14 nn 7–8, 698 & 699 n9; York; Oct 1845 365 n3; North Wales; June 1826 408 & n6 see also OPPONENTS OF CD’S THEORIES; PUBLICATIONS (CD); READING (CD); SCIENTIFIC VIEWS (CD); SCIENTIFIC WORK (CD); SUPPORT FOR CD’S THEORIES

Darwin, Charlotte Maria Cooper 368 & n1 Darwin, Elizabeth (1747–1832) 248 & 249 n2 Darwin, Elizabeth (1847–1926) 73 & 74 n14, 221 & n8, 228 & n1, 292 & n10, 543 & 544 n7; CD gives a portion of his surplus income 9–10 & 10 nn 1–2, 407 & n7; CD on new will and the division of his estate between his children 401 & nn 1–5, 407 & nn 1–7, 454 & 455 n7; CD wishes annual payment to fund compilation of Index Kewensis to continue after his death 616 & n1; and B. Darwin 245 & n6; W.E. Darwin makes investments for 99 & n6; division of CD’s estate in new will 410–11 & 411 nn 1–2, nn 5–6, 421 & n5, 454 & 455 n4;

Index Down Coal and Clothing Club 441–2 & 442 n3; FD thanks for letter 213 & n11, 226 & 227 n2; sent presentation copy of Earthworms 702 & 704 n40; translates E. Krause’s review of S. Butler’s Unconscious memory in Kosmos 13 & 14 n4, 14 & 15 n1; visits dentist 245 & n7; visits Lake District 252 & 253 n10, 256 & 257 n5 Darwin, Emma 63 & 65 n3, 407 & n2; H.G. Allen, cousin 582 n3; L. Büchner’s visit 423–4 n2; A.B. Buckley sends regards 44; A. de Candolle sends greetings 306, 670; cheque for a carpet 562 & n5; congratulates G.J. and E. Romanes on the birth of their son 237 & n4; FD does not mind what religion B. Darwin is taught xxvi, 232 & 233 n9; FD thanks for letter 213 & n11; to G.H. Darwin on inscription for E.A. Darwin’s gravestone 458 & n6; to G.H. Darwin on sale of E.A. Darwin’s house contents 457–8 & 458 nn 1–5; S. Darwin sends postcard 402 n8; S. Darwin will write 133 & 134 n6; W.E. Darwin makes investments for 99 & n6; W.E. Darwin on death of her puppy 53; W.E. Darwin thanks for letter 133 & 134 n6; F.A. Dohrn sends regards 100; feels CD should not become president of the proposed Science Defence Association 602; headache 228, 256; inheritance from S.E. Wedgwood 10 & 11 n6, 68 & n6; marriage settlement 438 & 439 n3; C.E. and J. Norton send regards 221; reading T. Carlyle’s Reminiscences 201 n6; reports to H.E. Litchfield that CD has settled his money matters and declared that they were rich 401 & n3; reports to H.E. Litchfield that E. Pearce is visiting 455 n8; A. Rich sends regards 364, 378; C.G. Semper sends regards 316 & 317 n5; sends FD news of B. Darwin 236 & n3; sends F.A. Dohrn her remembrances 104 & n4; M.C. Stanley sends regards 466; tells G.H Darwin about W.E. Darwin’s fall from horse 133–4 n4; tells G.H. Darwin that E.A. Darwin is unwell 113 n3; thinks G.H. Darwin needs an Alpen-stock on Madeira 113; translates E. Krause’s letter about his response to S. Butler 14 n4, 14 & 15 n1; trust 114 & 115 nn 2–3, 133 & 134 n5, 504 & n4, 557 & 558 n1, 633 & n1; visited Geneva and Chêne (1826-7) 306 & n4, 670 & 671 n4; visits A. Rich 363 & 365 n1, 378 & n5, 389 & 390 n2, 393 & 394 n1; visits E.H. Tollet 219 & 220 n17; weather in Lake District 256 n3 Darwin, Emma Cecilia Ida (Ida) 234 & n5, 256 & 257 n8; birth of first child xxxi, 590 & 591 n1, 591 & n3; CD and Emma visit 434 & n2,

923

458 & n7, 459 & n4, 469 & n11, 474 & n6, 479 n1, 479 & 480 n1, 481 & 482 n3, 493–4 & 495 n7, 698 & 699 n28; CD congratulates on birth of first child 590 & 591 n1; W.E. and S. Darwin visit 454 & 455 n5; encourages male relatives to vote for women to be allowed to sit Cambridge University final year examinations 114 n13; T.H. and K.E. Farrer visit 517 & nn 6–8; marriage settlement from CD 397 & 398 n2; pregnant 455 n5, 517 & n7; visits Abinger Hall 195 & 196 n5, 361 & n6; visits Down 195 & 195–6 n1, n5 Darwin, Erasmus (1731–1802) 132 & 133 n2, 199 & 200 n2; assisted R.W. Darwin with paper 221 & n10; grandchildren 248 & 249 n2; letter to B. Franklin nn 9–11, 220–1 & 221–2 nn 4–5, 248 & 249 n4; manuscript of a previously unknown poem, Materialism, offered to CD 569–70 & 570 nn 1–2; portrait 19 & 20 n4 see also Erasmus Darwin (CD) Darwin, Erasmus (1881–1915): birth xvii, xxxi, 590 & 591 n1, 591 & n3, 698 & 699 n32 Darwin, Erasmus Alvey 19 & 20 n8, 76 & n2, 244 n4, 407 & n1; attended Shrewsbury school 408 & n2; CD and Emma visit 102 & n6, 698 & 699 n20; W.E. Darwin buys him Leeds Corporation Stock 97 & 98 n1, 98 & 99 nn 1–2; Emma Darwin’s trust, trustee 114 & 115 n2, 134 n5, 558 n1; death of xvii, xxx, 366 & n1, n3, 368 & n2, 371–2 & 372 nn 1–3, 375–6 & 376 nn 1–5, 377–8 & 378 nn 1–4, 383 & 384 n5, 387 & 387–8 nn 3–5, 390 & nn 1–2, 393 & n2, 393 & 394 n2, 408 & n4, 413 & n9, 435 & 436 n4, 445 & n3, 455 & n8, 504 & n1, 547 & 548 n1, 552 & nn 3–4, 566 & n2, 587 & n1, 591 & nn 1–2, 597 & nn 2–3, 601 & n1, 698 & 699 n23; death of, bequest to CD 368, 389 & 390 n4, 393, 397 & 398 n1, 401 & n2, n4, 407 & nn 5–6, 411 n1; death of, CD on xxx, 370 & 371 n6, 372 & nn 1–2, 372–3 & 373 nn 1–2, 374 & n2, 379 & 380 n8, 381 & n8, 382 & 383 nn 1–3, 405 & n6, 429 & 430 n4, 436 & n2, 550 & nn 4–5; death of, funeral 371 & n4, 698 & 699 n24; death of, inscription for gravestone 458 & n6, 460–1 & 461 n2, 463 & n2; death of, sale of house contents 457–8 & 458 nn 1–5, 461 & nn 5–6, 469–70 nn 2–3; death of, will 368–9 & 369 nn 1–10, 371 & nn 2–3, 557 & 558 nn 2–3, 610 & n1; discussed longevity of frogs encased in rock with CD (1862) 396 n1; illness 98, 101–2 & 102 nn 4–5, 112 & 113 n1, n3, 114 & 114–15 n1, n4; interested in chemistry when young 132 & 133 n2; mentioned in T. Carlyle’s Reminiscences

924

Index

Darwin, Erasmus Alvey, cont. 265 & nn 4–5; on presentation list for Earthworms 702 & 704 n29; recommended that E. Krause’s essay on ED be translated into English 36 & 37 n2 Darwin, Francis 52 & n5, 113 & 114 n14, 221 & n8, 340 & n3, 362 & n1, 423 n2, 436 n4, 552 & n7, 622 & 623 n2, 630 n2; bequest from CD’s will 20 n12; W. Breitenbach sends best wishes 277 & 278 n16, 392 & 393 n12, 667 & 668 n16, 679 & 680 n12; CD gives a portion of his surplus income 9–10 & 10 nn 1–2, 407 & n7; CD gives news of B. Darwin xxvi, 218 & 219 n11, 219 & 220 n17, 228 & n1, 231 & 232 n8, 239 & n3, 242 & n6, 244–5 & 245 nn 5–6, 252 & 253 n10, 289 & n8, 292 & n10, 469 & n14, 494 & 495 n7; CD has seen a pied flycatcher for the first time 289 & n8; CD on journey home from Lake District 291 & 292 n4; CD on journey home from London 605 & 606 n4; CD on new will and the division of his estate between his children 401 & nn 1–5, 407 & nn 1–7, 454 & 455 n7; CD on visit to T.H. Huxley 605 & 605–6 n3; CD on weather in the Lake District 255 & 256 n3; CD thanks for fish 531 & 532 n2; CD told by doctor that his heart is alright 605 & 606 n5; CD will visit Cambridge 469 & n12; CD wishes annual payment to fund compilation of Index Kewensis to continue after his death 616 & n1; CD’s illness when attempting to visit G.J. Romanes 604 & 604–5 n2; division of CD’s estate in new will 410–11 & 411 nn 1–2, n6; Down Coal and Clothing Club 441–2 & 442 n3; fishing 477, 494 & 495 n17, 531 & 532 n2, 537 & 538 n4, 543, 564 & n3; glad B. Darwin has cheered up 213 & n12; investing money received from CD 84 & 85 n3; lumbago 314 & 315 n1; music concert 270 & nn 8–9; plays the bassoon 242 n5; C.V. Riley sends his regards 608 & 609 n10; C.G. Semper sends his regards 316 & 317 n5; sends messages to B. Darwin 227 & nn 12–13, 275 & n9, 315 & 316 n10; sends news of B. Darwin 544 & n10; sent presentation copy of Earthworms 702 & 704 n40; thanks, on CD’s behalf, E. Krause for sending letters that mentioned S. Butler 93 & nn 1–3; thanks CD for autograph and photograph 315 & 316 n12; visits Ruck family 437 n6, 455 & 456 n4, 468 & 469 n1, n14, 490 n8, 494 & 495 n8; would like to keep a horse called Dandy 213 & n10, 218 & 220 n16 Darwin, Francis (scientific work) xxvi, 515 & 516 n5, 521 & 523 n12, 539 & 540 n6, 688 &

689 n12; abstracts for Botanischer Jahresbericht translated 544 & n9; asks CD if he should publish on false circumnutation 251 & n9; asks CD to look for and send research notes 226 & 227 n4, 232 & 233 n4; asks CD to send off copies of his paper 212–13 & 213 n8; asks to be remembered to C.G. Semper 81 & 82 n7; assisted CD with research on plant movements 106 & 107 n3, 433 & 434 n1; Bryonia embryos 315 & n7; Carex embryo roots 270 & n2; CD asks about colouring agents for root experiments 244 & 245 n4, 250 & n4; CD has used potassium hydroxide to show up milk-tubes in Euphorbia 540 & n6; CD informs that copies of his paper have arrived at Down 211 & n1, 217 & 219 n3; CD on Anemone pulsatilla seeds 269 & n2; CD on Dischidia rafflesiana 494 & 495 nn 15–16, n19; CD on Earthworms xxvii, 305 & 306 n7, 493 & 495 n6, 531 & 532 n8; CD on E. Haeckel’s letter about FD’s microscope and Haeckel’s trip to Ceylon 288–9 & 289 nn 1–6; CD on J.B. Hannay’s experiments 292 & nn 8–9; CD on his experiments with ammonium carbonate 494 & 495 nn 12–13, 532 & nn 9–10; CD on his work on aggregation xx, 468 & 469 nn 8–9, 532 & nn 9–10; CD on F. Müller’s observations on leaf movements in rain 305 & 306 n9; CD on F. Müller’s observations on sleep in Crotalaria 469 & nn 10–11; CD on papers by J.J. Drysdale and W.H. Dallinger 291 & 292 nn 2–3; CD on paraheliotropism in Desmodium and Mimosa 307 & nn 3–4; CD on shoots of young fir trees 479 & n5; CD on J. Wiesner’s book about plant movements xxviii–xxix, n6, 468 & 469 nn 1–7, 478–9 & 479 nn 2–4, 494 & 495 nn 9–11, 532, 540 & nn 1–5; CD sends letter from F. Müller and letters about Earthworms 493 & 494–5 nn 3–5; CD sends W. Pfeffer’s letter 531 & 532 nn 5–7, 540 & n2; CD sends research notes 235–6 & 236 n2; CD tells FD G.H. Darwin has arrived at Patterdale 269 & n3; CD tells FD he has received a receipt from the Union Bank for Great Northern railway stock 304 & nn 1–2, 305 & nn 2–3; CD thinks FD should publish about false circumnutation 252 & 253 n4; CD thinks FD should review J. Wiesner’s book about plant movements 478–9 & 479 n2; CD wishes FD placed more value on his work xxvi, 71 & n3; CD writes to while FD is at A. de Bary’s laboratory in Strasbourg 217–19 & 219–20 nn 1–17, 228 & nn 2–3, 230–1 & 231–2 nn 1–10,

Index 235–6 & 236 nn 1–3, 239 & 239–40 nn 1–9, 241–2 & 242 nn 1–7, 244–5 & 245 nn 1–8, 251–2 & 252–3 nn 1–12, 255 & 256 nn 2–3, 269 & nn 1–6, 288–9 & 289 nn 1–8, 291–2 & 292 nn 1–11, 304 & nn 1–2, 305 & 305–6 nn 1–13, 307 & nn 1–4; CD’s secretary and assistant 87 & 88 n1, 169 & 171 n6, 495 n8, 560, 575 n2; circumnutation in fungi 212 & 213 n7, 226 & 227 n4, 274 & 275 n3, 291–2 & 292 n5; climbing plants, E. Krause wishes to publish a German translation of a lecture 92 & 93 n13, 93 & nn 4–5, 651 & n13; climbing plants, translation of lecture published in Kosmos 216 & 217 n5, 217 & 219 n4, 660 & 661 n5; ‘Climbing plants’ 331 & n3; collected acacia leaves at Downe Hall 76 & 77 n1; correcting proof-sheets of Earthworms xx, 212 & 213 n1, 217 & 219 n1, 223 n4, 228 & n2, 230 & 231 n1, 232 & 233 n2, 235–6 & 236 n2, 237 n3, 239 & n1, 241–2 & 242 n2, n7, 251–2 & 252–3 nn 1–4, 255 & 256 n2, 296 n2, 661 n3; Dischidia rafflesiana 480 & 481 n7, 484 & n4, 493 & n4, 537 & 538 n4, 544 & n8, 560 & n2; discusses heredity with A. de Candolle 56 & 58 n14, 63 & 64–5 nn 1–4, 64, 644–5 & 646 n14; elected to council of the Linnean Society 191 & n4; klinostat experiments 274–5 & 275 n7, 322 & 322–3 nn 5–7; on G. Kraus’s experiments on water in plant cells 274 & 275 nn 2–3; lecture by E. Cohen about the work of O. Hahn 270 & 271 n7, 272 & 272–3 nn 1–4; looks for Herminium monorchis at Downe Bank 409 & n2; making sections of roots 212 & 213 n4; on meeting H. Vöchting 321–2 & 322–3 nn 1–8; microscope purchased from C. Zeiss 87 & 88 nn 1–2, 280 & 282 n8, 288 & nn 1–2, 288 & 289 nn 2–4, 669 & n8; Movement in plants, praised in A. Gray’s review 71 & n3; ‘On circumnutation in a single-cell organ’ 226 & 227 n4, 251 & n9, 252 & 253 n4, 274 & 275 n3; ‘On the power possessed by leaves of placing themselves at right angles to the direction of incident light’ 230 & 231 n1, 233 & n11, 270 & n1, 544 & n9; ‘On the relation between the “bloom” on leaves and the distribution of the stomata’ 160 n6; Physiological Society, member of 374 & 375 n1; presents papers at the Linnean Society 69 & n2, 71 n5; roots 270 & nn 2–3; rotating plants with klinostat to negate influence of gravity 173 & 174 n4; Royal Society of London, candidacy for fellowship 155 & 155–6 nn 1–2; Royal Society of London, fellow (1882) 156 n2; on J. Sachs 322 & 323 n9; takes CD’s protractor

925

by mistake 218, 226 & 227 n5; thanks G. King for specimen of Dischidia rafflesiana on behalf of CD 560 & n2; ‘The theory of the growth of cuttings’ 211 & n1, 217 & 219 n3, 231 & n2; J. Wiesner, letter from F. Elfving disagreeing with 543 & 544 n4; J. Wiesner, W. Pfeffer’s letters criticising 543 & 544 nn 2–3; J. Wiesner’s book about plant movements, has been asked to write a review xxviii, 476–7 & 477 nn 2–3; J. Wiesner’s book about plant movements, response to xxix, 543 & 54 n3; worked at A. de Bary’s laboratory at the Botanical Institute, Strasbourg xx, xxvi, 211 n1, 211 n4, 212–13 & 213 nn 2–9, 222 & 223 n7, 228 & n1, 268 & 269 n7, 270 & n4, 278 & 279 n6, 392 & 393 n12, 537 & 538 n6, 679 & 680 n12, 698 & 699 n13, n19; worked at J. Sachs’s laboratory in Würzburg, Germany 82 n7, 176 n2, 212 & 213 n2; writes to CD about work at A. de Bary’s laboratory at the Botanical Institute, Strasbourg 212–13 & 213 nn 2–9, 226–7 & 227 nn 1–11, 232–3 & 233 nn 1–11, 250–1 & 251 nn 1–9, 270 & 270–1 nn 1–12, 272 & 272–3 nn 1–4, 274–5 & 275 nn 1–8, 314–15 & 315–6 nn 1–12, 321–2 & 322–3 nn 1–12 Darwin, Francis Rhodes 368 & n1 Darwin, George Howard xxix, 52 & n5, 221 & n8, 362 & n1, 455 n2, 489 & 490 n5, 494 & 495 n10, 590 & 591 n2; annuity for J. Croll 283 & n1; asks about gratuity for E. Squire 587 & n1; assists CD with mathematical aspects of work 252 & 252–3 n3, 508 & n2, 519 & n2; attended a performance of School for scandal 548 & n4; R.S. Ball an admirer of his work xxv, 256 & n2, 270 & 271 n11, 568 & n2; R.S. Ball has sent copy of lecture 259 & n6; British Association for the Advancement of Science meeting, attends final day 378 & n6, 387 & n2, 388 n7; CD asks him to find J.B. Lawes’s Christian name 256 & 257 n9, 258 & 259 n2; CD asks him to translate a Norwegian letter 59 & n4; CD gives a portion of his surplus income 9–10 & 10 nn 1–2, 407 & n7; CD has sent George’s letter to Nature 59 & n2; CD has sent George’s letter to W.B. Paterson 436 & n2; CD on R.S. Ball’s lecture in Nature praising George’s work 568 & nn 1–2; CD on R.S. Ball’s letter 256 & nn 2–3; CD on bequest from E.A. Darwin and A. Rich 389 & 390 n4; CD on J.S. Burdon Sanderson’s lecture at the Royal Institution 112 & 113–14 nn 7–8; CD on E.A. Darwin’s health 112 & 113 n1, n3; CD on diffused light 486 & 487 nn 1–2; CD on F. Galton and

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Darwin, George Howard, cont. W.C. Marshall’s visit to Down 113 & 114 nn 14–16; CD on George’s intended application for Plumian professorship of astronomy and experimental philosophy xxv, 550 & nn 1–3; CD on George’s report for meeting of British Association for the Advancement of Science 389 & 390 n3; CD on German translation in Kosmos of abstract of George’s paper on tidal friction 321 & n1; CD on holiday in the Lake District 256 & 256–7 nn 4–8; CD on new will and the division of his estate between his children 401 & nn 1–5, 407 & nn 1–7, 454 & 455 n7; CD on news of scarlet fever outbreak from M.A. Ruck 436 & 437 n6; CD on University of Cambridge vote on whether female students should have the right to sit final year examinations 113 & 114 nn 12–13; CD on visit to G.D. Campbell 112–13 & 114 nn 9–10, 113 & 114 n19; CD on visit to T.H. and H.A. Huxley 113 & 114 nn 17–18; CD on visit to A. Rich 389 & 390 nn 1–2; CD on A.R. Wallace’s pension being backdated 59 & n5; CD pleased J. Collier has finished painting his portrait 321 & n2; CD sends R. Darwin’s letter 113 & 114 n11; CD tells George goods have arrived from E.A. Darwin’s house 550 & n5; CD tells George the Post Office have sent him 1 penny 363 & n1; CD thanks for looking for worm castings on Madeira 112 & 113 n5; CD thinks looks thin 269 & n3; CD will rewrite his will 389–90 & 390 n4; CD wishes annual payment to fund compilation of Index Kewensis to continue after his death 616 & n1; on corked champagne 366 & n2; co-trustee of Emma Darwin’s trust 504 & n1; damage caused by gale 461 & 462 n8; Emma Darwin thinks George should get an Alpen-stock 113; W.E. Darwin visits 438 & 439 nn 1–2; Emma Darwin’s cheque for a carpet 562 & n5; death of E.A. Darwin, amount of glassware at Queen Anne Street 552 & n3; death of E.A. Darwin, CD happy with George’s arrangements 372, 436 & n2; death of E.A. Darwin, CD on solicitors, Salt & Sons 367 & 368 nn 1–5, 372 & nn 1–2; death of E.A. Darwin, details of will 368–9 & 369 nn 1–10, 389 & 390 n4; death of E.A. Darwin, Emma Darwin on inscription for gravestone 458 & n6; death of E.A. Darwin, Emma Darwin on sale of house contents 457–8 & 458 nn 1–5; death of E.A. Darwin, executor of will xxx, 367–8 & 368 n2, 371 & n2, 387 & 387–8 nn 3–5, 393 & n2, 401 &

n5, 414 & 415 n3, 436 & n2, 461 & n2, 463 & n2, 469–70 & 470 n2, 504 & n1, 547 & 548 n1, 550 & n4, 552 & n3, 558 n2, 587 n1, 591 n1, 597 & n3, 610 n1; death of E.A. Darwin, funeral arrangements 371 & n4; death of E.A. Darwin, George and William think it best to use Salt & Sons solicitors 371 & nn 2–3; death of E.A. Darwin, inscription for gravestone 460–1 & 461 n2, 463 & nn 1–2; death of E.A. Darwin, sale of house contents 461 & nn 5–6, 469–70 & 470 nn 2–3; division of CD’s estate in new will 410–11 & 411 nn 1–2, n6; Down Coal and Clothing Club 441– 2 & 442 n3; drawing of Monochaetum ensiferum 153 & 154 n2; Earthworms, did calculations for 508 & n2, 519 & n2; Earthworms, only half way through 461 & 462 n11; Earthworms, sent presentation copy 702 & 704 n34; executor and trustee for CD’s will 19 & 20 n1, 410 & 411 n3; fellow of the Royal Astronomical Society, asked to be secretary 461 & 462 n12; found L. Stephen difficult company 218 & 219 n10; found missing packet of forks 393 & nn 1–3; gives information from H. Sidgwick about W. Graham 361 & nn 1–2; health, cold 387 & 388 n7; health, rather unusually well 401; intending to visit M.R. Prior 461 & 462 n11; observations on horizontal ledges on steep slopes 68 & n4, 73 & n5; ‘On the stresses caused in the interior of the earth by the weight of continents and mountains’ 258 & 259 n3, 269 & n3; ‘On the tidal friction of a planet attended by several satellites, and on the evolution of the solar system’ 321 & n1; orchid observations 389 n1; possible application for Plumian professorship of astronomy and experimental philosophy xxv, 547–8 & 548 nn 2–3, 552 & nn 1–2, 557 & 558 n5, 562 & nn 2–3; report for meeting of British Association for the Advancement of Science 361 & n4, 369 & n11, 387 & n2, 401 & 402 n6, 436 & n3; setting examination questions for the mathematical tripos at Cambridge 361 & n4, 461 & n9, 463 & n3; suggests attaching magnets to insects 61 & 62 n2; F.W. Surman moving to a new job after E.A Darwin’s death 366 & n1, n3; translates E. Krause’s letter and response to S. Butler 15 & n11, 17 & 18 n2; trip to Madeira 59 & n6, 68 & n7, 73 & n8, 77 & n5, 80 & n3, 88 & 90 n2, 112 & 113 n5, 265 & 266 n10; trustee for H.E. Litchfield 410 & 411 n3; understands Swedish, translated title of paper for CD 269 & n6; visits Down 568 & n2; visits Lake District 256

Index & 257 n7, 258 & 259 nn 4–5, 266 n10, 269 & n3; visits W. Thomson 550 & n2, 552 & n5, 562 & n2; work on tidal theory 568 & n2 Darwin, Horace xxix, 221 & n8, 461 & 462 n10, 494 & 495 n10; attends British Association for the Advancement of Science meeting in York 387 & n2, 401 & 402 n6; birth of first child xxxi, 590 & 591 n1, 591 & n3; built ‘wormstone’ for measuring rate at which stones buried by earthworms 369 & n11, 701; Cambridge Scientific Instrument Company xxv, 239 & 240 n9, 245 & n8, 517 & n8; CD and Emma visit 434 & n2, 458 & n7, 459 & n4, 469 & n11, 474 & n6, 479 n1, 479 & 480 n1, 481 & 482 n3, 493–4 & 495 n7, 698 & 699 n28; CD congratulates on birth of first child 590 & 591 n1; CD gives a portion of his surplus income 9–10 & 10 nn 1–2, 407 & n7; CD on new will and the division of his estate between his children 401 & nn 1–5, 407 & nn 1–7, 454 & 455 n7; CD wishes annual payment to fund compilation of Index Kewensis to continue after his death 616 & n1; W.E. and S. Darwin visit 454 & 455 n5; designs apparatus for FD’s work 227 n4, 228 n3; division of CD’s estate in new will 410–11 & 411 nn 1–2, n6; T.H. and K.E. Farrer visit 517 & nn 6–8; joins the Darwins for their holiday in Patterdale, the Lake District 234 & n5; marriage settlement from CD 397 & 398 n2, 421 n6; met L.B.B. Dykes 376 & n4; pendulum to measure lunar disturbance of gravity 239 & 240 n9; sent presentation copy of Earthworms 702 & 704 n34; sent to Cambridge women’s college to tell them of the success of Senate vote on female students being allowed to sit final year examinations 113 & 114 n13; visits Abinger Hall 195 & 196 n5, 361 & n6; visits Down 195 & 195–6 n1, n5; visits Lake District 252 & 253 n10, 256 & 257 n5 Darwin, Leonard 221 & n8; CD gives a portion of his surplus income 9–10 & 10 nn 1–2, 19 & 20 n10, 407 & n7; CD on new will and the division of his estate between his children 401 & nn 1–5, 407 & nn 1–7, 454 & 455 n7; CD wishes annual payment to fund compilation of Index Kewensis to continue after his death 616 & n1; B. Darwin’s attachment to 231 & 232 n8; death of E.A. Darwin 368–9 & 369 n10; division of CD’s estate in new will 410–11 & 411 nn 1–2, n6; Down Coal and Clothing Club 441–2 & 442 n3; found L. Stephen difficult company 218 & 219

927

n10; W.M. Hacon on CD’s purchase of land from S. Sales 442–3 & 443 nn 1–2, 451–2 & 452 nn 1–2, 458–9 & 459 n1; illness 53 & 54 n6, 78 & n6; instructor at School of Military Engineering, Chatham 74 & n3, 139 n2, 175 & 176 n5, 601 & 602 n4; joins the Darwins for their holiday in Patterdale, the Lake District 239 & 240 n8; photograph of CD 138 & 139 n3, 601 & 602 n4; purchase of land from S. Sales 453 & nn 1–3, 469 & n13; Royal Engineers officer 138 & 139 n2, 256 & 257 n6, 424 & n1; sent presentation copy of Earthworms 702 & 704 n34; visits Down 54 n6, 78, 469 & n13; visits Lake District 252 & 253 n10, 256 & 257 nn 5–6, 258 & 259 n4; writes to L. Stephen proposing a correction be made to the preface of Erasmus Darwin 36–7 & 37 nn 1–5, 39 & 41 nn 5–6, 51 & n2, 53 & 54 n5 Darwin, Mary Anne 427 & 428 n1 Darwin, Reginald 113 & 114 n11, 248 & 249 n2, 368 & n1, 427 & 428 n1 Darwin, Robert Waring 63 & 65 n3, 387 n4, 415 & n6, 447 & n4; division of estate 407 & n1; home, The Mount, Shrewsbury 133 n2, 240 n1, 293 & n2; ‘New experiments on the ocular spectra of light and colours’ 221 & n10; portrait 19 & 20 n5, 293 & n2; reminiscences of B. Franklin 199–200 & 200 nn 1–4, 220 & 221 nn 1–3; Trajan Hughes painting ‘Still life with insects on foxgloves’ 19 & 20 n7 Darwin, Sacheverel Charles 427 & 428 n1 Darwin, Sara: CD asks on what points W.E. Darwin not first rate 84 & 85 n4; CD hopes she will visit Down 336 & 337 n8; CD sends love 68 & n8, 78 & n7; W.E. Darwin reports she enjoyed reading Earthworms 504 & n3; W.E. Darwin reports she is well 53 & 54 n8, 234 & n4; W.E. Darwin thinks she will enjoy reading Earthworms 473 & 474 n3; does not join the Darwins in Patterdale, Lake District 249 & n6; glad to read L. Stephen’s letter 53 & 54 nn 4–5; good hostess 260 & n8; health improved while nursing W.E. Darwin 200 & n5; reaction to W.E. Darwin’s letter advising CD on bonds 10 & n4; trip to France 368 & n7, 387 & 388 n5, 401 & 402 n8, 415 n5; visits Cambridge 438 & 439 nn 1–2, 455 n5; visits Down 10 & n4, 53 & 54 n8, 557 & 558 n4 Darwin, Susan Elizabeth 20 n9, 132 & 133 n2, 240 & n2, 407 & n1 Darwin, Susannah: CD’s memories of xxxi, 415 & 416 nn 7–10; miniature 415 & 416 n7, 417 Darwin, Violetta Harriot 248 & 249 n2

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Darwin, William: portrait 19 & 20 n8 Darwin, William Erasmus 221 & n8, 260 & n8, 270 & 271 n10, 367 & 368 n3, 378 & n6; advises CD about will xxx, 19–20 & 20 nn 1–12; advises CD on bonds and shares xvii, 1 & 2 nn 1–6, 73 & n6, 75–6 & 76 n1, 207 & nn 1–2, 233–4 & 234 nn 1–4, 633 & n1; anxious to hear L. Stephen’s advice 50 & 51 n4; bequest from CD’s will 20 n12; birth of Erasmus Darwin 591 & n3; on J. Bright and W.E. Gladstone’s speeches in favour of the Protection of Persons and Property Bill 73 & 73–4 n10; British Association for the Advancement of Science meeting 474 & n5; buys Leeds Corporation Stock for E.A. Darwin 97 & 98 n1; CD asks S. Darwin to tell him on what points William is not first rate 84 & 85 n4; CD asks for advice about United States Funded Loan shares 203 & n2, 228–9 & 229 nn 1–4; CD asks for return of J. Geikie’s letter 10 & n3; CD gives a portion of his surplus income 9–10 & 10 nn 1–2, 74 & n2, 407 & n7; CD happy for William to deal with the dilapidated cottages on Beesby Farm 101 & 102 nn 2–3; CD hopes S. Darwin will visit Down 336 & 337 n8; CD hopes William and S. Darwin will enjoy their holiday 401 & 402 n8; CD on E.A. Darwin’s illness 101 & 102 nn 4–6, 114 & 114–15 n1, n4; CD on G.H. Darwin and H. Darwin’s address at the British Association of Science meeting 401 & 402 n6; CD on G.H. Darwin’s trip to Madeira 68 & n7, 77 & n5; CD on L. Darwin’s visit and health 78 & n6; CD on false acacia leaves in worm burrows 74 & n6, 76 & 77 n1; CD on horizontal ledges on steep slopes 68 & n4; CD on intelligence in earthworms xix, 102 & n8; CD on investing money for Emma Darwin 68 & n6, 74 & n2; CD on letter from L. Darwin 74 & n3; CD on letter from A.R. Wallace about pension 74 & n5; CD on luncheon for the opening of the International Medical Congress, attended by the prince of Wales xxv, 336 & 337 nn 4–7, 698 & 699 n21; CD on new will and the division of his estate between his children 401 & nn 1–5, 407 & nn 1–7, 454 & 455 n7; CD on observations of leaves drawn into earthworm burrows 74 & n6, 76 & 77 n1, 76–7 & 77 nn 1–4, 77–8 & 78 nn 4–5, 84 & 85 nn 1–2; CD on observations on rhododendron leaves 84 & 85 nn 1–2, 102 & n8; CD on purchasing bonds 10 & 10–11 nn

4–6, 74 & n1, 77 & 78 nn 2–3; CD on review in Nature of J. Geikie, Prehistoric Europe: a geological sketch 84 & 85 n5; CD on G.J. Romanes’s review of S. Butler, Unconscious memory 74 & n4; CD on L. Ruck’s opinion on sheep and cattle grazing on steep hills 52 & n4; CD on shares 336 & 337 nn 2–3; CD on visiting T.H. and H.A. Huxley 114 & 115 n5; CD on visitors to Down 102 & n7; CD on wormcastings from Beaulieu Abbey 68 & n2; CD reading J.W. Judd’s book on volcanoes 401 & 402 n7; CD rewriting first chapter of Earthworms 74 & n7; CD thanks for notes on thickness of mould on Teg Down 10 & n1, 68 & n3; CD will send letter from L. Stephen with advice to ignore S. Butler 52 & n3; CD wishes annual payment to fund compilation of Index Kewensis to continue after his death 616 & n1; on CD’s letter to The Times about vivisection 195 & 196 n7; chalk samples from near Winchester 58 & 59 n2; concussion due to fall from horse 133 & 133–4 n4, 195 & 195–6 n2, 200 & n5, 203 & n1, 220 & 221 n6, 234 & n4, 265 & 266 n9; E.A. Darwin, executor of will xxx, 371 & n2, 387 & 388 n5, 401 & n5, 461 & n2, n7, 463 & n2, 504, 557 & 558 n2, 587 n1, 591 & n1, 597 & n3; E.A. Darwin, house at Queen Anne Street 557 & 558 n3, 597 & nn 2–3; E.A. Darwin, sorry to hear he is ill 98; Emma Darwin, death of puppy 53; Emma Darwin, trust 114 & 115 nn 2–3, 133 & 134 n5, 504 & n1, 557 & 558 n1, 633 & n1; G.H. Darwin, proposed application for position of Plumian Professor of astronomy and experimental philosophy 557 & 558 n5; G.H. Darwin, trip to Madeira 73 & n8, 80 & n3; S. Darwin well 53 & 54 n8, 234 & n4; on dilapidated cottages on CD’s Beesby Farm 98–9 & nn 3–5; division of CD’s estate in new will xxx, 410–11 & 411 nn 1–2, n6; estimate of the value of CD’s property 407 & n4, 414–15, 438 & 439 nn 1–3, 454 & 455 nn 1–4; executor and trustee for CD’s will 19 & 20 n1, 410 & 411 n3; executor for A. Rich 389 & 390; executor for E.A. Darwin 368–9 & 369 n3; extreme cold and snow 73 & 74 n13; on the Fenian dynamite campaigns 73 & 74 n12; financial matters, for CD 591 & nn 1–2, nn 4–5; found Earthworms interesting and amusing 504 & n3; Geological Society of London, CD prepares certificate for William’s election xxv–xxvi, 51–2 & 52 nn 1–2, 62 & nn 1–2, 65 & 67 n1, 67 & n1,

Index 68 & n1, 72 & 73 n2; Geological Society of London, proud to become a member 133 & n3; Geological Society of London, would like to join 50 & 51 n3, 53 & n2; glad to read L. Stephen’s letter 53 & 54 n5; on horizontal ledges on steep slopes 53 & 54 n3, 73 & n5; intends to buy a London Brigade fire-pump 50 & 51 n2; on E. Krause’s reply to Samuel Butler in Nature 73 & n7; on letter from L. Stephen with advice to ignore S. Butler 53 & 54 nn 4–5; on G.J. Romanes’s review of Samuel Butler’s Unconscious memory 73 & n7; sends CD leaves that have been drawn into earthworm burrows 75 & nn 1–5, 76 & n3, 79–80 & 80 n1; sends CD observations on rhododendron leaves drawn into earthworm burrows 79–80 & 80 n1, 133 & n4; sent presentation copy of Earthworms 702 & 704 n34; on severe frost 53 & 54 n7; sorry to hear about L. Darwin’s ill-health 53 & 54 n6; thanks CD for cheque for E.A. Darwin’s stock 98 & 99 nn 1–2; thanks CD for his share of CD’s surplus income 19 & 20 n10; thanks CD for presentation copy of Earthworms 473 & 474 nn 1–3; thanks Emma Darwin for letter 133 & 134 n6; thanks Emma and Elizabeth Darwin for cheques 99 & n6; trip to France 368 & n7, 387 & 388 n5, 401 & 402 n8, 414 & 415 n5; trustee for H.E. Litchfield 410 & 411 n3; visit to Abinger Hall 195 & 196 nn 4–5; visit to the Malvern Hills 195 & 195–6 nn 2–3, 203 & n4; visits Cambridge 438 & 439 nn 1–2, 454 & 455 n5; visits Down 43 & n6, 436 & n5, 557 & 558 n4; visits Lake District 249 & n6, 256 & 257 n7, 266 n10; J. Wedgwood III’s executor 115 n2, 134 n5; will look for false acacia leaves soon 50 & 51 n5; on worm casts 73 & nn 3–4, 195 & 196 n3 Darwinism xxiii, 157 & n3, 280, 288, 293 & 294 nn 3–4, 295 & n3, 366 & 367 nn 2–3, 412, 654 & n3, 668 see also evolution; natural selection David, Edgeworth 205 n6 Davos, Switzerland 96 & 97 n4 Dawkins, William Boyd 85 n5 Dawson, James: CD thanks for book 250 & n1; on his book on Australian aborigines 329 & nn 1–2; reports of marsupial rabbits 329 & 330 n4; on C.W. Thomson 329 & 330 n5 De la Rue, Warren 112 & 114 n8 de’ Medici, Catherine 56 & 58 n15, 645 & 646 n15 de Sismondi, Jessie 306 n4, 671 n4 deafness: accents of deaf people 624–5 & 625 nn 1–5, 694–5 & 695 nn 1–5; in cats 152 & nn 1–2

929

decollate snail (Bulimus decollatus; Rumina decollata) 525–6 & 526 n1 dedication to CD, from R.D. Fitzgerald 86 & n4 deep-sea fauna 251 & n8 degeneration 55 & 58 n7, 238 & 238–9 nn 2–3, 643 & 646 n7 Delage, Yves: CD thanks for sending thesis 243 & n1 dentistry 218 & 219 n9 Descent (CD) 566 & n3; cited by V. Hensen 239 & 240 n6; ears 135 & 136 n1, 145–6 & 146 n2; inheritance 312–13 & 314 n2; lanugo 146 & n3; luminosity in glow-worms 525 & n2; men superior to women 626 n2 Descent 2d ed. (CD): cited P.S. Pallas 81 & n5; ears 145–6 & 146 n2; inheritance of the effects of education 319–20 & 320 n2; sales 516 & n2; seasonal colour changes in animals 81 & n5 Descent 2d US ed. (CD): sales 137 & 138 n2, 511 & n2 descent theory 238 & 238–9 nn 2–3, 337 & 338 n2, 338 & 339 n7 see also evolution Desmodium 58 n5, 246 & 247 n4, 350 & 351 n8, 360 & n8, 646 n5, 662 & 663 n4, 675 & 676 n8 Desmodium gyrans (telegraph plant; semaphore plant; Codariocalyx motorius) 159 & 160 n7, 163 & 164 n9, 167 & 168 nn 1–2, 301–2 n2, 305 & 306 n8, 307 & n3 Despard, George Packenham 139 & 141 n3 Detmer, Wilhelm 105 & 106 n4, 110 & n3, 122 & n3 development: children 319–20 & 320 nn 1–4; of roots 232 & 233 nn 5–6 Dew-Smith, Albert George 240 n9 dewy pine (Drosophyllum lusitanicum) 480 & 481 n10, 493 & n5, 499 & 500 n3, 572 & n3 Diacrisia sannio see Euthemonia russula diageotropism 259 & 260 n6, 322 & n5 diaheliotropism 108 & 109 n7, 259 & 260 n6, 270 & n1, 478 & 479 n4 diamagnetism 173 n1 diamonds 283–4 & 284 n1, 289 & 290 n2, 292 & n9 Dianthus caryophyllus (carnation) 635 & 636 n3 Dickson, Alexander 625 & 626 n4 Dickson, Augusta 218 & 219 n12 dictionary of Yahgan language 139–40 & 141 n4 Digaster lumbricoides 439 & 440 n4 digestive fluids 79 & n1 ‘Dimorphic condition in Primula’ (CD): cited by V. Hensen 239 & 240 n6 dimorphism xxi, 143 & 144 n2, 536 & n3 Dionaea muscipula (Venus fly trap) 218 & 219 n8, 436 n4, 468 & 469 n8, 479 & 480 n3 Diplolepis rosae see Rhodites rosae

930

Index

DIPLOMAS

(CD) see Darwin, Charles Robert,

DIPLOMAS

Diptera 391 & 392 n6, 678 & 679 n6 Dischidia bengalensis 493 & n4 Dischidia rafflesiana (D. major) 402–3 & 403 nn 1–3, 406, 480 & 481 nn 6–7, 483–4 & 484 n1, n4, 492–3 & 493 nn 2–4, 494 & 495 nn 15–16, n19, 500 & n7, 532 & n11, 537 & 538 n4, 544 & n8, 558 & n2, 560 & n2 diseases: chicken cholera 161 & n5, 182 & 186 nn 5–6; germ theory 334 n3; heart disease, CD’s illness while staying with H.E. and R.B. Litchfield in London xvii, 604 & 604–5 n2, 605 & 606 n5, 606 & nn 1–3; pigs 67 & n1, 70 & n4; salmon 605 & 605–6 n3; scarlet fever 436 & 437 n6, 469 n14; septicaemia 437 & n1; syphilis 327 & 328 n2 dispersal of seeds xxii, 2–3 & 3 n1, 7 & 8 nn 1–2, 111 & 112 nn 6–8, 333 & 334 n4 Disraeli, Benjamin 129–30 & 130 n2, 198 & 199 n1, 364 & 365 n12 dissection 160 & 161 n3 ‘Distribution of the erratic boulders’ (CD) 381 n3 dogs: eye colour 152 & nn 1–2; nematode worms 161 & 162 n6; Polly (rough-haired fox terrier) 400 & 401 n3 Dohrn, Felix Anton 387 & n2; attempt to combine Zoologischer Jahresbericht and Zoological Record 100 & n5; CD on combining Zoologischer Jahresbericht and Zoological Record 104 & n3; CD thanks for letter and gift of monograph series Fauna und Flora des Golfes von Neapel 104 & n2; Emma Darwin sends remembrances 104 & n4; founder and director of Naples Zoological Station 230 & n4; progress of the Naples Zoological Station 99–100 & 100 nn 2–7; sends CD birthday congratulations 99 & 100 n1; sends CD monograph series Fauna und Flora des Golfes von Neapel as a tribute 99– 100 & 100 n4 domestic pigeon 197 & nn 1–4, 509 n2, 511–12 & 512 n2 Donders, Frans Cornelis xxv, 336 & 337 n5, 698 & 699 n21 donkey (Equus asinus) 629 & 630 n1 d’Orléans, Louis-Philippe-Albert, comte de Paris 388 & 389 nn 1–2, 409 & n2 dotterel (Charadrius morinellus) 382 & 383 n4 Douglas, George: sent presentation copy of Earthworms 702 & 704 n27 Down: Petleys 245 n5; St Mary’s church, E.A. Darwin buried there 371 n4 Down Coal and Clothing Club 441–2 & 442 nn 1–2

Down House: Bromley railway station 605 & 606 n4; Cudham valley 52 & n5; W.C. Marshall designed the extension 114 n16; Orpington railway station 136 & n2, 243 & 244 n4, 573 & n1, 606 n4; purchase of strip of land in order to build tennis court 442–3 & 443 nn 1–2, 451–2 & 452 nn 1–2, 453 & nn 1–3, 458–9 & 459 n1, 469 & n13 Down House visitors: H.G. Allen 582 & n3; E.B. Aveling 423–4 & n2; F.M. Balfour 38 & 39 n5, 43 & n6, 45 & n1, 49 & n4, 415 & 416 n11, 698 & 699 n5, n26; J.S. Billings 698 & 699 n27; L. Büchner 423–4 & n2; A. de Candolle (1880) 55 & 57 n4, 63 & n6, 306 & n4, 643 & 646 n4, 670 & 671 n43; G.H. Darwin 568 n2; H. and I. Darwin 195–6 n1, n5; L. Darwin 78, 469 & n13; S. Darwin 53 & 54 n8; W.E. and S. Darwin 43 & n6, 436 & n5, 557 & 558 n4; F.A. Dohrn (1870) 104 n4; J.H. and C.R. Franke 239 & 240 n7, 698 & 699 n14; F. Galton 102 & n7, 113 & 114 n15, 698 & 699 n7; W. Graham 557 & 558 n6; J.D. and H. Hooker 558 n6; H.E. Litchfield 239 & 240 n7, 242 & n6; E.E. Loch 218 & 219 n10; J. Lubbock 43 & n6, 410 & n1; W.C. Marshall 102 & n7, 113 & 114 n16, 698 & 699 n7; G.H. Morris (1879) 421 & n6; M. North 333 & 334 n5, 334 & n2, 698 & 699 n18; C.E. and J. Norton (1869) 221 n7; R.S. and C. Pattrick 423–4 n2; H. Richter 239 & 240 n7, 242 & n5, 698 & 699 n14; G.J. & E. Romanes 171 n3, 698 & 699 n6; H. de Saussure 134 & 135 n4; M. Shaen 102 & n7; L. Stephen 218 & 219 n10; F.E.E. Wedgwood 469 & n14 Downe Bank 389 n1, 409 & n2 Downe Hall 76 & 77 n1 drift beds 409 & 410 n6 Drosera (sundews) 218 & 219 n8, 241–2 & 242 nn 3–4, 252 & 253 n7, 505 & 506 n5, 592 n2 Drosera rotundifolia (common sundew) 232 & 233 n8, 292 & n6, 397 n6 Drosophyllum lusitanicum (Portuguese sundew; dewy pine) 480 & 481 n10, 493 & n5, 499 & 500 n3, 572 & n3 Druitt, Thomas 203 & n2 Drysdale, John James 291 & 292 nn 2–3 Du Bois-Reymond, Emil 293 & 294 n3, 295 & n3 Dublin Science and Art Museum 424–5 & 425 n2, n5, 427 & n2 Duchesne, Antoine 55 & 58 n6, 643 & 646 n6 Duchesne, Antoine Nicolas 55 & 58 n6, 643 & 646 n6 duck-billed platypus (Ornithorhynchus anatinus) 440 & n3

Index Duckworth, Robinson 182–5 & 186 nn 9–11 Duguid, William: head gardener at Down (1879– 80) 19 n6 Dunbar-Brander, James Brander: calls of hares 588 & n4; comments on Earthworms 587–8 & 588 nn 1–3; salmon breeding 588 & nn 5–6 Dupré, August 182 & 186 n9, 351 n2; on apparent inheritance of a malformation caused by injury, in his son 341–2 & 342 nn 1–2; CD thanks for note, thinks the case unlikely to have been a coincidence 347 & nn 1–2 Dupré, Frederick Harold 342 & n2 Dupré, Henry Augustus 342 & n2 Dupré, Percy Vivian 342 & n2 Dupuy, Eugène 314 & n9 dust 546 & n2 Dutrochet, Henri 520 & 523 n5, 687 & 688 n5 Duval-Jouve, Joseph 33 & 35 n12 Dykes, Lamplugh Brougham Ballantine: letter of condolence following the death of E.A. Darwin xxx, 375–6 & 376 nn 1–5 Dytiscidae 127 & 129 n4 ears 135 & 136 n1, 145–6 & nn 2–3, 149–50 & 150 n2, 151 n5, 151–2 & 152 nn 1–3 earth, mould xxvii, 10 & nn 1–2, 52 & n6, 68 & n3, 78–9 & 79 n1, 105 & 106 nn 1–11, 110 & n2, 136 & n1, 586 & 587 n16, 588 & 589 n2 earthworms 575 & n2; calciferous glands 555–6 & 556 n5, 576 n1; casts 68 & n2, 73 & nn 3–4, 78–9 & 79 n1, 105 & 106 n2, n10, 110 & nn 1–3, 112 & 113 n5, 195 & 196 n3; consuming leaves 75 & nn 1–5, 77 n1; dilapidated pier of Llandaff Cathedral attributed to their action 450 & 451 n2; dying after heavy rain 121–2 & 122 n2, 125 & 126 n2; eggs 546 & n1; emerging from trampled ground 495–6 & 496 n3; false acacia leaves in burrows 50 & 51 n5, 52 & n7, 74 & n6; horizontal ledges on steep slopes 52 & nn 4–5, 53 & 54 n3, 68 & n4, 73 & n5, 456 & 457 n2; intelligence xix– xx, 75 & n4, 76, 80 n1, 102 & n8, 122–3 & 123 n3, 124 & 125 nn 3–4, 125, 130 & n3, 168 & 169 n2; killed by salt water 455 & nn 1–2, 622 & 624 n5; leaves pulled into the mouths of burrows 75 & nn 1–5, 76–7 & 77 n1, 77–8 & 78 nn 4–5, 79–80 & 80 n1, 84 & 85 nn 1–2, 102 & n8, 133 & n4, 467–8 & 468 n2, 473, 513–14 & 515 n2, 528–30 & 530 n2, 630 & n2; prey of centipedes 475–6 & 476 nn 3–6; prey of slugs 635 & 636 n4; regarded as pests by gardeners xxvii, 471 & 473 n2, 561 & n2, 600–1 & 601 n1, 606 & 607 n2; report of luminosity 525 & n2; senses 518 & 519 n2, 533 & n1; sensitivity to

931

different colours of light 122 & n3, 125 & 126 n3; stones in gizzards 138 & 139 n1; things used to plug their holes 483 & n2; toxicity of Euphorbia and Nerium 556–7 & 557 n1, n3, 564–5 & 565 n2 Earthworms (CD) xvii, xix–xx, xxvi–xxviii, 115 & 117 n2, 196 n3, 343, 544 & 545 n1, 557 n1, 574 & n1, 587 & n1, 595 & 596 n1, 596 & nn 1–2, 606 & 607 n3, 608 & 609 n9, 661 n4, 697 & 699 nn 1–3, 701–9; action of worms in the denudation of land 231 & 232 n10; additions in later printings 568 & 569 n1, 571 & n2, 697 & 699 n3; attacked by some beetles 630 & n1; burial of ancient buildings 583 n3; burial of objects 506–7 & 507 nn 1–3, 512 & n1; burrows 503 & n3, 587–8 & 588 n3; CD and FD correcting proof-sheets xx, 212 & 213 n1, 216 & 217 n8, 217 & 219 n1, 223 n4, 223 & n4, 228 & n2, 230 & 231 n1, 232 & 233 n2, 235–6 & 236 n2, 237 n3, 239 & n1, 241–2 & 242 n2, n7, 244 & 245 n3, 251–2 & 252–253 nn 1–4, 255 & 256 n2, 289 & n7, 290 & 291 n3, 292, 295 & 296 n2, 364 & 365 n13, 378 & n5, 660 & 661 n8, 661 n3; CD driven almost frantic by letters about worms xxvii, 531 & 532 n8; CD mentions title to J.V. Carus 146–7 & 147 n3; CD on his use of term humus xxvii, 588 & 589 n2; CD on length of book and predicted sales 156 & nn 1–3, 158; CD rewriting first chapter 74 & n7, 75 & n3; CD sends pages to G.J. Romanes 122–3 & 123 n3, 123–4 & 125 nn 1–4, 379 & 380 n5, 384 & n8, 434 & 435 n2; CD’s comments on the title page 342 & 344 nn 1–3, 343; CD’s opinion of 306 & 306 n7; cited J.B. Dancer 487 & n1; cited F. Galton 542 & 543 n4; cited E.L. Henn 496 n3; cited V. Hensen 449 & n3, 462–3 & 463 n2, 681 & n3; cited W. Hoffmeister 542 & 543 n5; cited G. King 484 n3, 542 & 543 n3; cited E. Parfitt 593 & n1; cited G.J. Romanes 168 & 169 n2, 173 & 174 n2; cited J.F. Simpson 578 n1; cited D.J. Wintle 594 n1; cited F.B. Zincke 589 & n2; Clematis 207 & 208 n2; comments on 500–1 & 501 nn 1–4, 502–3 & 503 nn 1–3, 523 & 524 n1, 541–3 & 543 nn 1–7, 555–6 & 556 nn 4–6, 587–8 & 588 nn 1–3, 590 & nn 1–4, 622–3 & 623–4 nn 1–11, 701; R.F. Cooke sends CD an early copy 394 & 395 n3; digestion 571 & n2, 576 n1; earthworms dying after heavy rain 122 n2; errata 446 & 447 n5, 450 & n3, 487 & n1, 492 & nn 2–3, 504 & 505 nn 1–4, 507 & n1, 507–8 & 508 nn 1–3, 508 & n1, 517 & 518 n2, 519 & nn 1–2, 566 & n1, 568 & 569 n1, 585–6 & 586–7

932

Index

Earthworms (CD), cont. nn 1–16, 588 & n1, 622–3 & 624 nn 8–10, 701; feathers pulled into burrows 78 & n5; French translation, C.-F. Reinwald 508 & n2, 566 & n1, 571 & n2, 701; German translation, J.V. Carus 229–30 & nn 2–3, 285 & nn 1–3, 295 & 296 n1, 441 & n2, 568 & 569 n1, 585–6 & 586–7 nn 1–16, 588 & n1, 701; grinding of small particles of stone in the gizzards of worms 68 n2, 138 & 139 n2; intelligence in worms xix–xx, 75 & n4, 102 & n8, 122–3 & 123 n3, 123–4 & 125 nn 3–4; E. Krause would like to publish a part in Kosmos 216–17 & 217 n8, 222 & 223 n4, 223 & nn 1–2, 229–30 & 230 nn 1–3, 295 & 296 nn 4–5, 660 & 661 n8; E.R. Lankester’s diagram of the alimentary canal of Lumbricus 452 & n3; leaves consumed by earthworms 77 n1; leaves in burrows 75 & nn 1–5, 77–8 & 78 n4, 80 n1, 467–8 & 468 nn 2, 513–14 & 515 n2, 528–30 & 530 n2, 630 & n2; leaving burrows when disturbed 590 & nn 2–3, 594 & n1; letters of thanks for copies sent xxvii, 439 & n1, 444 & 445 n1, 445 & n1, 445–6 & 446 n1, 447 & 448 n1, 448 & n1, 449 & n2, 449–50 & nn 1–3, 452 & n1, 452–3 & 453 n2, 456 & 457 nn 1–2, 462 & n2, 462–3 & 463 nn 1, 466 & n1, 466 & 467 n1, 471 & 473 n1, 473 & n1, 473 & 474 nn 1–3, 478 & n1, 482 & n2, 487–8 & 488 n2, 516–17 & 517 n1, 533 & nn 1–2, 558 & n1, 577 & n1, 680–1 & 681 n2, 681–2 & 682 n2, 685 n2, 689 & nn 1–2; light, responsive to 519 n2; manuscript sent to printers 157 & 158 n1, 158 & 159 n1, 168 & 169 n1, 698 & 699 n12; meteoric dust 446 & n2; J. Murray will publish on usual terms 158 & n2; omnivorous 561 n3; pebbles formed from Roman bricks, sent by H. de Saussure 134 & n2, 138 & 139 n2; portion written by G.H. Darwin 252 & 252–3 n3; presentation list 327 & n2, 328 & 329 n3, 405 & n5, 412 & 413 n6, 433 & n1, 435 & n4, 438 & n2, 462 n11, 481 & 482 n6, 484 & n3, 494–5 nn 4–5, 504 & n3, 539 & 540 n2, 701–3 & 703–4 nn 1–64; proportion of chalk to earth in soil samples 58 & 59 n2; publication date xxi, 327 & nn 1–4, 328 & n1, 328 & 329 nn 1–3, 330 & 331 n1, 331–2 & 332 nn 1–2, 342 & 325 nn 1–3, 375 & n6, 379 & 380 n5, 433 & n2; review copies sent 457 & nn 1–3; reviews 508 & 509 n1, 511 & 512 n1, 513 & 515 n1, n3, 538 & 539 n1, 615 & n8, 705–9; reviews, Kosmos 285 & n3; reviews, Nature 459 & n2, 465 & n1; rhododendron leaves 75 & n4, 80

n1, 102 & n8; Robinia pseudoacacia 52 & n7, 74 & n6; Roman villa at Abinger 517 & n4; sales 158, 507 & n2, 516 & n2; sales, more copies printed xxvi–xxvii, 438 & nn 1–3, 441 & n1, 457 & n3, 487 & n1, 490 & n2, 493 & 495 n6, 517 & 517–18 nn 1–2, 527–8 & 528 nn 1–3, 531 & 532 n8, 538 & n9, 588 & 589 n3, 697 & 699 n3, 701; senses and mental powers of worms 74 & n7; short embankments observed at Beachy Head, East Sussex 68 n4; things used by worms to plug their holes 483 & n2; title 146–7 & 147 n3; triangular pieces of card pulled into burrows 77 & n4, 78 & n5, 102 & n8; vision, lacking 519 n2; worm activity on Abinger estate 58 & 59 n1 eastern question 49 & n3 Easton, James 234 & n2 Echidna 440 & n2 Echinodermata 169 & 169–71 n3, 173 & 174 n4, 224 & 225 n3, 248 n2, 375 & n2, 465 & n3 Echinodorus macrophyllus see Alisma macrophyllum Echinoidea 167 & n4 Echinus 173 & 174 n4 Eden, Robert 412 & 413 n2 Edinburgh University 501 & nn 6–7, 502 & n1, 559 & n1, 561 n2, 610 & n2, 625 & 625–6 nn 1–5 Edriophthalma 243 & n1 education 319–20 & 320 n2; of women 113 & 114 nn 12–13 Edward VII, king see Albert Edward, prince of Wales Edwards, Edward James: sends CD portrait of R.W. Darwin 293 & n2 Edwards, Henry: CD on the journal Papilio 103 & nn 1–2; CD thanks for his election as honorary member of the New York Entomological Club 103 & n1 egg albumin 289–90 & 290 n3, 292 & n8 eggs: cockroach 477 & 478 n3, 501–2 & 502 n2, 683 & n3; earthworms 546 & n1, 622 & 624 n5; hens 443–4 & 444 n1, 447 & nn 1–2 Elateridae (click beetles) 635 & 636 nn 2–3 electric currents: effects on roots 252 & 253 n7 electric organs 286 & 287 n5 elegant clarkia (Clarkia elegans; C. unguiculata) 144 n3, n6, 145 & n4 Elfving, Fredrik 226 & 227 n3, 231 & nn 3–4, 250 & 251 n3, 252 & 253 nn 6–7, 543 & 544 nn 4–5 Elie de Beaumont, Léonce 409 & 410 n5 Elisabeth, Empress of Austria 255 & n5, 664 & n5 Emberiza pecoris (North American cow bunting; Molothrus ater; brown-headed cowbird) 418 & 419 n2

Index embryology 55 & 58 n8, 197 n2, 204 & 205 n7, 225 & n8, 475 & 476 n1, 628 & n2, 643–4 & 646 n8 embryos 32–3 & 35 n11, 315 & n7 Encyclopaedia Britannica 304 n3, 310 & nn 1–3, 312 n8 Endlicher, Stephan Ladislaus 32 & 35 n6, 106 & 107 n4, 498 & n7, 686 & 687 n7 Engelhardt, Alphons: asks for reply written in CD’s hand xxii, 165 & 165–6 nn 1–3, 166 & nn 1–2, 654–5 & 655 nn 1–3 Engler, Adolf 271 n6 English, John Francis Hawker 368 & n1 Enhydra marina (sea otter; E. lutris) 615 & 616 n9 Entada scandens (E. gigas) 554 & 555 n7, 692 & 693 n7 eosine 244 & 245 n4, 250 & 251 n4 epicotyl 90 n9 epilepsy 314 & n9, 327 & 328 n3 Epping Forest and County of Essex Naturalists’ Field Club: CD honorary member 348 & n3 Epsom Derby, horse race 243 & n2 Equisetum (horsetails) 212 & 213 n5 Equus asinus (donkey) 629 & 630 n1 Equus caballus (horse) 629 & 630 n1 Erasmus Darwin (CD): S. Butler’s accusations against CD and E. Krause xvii–xviii, 4–5 & 7 nn 3–5, 5–6 & 7 nn 10–14, 39–40 & 41 n1, n3, n5, 44 & 45 n3, 47–8 & 48–9 nn 1–8, 70 & n2, 82 & n1, 637 & 639 nn 3–5, 638 & 639 nn 10–14; CD asks permission to publish E. Krause’s essay 82 & n3; CD sends copy and dedication to L. Stephens 44 & 45 n1, 47 & 48–9 nn 3–4, 51 & n3; CD’s research for 248 & 249 n2; L. Darwin suggests corrections should be made to the preface 36–7 & 37 nn 1–5, 39 & 41 n5, 53 & 54 n5; ED’s view on procrastination 88 & 90 n1; written while CD conducting experiments for Movement in plants 95 & 96 n3 see also Butler, Samuel; Darwin, Erasmus (1731-1802); Krause, Ernst Erasmus Darwin 2d ed. (CD) 37 & n5 Ernst, Adolf: sent presentation copy of Earthworms 703 & 704 n48 erratic boulders 298 & 299 n4, 326 & n3, 380 & 381 n3, 672 & 673 n3 Eschricht, Daniel Frederik 146 & n3 Essex skipper (Papilio linea; Thymelicus lineola) 128 & 129 n6 Etheridge, Robert 519 & 520 n2 ethics 366–7 & 367 n2 Eucalyptus 56 & 58 n12, 644 & 646 n12 Euglena viridis 593 & n3 Euphorbia (spurges) 480 & 481 n10, 494 & 495 nn 12–13, 500 & nn 4–5, 516 n1, n3, 532 & n10,

933

538 & n7, 539 & 540 n3, 540 & n6, 545 & 546 nn 1–3, 546–7 & 547 nn 2–3, 553 & n2, 567 & n2, 572 & n1, 697 & 699 n4 Euphorbia jacquiniaeflora (scarlet plume; E. fulgens) 163 & n7 Euphorbia myrsinites (myrtle spurge) 479 & 481 n5, 495 n12, 515 & 516 n4, 532 & n9, 545 & 546 n3 Euphorbia ornithopus (bird’s foot euphorbia) 479 & 481 n5 Euphorbia peplus (petty spurge) 468 & 469 n9, 479 & 481 n5, 495 n12, 505 & 506 n1, 510 n2, 532 & n9, 545 & 546 n1, 556–7 & 557 n1, 564–5 & 565 n2, 572 & n2 Euphorbia rhipsaloides (Indiantree spurge; E. tirucalli) 479 & 481 n5 Euphorbiaceae 492, 500 & nn 4–6 European fingernail clam (Cyclas cornea; Sphaerium corneum) 127 & 129 n4 European mole (Talpa europaea) 127 & 129 n3, 622 & 624 n6 European rabbit (Oryctolagus cuniculus) 329 & 330 n4 Euthemonia russula (clouded buff butterfly; Diacrisia sannio) 127 & 129 n6 Eutrombidium locustarum see Trombidium locustarum Evans-Lombe, Elizabeth 109 & n4 everlasting flower (Xerochrysum bracteatum) 636 & n6 evolution xvii, xxiii, xxv, 209 & n2, 238 & 238–9 nn 2–3, 276, 295 & n3, 325 & n3, 337 & 338 n2, 338 & 339 n7, 354 & 355 n12, 370 & 370–1 n5, 426 n4, 450, 551, 667; angiosperms and insects 345 & 346 n16; effect of external conditions 317–18 & 318 nn 1–6; letter from a Hindu 158 & n2; mammals 424 & n1, 429 & n1, 440 & nn 1–3; plants 157 & n3, 211 & 212 n3, 654 & n3; Steinheim fossil shells 234–5 & 235 nn 1–5 see also natural selection evolution (CD comments on): importance on W. Roux’s book 168–9 & 171 n4; so old that not likely to write on again 152 Ewart, James Cossar 169–71 n3, 170, 375 & n7, 465 & n3, 502 n1, 626 n5; CD declines to write a testimonial for 595 & n4, 625 & 625–6 n2 exosmosis 218 & 219 n6 Expression 2d ed. (CD): cited R.M. Lloyd 267 & n1, 271 & n1 Expression US ed. (CD): sales 137 & 138 n2 eye colour 152 & nn 1–2 eyed hawk-moth (Smerinthus ocellatus) 629 & 630 n2 eyesight 467 & n1 Eyre, Edward John 420 & n2

934

Index

Fabre, Jean-Henri 67 & n2; cats, homing instincts 121 n2; CD on Fabre’s letter about homing instincts 61 & 62 nn 1–3; work on instinctive behaviour in wasps 169 & 171 nn 7–9, 173–4 & 174 n6 Fagus antarctica (Antarctic beech; Nothofagus antarctica) 55 & 58 n10, 644 & 646 n10 Fairbanks, Annie Davis 59, 174 fairy rings 105 & 106 n9 false acacia (Robinia pseudoacacia) 50 & 51 n5, 52 & n7, 55 & 58 n5, 74 & n6, 76 & 77 n1, 643 & 646 n5 fanpetals (Sida) 163 & n8 Faraday, Michael 173 n1 Farrer, Hilda Cardew 260 n10 Farrer, Katherine Euphemia (Effie) 260 & n8, 361 & n6, 368 & 369 n6, 516 & 517 n1; W.E. Darwin’s cousin 195 & 196 n5 Farrer, Thomas Henry 260 & n8, n10; CD asks him to collect chalk sample from Abinger 58 & 59 nn 1–2; CD on the death of E.A. Darwin xxx, 370 & 371 n6; H. and I. Darwin visit 195 & 196 n5, 361 & n6; W.E. and S. Darwin visit 195 & 196 nn 4–5; W. Graham’s book Creed of science, CD’s opinion of 369–70 & 370–1 nn 1–5; W. Graham’s book Creed of science greatly interested him 366–7 & 367 nn 1–3; potatoes, funding for J. Torbitt’s work 3 & 4 n2, 8–9 & 9 n2, 18 & 19 n2, 29 & 30 n3, 59 & n3, 132 n4, 224 & n1, 229 & n1; potatoes, has forwarded J. Torbitt’s report to J. Caird 3 & 4 n2; potatoes, would like to grow J. Torbitt’s varieties 3 & 4 n3, 18 & 19 n4; on reading Movement in plants 3–4 & 4 n4, n6; on reform of bankruptcy law 3 & 4 n5; secretary of the Board of Trade 42 & 43 n2, 517 & n6; sent presentation copy of Earthworms 702 & 704 n24; thanks CD for presentation copy of Earthworms 516–17 & n1, nn 3–4; J. Torbitt sends potatoes 131 & 132 n4, 136 & n2; on trade 516–17 & 517 n2; visits H. and I. Darwin 517 & nn 6–8 see also potatoes (J. Torbitt’s project) Favosites 272 & 273 n4 Fayrer, Joseph 41 & 42 n1, 451 n1; CD writes to introduce M. Lubbock who is applying to Charing Cross Hospital 43 & nn 1–2 feather grass (Stipa pennata) 267 & 267–8 n1 feathers, used by earthworms 78 & n5 Fegan, James William Condell: rents Down village Reading Room 543 & 544 n6 Fenian dynamite campaigns 73 & 74 n12 Fergusson, William 183

ferns 60 & n6 Ferrers, Norman Macleod 548 & n3 Ferrier, David 182 & 186 n7; prosecuted for violating the 1876 Cruelty to Animals Act xxxi, 548 & 549 n1, 561–2 & 562 n2, 569 & n3, 614 & 615 n4 fertilisation, of plants: figs by hymenoptera 33–4 & 35 nn 13–15, 108 & 109 nn 3–5; orchids 85–6 & 86 nn 2–3 ‘Fertilization of orchids’ (CD) 389 n1 Ffestiniog, Wales 408 & n6 Ffinden, George Sketchley 463 & n2; CD sends payment for the Down Coal and Clothing Club 441–2 & 442 nn 1–3 Ficedula hypoleuca (pied flycatcher) 289 & n8 fig wasps 33, 33–4 & 35 nn 13–15, 108 & 109 n4 figs 33–4 & 35 nn 13–15, 108 & 109 nn 3–5 FINANCES (CD) see Darwin, Charles Robert, FINANCES

fire-pumps, portable 50 & 51 n2 Fisch, Carl 232 & 233 n7 fish: electric organs 286 & 287 n5 fishtail woodsorrel (Oxalis ortgiesii) 107 & 108 n9 Fitzgerald, Robert David: CD thanks for part 6 of Australian orchids, and would be honoured if the work were dedicated to him 85–6 & 86 nn 1–5 FitzRoy, Robert 429 & 430 n3, 582 n5 flax (Linum usitatissimum) 35 n3, 524 & n3 flaxes (Linum) 232 & 233 n5 Fleming, George 618 & 619 n7 Florida, USA 166–7 & 167 nn 1–4, 203 & 205 n1, 224–5 & 225 n7, 247 & 248 n2 Flourens, Pierre 180 & 181 n14, 657 & 659 n14 Flower, William Henry 258 n1, 614 & 615 n3; Civil List pension for A.R. Wallace 12 & n4, 12–13 & 13 n2 flowers: attracting insects 381–2 & 382 nn 1–6; heterostyly 82–3 & 84 nn 2–6, 115 & nn 2–3, 278 & 279 n5, 647 & 648 nn 2–6, 653 & nn 2–3; stamens of different colours xxi, 143 & 144 nn 2–4, n6, 145 & nn 2–4, 153 & n2, 159 & 159–60 n4, n8 fluids 242 & n2, 289–90 & 290 n3, 598–9 & 599 n1, 619 & 619–20 nn 1–2 fly ophrys (Ophrys muscifera) 85 & 86 n2 flying machines xxii, 94 & n2, 97 & n1, 652 & n2 foetuses 146 & n2 Forbes, Edward 272 n3, 337 & 339 n5, 344 & 346 n5 forcipules 476 & n5 Forms of flowers (CD): Coccocypselum 349 & 351 n3, 675 & 676 n3; Lagerstroemia 159 & n4

Index Forms of flowers US ed. (CD): sales 138 & n2, 510 & 511 n2 Forrest, George Edward 531 & 532 n3 Forster, Edward Morgan Llewellyn 260 n2 Forster, Laura Mary: letter to H.E. Litchfield including note on daisies for CD 259–60 & 260 nn 1–11 Forsyth, Anne Noel 470 & n2 Fossil Cirripedia (CD) 628 & n4 fossils xxxi, 272 & 273 n4, 299 & n5, 541 & nn 3–5; mastodon 257–8 & 258 n2, 287 & nn 1–2; plants 344 & 346 n10, 345 & 346 n14, 554 & 555 n4, 692 & n4; scorpions 534 & nn 1–2, 541 & n1, n5; snails 234–5 & 235 nn 1–5 Foster, Margaret Sarah: visits CD in Cambridge 698 & 699 n30 Foster, Michael 105, 614 & 615 n3; visits CD in Cambridge 698 & 699 n30 foxes 267 & n1, 271 & n1 Foxley Wood, Norfolk 128 & 129 n7 Frank Leslie’s Illustrated Newspaper: false report of CD’s ill health 59 & 60 n1 Franke, Constance Rose: visits Down 239 & 240 n7, 698 & 699 n14 Franke, Johannes Hermann: visits Down 239 & 240 n7, 698 & 699 n14 Franklin, Benjamin 199–200 & 200 nn 1–4, 220 & 221 nn 1–3; letter from ED 220–1 & 221– 222 nn 4–5, nn 9–11, 248 & 249 n4; MarieAntoinette comments on his plain dress 248–9 & 249 n6 Franklin, William Temple 199–200 & 200 n4, 220, 248 & 249 n2 Frankwell, Shrewsbury 408 & n2 Frederick II, king of Prussia 56 & 58 n15, 645 & 646 n15 Frederick William, crown prince of Germany 336 & 337 n6, 698 & 699 n21 Fredericq, Léon 585 & 586 n7, 586 & 587 n14 Free Church College, Aberdeen 35 & 36 n1 free trade 516–17 & 517 n2 frogs, encased in rock 395–6 & 396 nn 1–2 Froude, James Anthony 200–1 n6, 435 & 436 n3 fruit, ‘Adam’s apple’ 365 & n2 Fry, Edward: earthworms using mulberrries to plug their holes 483 & nn 1–2 fuchsine 244 & 245 n4, 250 & 251 n4 Fuegia Basket (Yokcushlu) 140 & 141 n5, 581 & 582 n5 Fuegians: human display 581 & 581–2 nn 2–5; languages xxii–xxiii, 139–40 & 141 nn 4–5, 144 & n2

935

full-flowered sea pen (Virgularia grandiflora; Anthoptilum grandiflorum) 627 & 628 n1 Funafuti atoll 205 n6 fungi 157 & n5, 654 & n5; circumnutation in mycelium 212 & 213 n7, 218 & 219 n15, 226 & 227 nn 3–4, 251 n3, 274 & 275 nn 3–4; classification of 275 n5; fairy rings 105 & 106 n9; sensitivity to touch 226 & 227 n6 Galápagos islands 298 & 299 n3 Galbraith, Julius Frazelle: wheat shoots that apparently developed into worms 474–5 & 475 n1, 533–4 & 534 n1 gale of the wind (Phyllanthus niruri) 32 & 35 n7, 108 & 109 n2, 282 & 283 n2 gales 461 & 462 n8, 466 & n2, 495–6 & 496 n2 Gallesio, Giorgio 365 & n2 Galton, Francis 113 & 114 n14, 368 & n1; CD asks if Galton can call on him in London 606 & nn 1–3; CD asks whether he has a letter from I.P. Bishop 208 & nn 1–3; CD on illuminating worms with different colours of light 125 & 126 n3; CD on intelligence in worms xx, 125; CD on worms dying after heavy rain 125 & 126 n2; CD’s opinion of 113 & 114 n15; curious to learn the effects of different colours of light on worms 122 & n3; ED’s grandson 248 & 249 n2; on finding dead worms on paths after heavy rain 121–2 & 122 n2, 542 & 543 n4; Physiological Society, member of 374 & 375 n1; sent presentation copy of Earthworms 702 & 703 n9; thanks CD for presentation copy of Earthworms xxvii, 444 & 445 n1; visits Down 102 & n7, 113 & 114 n15, 698 & 699 n7; work on heredity 57 & 58 n18, 646 & 647 n18 Galton, Louisa Jane 606 & n2; unable to visit Down due to a bilious attack 102 n7, 113 & 114 n15 galvanic currents: effects on roots 252 & 253 n7 garden snail (Helix aspersa; Cornu aspersum) 358 & n3, 676 & 677 n3 Gardeners’ Chronicle 80 n2, 122 & 123 n2, 124 & 125 n5, 164 & n1, 167 & 168 n3, 171 & n1, 359 & n4, 677 & 678 n4; N.E. Brown, ‘A locomotive dicotyledon’ 307 & n2, 315 & n6; sent presentation copy of Earthworms 703 & 704 n60 Gardiner, Walter 537 & 538 n5 Garfield, James Abram 364 & 365 n8 garlic (Allium sativum) 352 & n3 Die Gartenlaube 216 & 217 nn 2–3, 222 & nn 1–2, 231 & n2, 659–60 & 660 nn 2–3

936

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Gärtner, Karl Friedrich von 149 & n2 Gascoyne-Cecil, Robert Arthur Talbot 456 & 457 n4 gases 242 & n2, 289–90 & 290 n3 gauchos 169 & 171 n8 Geddes, Patrick 625 & 626 n3; CD has read his article on Convoluta schultzii 591 & 592 n2; CD thanks for sending his article on insectivorous plants in Encyclopaedia Britannica 591 & 592 n1 geese: malformed wings 257 & 258 n1 Gegenbaur, Carl 296 & 297 n5, 670 & n5 Geikie, Archibald: CD interested in his account in Nature of discovering scorpion fossils, offers to subscribe to search for more fossils xxxi, 534 & nn 1–2; director-general of the Geological Survey of Great Britain 598 & n1; effect of wind on soil formation 447–8 & 448 nn 2–3; gives CD more details of fossils found and thanks for offer of subscription 540–1 & 541 nn 1–5; memorial to W.E. Gladstone requesting annuity for J. Croll 283 & n1; sent presentation copy of Earthworms 702 & 703 n13; thanks CD for presentation copy of Earthworms xxvii, 447 & 448 n1 Geikie, James: asks CD for a testimonial 598 & nn 1–2; CD gives a testimonial 599–600 & 600 nn 1–3; Prehistoric Europe: a geological sketch 10 & n3, 84 & 85 n5; sent presentation copy of Earthworms 702 & 703 n16; on terraces in the Cheviot Hills 448 & 449 n2; thanks CD for presentation copy of Earthworms xxvii, 448 & n1; thanks CD for testimonial 609–10 & 610 nn 1–2 geographical distribution 80–1 & 81 n2, 109 & 110 n5, 111 & 112 nn 5–10, 261 & 262 n2, 269 & n6, 299 & nn 6–7, 333 & 334 n4, 664 & 665 n2; J.D. Hooker’s presidential address to the British Association for the Advancement of Science 109 & 110 n5, 273 & 274 n8, 279 & 280 n7, 337–8 & 338–9 nn 1–11, 344–5 & 346 nn 1–17, 353–4 & 355 nn 1–16, 355–6 & 356–7 nn 1–10, 359–60 & 360 nn 1–7, 361–2 & 362 nn 1–5, 380 & 381 nn 1–4, 388 & 389 nn 3–5 geography of Asia and Africa 353–4 & 355 n7 Geological Society of London 575 & n4, 603 & 604 n5, 632 & n3, 701; CD secretary (1838–41) 51 n3; W.E. Darwin applies for membership xxv–xxvi, 50, 51–2 & 52 nn 1–2, 53 & n2, 62 & n1, 65 & 67 n1, 67 & n1, 68 & n1, 133 & n3; sent presentation copy of Earthworms 702 & 703 n3 geology 599–600 & 600 n3; advances over the previous 50 years xxiv, 409–10 & 410 nn 1–8

George, Henry 307–8 & 308 n3, 311 & 312 n2 George III 366 & 367 n2 Georgina (Dahlia) 426 & n1 geotropism 259 & 260 n6, 321–2 & 322–3 nn 2–7, 478–9 & 479 n4 germ theory of disease 334 n3 Germany: Catholic church 216 & 217 n7, 222 & 223 n8, 660 & 661 n7; Steinheim crater 234– 5 & 235 nn 1–5 germination 89 & 90 n9, 206 & 206–7 nn 1–3, 232 & 233 n10, 352 & n2 giant cowbird (Molothrus oryzivorus) 416 & 419 n1 Gifford, Isabella S. 59 Gilbert, Joseph Henry: bread reform 110 n5; CD asks whether vegetable mould in the soil is acidic 78–9 & 79 n1, 110 & nn 1–3, 136; CD read Gilbert’s address to the Chemical Section of the British Association for the Advancement of Science in Nature 110 & n6; CD returns How crops feed and journal on the acidity of soil 136 & nn 1–2; CD thanks for article about bread 110 & n5; CD thanks for invitation to visit Rothamsted Experimental Station, but declines as he is in the Lake District 257 & nn 1–2; invites CD to visit Rothamsted Experimental Station 253–4 & 254 nn 1–2, 256 & 257 n9; posts CD book and journal on the acidity of soil 122 & n1; sends CD references on the acidity of soil 105 & 106 nn 1–11; sent presentation copy of Earthworms 702 & 703 n14 ginger (Zingiber officinale) 177 n1 ginger beer plant 176–7 & 177 n1 ginger lilies (Hedychium) 32 & 35 n10, 107 & 108 n9 Girton College, Cambridge 114 n13 glacial deposits 298 & 299 n4, 326 & n3, 372 & 673 n3, 380 & 381 n3 glacial epochs 7 & 8 n3 glacial lakes 536 & n2 glacial theory xxiv, 409 & 410 nn 4–6 Gladstone, Helen: visits CD in Cambridge 698 & 699 n30, n31 Gladstone, John Hall 25 & 26 n2, 551 & n2 Gladstone, William Ewart: approves Civil List pension for A.R. Wallace 20 & 20–1 n1, 21 & n1, 21–2 & 22 nn 1–2, 22 & n2, 23 & n1, 23–4 & 24 nn 1–4, n6, 24–5 & nn 1–5, 30–1 & 31 nn 1–3, 42 & 43 n1, n3, 59 & n5, 72 & n1, 89 & 90 n8; CD declines the honour of becoming a trustee of the British Museum xxv, 201 & n1; CD presenting memorial requesting a Civil List pension for A.R. Wallace 8 & nn 1–2, 11–12 & 12 nn 1–4, 12–13 & 13 nn 1–4, 14

Index & 15 n8; CD thanks for his note approving Civil List pension for A.R. Wallace 23 & n1; invites CD to become a trustee of the British Museum 198 & 199 n1; memorial requesting annuity for J. Croll 283 n1; Protection of Persons and Property Bill 73 & 73–4 n10; tells CD he will recommend A.R. Wallace for Civil List pension 20 & 20–1 n1 Gladwin, Edgar Franklin: CD sends his autograph to 572 & 573 n1 Glaisher, James Whitbread Lee 552 & n6 glass-snail (Vitrina) 262 & 264 n5, 298 & 299 n2, 665 & 666 n5 Glimpse, yacht 632 & n3 Globigerina 225 & n4 glow-worms 525 & n2 gnats 373 & n2, 376 & n3, 544–5 & 545 n2 goat willow (Salix caprea) 128 & 129 n7 goatsucker (Caprimulgus europaeus) 150 & n3, 152 & n4 Godalming, Surrey 311 & 312 n6 Goebel, Karl 274 & 275 n2 Goette, Alexander 226 & 227 n8, 231 & n6 Goltz, Freidrich Leopold 226 & 227 n9, 231 & n6 Goodwin, William Henry: asks for CD’s autograph 240 & nn 1–3 Gordon, Charles George 265 & 266 n8 Gordon, George 412–13 & 413 n7 Gorgonia 224 & 225 n3 gourds (Cucurbita) 232 & 233 n5 gout 556 & n6 grafts 147 & n1, 149 & n1, 174 & n8 Graham, William 291 & n7, 297 & 298 n4, 302 & n5, 305 & 306 n13, 311 & 312 nn 4–5, 361 & n1, 369–70 & 370–1 nn 1–5; asks if he may use extracts of CD’s letter about his book as a testimonial 435 & 435–6 nn 1–4; CD on how much he has enjoyed his book, Creed of science xxiii, 300 & 301 nn 1–4; CD would like to meet when next in London 340–1 & 341 nn 1–3; extract of letter to CD 340 & nn 1–3; T.H. Farrer interested by Creed of science 366– 7 & 367 nn 1–3; visits Down 557 & 558 n6 grape phylloxera (Phylloxera vastatrix; Daktulosphaira vitifoliae) 314 & 315 n2, 537 & 538 n3 grapevines (Vitis) 427 & 428 n1, 428 & n9, 537 & 538 n3 Grasmere, Lake District 294 & n6, 295 & n5 grasses (Gramineae; Poaceae) 106 & 107 n4, 268 & 269 n3; cotyledons 164 & 165 nn 3–5, 171 & 171–2 nn 2–3 grasshoppers 426 & n5

937

Graves, Anthony Elly: sends CD observation about earthworms 518 & 518–19 nn 1–2, 533 & n1 gravity 173 & 174 n4, 274–5 & 275 nn 6–7 Gray, Asa 154 n1, 338 & 339 n8, 345 & 346 n14, 480 & 481 n9; CD assures Gray FD not offended and was pleased to receive letter xxvi, 71 & nn 4–5; CD sends remembrances to 112; CD thanks for his review of Movement in plants 70–1 & 71 nn 1–3; corresponding member of the Syracuse Botanical Club 60 n3; European tour 269 n6; mumps 109, 111 & 112 n4; nervous of speaking in public 69; notice on E.J. Loomis’s observations on Asplenium trichomanes in the Botanical Gazette 142 & 143 n4; review of Movement in plants 69 & n1; sent presentation copy of Earthworms 435 & n4, 702 & 703 n21, 703 & 704 n56; Structural botany, or, organography on the basis of morphology 60 & n3; trip to Italy 109 & n3, 112, 253–4 & 254 n2, 261 n4, 268 & n1; visits J.D. Hooker at Kew 435 & n4, 482 & 483 n7, 493 & n7; worried he may have offended FD 69 & n2 Gray, Jane Loring 69 n2, 71 & n6, 482 & 483 n7, 493 & n7; European tour 269 n6; trip to Italy 109 & n3, 112, 253–4 & 254 n2, 261 n4, 268 & n1 grazing animals 42 & n1, 46 & 47 nn 1–2, 52 & n4 great mullein (Verbascum thapsus) 154 n3 Great Northern Railway 304 & n2, 305 & nn 2–3 great sallow (Salix caprea) 128 & 129 n7 Greg, William Rathbone 273 & n5, 279 & 280 n5 grey nicker (Caesalpinia bonducella; Guilandina bonduc) 554 & 555 n7, 692 & 693 n7 grey willow (Salix cinerea) 128 & 129 n7 Griffith, William 492 & 493 n3 Grimshaw, Thomas Wrigley 182 & 186 n7 Grisebach, August Heinrich Rudolf 270 & 271 n5, 354 & 355 n11 groundnut (Apios tuberosa; A. americana) 70 & 71 n2 groundsel (Senecio vulgaris) 168 & n5 Guiana-chestnut (Pachira aquatica) 32 & 35 n11 Guilandina bonduc see Caesalpinia bonducella guinea pigs 314 & n9, 327 & 328 n3 Gulf of Mexico 224 Gull, William Withey 615 & n6; CD declines invitation to dinner due to lack of strength 310–11 & 311 n1; invites CD to a dinner for the opening of the International Medical Congress, attended by the prince of Wales 309 & nn 1–2 Günther, Albert: CD enquires about posts that might suit F.W. Surman, E.A. Darwin’s

938

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Günther, Albert, cont. former butler 610 & n1, 616 & nn 1–2; CD thanks Günther for his help, but candidate too old 620 & 621 nn 1–2, 621 & 622 n2; Civil List pension for A.R. Wallace 12 & n4, 12–13 & 13 n2; explains process of applying for posts at the British Museum 617 & nn 1–4; pipefish 620 & n2 gymnosperms 157 & n5, 654 & n5 Gyraulus kleini see Planorbis laevis Haberlandt, Gottlieb: reviewed German translation of Movement in plants 305 & 306 n6; thanks CD for presentation copy of Movement in plants and sends his photograph 15–16 & 16 nn 1–5, 640 & 640–1 nn 1–5 Hacon, William Mackmurdo 367 & 368 n3; CD’s will xxx, 19 & 20 n1, 68 & n5, 397–8 & 398 nn 1–4, 401 & n3, 402 & nn 1–2, 410–11 & 411 nn 1–6, 420–1 & 421 nn 1–6; CD’s will, G.H. Morris will bring will to Down to be executed 423 & nn 1–2; writes to L. Darwin about CD’s purchase of land from S. Sales 442–3 & 443 nn 1–2, 451–2 & 452 nn 1–2, 453 & nn 1–2, 458–9 & 459 n1 Haddon, Alfred Cort 44 & nn 3–4 Haeckel, Ernst xxiii, 179 & 181 n12, 214 n6, 657 & 659 n12; CD asks him to call on C. Zeiss to get a microscope for FD 87 & 88 nn 1–2, 281 & 282 n8, 669 & n8; CD on funding for trip to Ceylon, offers to contribute xxx–xxxi, 287 & 288 nn 1–3; CD on holiday in Lake District 288 & n2, 296, 670; CD thanks for latest parts of System der Acraspeden 87 & 88 n3; CD thanks for microscope, FD finds it excellent 288 & nn 1–2; CD’s theories universally accepted in Germany 87, 649; on C. Gegenbaur’s illness 296 & 297 n5, 670 & n5; seeking funding for trip to Ceylon 280–2 & 282 nn 1–7, 284 & 285 nn 1–3, 288–9 & 289 nn 5–6, 668–9 & 669 nn 1–7; sends CD birthday congratulations 86 & 87 n2, 648 & 649 n2; sent presentation copy of Earthworms 703 & 704 n52; thanks CD for his offer of a contribution towards his trip to Ceylon 296 & 297 nn 1–4, 669–70 & 670 nn 1–4; thanks CD for presentation copy of Movement in plants 86 & 87 n3, 648 & 649 n3; theory of the ‘soul cell’ 86 & 87 n4, 648 & 649 n4; work on medusae 86–7 & 87 nn 5–6, 391 & 392 n5, 648–9 & 649 nn 5–6, 678 & 679 n5 Haematoxylon (logwood; Haematoxylum) 162 & 163 n3

Haematoxylon campechianum (bloodwood tree) 162 & 163 n3 Hagen, Hermann August 607–8 & 609 nn 6–7 Hagenbeck, Carl 581 n2 Hahn, Otto 270 & 271 n7, 272 & 272–3 nn 2–3 Hahnia meteorica 270 & 271 n7 hair 85 & n2; on ears 135 & 136 n1, 145–6 & nn 2–3, 149–50 & 150 n2, 151 n5, 151–2 & 152 nn 1–3; prematurely white 192–3 & 195 nn 1–4 Haliburton, Sarah Harriet: met CD and Emma at home of E.A. Darwin (1880) 244 n4; sends condolences on death of E.A. Darwin 390 & nn 1–2; sister seriously ill 390 & 391 nn 3–4 Halictus (sweat bees) 61 & 62 n3 Hall, Arthur: CD thanks for note 587 & n1; Roman road buried beneath soil 582 & 583 nn 1–3 Hall, John Thomas 126 & 127 n4 Hamond, Janetta 575 & n5 Hamond, Robert Nicholas (1809–83) 428 & n7, 575 & n1 Hamond, Robert Nicholas (1844–94) 575 & n5 Hampshire 474 & n5 Hankinson, Robert Chatfield 53 & 54 n7 Hanley, Sylvanus 272 n3 Hannay, James Ballantyne: CD suggests modifications to Hannay’s attempts to create artificial diamonds 283–4 & 284 n1; on difficulties obtaining vessels stong enough to withstand high pressures 289 & 290 n2; on liquid and gaseous states of matter 242 & n2, 289–90 & 290 n3 Hanover Square Club, London 243 & 244 n3 Harcourt, William Vernon 65 & 67 n2, 614 & 615 n5 Hardaker, Martha A. xxii, 626 nn 1–2 hares 588 & n4 Harker, Allen 100 & n6 Harmer, John: sends CD a beetle that he found eating an earthworm 399 & n1 Harpenden, Rothamsted Experimental Station 253–4 & 254 n1, 256 & 257 n9, 257 & n1 Harrison, Lucy Caroline 414 & 415 n3; CD sends advice on observation techniques for A.N. Forsyth 470 & nn 1–2; sent presentation copy of Earthworms 702 & 704 n32 Hartnack, Edmund 212 & 213 n3, 515 & 516 n2, 564 & n5 hart’s tongue fern (Asplenium scolopendrium) 60 & n6 Hartung, Georg 299 n4, 326 & n3, 672 & 673 n3 Haughton, Samuel 183–4 & 186 n16 Hawkins, John Luther 150 & 151 n6

Index Hawkshaw, Cicely Mary 195 & 196 n5 Hawkshaw, Clarke 195 & 196 n5 Haydon, George Henry: sends CD some Canadian mosquitoes 399 & 400 n1 Haydon, Walton 399 & 400 n1 Head, P.R.: CD thanks for sending errata for Earthworms 492 & nn 1–3 HEALTH (CD) see Darwin, Charles Robert, HEALTH Hearne, Samuel 205 & 206 n2 heart disease, CD’s illness while staying with H.E. and R.B. Litchfield in London xvii, 604 & 604–5 n2, 605 & 606 n5, 606 & nn 1–3 Heckel, Édouard: CD sends photograph 23 & nn 1–2; Movement in plants, translated for French edition 566 & 567 n2, 571 & n1 hectocotylisation 325 & n2 Hector, James 109 & n2 Hedera 554 & 555 n4, 692 & n4 Hedychium (ginger lilies) 32 & 35 n10, 107 & 108 n9 Heeria 144 n6 Helensburgh, Scotland 242 & 243 n3 Helianthus annuus (common sunflower) 232 & 233 n5 heliotropism 32 & 35 n8, 107 & 107–8 nn 6–9, 108 & 109 n2, n7, 175–6 & 176 nn 1–6, 259 & 260 n6, 270 & n1, 468 & 469 nn 5–6, 476 & 477 n2, 478 & 479 nn 2–4, 488–9 & 489–90 nn 2–7, 535 & 536 nn 4–6, 689–90 & 690 nn 4–6 see also paraheliotropism Helix 326 n7, 673 n7 Helix aspersa (garden snail; Cornu aspersum) 358 & n3, 676 & 677 n3 Helmholtz, Hermann von 179 & 181 n12, 293 & 294 n2, 657 & 659 n12 Helvellyn, Lake District 400 & 401 n6 Hément, Félix: accents of deaf-mutes who have learned to speak 624–5 & 625 nn 1–5, 694–5 & 695 nn 1–5 Henn, Edward Lovett: observes earthworms emerging from trampled ground 495–6 & 496 nn 1–3 Henry, Mitchell 361 & n2 hens 150 & n3, 152 & n5; eggs 443–4 & 444 n1, 447 & nn 1–2 Hensen, Victor 270 & 271 n6, 462–3 & 463 n2, 585 & 586 n2, 586 & 587 n13; CD cited by 236 & 237 n2, 239 & 240 nn 5–6, 661 & n2; sent presentation copy of Earthworms 703 & 704 n53; thanks CD for letter and gives reference for P.E. Müller’s article on earthworm activity 236 & 237 nn 1–4, 661 & nn 1–4; thanks CD for presentation copy of Earthworms and sends comments 449 & nn 1–5, 680–1 & nn 1–5

939

Henslow, George 115–16 & 117 n3, 164 & 165 n5, 171 & 172 n3 Henslow, John Stevens 110 & n5 Herbert, John Maurice: sends condolences on the death of E.A. Darwin 445 & n3; sent presentation copy of Earthworms 702 & 703 n12; thanks CD for presentation copy of Earthworms 445 & nn 1–2 heredity see inheritance Herefordshire Beacon, Malvern Hills 195 n2 Hering, Ewald 28 & n9, 38 & 39 n6, 641 & 642 n9 hermaphroditism 629, 634 & n3 Herminium monorchis (musk orchid) 388 & 389 n1, 409 & n2 Herne Hill 291 & 292 n4 Herries, Farquhar, Chapman & Co., 371 & n5, 387 & n4, 393 & n2, 461 & n7, 504 & n4 Herschel, John Frederick William 299 n5, 603 & 604 n5 Heteranthera reniformis (kidneyleaf mudplantain) 83 & 84 n5, 159 & 160 n5, 245 & 247 n2, 396 & 397 n3, 647 & 648 n5, 662 & 663 n2 Heterocentron 145 & n5 Heterocentron roseum (pearlflower; H. subtriplinervium) 144 n3 heterostyly 82–3 & 84 nn 2–6, 115 & nn 2–3, 278 & 279 n5, 647 & 648 nn 2–6, 653 & nn 2–3 Hicks, Henry 410 n3, 519 & 520 nn 1–2 Higgins, John 98–9 & 99 nn 3–4, 101 & 102 n3, 591 & n2 Hildyard, James 408 & n8 Hilgendorf, Franz 234–5 & 235 nn 3–4 Hindus 158 & n2 hinnies 629 & 630 n1 Hippocampus (seahorses) 440 n3, 620 & n2 Hocken, Thomas Morland: CD thanks for the testimonial from Otago Institute, Dunedin, New Zealand 103 & nn 1–2 Hoek, Paulus Peronius Cato: CD thanks for report on Pycnogonida 565 & nn 1–2 Hoffmann, Hermann 318 & n3 Hoffmeister, Werner 475–6 & 476 n3, 503 & n2, 542 & 543 n5 Hoggan, George 178 & 180 n5, 214 & n4, 656 & 658 n5 Holbrook, Watson Curtis: CD thanks for letter 324 & n1 Holmgren, Frithiof 177–8 & 180 nn 2–4, 187 & 188 n1, n3, 188 & 189 n2, 190 & n2, 192 & n2, 196 & 197 n2, 213–14 & 214 n2, 655–6 & 658 nn 2–4; asks CD’s opinion on vivisection 154–5 & 155 nn 1–3; CD on his views on

940

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Holmgren, Frithiof, cont. experimenting on living animals xxiv, 160–1 & 161–2 nn 1–7, 176 & n8; sends his photograph 209 & n4; thanks CD for his letter on vivisection, published in The Times 208 & 209 nn 1–3, 218 & 219 n14; thanks CD for letter and photograph 238 & nn 1–2 Holothuria 559 & 560 n3, 563 & n3 Holwood estate, Kent 466 & n3 homing instincts 61 & 62 n1, 67 n1, 120–1 & 121 n2, 147 & n2, 149 & n4, 383 & 384 n7 Hooker, Brian Harvey Hodgson 338 & 339 n15, 345 & 346 n18 Hooker, Frances Harriet 273 n4 Hooker, Grace Ellen 261 & n4 Hooker, Hyacinth 273 & n4, 338 & 339 n16, 482 & 483 n3, 621 & n2; CD thanks for newspaper 395 & nn 1–3; plans to visit Knockholt 261 & n4, 268 & 269 n4, 273 & 274 n6; trip to Italy 109 & n3, 111 & 112 n4, 253–4 & 254 n2, 261 & n4, 268 & n1; visits Down 558 n6 Hooker, Joseph Dalton 8 & n1, 493 & 494 n4; F. de Arruda Furtado’s plant collection and correspondence from the Azores 388 & 389 n8, 464 & nn 3–4, 554 & 555 n3, 682 & 683 nn 3–4, 692 & n3; asks CD for some tubers of Herminium monorchis for the comte de Paris 388 & 389 n1; asks CD to send Oxalis corniculata 260 & 261 n1, 273 & n1; British Association for the Advancement of Science, address on geographical distribution xxiv, 109 & 110 n5, 273 & 274 n8, 279 & 280 n7, 337–8 & 338–9 nn 1–11, 353–4 & 355 nn 1–16, 359–60 & 360 nn 1–7, 388 & 389 nn 3–5; British Association for the Advancement of Science, address on geographical distribution, CD’s comments 111 & 112 nn 5–10, 344–5 & 346 nn 1–17, 355– 6 & 356–7 nn 1–10, 361–2 & 362 nn 1–5, 380 & 381 nn 1–4, 381 & n9; British Association for the Advancement of Science, president of Geographical Section 110 n5, 261 & n2, 273 & 274 n8, 280 n7, 377 & n3, 395 & n3; CD asks for help identifying the writer of a letter from Lima 512 & 513 n1; CD gives news of J.F. McLennan’s death 279 & 280 n6; CD has asked gardener to send Oxalis corniculata 268 & 269 n5; CD on F. de Arruda Furtado’s research on the Azores 380–1 & 381 nn 5–7, 409 & n3; CD on Genera plantarum 268 & 268–9 nn 2–3; CD on H. Hooker’s plans to visit Knockholt 268 & 269 n4; CD on his health and inability to tackle big projects xvii, 268; CD on V.O. Kovalevsky, wishes to be introduced and to visit Kew Gardens 21

& n1; CD on Lake District 268; CD on H.N. Moseley and coal beds on Kerguelen Island 111 & 112 n9; CD on specimen of Dischidia rafflesiana sent by G. King 480 & 481 n6; CD on success of Hooker’s sons 345 & 346 n18; CD on which species of Euphorbiaceae he would like 500 & nn 4–6; CD on J. Wiesner’s book criticising Movement in plants xxix, 480 & 481 n8; CD requests plants 479–80 & 480–1 nn 1–10, 547 n5; CD says FD unable to find Herminium monorchis 409 & n2; CD sends good wishes for his trip to Italy 111 & 112 n4; CD thanks for letter and friendly words 279 & nn 1–2; CD thanks for letter and plants 499 & 500 nn 1–3; CD thanks for letter of condolence after E.A. Darwin’s death 372–3 & 373 nn 1–2; CD thinks A.R. Wallace’s Island life a wonderful book 111 & 112 n10; CD will send Oxalis acetosella if needed 279 & 279–80 nn 3–4; CD’s bequest to xxx, 398; Civil List pension for A.R. Wallace 12 & n4, 12–13 & 13 n2; death of G. Rolleston xxix, 273 & 274 n7; Dischidia rafflesiana 492–3 & 493 nn 2–4, 537 & 538 n4; educational achievements of his sons 338 & 339 nn 15–16; experiments on plant ovaries 149 n3; found Earthworms interesting 474 & n4, 499 & 500 n1; funeral of H.C. Watson 338 & 339 n13; Genera plantarum 260 & 261 n3, 268 & 268–9 nn 2–3, 482 & 483 n6, 493 & n9; A. Gray visits 435 & n4, 482 & 483 n7; has not seen J. Wiesner’s book 493 & n8; has sent CD photos of New Zealand, taken by W.L. Carpenter 109 & n2; Index Kewensis, CD funds its compilation 616 & n1; Index Kewensis, B.D. Jackson chosen to produce 603 & 604 nn 1–3, 621 & n1; on C. Lyell, reading collection of his letters 603 & 604 nn 4–7; orchids 388 & 389 nn 1–2; portrait 241 & n3; purchased some land at Sunningdale on which to build a cottage 482 & 483 n5, 499 & 500 n2; Royal Botanic Gardens, director 149 n3, 261, 273 & n4, 388 & 389 n6, 428 n9; Royal Society, and government grant 284 & 285 n2; sends CD plants 492–3 & 493 nn 1–2, n5; sends condolences on the death of E.A. Darwin and recalls first meeting CD at Erasmus’s house xxx, 371–2 & 372 nn 1–3; sent presentation copy of Earthworms 702 & 703 n5; B.J. Sulivan sends some of his grapes 428 & n9; thanks CD for presentation copy of Earthworms xxvii, 482 & n2; trip to Italy 109 & n1, n3, 111 & 112 n4, 253–4 & 254 n2, 261 & n4, 268 & n1; visits W. Bowman 482 & 483 n3; visits Down 558 n6; visits W.S.

Index Symonds 621 & n2; on H.W. White’s ballad of Gondoline 621 & n3; work pressures 273 & nn 3–4, 388 & 389 n6, 482 & 483 n4; working on the palms section of Genera plantarum 260 & 261 n3, 268 & n2, 482 & 483 n6, 493 & n9 Hooker, Joseph Symonds 261 & n4, 273 & n4 Hooker, Reginald Hawthorn 261 & n4, 338 & 339 n15, 345 & 346 n17 Hooker, William Dawson 371–2 & 372 n2 Hooker, William Jackson 604 n7 hops 549–50 & 550 n3, 691 & n3 Horace 408 & n5 horned viper (Vipera ammodytes) 611 & 612 n4, 694 & n4 Horner, Arthur Claypon: sends list of queries about Earthworms 622–3 & 623–4 nn 1–11 horse (Equus caballus) 629 & 630 n1 horsetails (Equisetum) 212 & 213 n5 house sparrow (Passer domesticus) 636 & n5 Howell, Henry Hyatt 610 & n2 Hubbersty, Eliza Caroline 408 & n6 Hubbersty, Nathan: illness 408 & n6 Hubrecht, Ambrosius Arnold Willem: CD thanks for essay, and regrets he will be unable to attend the British Association for the Advancement of Science meeting 373–4 & 374 n1 Hudson River, United States 295 & n6 Hughes, Thomas McKenny 68 & n1 Hughes, Trajan: painting ‘Still life with insects on foxgloves’ 19 & 20 n7 Hult, Ragnar 239 & n4, 269 & n6, 270 & 271 n5 human displays 581 & 581–2 nn 2–5 humane treatment of animals 187 & 188 n5, 190 & n2, 198 & nn 2–3 humble bees (Bombus) 128 & 129 n10, 286 & n3 Humboldt, Alexander von xxiv, 337 & 338–9 nn 3–4, 344 & 346 nn 3–4, 353 & 355 nn 2–3, 356 & n6 Humboldt Foundation for Scientific Research and Travel 280 & 282 n4, 288 & 289 n5, 293 & 294 n2, 668 & 669 n4 Humulus lupulus (common hop) 549–50 & 550 n3, 691 & n3 humus xxvii, 10 & nn 1–2, 52 & n6, 68 & n3, 78–9 & 79 n1, 105 & 106 nn 1–11, 110 & n2, 136 & n1, 586 & 587 n16, 588 & 589 n2 Hunter, John 447 & n3 Hunter, William 447 & n3 Huntington, Samuel 221 n2 Hurndall, Frank: CD on cases of frogs and toads entombed in rock 411–12 & 412 nn 1–2; tells CD of a live frog found entombed in coal 395–6 & 396 nn 1–2

941

Huth, Ernst 334 n4 Hutton, Richard Holt 619 n6 Huxley, Henrietta Anne 129 & 130 n1; CD and Emma visit 113 & 114 n17, 114 & 115 n5, 698 & 699 n10, n34; climbed Helvellyn 400 & 401 n6; good opinion of A.R. Rich 120 & n5; holiday in Grasmere, Lake District 294 & n7, 400 & 401 n6; illness 11 & n4; visits A. Rich 264 & 266 n1, 363–4 & 365 n4, 393 & 394 n1 Huxley, Thomas Henry 8 & n1, 178 & 180 n8, 188 n4, 237 & n3, 241 & n3, 280 & 282 n5, 378 & n4, 454 & n2, 656 & 658 n8, 668 & 669 n5, 698 & 699 n21; address at British Association for the Advancement of Science meeting in York 400 & 401 n5; appointment as inspector of fisheries 65 & 67 n2, 89 & 90 n11, 114 n17, 116 & 117 n5, 119 & n2, 294 & n6, 614 & 615 n2; asks to be introduced to CD at a luncheon for the opening of the International Medical Congress 336 & 337 n7; on S. Butler’s latest accusations xviii, 26 & 26–7 nn 3–4; caricature by L. Sambourne 66; CD and Emma visit 113 & 114 n17, 114 & 115 n5, 604 & 605 n3, 605 & n2, 605 & 605–6 n3, 698 & 699 n10, n34; CD informs Huxley of A. Rich’s bequests 118–19 & 119 nn 1–6, 393–4 & 394 nn 3–4; CD informs that W.E. Gladstone has approved Civil List pension for A.R. Wallace 23–4 & 24 nn 1–4, n6; CD on E. Haeckel’s search for funding for trip to Ceylon 284 & 285 nn 1–3, 287 & 288 n2, 294– 5 & 295 nn 1–4; CD on Huxley’s address at the British Association for the Advancement of Science meeting in York 394 & n5; CD on Huxley’s appointment as inspector of fisheries 24 & n5; CD on Lake District 295 & n5; CD on W.E. Darwin’s wish to become a member of the Geological Society of London 62 & nn 1–2; CD’s bequest to xxx, 398 & n4; Civil List pension for A.R. Wallace 11 & n1, 11 & 12 n1, n4, 12–13 & 13 nn 2–3, 24–5 & 25 n3, 42 & 43 n5, 72 & n3; congratulates CD on obtaining Civil List pension for A.R. Wallace xviii, 26 & nn 1–2, 65 & 67 n3; The crayfish 258 & n4; delight at A. Rich’s bequest 120 & nn 1–5; E. Haeckel’s search for funding for trip to Ceylon 293–4 & 294 nn 1–5, 296 & 297 n3, 669 & 670 n3; has signed certificate for W.E. Darwin to become a member of the Geological Society of London 65 & 67 n1, 68 & n1; holiday in Grasmere, Lake District 294 & n7, 401 n6; inspector of fisheries 605 & 605–6 n3; lecture ‘On the application of the laws of evolution

942

Index

Huxley, Thomas Henry, cont. to the arrangement of the Vertebrata and more particularly of the Mammalia’ 11 & n3; lecture on ‘The coming of age of the Origin of species’ 70 & n2; lecturer at the Royal School of Mines, South Kensington 11 & n2, 67 n1; Physiological Society, member of 374 & 375 n1; plans to visit A. Rich 129 & 130 n1; portrait 297 & 297–8 n3; A. Rich bequeaths him his house 89 & 90 n12, 116–17 & 117 n7, n10, 117–18 & 118 n1, n3, 120 & nn 1–5, 129 & 130 n1, 266 n1, 365 n4, 394 n4, 400 & 401 n4; A. Rich’s further bequest 400 & 400–1 nn 2–4; Royal Society, secretary 287 & 288 n2, 289 & n6, 294 & n5; sent presentation copy of Earthworms 702 & 704 n30; support for Origin when first published 118 & n2; visits A. Rich 265 & 266 n1, 363–4 & 365 n4, 393 & 394 n1; work on salmon disease 605 & 605–6 n3 Hyatt, Alpheus 357 n1; CD thanks for book 209 & nn 1–2; on his work on the evolution of fossil snails at Steinheim crater, Germany 234–5 & 235 nn 1–5 hybrids 143, 147 & n1, 174 n8, 365 & n2, 629 & 630 n2, 634 & n3 Hyde Park, London 121–2 hydrotropism 535 & 536 nn 8–9, 690 & 690–1 nn 8–9 Hymenoptera 33, 33–4 & 35 nn 13–15, 108 & 109 n4, 391 & 392 n6, 678 & 679 n6 hypocotyls 535 & 536 n4, 689–90 & 690 n4 Hypoxylon see Sphaeria Iberian viper (Vipera seoanei; Portuguese viper) 611 & 612 n5, 694 & n5 Ichneumonidae 276 & 277 n5, 593 & n2, 635 & 636 n2, 666 & 667 n5 Ichthyosaurus 541 & n4 Ihering, Hermann von 276 & 277 n10, 391 & 392 n7, 667 & 668 n10, 678 & 679 n7 Imperial Academy of Science, Vienna: CD foreign corresponding member 573 n1 inarching 147 & n1, 149 & n1 Index Kewensis xxxi, 603 & 604 nn 1–3, 616 & n1, 621 & n1 India 158 & n2 Indiantree spurge (Euphorbia rhipsaloides; E. tirucalli) 479 & 481 n5 infants see babies inheritance 56–7 & 58 nn 14–18, 63 & n5, 63 & 64–5 nn 1–4, 64, 192–4 & 195 nn 1–7, 208 & n3, 240 n6, 312–14 & 314 nn 1–9, 431 & 433

nn 1–4, 433, 463 & nn 3–5, 634 & n3, 644–6 & 646–7 nn 14–18; supposed inheritance of an injury 257 & 258 n1, 313–14 & 314 nn 6–9, 327 & 328 n2, 341–2 & 342 nn 1–2, 431 & 433 n1 Innes, Eliza Marie Brodie 413 & n11 Innes, John Brodie: CD on death of E.A. Darwin 405 & n6; CD on nest-building by wasps 405 & nn 1–3, 416 & nn 1–3; death of E. Parslow 413 & n10; death of E.A. Darwin 413 & n9; difference in summer weather between Scotland and England 403 & 404 n2, 412 & 413 n5; on a lady friend using worms as bait when salmon fishing 413 & n8; nest-building by wasps 403 & 404 n1; sends CD a wasp’s nest 412 & 413 nn 3–4, 416 & nn 1–2; sent presentation copy of Earthworms 405 & n5, 412 & 413 n6, 702 & 704 n36 Innes, John William Brodie 413 & n11 inoculation 333 & 334 n3 inorganic evolution 384 & n9 insect pollination 86 n2 Insectivorous plants (CD) 160 n6, 493 n3; Drosera rotundifolia 292 & n6, 397 n6; metal salts poisonous to Drosera 252 & 253 n7; Utricularia 484 n2 Insectivorous plants 2d ed. (CD): Dischidia rafflesiana 481 n7, 484 n4 Insectivorous plants US ed. (CD) 60 & n4; sales 137 & 138 n2, 511 & n2 insects 61, 345 & 346 n16, 356 & 357 n10; attracted to flowers 381–2 & 382 nn 1–6 instinctive behaviour: homing 61 & 62 n1, 67 n1, 120–1 & 121 n2, 147 & n2, 149 & n4, 383 & 384 n7; in wasps and bees 169 & 171 nn 7–9, 173–4 & 174 nn 5–6, 286 & 287 n4 intelligence: in animals, how to define 123–4 & 125 nn 1–3, 383 & 384 n7; in worms xix–xx, 75 & n4, 76, 80 n1, 102 & n8, 122–3 & 123 n3, 124 & 125 nn 3–4, 125, 130 & n3, 168 & 169 n2 interglacial periods 84 International Medical Congress xxv, 226 & 227 n9, 249 & n1, 290 & 291 n4, 309 & nn 1–2, 310–11 & 311 n1, 336 & 337 nn 4–7, 338 & 339 n12, 348 & 349 n2, 379 & 380 n4, 437 & 438 n2, 601 & 602 n2, 614 & 615 n5, 698 & 699 n21; resolution on the use of vivisection 348 & 349 n4 Inveraray Castle, Scotland 113 & 114 n19 Ipomoea purpurea (common morning-glory) 236 & 237 n2, 661 & n2 Ireland 254–5 & 255 nn 4–7, 456 & 457 nn 3–4, 458 n8, 664 & nn 4–7; Dublin Science and Art Museum 424–5 & 425 n2, n5, 427 & n2

Index Irving, Benjamin Atkinson: observations on worms 576 & n1 Irving, Washington 125 n2 islands, oceanic 261 & 262 n2, 298 & 299 n3, 664 & 665 n2 isothermal lines 337 & 338 n3, 353 & 355 n3 Itajai Açu, Brazilian river 498 & n6, 686 & 687 n6 Italy 109 & n3, 112 n4 Jackson, Benjamin Daydon: Index Kewensis 603 & 604 nn 1–2, 621 & n1 Jackson, William 226 & 227 n5, 317 & n1, 398 & n5 Jäger, Gustav 5 & 7 n7, 637 & 639 n7 Jamaica Committee 420 & n2 Jellinek, Edward Lincoln: asks whether CD believes in the immortality of the soul 330 & n1; CD replies that the subject is too difficult 331 & nn 1–2 Jenner, William 569, 592 & n3, 602 & n1 Jerusalem 254 & 255 n4, 664 & n4 Jesse, George Richard xxiv–xxv; asks CD’s permission to publish his letter 190 & nn 1–4; CD on his support for physiology and the humane treatment of animals 187 & 188 nn 1–5; CD refuses permission to publish his letter 192 & nn 1–2; CD was glad to read letter to the Lancet 192 & n3; claims CD’s letters to The Times injure the cause of antivivisectionists 196 & 197 nn 2–4; founder of the Society for the Abolition of Vivisection 198 & n5; letter to the Lancet from the Society for the Abolition of Vivisection 190 & n5, 198 & n5; sends CD extracts of statements given by physiologists to the 1875 Royal Commission on vivisection 181–5 & 185–6 nn 1–23 Jesuits 180 & 181 n15, 276 & 277 n12, 658 & 659 n15, 667 & 668 n12 Jeudwine, John 126 & 127 n3 Jeudwine, John Wynne: asks CD for a subscription for playing fields at Shrewsbury School 126– 7 & 127 nn 1–5 Johnson, Henry: sent presentation copy of Earthworms 702 & 704 n26; thanks CD for presentation copy of Earthworms 462 & nn 1–3 Johnson, Maria M. 193 & 195 n6, 313 & 314 n7 Johnson, Mary Elisabeth 462 & n3 Johnson, Samuel 184 & 186 n22 Johnson, Samuel William 105 & 106 n6, 110 & n3, 122 & n1, 136 & n1 Jones, Ebenezer Backus 193 & 195 n3, 313 & 314 n5 Jones, Lawrence John: CD on numerical error in Earthworms 507–8 & 508 nn 1–3, 519 & nn

943

1–2; notices a numerical error in Earthworms 504 & 505 nn 1–4 Jones, Lucy Ann 193 & 195 n3, 313 & 314 n5 Journal of researches (CD) 19 & 20 n3, 240 & n2, 560 n1, 566 & n3; Galápagos islands 298 & 299 n3; Molothrus niger 418 & 419 nn 2–3, 526 & 527 n5; sales 516 & n2; Virgularia 627 & 628 n1 Journal of researches US ed (CD) 60 & n4 Judd, John Wesley 62 & n2, 68 & n1, 401 & 402 n7; CD meets in London 698 & 699 n33; CD on attack of illness when attempting to visit G.J Romanes 604–5 n2; points out a misprint in the text of Earthworms 450 & n3, 492 n2; professor of geology at Royal School of Mines 67 n1; sent presentation copy of Earthworms 702 & 703 n10; thanks CD for presentation copy of Earthworms 449–50 & 450 nn 1–2 Jussiaea (Ludwigia) 498 & n6, 686 & 687 n6 Kalanchoe pinnata see Bryophyllum calycinum Kant, Immanuel 254 & 255 n3, 321 & n1, 664 & n3 Kawesqar language 140 & 141 n5 Kennard, Caroline Augusta: asks CD’s views on the inferiority of women xxii, 626 & nn 1–2 Kerguelen Island 111 & 112 n9, 344, 354 & 355 nn 8–9 Kerr, Charlotte 427 & 428 n4 Kew see Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew kidneyleaf mudplantain (Heteranthera reniformis) 83 & 84 n5, 159 & 160 n5, 245 & 247 n2, 396 & 397 n3, 647 & 648 n5, 662 & 663 n2 Kielland, A.L. 59 n4 King, George 145 & n5, 542 & 543 n3; CD thanks for letter with description of Dischidia rafflesiana 483–4 & 484 n1; FD thanks on behalf of CD for specimen of Dischidia rafflesiana 560 & nn 1–2; sends CD specimen of Dischidia rafflesiana (D. major) 402–3 & 403 nn 1–3, 480 & 481 n6, 493 n2, 494 & 495 n15, 500 & n7, 532 & n11, 558 & n2; sent presentation copy of Earthworms 484 & n3, 703 & 704 n47; thanks CD for presentation copy of Earthworms 558 & n1, 560 & n3 Kirkman, Thomas Penyngton 198 & n6 Klein, Edward Emmanuel 179 & 180 n9, 183 & 186 n15, 214 & n5, 657 & 658 n9 klinostats xxv, 174 n4, 228 & n3, 245 & n8, 251 & n9, 252 & 253 n4, 274–5 & 275 n7, 322 & 322–3 nn 5–7 Knickerbacker, Helen Louise 193 & 195 n3, 313 & 314 n5

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Index

Knockholt, Kent 261 & n4, 268 & 269 n4, 273 & 274 n6 Knowles, James Thomas 374 & 375 n2, 379 & 380 n3 koala (Phascolarctos cinereus) 623 n4 Koch, Eduard: CD glad Kosmos has new publisher 199 & n2; CD thanks for the German edition of Movement in plants 199 & n1; publisher of Kosmos 5 & 7 n8, 216 & 217 n5, 222 & n2, 223 & n2, 223 n6, 285 & n2, 296 n4, 637–8 & 639 n8, 660 & 661 n5 Kölliker, Rudolf Albert von 633–4 & 634 n1 Koseritz, Karl von 276 & 277 nn 11–12, 667 & 668 nn 11–12 Kosmos 363 n1; FD, ‘Climbing plants’ 331 & n3; FD, translation of lecture on climbing plants 216 & 217 n5, 217 & 219 n4, 222 & 223 n7, 660 & 661 n7; G.H. Darwin, abstract of ‘On the tidal friction of a planet attended by several satellites, and on the evolution of the solar system’ 321 & n1, 331 & n3; E. Krause, review of S. Butler’s Unconscious memory xvii, 4–6 & 7 nn 1–14, 13 & 14 nn 1–6, 14–15 & 15 nn 1–12, 38 & 39 n3, 637–9 & 639 nn 1–14; F. Müller, article on Crotalaria 481 & 482 n2, 612 & 613 n5; F. Müller, ‘Atyoida Potimirim, eine schlammfressende Süsswassergarneele’ 222 & 223 n6, 481 & 482 n5; F. Müller, ‘Eine Pflanze, welche bei Nacht die Himmelsgegenden anzeigt’ 385 & 387 n4; F. Müller, ‘Verirrte Blätter’ 163 n4, 282 & 283 n1; new publisher, E. Koch 5 & 7 n8, 199 & n2, 222 & 223 n6, 223 n2, 296 n4, 637–8 & 639 n8; review and extracts from Earthworms 285 & n3; review of W. Roux, Der Kampf der Theile im Organismus 379 & 380 n7 see also Krause, Ernst Kovalevskaya, Sofia Vasilyevna 2 & n1, 21 n1 Kovalevsky, Vladimir Onufrievich: CD tells J.D. Hooker Kovalevsky would like to visit Kew Gardens 21 & n1; CD thanks for gift of Russian tea 2 & nn 1–2; sends CD a photograph of A.I. Butakoff 635 & n2; sends CD a silver gilt box 635 & n1 Kraus, Gregor 274 & 275 nn 2–3 Krause, Ernst 316 n2; S. Butler’s book, Unconscious memory, Krause’s review in Kosmos xvii, 4–6 & 7 nn 1–14, 14 & 15 n1, n10, 38 & 39 n3, 637–9 & 639 nn 1–14; on S. Butler’s letter to Nature 91–2 & 92 nn 3–12, 649–51 & 651 nn 3–12; CD on S. Butler’s letter to Nature 82 & nn 1–2; CD on delay to publication of Earthworms 330 & 331 n1; CD on Krause’s response to S. Butler’s allegations in

Unconscious memory 13 & 14 nn 1–6, 14–15 & 15 nn 1–12, 38 & 38–9 nn 1–6, 222 & 222–3 n3; CD on publishing part of Earthworms in Kosmos xx, 222 & 223 nn 4–5, 703 & 704 n46; CD sends Nature with Krause’s response to S. Butler’s allegations in Unconscious memory, and G.J. Romanes’s review 71 & 72 nn 1–3; CD thanks for article about Movement in plants entitled ‘Do plants have souls?’ 330 & 331 n2; CD thanks for publishing FD and George Darwin’s work in Kosmos 330 & 331 n3; CD thanks for summary of Movement in plants published in Die Gartenlaube 222 & nn 1–2; essay about ED xvii, 36–7 & 37 n2, nn 4–5, 39–40 & 41 n1, n3, n5, 82 & n3, 92 n11, 651 n11; FD would be pleased to have his lecture on climbing plants published in Kosmos 93 & n5; publishes German translation of FD’s lecture on climbing plants 216 & 217 n5, 660 & 661 n5; response to S. Butler’s allegations in Unconscious memory 5–6 & 7 nn 9–14, 14–15 & 15 n2, n10, 17 & 18 n5, 27–8 & 28 nn 1–9, 45 & nn 2–4, 45–6 & 46 nn 1–3, 49 & n2, 69 & n1, 70 & n3, 73 & n7, 82 & n2, 91–2 & 92 n12, 216 & 217 nn 6–7, 638–9 & 639 nn 9–14, 641–2 & 642 nn 1–9, 642 & 643 nn 1–3, 650 & 651 n12, 660 & 661 nn 6–7; sends CD extracts of his letters that mentioned S. Butler 91–2 & 92 nn 7–10, 93 & n2, 649–51 & 651 nn 7–10; summary of Movement in plants 216 & 217 nn 2–4, 231 & n2, 659–60 & 660 nn 2–4; wishes to publish a German translation of a lecture by FD 92 & 93 n13, 651 & n13; would like to publish part of Earthworms in Kosmos 216–17 & 217 n8, 223 & nn 1–2, 285 & n2, 660 & 661 n8 see also Erasmus Darwin (CD); Kosmos Krohn, Nicolai: kills the earthworms in his garden with a solution of mercury dichloride 600–1 & 601 nn 1–2, 606 & 607 nn 1–4 Kunkel, Adam Josef 322 & 323 n10 Lacerta 299 & n7, 326 & n6, 672 & 673 n6 Lagerstroemia indica (crape myrtle) 82–3 & 84 nn 2–3, 115 & nn 2–3, 159 & n4, 160 n8, 497 & 498 n3, 612 & n1, 647 & 648 nn 2–3, 653 & nn 2–3, 685–6 & 686 n3 lake basins 519 & 520 nn 4–5 Lake District xx, 89–90 & 90 n13, 239 & 239–40 n2, n8, 252 & 253 nn 9–10, 301 & 302 n7, 302 & n2, 306 & n3, 383 & n5, 670 & 671 n3; Borrowdale 290–1 & 291 n6, 295 & n5; Grasmere 294 & n6, 295 & n5; Helvellyn 400 & 401 n6; Patterdale xx, 90 n13, 117 n2,

Index 231 & 232 n9, 234 & n5, 241 & n5, 244 & n2, 244 & 245 n2, 249 & n6, 250 & n2, 255 & 256 n3, 256 & 256–7 n1, n5, nn 7–8, 257 & n2, 258 & 259 nn 4–5, 264–5 & 266 n3, 290–1 & 291 n6, 304 & n3, 305 & n1, 311 & 312 n7, 404 & n3, 698 & 699 nn 15–17; Ullswater 115 & 117 n2, 311 & 312 n7; weather 255 & 256 n3, 256 Lamarck, Jean Baptiste de 359 & 360 n2 Lamb, Charles 468 & 469 n4 Lancet 190 & n5 Land Act 456 & 457 nn 3–4, 458 n8 land nationalisation 473 & n3 Land Nationalisation Society 308–9 n6 landrail (corncrake; Crex pratensis; C. crex) 150 & 151 n4 Langton, Catherine 132 & 133 n2, 240 & n2, 407 & n1, 415 & 416 n10; will 407 & n3 Langton, Charles 336 & 337 n3, 366 & n3, 407 n3, 428 & n5, 610 n1 Langton, Charlotte 407 & n2 language: in deaf people 624–5 & 625 nn 1–5, 694–5 & 695 nn 1–5; origins of 320; of Tierra del Fuego xxii–xxiii, 139–40 & 141 nn 4–5, 144 & n2 Lanius collurio (red-backed shrike; butcher bird) 128 & 129 n9 Lankester, Edwin Ray 55 & 58 n7, 105 & 106 n10, 626 n5, 643 & 646 n7; CD on earthworms being killed by salt water 455 & nn 1–2; CD writes testimonial for 501 & n7, 502 & n1, 559 & n1, 560 & 561 n2, 595 & n3, 625 & 625–6 n2; Degeneration: a chapter in Darwinism 238 & 239 n3; diagram of the alimentary canal of Lumbricus appears in Earthworms 452 & n3; review of C.G. Semper, The natural conditions of existence as they affect animal life in Nature 316 & n2, 317 & 318 n2; review of Earthworms in the Athenæum 515 n1; sent presentation copy of Earthworms 702 & 703 n20; thanks CD for presentation copy of Earthworms 452 n1 lanugo 146 & n3 Laothoe populi see Smerinthus populi Laplace, Pierre Simon 321 & n1 larch (Larix) 232 & 233 n5 large skipper (Ochlodes sylvanus) 128 & 129 n6 Larix (larch) 232 & 233 n5 larvae, beetle 635 & 636 nn 1–3 Lasaulx, Arnold von 446 n3 Laslett, Isaac Withers 453 & n3 Lataste’s viper (Vipera latastei; snub-nosed viper) 611 & 612 n4, 694 & n4

945

Latreille, Pierre André 359 & 360 n2 Lawes, John Bennet 253–4 & 254 n1, 256 & 257 n9, 257 & n1, 258 & 259 n2, 493 & 494 n4; sent presentation copy of Earthworms 702 & 703 n18 Lawson, Marmaduke Alexander 592 & n3 Layton, Charles 137–8 & 138 nn 1–2, 510–11 & 511 nn 1–2 leaf flower (Phyllanthus) 32 & 35 nn 7–9, 34, 106–7 & 107 n5, 108 & 109 n1, n7, 144 n1, 162 & 163 n4, 246 & 247 n3, 282 & 283 nn 2–3, 500 & n4, 662 & 663 n3 leaf insects 277 n5, 667 n5 leaf mould xxvii, 10 & nn 1–2, 52 & n6, 68 & n3, 78–9 & 79 n1, 105 & 106 nn 1–11, 110 & n2, 136 & n1, 586 & 587 n16, 588 & 589 n2 leafy seadragon (Phyllopteryx eques; Phycodurus eques) 620 & n2 least moonwort (Botrychium simplex) 60 & n6 leaves: and earthworms 52 & n7, 74 & n6, 75 & nn 1–5, 76–7 & 77 nn 1–4, 77–8 & 78 n4, 79–80 & 80 n1, 84 & 85 nn 1–2, 122 & n8, 467–8 & 468 nn 2, 513–14 & 515 n2, 528–30 & 530 n2; midribs 164 & 165 n4; reduction in number of folioles 55 & 58 n5, 62–3 & 63 n3, 643 & 646 n5 Lecky, William Edward Hartpole 435 & 436 n3 Leclerc, Georges Louis, comte de Buffon 4–5 & 7 n4, 6, 13 & 14 n3, 14 & 15 n7, 36 & 37 n4, 338 & 339 n11, 354 & 355 n16, 637 & 639 n4, 638 Leeds Corporation Stock 97, 98 & 99 nn 1–2 Leibniz, Gottfried Wilhelm 517 & n5 Leistes bellicosus see Sturnella bellicosa Leith Hill Place, Surrey 259 & 260 n3 Lepidoptera 391 & 392 n6, 629 & 630 n2, 634, 678 & 679 n6 Leptodora 536 & n3 Lettington, Henry 18 & 19 n6, 268 & 269 n5, 279 & n3, 565 & n3 Lewes, George Henry 169 & 171 n5 lichens 157 & n5, 630 & 632 n2, 654 & n5 Lichfield Church of England temperance society 187 n1 life: on earth, origin of 354 & 355 n16 light: colours of 122 & n3, 125 & 126 n3; effect of brief flashes on plants 121 & n3, 174 & n7, 175–6 & 176 nn 1–6, 191 & n2; intensity of 486 & 487 n2 lignite 344 & 346 n10 lily of the Incas (Alstroemeria) 497 & 498 n5, 686 & n5 lime (mineral) 502 n2, 576 & n1

946

Index

Lincolnshire: Beesby Farm 98–9 & 99 n3, 101 & 102 nn 2–3; CD inherits property from E.A. Darwin 387 & n4, 407 & n6, 591 & nn 1–2; Cleatham Estate 387 & n4, 390 & n6 Linnean Society: FD presents papers 69 & n2; J. Lubbock president 191 & n4; J. Murie librarian 230 & 231 n1, 237 & n2, 290 & 291 n2; portrait of CD xxv, 237 & nn 1–3, 241 & nn 1–3, 290 & 291 nn 2–3, 321 & n2, 347 & n3, 348 & 349 n3; G.J. Romanes zoological secretary 191 & n4, 237 & n3, 291 n3; sent presentation copy of Earthworms 702 & 703 n3 linoleum 384 & n1 Linum (flaxes) 232 & 233 n5 Linum grandiflorum 396 & 397 n4 Linum usitatissimum (common flax) 35 n3, 524 & n3 Lippert, Julius: CD thanks for book 201 & nn 1–2 liquids 242 & n2, 289–90 & 290 n3, 598–9 & 599 n1, 619 & 619–20 nn 1–2 Lissotriton boscai see Triton boscai Lissotriton helveticus see Triton helveticus Lissotriton vulgaris (smooth newt) 127 & 129 n4 Lister, Joseph 614 & 615 n5, 618 & 619 n7 Litchfield, Henrietta Emma 73 & 74 n11, 101 & 102 n5, 221 & n8, 393 & n3; advice to CD about E. Krause’s response to S. Butler’s accusations in Unconscious memory 17 & 17–18 nn 1–8, 38 & n1; asks L. Stephen, on CD’s behalf, for advice on whether to correct the preface of Erasmus Darwin xviii, 39–41 & 41 nn 1–8, 44 & 45 n2, 51 & n2; CD and Emma visit 102 & n6, 110 & n4, 111 & 112 n2, 112 & 113 n2, 602 & n2, 605 & n2, 606 & n2, 698 & 699 n8; CD gives a portion of his surplus income 9–10 & 10 nn 1–2, 407 & n7; CD on memorial for a Civil List pension for A.R. Wallace 14 & 15 n8; CD on new will and the division of his estate between his children 401 & nn 1–5, 407 & nn 1–7, 454 & 455 n7; CD sends E. Krause’s letter and article in Kosmos about S. Butler’s accusations in Unconscious memory 14–15 & 15 nn 1–12; CD wishes annual payment to fund compilation of Index Kewensis to continue after his death 616 & n1; Emma Darwin reports that CD has settled his money matters and declared that they were rich 401 & n3; G.H. and W.E. Darwin trustees for 410 & 411 n3; division of CD’s estate in new will 410–11 & 411 nn 1–6, 421 & n4, 454 & 455 n4; letter from L.M. Forster, including note on daisies for CD 259–60 & 260 nn 1–11; marriage settlement 410 & 411 n4, 454 & 455 n4; Polly (rough-haired fox

terrier) 400 & 401 n3; sent presentation copy of Earthworms 702 & 704 n33; travelling in Italy 458 n2; visits Lake District 252 & 253 n10, 256 & 257 n5, 258 & 259 n4 Litchfield, Richard Buckley 14 & 15 n3, n6, 39 & 41 n1, 51 & n2, 73 & 74 n11, 371 & n4, 393 & n3; advice to CD about E. Krause’s response to S. Butler’s accusations in Unconscious memory 17 & 17–18 nn 1–8, 38 & n1; CD and Emma visit 602 & n2, 605 & n2, 606 & n2, 698 & 699 n8; travelling in Italy 458 n2; visits Lake District 252 & 253 n10, 256 & 257 n5, 258 & 259 n4 Lithobius forficatus (stone centipede; Scolopendra forficatus) 476 n4 Liverpool, University College 435 & n1 Living Cirripedia (CD) 628 & n4; barnacles 238 n2 Llandaff Cathedral 450 & 451 n2 Lloyd, Richard Mosley: CD thanks for pointing out error and will include if new edition of Expression 271 & n1; sends observations on a tame fox 267 & n1 Loch, Emily Elizabeth: visits Down 218 & 219 n10 Lockyer, Joseph Norman 384 & n9 locust mite (Trombidium locustarum; Eutrombidium locustarum) 426 & n5 locusts 426 & n5 logwood (Haematoxylon; Haematoxylum) 162 & 163 n3 London: Charing Cross Hospital 41 & 42 n1, 43 & n2; Hanover Square Club 243 & 244 n3; Hyde Park 121–2; London and St Katherine Docks 77 & 78 n3; Royal Arsenal, Woolwich 595–6 & 596 n2; Union Bank 203 & n2, 228 & 229 n4, 233 & 234 n1, 304 & n2, 305 & nn 2–3, 504 & n4, 510 & 511 n1; Wimbledon Common 590 & n4; Zoological Gardens 146 & n4, 150 & 151 n5, 151 London Brigade fire-pumps 50 & 51 n2 Longden, James Robert 280 & 282 n7, 668 & 669 n7 Loomis, Eben Jenks: CD thanks for letter 154 & n1; observations on movements of fern Asplenium trichomanes 142 & 143 nn 1–4 López-Seoane, Víctor: CD on naming of new species 628 & n4; CD recommends F. Balfour’s A treatise in comparative embryology 628 & n2; sends some of his articles and asks about the definition of new species 611 & 611–12 nn 1–5, 693–4 & 694 nn 1–5 Loranthus globosus (mulberry mistletoe) 307 & n2, 315 & n6

Index Lotus creticus 217 n3, 660 n3 Louis XVI, king of France 56 & 58 n15, 199–200 & 200 n3, 220 & 221 n1, 645 & 646 n15 Lovegrove, Henry 539 & n3 Lubbock, John 43 & n2, 280, 296, 405 & n1, 543 & 544 n6, 668–9; CD asks him to send Desmodium gyrans 167 & 168 nn 1–2; CD on the pappus in Compositae 167–8 & 168 nn 3–5; CD on the ways insects are attracted to flowers 381–2 & 382 nn 1–6; CD sends comments on a draft of Lubbock’s presidential address to the British Association for the Advancement of Science 333 & 333–4 nn 1–5, 519 & 520 nn 1–5; CD sends comments on a published version of Lubbock’s presidential address to the British Association for the Advancement of Science 536 & nn 1–3; CD will show him seeds of Schizolobium 301 & 302 n4; CD’s thoughts on the progress of geology over the previous 50 years xxiv, 409–10 & 410 nn 1–8; Civil List pension for A.R. Wallace 12 & n4, 12–13 & 13 n2; fellow of the Royal Society of London 284 & 285 n1; president of the Linnean Society 191 & n4, 592 & n3, 614 & 615 n2; presidential address to the British Association for the Advancement of Science meeting xxiv, 370 & n3, 378 & nn 7–8, 388 & 389 n9, 409 & 410 nn 2–7; sent presentation copy of Earthworms 702 & 704 n25; visits Down 43 & n6, 410 & n1 Lubbock, Montagu: asks CD for an introduction to J. Fayrer, as CD a friend of the family 41 & 42 nn 1–2; CD writes to introduce Lubbock to J. Fayrer 43 & nn 1–2 Ludlow formation 195 & 196 n3 Ludwigia see Jussiaea lumbago 314 & 315 n1 Lumbricus 452 & n3, 500–1 & 501 n2 Lumbricus littoralis 452 & n2 luminosity 525 & n2 Lupinus (lupin; lupine) 418 & 419 n6, 612 & 613 n6 lupulin 549–50 & 550 nn 1–3, 691 & nn 1–3 Luther, Martin 482 n2 Lyell, Charles xxix–xxx, 112 & 113 n6, 337 & 339 n5, 344 & 346 n5, 519 & 520 n5, 565 & 566 n1; entry in Encyclopaedia Britannica xxix, 304 n3, 310 & nn 1–3, 311 & 312 n8; influence on CD 552–3 & 553 n2; inheritance on death of his father 603 & 604 nn 6–7; support for CD’s coral reef theory 575 & n4, 579 & n5 Lyell, Charles Sr 603 & 604 nn 6–7 Lyell, Henry 603 & 604 n7

947

Lyell, James Carmichael: CD thanks for book about pigeons 197 & nn 1–4 Lyell, Katharine Murray: CD thanks for book on C. Lyell, but has ordered a copy so will have a duplicate 552–3 & 553 nn 1–2, 565–6 & 566 nn 1–2; publishes collection of C. Lyell’s letters xxix, 575 & n3, 579 & n4, 603 & 604 nn 4–7 Lyell, Mary Elizabeth 112 & 113 n6 McAlpine, Daniel: CD thanks for his Zoological atlas 210 & n1 macassar oil 85 n2 McCormick, Robert 185 & 186 n23 MacCunn, John 435 & n1 McDonnell, Robert 182 & 186 n7 McElroy, Marie: on blue eyes in animals 152 & nn 1–2 McIntosh, William Carmichael: candidacy for the chair of natural history at Edinburgh University 559 & n1; CD declines to write a testimonial for 560 & 561 nn 1–2, 595 & n3, 625 & 625–6 n2; comments on Earthworms 500–1 & 501 nn 1–4; on extension plans for Perth Museum 446 & n2; sent presentation copy of Earthworms 702 & 703 n17; thanks CD for presentation copy of Earthworms 445–6 & 446 n1; working on a report on Polychaeta collected by Challenger expedition 501 & n5 McKendrick, John Gray 25 & 26 n2, 551 & n2 McLennan, John Ferguson 88 & 90 n4; death of 218 & 219 n12, 279 & 280 n6 Macrotis lagotis (bilby; rabbit-eared bandicoot) 329 & 330 n4 Madagascar 2–3 & 3 n2, 7 & 8 nn 1–2, 111 & 112 n7, 356 & 357 n8; moths 128 & 129 n11 Madagascar jasmine (Stephanotis floribunda) 547 n4 Madeira 59 & n6, 68 & n7, 73 n8, 77 & n5, 80 & n3, 88 & 90 n2, 112 & 113 n5 Magee, William Connor 196 & 197 n4 Magendie, François 188 & 189 n3, 198 n5 magnetism 172–3 & 173 nn 1–3 maidenhair spleenwort (Asplenium trichomanes) 142 & 143 nn 1–4, 154 & n1 maize (Zea mays) 232 & 233 nn 5–6 malacology 261 & 262 nn 3–4, 664–5 & 665–6 nn 3–4 males: cephalopods 325 & n2 Malm, August Wilhelm 460 & n3 Malthus, Thomas Robert 307 & 308 n2 Malvern Hills 195 & 195–6 nn 2–3, 203 & n4

948

Index

Mammut americanum see mastodon Manchester Guardian 162 n7 Manduca sexta (Carolina sphinx) 128 & 129 n12 Manners, John Robert 548 & n4 Marah fabacea see Megarrhiza californica Maranta arundinacea (arrowroot) 31 & 35 n4 Marantaceae 497 & 498 n5, 686 & n5 marbled newt (Triton marmoratus; Triturus marmoratus) 611 & 612 n3, 694 & n3 Marcy, Abraham 193 & 195 n5, 313 & 314 n6 Marcy, Newton A. 193 & 195 n6, 313 & 314 n7 Marie-Antoinette, queen of France 248–9 & 249 n5 Marienbad (Mariánské Láznĕ) 285 & n4 Marion, Antoine Fortuné 156–7 & 157 nn 2–3, 211 & 212 nn 1–2, 653–4 & 654 nn 2–3 Mark Lane Express 473 & n3 Marshall, James Garth 265 & 266 n3 Marshall, Sarah: asks CD why the shells of adult Bulimus decollatus are often broken 525–6 & 526 nn 1–4 Marshall, Victor 252 & 253 n9, 256 & n4, 264 & 266 n3 Marshall, William Cecil: designed the extension to Down House 114 n16; visits Down 102 & n7, 113 & 114 n16, 698 & 699 n7 Marshall, William Prime: Virgularia mirabilis (slender sea pen) 627 & 627–8 nn 1–2, 633–4 & 634 nn 1–3 Martindale, William 250 & 251 n4; CD thanks for sending colouring agents 339–40 & 340 nn 1–3 Martins, Charles Frédéric 571 & n3 Martius, Karl Friedrich Philipp von 276 & 277 n6, 391 & 392 n4, 666 & 667 n6, 678 & 679 n4 Maryport & Carlisle railway company 557 & 558 n1 mastodon (Mastodon americanus; Mammut americanum) 257–8 & 258 n2, 287 & nn 1–2, 299 & n5, 326 & n4, 672 & 673 n4 matter, states of 242 & n2, 289–90 & 290 n3 Mayer, Paul 33–4 & 35 nn 14–15, 83 & 84 nn 7–8, 247 & n7, 647–8 & 648 nn 7–8, 663 & n7 Mayer, Robert 94 & 95 n4, 321 & n1, 652 & 653 n4 medicine 161 & 161–2 nn 5–7 medusae 280 & 282 n3, n6, 286 & 287 n5, 391 & 392 n5, 668 & 669 n3, n6, 678 & 679 n5 Meehan, Thomas: CD thinks an inaccurate man 425 & 426 n3, 608 n2; C.V. Riley’s opinion of 607–8 & 608 n2 Meetkerke, Cecilia Elizabeth: CD thanks for book 24 & n1

Megarrhiza californica (California manroot; Marah fabacea) 352 & n2 Megascolex 439 & 440 n5 Megascolex caeruleus 439 & n3 Melampsora (rust fungi) 128 & 129 n7 Melastomaceae (Melastomataceae) xxi, 143 & 144 n2, 145 & n5, 153 & n2, 154 n4, 159 & 159–60 n4, 278 & 278–9 nn 3–4, 301 & 302 n6, 391 & 392 n3, 678 & 679 n3 Meldola, Raphael: CD apologises for mixed up letters 351 & nn 1–2; CD asks who published A. Weismann’s Studies in the theory of descent 347–8 & 348 nn 1–2; CD on book which may have belonged to his brother Erasmus 132 & 133 nn 1–2; CD writes a preface to A. Weismann’s Studies in the theory of descent 132 & 133 n3; president of the Epping Forest and County of Essex Naturalists Field Club 348 & n3 Melipona 83 & 84 n4, 160 n8, 647 & 648 n4 Mellersh, Arthur 427 & 428 n4 Mengozzi, Giovanni Ettore: CD elected honorary president of la Scuola Italica 332 & nn 1–3, 673 & nn 1–3 Mer, Émile 245 n4 mercury dichloride 600–1 & 601 n1, 607 n2 Merryweather and Sons, London 51 n2 metal salts 252 & 253 n7 metamorphosis 83 & 84 nn 7–8, 647–8 & 648 nn 7–8; locust mite 426 & n5 meteoric dust 446 & nn 2–4 meteorites 270 & 271 n7, 272 & 273 n3 meteorological stations 392 & n10, 679 & n10 Miall, Louis Compton 262 & 264 n5, 665 & 666 n5 microscopes 87 & 88 nn 1–2, 280 & 282 n8, 281, 288 & nn 1–2, 288 & 289 nn 2–4, 515 & 516 n2, 564 & n5, 589, 669 & n8 microscopy 270, 409 & 410 n7, 436 & n4, 469 n7, 537–8 & 538 n6 Middleton Park, Oxfordshire 582 & 583 n2 Midland Union of Scientific and Literary Societies: Darwin Prize and medal 454 n1 midribs, leaves 164 & 165 n4 migration, in birds 499 & n1 migration of species 2–3 & 3 n1, 80–1 & 81 n2, 345 & 346 n11 Miles, Alice 10 & 11 n6 Miles, Caroline 10 & 11 n6 Miles, Samuel 10 & 11 n6, 74 & n2 milk tubes, in roots 515 & 516 nn 3–7, 532 & n10, 540 & n6, 545 & 546 nn 1–3 Milne, Louisa Katherine 259 & 260 n2 Milne, William Oswald 259 & 260 n2

Index Milton, John 458 & n3 Milwaukee, United States 391 & 392 n9, 678 & 679 n9 mimicry 583–4 & 585 nn 1–6, 620 & nn 1–2 Mimosa 159 & 160 n7, 301–2 n2, 484 & 486 n2, 684 & n2 Mimosa albida 62 & 63 n3 Mimosa pudica (shame plant) 307 & n3, 360 & n8, 486 n2, 539 & 540 n1, 684 n2 mind-reading 290 & 291 n5 Mivart, St George Jackson 124 & 125 n4, 318 & n6 ML (CD) 630 n2 Möbius, Karl: sent presentation copy of Earthworms 703 & 704 n54; thanks CD for presentation copy of Earthworms 487–8 & 488 nn 1–2, 685 & nn 1–2 Mohl, Hugo von 521 & 523 n11, 688 & 689 n11 Mojsisovics von Mojsvár, Edmund: sent presentation copy of Earthworms 702 & 704 n42; thanks CD for presentation copy of Earthworms 533 & nn 1–2, 689 & nn 1–2 moles, animals 127 & 129 n3, 546 & n2, 622 & 624 n6 moles, on skin 318–19 & 319 nn 1–2 Molisch, Hans 535 & 536 n9, 690 & 691 n9 Möller, Alfred 84 n1, 115 n1, 159 n1, 247 n1, 350 n1, 494 n1, 648 n1, 653 n1, 663 n1, 675 n1, 686 n1 molluscs 224 & 225 n3, 261 & 262 nn 3–4, 271–2 & 272 nn 1–3, 326 & n6, 373 & 374 n1, 464 & n5, 664–5 & 665–6 nn 3–4, 672 & 673 n6, 682 & 683 n5 Molothrus ater see Emberiza pecoris Molothrus niger (shiny cowbird; M. bonariensis; M. purpurascens; M. sericeus) 416 & 419 n1, 418 & 419 nn 2–5, 526–7 & 527 nn 5–6 Molothrus oryzivorus (giant cowbird) 416 & 419 n1 monkeys 146 & n4, 150 & 151 n5 Monochaetum 145 & n5, 153 & n2, 154 n2 Monochaetum ensiferum (M. calcaratum) 144 n3, n6, 153 & n2, 159 & 159–60 n4; G.H. Darwin draws 153 & 154 n2 Montagu-Douglas-Scott, Walter Francis 540–1 & 541 n2, 586 & n11 moonwort (Botrychium lunaria) 60 & n6 Moore, David 425 & n3 Moore, Norman 435 & 436 n4, 437 & 438 n3, 622 & 623 n2 More, Alexander Goodman: asks CD for a testimonial for his application for the post of curator, Dublin Science and Art Museum 424–5 & 425 nn 1–6; CD declines 427 & nn 1–2 Morley, Samuel 551 n3

949

morning-glory (Ipomoea purpurea) 236 & 237 n2, 661 & n2 Morris, George Horton 421 & n6, 423 & n2 Morrison, Alfred 229 & n1 Morrison, Charles 229 & n1 Morus (mulberry) 483 & n1 Moseley, Henry Nottidge 226 & 227 n9, 338 & 339 n18, 354 & 355 n9, 615 & 616 n9; on J.Y. Buchanan’s report on deep sea deposits 571 & n2; coal beds on Kerguelen Island 111 & 112 n9; details of several large species of earthworm 439 & 439–40 nn 2–5; Linacre Professor at Oxford University, asks CD for a testimonial 421–2 & 422 nn 1–5; Linacre Professor at Oxford University, CD hopes he will be elected 422 & 423 n1; Linacre Professor at Oxford University, tells CD he has been elected 570 & 571 n1; met son of R.E. Price, who CD had met in Chile 571 & n3; points out a misprint in the text of Earthworms 446 & 447 n5, 450 n3, 492 n2; on potential candidate for Sherardian Professor of botany at Oxford University 592 & nn 1–5; sends an article casting doubt on the origin of meteoric dust 446 & nn 2–4; sent presentation copy of Earthworms 702 & 703 n23; thanks CD for presentation copy of Earthworms 439 & n1 mosquitos 373 & n2, 399 & 400 n1 mossy rose gall wasp (Rhodites rosae; Diplolepis rosae) 333 & 333–4 n2 Mostyn Owen, Arthur: CD’s loan to 591 & n5 Mostyn Owen, Charles: sorry to hear CD unwell 244 & nn 1–2; would like to visit 243 & 243–4 nn 1–4 Mostyn Owen, Mary Susan 368 & 369 n8 Mostyn Owen, Sobieski 390 & 391 n3 Mostyn Owen, William: CD’s loan to 591 & n5 moths, proboscises 128 & 129 nn 11–12 mould, leaf xxvii, 10 & nn 1–2, 52 & n6, 68 & n3, 78–9 & 79 n1, 105 & 106 nn 1–11, 110 & n2, 136 & n1, 586 & 587 n16, 588 & 589 n2 Moulton, John Fletcher 614 & 615 n3 The Mount, Shrewsbury, Darwin family home 132 & 133 n2, 240 & n1, 293 & n2, 408 & n2 mountain ranges 247–8 & 248 n3; Andes 248 n3 mountains: African 2–3, 7 & 8 nn 1–2, 111 & 112 n7, 356 & n7; Azores 357–8 & 358 n2, 676–7 & 677 n2 movement in plants: fronds of Asplenium trichomanes 142 & 143 nn 1–4, 154 & n1; F. Müller’s work 31 & 35 n3, 32 & 35 n8, 106–7 & 107–8 nn 1–9, 162–3 & 163–4 nn 1–9, 246 & 247

950

Index

movement in plants, cont. nn 3–6, 350 & 351 nn 5–6, 385–6 & 386–7 nn 2–4, 404 & 404–5 nn 1–3, 662 & 663 nn 3–6, 675 & 676 nn 5–6; W. Pfeffer’s work 484–5 & 486 nn 3–5, 520–1 & 523 nn 9–10, 545 & 546 n4, 684 & 685 nn 3–5, 687–8 & 688–9 nn 9–10; J. Wiesner’s work xxviii– xxix, 175 & 176 n3, 468 & 469 nn 1–7, 520–1 & 523 nn 3–4, 545 & 546 n4, 687–8 & 688 nn 3–4 see also circumnutation; geotropism; heliotropism; sleep in plants movement in plants (CD’s work) 95 & 96 n3, 175–6 & 176 nn 1–6, 259 & 260 n6, 479 & n5; effects of water on sensitive leaves 301 & 301–2 nn 2–3, 350 n2, 675–6 n2; Linum grandiflorum 396 & 397 n4; paraheliotropism 307 & n3; Schizolobium parahyba 396 & 397 n3 movement in plants (FD’s work): diaheliotropism 270 & n1; false circumnutation 251 & n9, 252 & 253 n4; geotropism 322 & 323 n6 Movement in plants (CD) xviii–xix; Brassica 535 & 536 n4, 689–90 & 690 n4; A. de Candolle sends his comments xix, 54–6 & 57–58 nn 1–13, 643–4 & 646 nn 1–13; Cassia 32 & 35 n7, 107 & n8, 160 n7; CD sends copy to W. Breitenbach 278 & 279 n6; CD sends copy to W. Thompson 351–2 & 352 n1; Centrosema 386 n3; circumnutation in radicles 231 n5; cited A.F. Batalin 279 & 279–80 n4; cited J. Duval-Jouve 35 n12; cited G. Haberlandt 16 & n3, 640 & n3; cited G. Henslow 164 & 165 n5; cited E.J. Loomis 154 n1; cited F. Müller 35 n3; cited E. Strasburger 175 & 176 n6; cited J. Wiesner 175 & 176 n3, 479 n2; Crotalaria 385 & 386 n2; Cucurbitaceae 206 & 207 n3, 233 n10; Desmodium 58 n5, 160 n7, 163 & 164 n9, 646 n5; diaheliotropism 108 & 109 n7; errata 146–7 & 147 nn 1–2; Euphorbia 163 & n7; T.H. Farrer’s opinion of 3–4 & 4 n4, n6; FD assisted with xviii–xix, 433 & 434 n1; FD praised in A. Gray’s review 71 & n3; French translation by É. Heckel 566 & 567 n2, 571 & n1; German translation by J.V. Carus 147 n1, 199 & n1, 276 & 277 n9, 535 & 536 n5, 667 & n9, 690 & n5; germination 89 & 90 n9, 352 & n2; Haematoxylon campechianum 162 & 163 n3; letters of thanks for copies sent 3–4 & 4 n4, n6, 31 & 35 n2, 86 & 87 n3, 648 & 649 n3; Lupinus 613 n6; Maranta arundinacea 31 & 35 n4; Megarrhiza californica 352 & n2; Mimosa albida 62 & 63 n3; misprints 70 & 71 n2; F. Müller’s observations xix, 31–3 & 35 nn 3–12; Oxalis corniculata 261 n1; Pachira aquatica

35 n11; paraheliotropism 107 & 107–8 nn 6–9, 162 & 163 n3; Phalaris 165 n5, 176 n3; Phyllanthus 283 n2; plates 216 & 217 n3, 660 & n3; presentation list 16 & n2, 90 n5, 571 n3, 640 & n2; remaining copies 394 & 395 nn 1–2; reviews 69 & n1, 70–1 & 71 nn 1–3, 80 & n2, 115–16 & 117 n3, 305 & 306 n6; rotating plants with klinostat to negate influence of gravity 173 & 174 n4; sales 516 & n2; sales, more copies needed xix, 14 & 15 n9; Sida 163 & n8; sleep 89 & 90 n10, 106 & 107 n3, 283 n2, 351 n5, 405 n3, 676 n5; summary by E. Krause published in Die Gartenlaube 216 & 217 nn 2–4, 222 & nn 1–2, 659–60 & 660 nn 2–4; terminology 54 & 57 n3, 62 & 63 n1, 165 n3, 643 & 646 n3; H. Vöchting’s opinion of 322 & 323 n8; J. Wiesner critical of 430 & 430–1 nn 1–4, 433–4 & 434 n1, 471 & n3, 476 & 477 n2, 478–9 & 479 nn 2–4, n6, 480 & 481 n8, 539 & 540 nn 4–5, 680 & nn 1–4 Mucor stolonifer (black bread mould; Rhizopus stolonifer) 227 n4, n6, 274 & 275 n4, 292 & n7 Mucuna 162 & 163 n5 Mudie, Charles Edward 14 & 15 n9 Mueller, Ferdinand von 56 & 58 n12, 644 & 646 n12 mulberry (Morus) 483 & n1 mulberry mistletoe (Loranthus globosus) 307 & n2, 315 & n6 Mulder, Gerrit Jan von 105 & 106 n5 mules 629 & 630 n1, 634 & n2 Müller, Fritz xvii, xix, 317 n1, 493 & 494 n3; bloom, appearance of various leaves when dipped in water 350 & 351 nn 8–9, 385 & 386 n1, 675 & 676 nn 8–9; bloom, CD asks whether the leaves Müller has observed are covered by a waxy secretion 301; bloom, CD on his earlier work 159 & 160 n6; bloom, CD’s work on 396 & 397 n5, 612 & 613 n4; bloom, sends CD plants which have leaves coated in bloom 497 & 498 nn 4–5, 612 & 613 n3, 686 & nn 4–5; CD asks for seeds 282 & 283 n2; CD asks him to name the seeds he sent 539 & 540 n1; CD gives him his spare copy of F.M. Balfour’s A treatise on comparative embryology 303 & n2, 309 & n1, 481 & 482 n4; CD has sent Earthworms to the printers 158 & 159 n1; CD has sent presentation copy of Earthworms 539 & 540 n2; CD makes new observations on species of Melastomaceae with different coloured stamens 143 & 144 n6; CD offers to send money to help replace books lost in flood xxx, 282–3 & 283 nn 4–5, 301 & 302

Index n5; CD on aggregation of protoplasm in cells of tentacles xx, xxi, 396 & 397 n6; CD on Crotalaria 481 & 482 n2, 612 & 613 nn 5–6; CD on diaheliotropism 108 & 109 n7; CD on fertilisation of figs 108 & 109 nn 3–5; CD on his admiration for Müller’s work 108 & 109 n6, 159; CD on his experiments with ammonium carbonate 539 & 540 n3; CD on leaf movements throwing off water 159 & 160 n7, 301 & 301–2 nn 2–3; CD on Müller’s observations on bees preferring one colour of pollen to another 159 & 160 n8; CD on Müller’s observations on plant movements 108 & 109 nn 1–2, 159 & nn 2–3, 481 & 482 n2, 612 & 613 nn 5–6; CD on paraheliotropism 159 & nn 2–3; CD on Phyllanthus 282 & 283 nn 2–3; CD on J. Wiesner’s book criticising Movement in plants 539 & 540 nn 4–6; CD read Müller’s paper on Atyoida potimirim 222 & 223 n5, 481 & 482 n5; CD revisits his experiments on Melastomaceae xxi, 143 & 144 nn 2–4, 145 & n3, 159 & 159–60 n4; CD thanks for letter and seeds 143 & 144 n1; CD thanks for seeds of Oxalis sepium 481 & n1; CD thanks for seeds of Schizolobium 301 & 302 n4, 396 & 397 n3; CD working on Earthworms 143 & 144 n5; CD’s letters to Nature about Müller’s observations on plant movements 106–7 & 107–8 nn 1–9, 159 & n3, 162–3 & 163–4 nn 1–9, 282 & 283 n1, 404 & 404–5 nn 1–3; Heteranthera reniformis 245 & 247 n2, 662 & 663 n2; heterostyled plants 82–3 & 84 nn 2–6, 115 & nn 2–3, 647 & 648 nn 2–6, 653 & nn 2–3; house damaged in flood 276 & 277 n4, 282 & 283 n5, 350 & 351 n4, 666 & 667 n4, 675 & 676 n4; Lagerstroemia 82–3 & 84 nn 2–3, 115 & nn 2–3, 160 n8, 497 & 498 n3, 612 & n1, 647 & 648 nn 2–3, 653 & nn 2–3, 685–6 & 686 n3; leaf movements in Phyllanthus 32 & 35 n8, 246 & 247 n3, 307 & n4, 662 & 663 n3; leaf movements in rain 246 & 247 nn 4–6, 305 & 306 nn 9–10, 350 & 351 n7, 662 & 663 nn 4–6, 675 & 676 n7; managed to save books when house flooded 350 & 351 n4, 675 & 676 n4; on P. Mayer’s research on the fertilisation of figs by hymenoptera 33–4 & 35 nn 13–15, 247 & n7, 663 & n7; Melastomaceae with different coloured stamens xxi, 278 & 279 n4; metamorphosis of Palaemonetes varians 83 & 84 nn 7–8, 647–8 & 648 nn 7–8; observations on Movement in plants xix, 31–3 & 35 nn 3–12; plants which have appeared after most recent flood 498 & nn 6–7, 686 & 687 nn 6–7; on

951

presentation list for Earthworms 481 & 482 n6; sends CD seeds of Oxalis sepium and Dalbergia 349–50 & 350–1 nn 2–3, 674–5 & 675–6 nn 2–3; sleep movements in Crotalaria and Centrosema 385–6 & 386–7 nn 2–4, 469 & nn 10–11, 477 & n4; sleep movements in Pandanus and Oxalis 350 & 351 nn 5–6, 675 & 676 nn 5–6; sleep movements in Pandanus and Oxalis, CD sends account to Nature 396 & 397 n1, 404 & 404–5 nn 1–3; support for theory of sexual selection 231 & n6; thanks CD for his offer of financial assistance after house damaged in flood 31 & 34 n1; thanks CD for letter and issue of Nature 497 & 498 n2, 685 & 686 n2; thanks CD for presentation copy of Movement in plants 31 & 35 n2 Müller, Hermann 31 & 34 n1, 282 & 283 n5, 379 & 380 n6, 383 & 384 n6; Alpenblumen 251 & n8, 276 & 277 n8, 381 & 382 n2, 666 & 667 n8; W. Breitenbach a former student 276 & 277 n8, 666 & 667 n8; sends letter to Nature with information from F. Müller about different types of stamens in Heeria 144 n6 Müller, Peter Erasmus 236 & 237 n4, 661 & n4 Murchison, Roderick Impey 410 n3 Murie, James 230 & 231 n1, 237 & n2, 241 & n2, 290 & 291 n2 Murray, George Robert Milne 605 & 605–6 n3 Murray, John (1808–92) xx, xxi, 44 & 45 n1, 70 & n2, 116 & 117 n4, 156 & n3, 158 & n1, 158 & n2, 169 n1, 256 n2, 295 & 296 n3, 324 & 325 n1, 328 & n1, 328 & 329 n1, 330 & 331 n1, 331 & 332 n1, 438 n3, 487 n1, 528 & n3, 578 & n4, 588 & 589 n3, 701, 702 & 703 n2; sale dinners (November) 516 & nn 1–2 see also Cooke, Robert Francis Murray, John (1841–1914) 225 & n6, 344 & 346 n7, 446 & n4; paper ‘On the structure and origin of coral reefs and islands’ 203–4 & 205 n2 n5 Murray, John (1847–1925) 9 & n3, 18 & 19 n5 Murray, John Samuel 116 & 117 n4 Musca vomitoria (blowfly; Calliphora vomitoria) 360 & 361 n2 musk orchid (Herminium monorchis) 388 & 389 n1, 409 & n2 mycelium 212 & 213 n7, 218 & 219 n15, 226 & 227 nn 3–4 Myddelton Biddulph, Fanny 390 & 391 n4 Myers, Frances J.: on the Syracuse Botanical Club 59–60 & 60 n2, 175 n1 myrtle spurge (Euphorbia myrsinites) 479 & 481 n5, 495 n12, 515 & 516 n4, 532 & n9, 545 & 546 n3

952

Index

Nägeli, Carl Wilhelm von 382 & n4 Naples Zoological Station 44 & n4, 99–100 & 100 nn 2–7, 104 & n2, 230 & n4; Zoologischer Jahresbericht 100 & n5, 104 & n3 Narcissus 322 & 322–3 nn 5–6 Narcissus poeticus (poet’s narcissus) 322 & n5 Narcissus pseudonarcissus (common daffodil) 322 & n5 Narrative (CD) 169 & 171 n8 Nash, Louis Darwin 615 & 616 n10 Nash, Wallis 615 & 616 nn 9–10 Nation 69 n1, 70 & 71 n1 Nation, William: CD includes his information about cowbirds in his letter to Nature 526–7 & 527 nn 6–7; egg laying habits of cowbirds 416 & 419 n1, 418 & 419 nn 2–6, 419, 513 n1 natural selection 157 & n3, 171 & n1, 174 & n6, 197, 205–6 & 206 nn 1–3, 291 & n7, 318 & n6, 426 n4, 613 n7, 654 & n3; G.D. Campbell’s opposition to 536–7 & 537 nn 1–2; CD’s thoughts on W. Graham’s Creed of science xxiii, 300 & 301 n3; difficulties, electric organs in fish 287 n5; E. Du Bois-Reymond a supporter 295 & n3; T.H. Farrer’s thoughts on W. Graham’s Creed of science 366–7 & nn 1–3; M. Wagner’s opposition to 80–1 & 81 n2 see also evolution Natural selection (CD) 526 & 527 n3 Nature: J.G. Baker, ‘Plants of Madagascar’ 2 & 3 n2, 7 & 8 nn 1–2; R.S. Ball, lecture praising G.H. Darwin’s contribution to tidal theory 568 & n2; S. Butler, letter accusing CD and E. Krause of attacking his views 82 & nn 1–2, 90 n7, 90–2 & 92 n3, 222 & 222–3 n3, 649–50 & 651 n3; CD’s high opinion of xxiii, 302; FD, review of H. Müller’s book on alpine flowers 251 n8; G.H. Darwin, abstract of ‘On the tidal friction of a planet attended by several satellites, and on the evolution of the solar system’ 321 & n1; A. Geikie, ‘A recent “find” in British palaeontology’ 534 & n1; J.H. Gilbert, address to Chemical Section of the British Association for the Advancement of Science 110 & n6; T.H. Huxley, ‘The rise and progress of palaeontology’ 394 & n5, 400 & 401 n5; T.P. Kirkman, ‘The Endowment of Research’ 198 & n6; E. Krause, ‘Unconscious memory - Mr Samuel Butler’ xviii, 5–6 & 7 nn 10–14, 5 & 7 n6, 13 & 14 n6, 15 & n10, 18 n5, 28 n4, 38 & 39 nn 4–5, 41 & n8, 45 & n2, 45 & 46 n2, 49 & n2, 69 & n1, 70 & n3, 71 & 72 n1, 73 & n7, 82 & n2, 91 & 92 n4, 222 & 222–3 n3, 637 & 639 n6,

638–9 & 639 nn 10–14, 642 n4, 642 & 643 n2, 649–50 & 651 n4; E.R. Lankester’s review of C.G. Semper, The natural conditions of existence as they affect animal life 316 & n2, 317 & 318 n2; H. Müller, information from F. Müller about different types of stamens in Heeria 144 n6; review of E.M. Boddy, The history of salt 270 & 271 n12; review of J. Geikie, Prehistoric Europe: a geological sketch 84 & 85 n5; G.J. Romanes, exchange with G.D. Campbell, defending natural selection 536–7 & 537 nn 1–2; G.J. Romanes, letter rebuffing S. Butler 95 & n1, 176 & n7, 216 & 217 n6, 660 & 661 n6; G.J. Romanes, review of Earthworms 434– 5 & 435 n3, 459 & n2, 465 & n1, 615 & n8; G.J. Romanes, review of E.B. Aveling’s The student’s Darwin 348 & 349 n5; G.J. Romanes, review of S. Butler’s Unconscious memory xviii, 70 & n1, 71 & 72 n3, 73 & n7, 74 & n4, 91 & 92 nn 5–6, 176 & n7, 216 & 217 n6, 650 & 651 nn 5–6, 660 & 661 n6; G.J. Romanes, review of W. Roux’s Der Kampf der Theile im Organismus 169 & 171 n6, 347 & n2, 537 & n2; G.J. Romanes, ‘Thought-reading’ 290 & 291 n5, 297 & 298 n6; G.J. Romanes and J.C. Ewart, abstract of ‘Observations on the locomotor system of Echinodermata’ 169 & 169–71 n3; T.R.R. Stebbing, letter about CD’s historical sketch of the progress of evolution in Origin 3d ed. 95–6 & 96 n1, n4; testimonial from Otago Institute, Dunedin, New Zealand, ‘Honour to Mr. Darwin’ 103 & n1 Nature (CD’s letters): ‘Inheritance’ 312–14 & 314 nn 1–9, 327 & 328 nn 1–4, 341 & 342 n1; ‘Leaves Injured at Night by Free Radiation’ 404 & 404–5 nn 1–3, 498 n2, 686 n2; ‘The Movements of Leaves’ xix, 115 n3, 159 & n3, 162–3 & 163–4 nn 1–9, 282 & 283 n1, 653 n3; ‘Movements of Plants’ xix, 106–7 & 107–8 nn 1–9, 282 & 283 n1; ‘The Parasitic Habits of Molothrus’ 513 n1, 526–7 & 527 nn 1–7 La Nature 80 & n2 Naudin, Charles Victor 571 & n3; will search for Trifolium resupinatum seeds requested by CD 358–9 & 359 nn 1–4, 677–8 & 678 nn 1–4 nectar 218 & 219 n7, 322 & 323 n12 Neitzel, Otto 270 & n9 Neivamyrmex (army ants) 614 & n3 Nematocera 373 & n2, 376 & n3, 544–5 & 545 n2 nematode worm (Trichina spiralis; Trichinella spiralis) 161 & 162 n6 neon shrimp (Atyoida potimirim; Potimirim potimirim) 222 & 223 n5, 481 & 482 n5

Index Nepenthes 479 & 480 n3, 494 & 495 n15 Nerium oleander 557 & n3 nest parasitism 416 & 419 n1, 418 & 419 nn 2–5, 526–7 & 527 nn 3–7 Netley Hospital 73 & 74 n12 nettle (Urtica dioica) 500 & n6, 572 & n5 Neumayr, Melchior: sent presentation copy of Earthworms 702 & 704 n43 Neuroptera 607–8 & 609 n7 Nevill, Dorothy Fanny: CD signs her copy of Earthworms 574 & n1 New Testament: revision of 408 & 408–9 nn 7–9 New York, Onondaga County 60 & n5 New York Entomological Club: elects CD as honorary member 103 & n1; journal Papilio 104 & nn 1–2 New Zealand: CD’s admiration for 103 & nn 1–2; flora 345 & 346 n13; New Zealand Institute 103 & n2; Otago Institute send congratulations on 21st anniversary of publication of Origin 103 & n1; photos 109 & n2 Newman, Edward 311 & 312 n6 Newnham Hall, Cambridge 114 n13 Newport, Rhode Island 166 & 167 n1 Newton, Alfred 150 & n3; thanks CD for references to J.J. Audubon’s story about the night-heron 498–9 & 499 nn 1–2 nicker bean (Caesalpinia bonducella; Guilandina bonduc) 554 & 555 n7, 692 & 693 n7 Nicoll, John 132 n3 Nicols, Arthur 622 & 623 n4 night-heron (black-crowned night heron; Ardea nycticorax; N. nycticorax) 499 & n1 nightjar (Caprimulgus europaeus) 150 & n3, 152 & n4 Nineteenth Century xxv, 374 & 375 n2, 379 & 379–80 n1, n3, 383 & 384 nn 1–4, 456 & 457 n3, 465 n5, 579 & 580 n3, 614 & 615 n1, 616 n11, 619 n6 nitrate of silver 175 & 176 n2 nitrate trade 78 n3 Nordenskiöld, Nils Adolf Erik: CD thanks for presentation copy of The Voyage of the Vega 617 & nn 1–2 Norgate, Frank: sends CD natural history observations 127–8 & 129 nn 1–12 Norman, George Warde 407 & n2; CD would be pleased if he visited 576–7 & 577 n1; sent presentation copy of Earthworms 702 & 704 n31 Norman, Herbert George Henry 234 & n3 North, Marianne: CD thanks for the vegetable sheep and enjoyed looking at her Australian

953

paintings xxxi, 334 & nn 1–2; visited Down 333 & 334 n5, 334 & n2, 698 & 699 n18 North American cow bunting (Emberiza pecoris; Molothrus ater; brown-headed cowbird) 418 & 419 n2 North Eastern Railway Company 133 & 134 n5, 410 & 411 n4, 454 & 455 n4, 633 & n1 Northcote, Cecilia Frances 260 n10 Northcote, John Stafford 260 & n10 Norton, Charles Eliot: CD gives anecdote about Marie-Antoinette commenting on B. Franklin’s plain dress 248–9 & 249 n5; CD gives his father’s reminiscences about B. Franklin 199–200 & 200 nn 1–4; CD on T. Carlyle’s Reminiscences 200 & 200–1 n6; CD on S. Darwin’s health 200 & n5; CD says no letters from B. Franklin to ED were found in his research for Erasmus Darwin 248 & 249 nn 1–2; CD wishes W.E. and S. Darwin could join them on holiday in the Lake District 249 & n6; publishes new edition of T. Carlyle’s Reminiscences 201 n6; sends CD a copy of a note from ED to B. Franklin 220–1 & 221–222 nn 4–5, 9–11, 248 & 249 n4; sends respects to Emma Darwin and remembrances to CD’s children 221 & n8; thanks CD for R.W. Darwin’s reminiscences about B. Franklin 220 & 221 nn 1–3 Norton, Jane 221 & n7 Norton, Lily 133 & n2 Nothofagus antarctica see Fagus antarctica Notodonta camelina (coxcomb prominent) 128 & 129 n8 Notodonta ziczac (pebble prominent) 128 & 129 n7 Notoscolex 439 & 440 n5 Notoscolex grandis 439 & 440 n4 nucellar embryos 35 n11 nudibranchs 583–4 & 585 n2, 620 & n1 Nycticorax nycticorax see Ardea nycticorax nyctitropic movements see sleep in plants oat (Avena sativa) 164 & 165 n4 ocean currents 7 & 8 n4 ocean trenches 247–8 & 248 n3 oceanic islands 261 & 262 n2, 298 & 299 n3, 664 & 665 n2 Ochlodes sylvanus (large skipper) 128 & 129 n6 Odonata 609 n7 Odostomia eulimoides (Brachystomia eulimoides) 271–2 & 272 n3 Ogle, William: CD thanks for copying and translating passages 54 & n1

954

Index

Oliver, Daniel 153 & 154 n3, 603 & 604 n1 Olyra 32 & 35 n6, 106 & 107 n4 Ona language 140 & 141 n5 Onondaga County, New York 60 & n5 Ophrys bombylifera (bumblebee orchid; O. bombyliflora) 388 & 389 n2 Ophrys muscifera (fly ophrys) 85 & 86 n2 OPPONENTS OF CD’S THEORIES 36; A. Agassiz 167 n1; G.D. Campbell 536–7 & 537 nn 1–2; A. Hyatt 209 & n2, 234–5 & nn 1–5; G.J. Mivart 125 n4; R. Virchow 295 & n4; M.F. Wagner 80–1 & 81 n2; J. Wiesner 430 & 430–1 nn 1–4, 489 & 490 n8, 680 & nn 1–4; S. Wilberforce 118 & n2 oranges: ‘Adam’s apple’ 365 & n2 orchids (Orchideae; Orchidaceae) 85–6 & 86 nn 1–5, 232 & 233 n5, 268 & 269 n3, 388 & 389 nn 1–2, 424 & 425 n1 Orchids (CD): cited by V. Hensen 239 & 240 n6; Madagascan moths 128 & 129 n11 Orchids 2d ed. (CD): Ophrys muscifera 86 n2 Orchids 2d US ed. (CD) 60 & n4; sales 138 & n2, 510 & 511 n2 Ord, William Miller 437 & 438 n4, 441 & n3 Ordnance Survey Office, Southampton 73 & 74 n12 Origin (CD) 258 & n3, 307 & 308 n1, 333 n1, 466 & 467 n4, 620 & n3; bears catching insects in water like whales 205–6 & 206 nn 1–3; T. Carlyle comments on in Reminiscences 265 & 266 n5; cats with blue eyes are deaf 152 & n1; cell-making in hive-bees 404 n1, 405 & n2, 416 n3; cited T.R. Malthus 307 & 308 n2; continents 338 & 339 n6, 355 & 356 n3; Cuculus 526 & 527 n3; domestic pigeons 197 n2; geographical distribution on oceanic islands 261 & 262 n2, 664 & 665 n2; W. Graham comments on in Creed of science 311 & 312 n5; T.H. Huxley’s support for when first published 118 & n2; inheritance 312–13 & 314 nn 2–3; reviews 599 & n2; Trifolium pratense 128 & 129 n10; twentyfirst anniversary of publication 103 & n1; A.R. Wallace’s work 358 & n4, 676–7 & n4 Origin 3d ed. (CD): historical sketch of the progress of evolution 96 & n1, n4 Origin 3d US ed. (CD) 60 & n4; sales 137 & 138 n2, 511 & n2 Origin 4th ed. (CD): cats with blue eyes generally deaf 152 & n1; cited K.E. von Baer 359 & 360 n3; Coccyzus 526 & 527 n3 Origin 6th ed. (1876) (CD): sales 516 & n2

Origin 6th ed. (CD) 589 & n3, 594 & n2; electric organs in fish 287 n5; evolution 209 n2; glacial periods 8 n3; Hippocampus 440 n3; historical sketch 362 & n2; ocean currents and birds as means of seed dispersal 8 n4; oceanic islands 298 & 299 n3; Ornithorhynchus anatinus 440 n3 Origin US ed. (CD) 475 & n2 Ornithoptera 440 & n3 Ornithorhynchus anatinus (duck-billed platypus) 440 & n3 Orpington railway station 136 & n2, 243 & 244 n4, 573 & n1, 606 n4 Orthoptera 276 & 277 n5, 391 & 392 n6, 477 & 478 n3, 666 & 667 n5, 678 & 679 n6, 683 & n3 Orundellico (Jemmy Button) 140 & 141 n5, 142 n7, 575 n1, 581 n1 Oryctolagus cuniculus (European rabbit) 329 & 330 n4 Otago Institute, Dunedin, New Zealand: congratulations on 21st anniversary of publication of Origin 103 & n1 Ottoman Empire 49 n3, 130 n2, 300 & 301 n4 Ouless, William Walter 349 n3 ovaries, plants 147 & n1, 149 & nn 1–3 Owen, George Seymour: sends accounts of rattlesnakes and ants 613–14 & 614 nn 1–3 Owen, Richard 182 & 186 n7, 205 & 206 n2; article on vivisection 579 & 580 n3, 615 & 616 n11 Oxalis (woodsorrels) 497 & 498 n4, 686 & n4 Oxalis acetosella (common woodsorrel) 273, 279 & 279–80 nn 3–4 Oxalis corniculata (creeping woodsorrel) 260 & 261 n1, 268 & 269 n5, 273 & n1 Oxalis ortgiesii (fishtail woodsorrel) 107 & 108 n9 Oxalis sensitiva (Biophytum umbraculum) 301 & n2 Oxalis sepium 246 & 247 n6, 301, 349 & 350 n2, 350, 396 & 397 n1, 404 & 405 n3, 481 & n1, 494 n3, 674–5 & 675–6 n2, 675 Oxford University: Linacre Professor, H.N. Moseley’s application 421–2 & 422 nn 1–5, 422 & 423 n1, 570 & 571 n1; Sherardian Professor of botany, potential candidate for 592 & nn 1–5 Pachira aquatica (Guiana-chestnut; provision tree) 32 & 35 n11 Pacific, War of (1879–83) 78 n3 Page, John Thomas: CD sends autograph 357 & n1 Paget, James, 1st baronet 615 & 616 n11, 618 & n3; CD accepts invitation to luncheon for the International Medical Congress attended

Index by prince of Wales xxv, 250 & nn 1–2; CD had feared Paget was ill 579 & 580 n1; CD on Paget’s article on vivisection 579 & 580 n3; luncheon for the International Medical Congress attended by prince of Wales 249 & n1, 252 & 253 n12, 305 & 306 n12, 336 & 337 n4, 437 & 438 n2, 601 & 602 n2, 698 & 699 n21; sent presentation copy of Earthworms 702 & 703 n15; thanks CD for presentation copy of Earthworms 577 & n1; visits Nice 579 & 580 n2 pain relief 218 & 219 n9 painted lady (Cynthia cardui; Vanessa cardui) 128 & 129 n10 Palaemonetes varians (Palaemon varians) 83 & 84 nn 7–8, 647–8 & 648 nn 7–8 Palgrave, Cecil Grenville Milnes 195 & 196 n5 Palgrave, Francis Turner 195 & 196 n5 Pallas, Pyotr Simon 81 & n5 palmate newt (Triton helveticus; Lissotriton helveticus) 611 & 612 n3, 694 & n3 Palmer, Roundell 621 n2, 621 & 622 n2 palms (Palmae, Arecaceae) 261 & n3, 268 & n2, 482 & 483 n6, 493 & n9 pancreatic juice 79 & n1 Pandanus 350 & 351 nn 5–6, 396 & 397 n1, 404 & 405 n3, 675 & 676 nn 5–6 pangenesis hypothesis 147 & n1, 174 n8, 240 n6, 463 & n5 Papaver (poppies) 149 & n3 papaya (Carica papaya; papaw) 479 & 480 n3 paper soldiers xxvi, 227 & n13, 236 & n3, 239 & n3, 245 & n6, 252 & 253 n10, 275 & n9 Papilio 103 & nn 1–2 Papilio linea (Essex skipper; Thymelicus lineola) 128 & 129 n6 pappi 168 & n4 paraheliotropism 32 & 35 n8, 107 & 107–8 nn 6–9, 108 & 109 n2, 159 & nn 2–3, 162 & 163 n3, 307 & nn 3–4, 315 & 316 n8 see also heliotropism Paraserianthes lophantha see Acacia lophantha parasites 81 & n3, 125, 426 & n5 parasitism, nest 416 & 419 n1, 418 & 419 nn 2–5, 526–7 & 527 nn 3–7 Parfitt, Edward: comments on Earthworms 502–3 & 503 nn 1–3; thanks CD for sending copy of Earthworms and sends some of his papers 593 & nn 1–3 Park, Mungo 329 Parker, Charles 368 & 369 n8 Parker, Henry 368 & 369 n8 Parker, Marianne 240 & n2, 407 & n1, 415 & 416 n8 Parnell, Charles Stewart 456 & 457 n4, 458 & n8

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Parry, William Edward 185 & 186 n23 Parslow, Arthur 219 n11, 413 & n10 Parslow, Eliza: death of 405 & n4, 413 & n10 Parslow, Joseph 405 n4, 413 & n10 parthenogenesis 333 & 333–4 n2 pasque flower (Anemone pulsatilla) 267 & 267–8 n1, 269 & n2 Passer domesticus (house sparrow) 636 & n5 Passiflora (passionflower) 497 & 498 n5, 612 & 613 n3, 686 & n5 passionflower (Passiflora) 497 & 498 n5, 686 & n5 Pasteur, Louis 161 & n5, 182 & 186 nn 5–6 Patagonian Missionary Society 559 & 560 n4, 563 & n1, 575 n1, 579 & n2, 581 & 582 nn 3–4 Paterson, Snow and Bloxam 368 n2, 369 n2, 371 & n3, 558 n3, 597 & n2 Paterson, William Benjamin 371 & n3, 436 & n2, 547 & 548 n1 Paton, John Brown 551 n3 Patterdale, Lake District xx, 90 n13, 117 n2, 231 & 232 n9, 234 & n5, 241 & n5, 244 & n2, 244 & 245 n2, 249 & n6, 250 & n2, 255 & 256 n3, 256 & 256–7 n1, n5, nn 7–8, 257 & n2, 258 & 259 nn 4–5, 264–5 & 266 n3, 290–1 & 291 n6, 304 & n3, 305 & n1, 311 & 312 n7, 404 & n3, 698 & 699 nn 15–17 Pattrick, Camilla 473 & n2; CD needs translation of W. Pfeffer’s letter about J. Wiesner’s book 523 & 524–5 nn 1–4; translation of W. Pfeffer’s letters 485–6 & 486 n1, 494 & 495 n8, 521–3 & 523 n1, 531 & 532 nn 5–6, 544 n5; visits Down 423–4 n2 Pattrick, Reginald Saint 524 & 525 n4; has seen caricature of CD in Punch 473 & n3; sent presentation copy of Earthworms 702 & 704 n39; thanks CD for presentation copy of Earthworms 473 & n1; visits Down 423–4 n2 Payne, George 3 & 4 n3; sends CD seeds of Anemone pulsatilla 267 & 267–8 n1, 269 & n2 pea crab (Pinnotheres pisum) 127 & 129 n5 Peach, Benjamin Neeve xxxi, 541 & n3 Pearce, Elizabeth 368 & 369 n5, 454 & 455 n8, 458 & n4, 461 & n6, 552 & n4 Pearce, James 455 n8, 461 & n6 pearlflower (Heterocentron roseum; H. subtriplinervium) 144 n3 peas 89 & 90 n9 peat, formation of 310 & n2 peat bogs 380 & 381 n2, 388 & 389 n4 pebble prominent (Notodonta ziczac) 128 & 129 n7 Pecten opercularis (queen scallop; Aequipecten opercularis) 272 n3

956

Index

Peek, Francis 551 n3 Pelargonium zonale 563 & 564 nn 1–2, 567 & n2, 572 & n4 Penarth Harbour Dock and Railway Company 337 n2 Pennatulida (Pennatulacea) 627 & 627–8 n1, 633 & 634 n1 Pennsylvania Railroad Company 1 & 2 n3, 10 & n5 Penrith, Lake District 291 & 292 n4, 301 & 302 n7, 302 & n2, 698 & 699 nn 16–17 Penrose, Francis George 100 & n6 pension, Civil List, for A.R. Wallace 8 & nn 1–2, 11 & n1, 11–12 & 12 nn 1–4, 43–4 & 44 nn 1–2, 65 & 67 n3; W.E. Gladstone recommends xviii, 20 & n1, 20 & 20–1 n1, 21 & n1, 21–2 & 22 nn 1–2, 22 & n2, 23 & n1, 23 & 24 nn 1–4, 24–5 & 25 nn 1–5, 26 & nn 1–2, 30–1 & 31 nn 1–3, 42 & 43 nn 1–5, 49–50 & 50 nn 1–2, 59 & n5, 61 & n2, 72 & n1, 74 & n5 peptones 509 & 510 n4 Peronospora infestans see Phytophthora infestans (potato late blight) Perrier, Edmond 327 & n4; sent presentation copy of Earthworms 702 & 704 n44 Persea 554 & 555 n4, 692 & n4 Persian clover (Trifolium resupinatum) 189 & nn 2–3, 210 & 211 n2, 352 & n4, 358–9 & 359 n2, 612 & 613 n4, 677 & 678 n2 Perth Museum, Scotland 446 & n2 Peru 78 n3; Rimac river 418 & 419 n6 Peruvian meadowlark (Sturnella bellicosa; Leistes bellicosus) 418 & 419 n4, 526 & 527 n7 Peters, Wilhelm 293 & 294 n2 petioles 51 n5, 52 & n7, 74 & n6 Petleys, Down 245 n5 petrography 410 n7 petroleum jelly 85 & n1 petty spurge (Euphorbia peplus) 468 & 469 n9, 479 & 481 n5, 495 n12, 505 & 506 n1, 510 n2, 532 & n9, 545 & 546 n1, 556–7 & 557 n1, 564–5 & 565 n2, 572 & n2 Pfeffer, Wilhelm Friedrich Philipp 35 n7, 283 n2, 305 & 306 n4, 314 & 315 nn 3–4, 315 & 316 n9, 494 & 495 n8, 531 & 532 nn 5–7; asks whether CD still working on plant movements caused by mechanical stimuli 484 & 486 n2, 684 & n2; comments on J. Wiesner’s book on plant movements xxix, 520–1 & 523 nn 1–9, 524 & 525 n2, 531 & 532 nn 6–7, 539 & 540 n5, 540 & nn 2–5, 543 & 544 nn 2–3, n5, 545 & 546 n4, 687–8 & 688 nn 1–9; compares his work on plant movements to CD’s 484–5 & 486 nn 3–5, 684 & 685 nn

3–5; moved to University of Tübingen 521 & 523 nn 10–11, 688 & 689 nn 10–11; sends CD his photograph 485 & 486 n6, 523 n2, 684 & 685 n5, 688 n2; sent presentation copy of Earthworms 703 & 704 n58; thanks CD for his photograph 520 & 523 n2, 687 & 688 n2; will send second volume of his work on plant physiology soon 484 & 486 n3, 684 & 685 n3 Phalaris canariensis (canary grass) 165 n5, 174 n7, 488 & 489 n3 phanerogams 157 & n4, 654 & n4 Phascolarctos cinereus (koala) 623 n4 Phaseolus vulgaris (common bean) 31 & 35 n5 Phasmida 276 & 277 n5, 666 & 667 n5 Phasmidae (walking sticks; Phasmatidae) 391 & 392 n8, 678 & 679 n8 philosophy 366–7 & 367 n2 photochemical induction 175 & 176 n4 photographs: A. Blytt 312 & n2; A.I. Butakoff 635 & n2; CD, taken by L. Darwin 138 & 139 n3, 601 & 602 n4; CD sends to a colleague of FD 315 & 316 n12; CD sends to A. Blytt 312; CD sends to É. Heckel 23 & nn 1–2; CD sends to F. Holmgren 238 & n1; CD sends to H. de Saussure and asks for Saussure’s photograph 138 & 139 n3; G. Haberlandt 16 & n5, 640 & 641 n5; F. Holmgren 209 & n4; W. Pfeffer 485 & 486 n6, 684 & 685 n6; G.J. Romanes 148; H. de Saussure requests CD’s 134; H.C. Sorby 631; W. von Voigts-Rhetz 215; J. Wiesner 432 Phycodurus eques see Phyllopteryx eques Phycomyces nitens 226 & 227 nn 3–4, 231 & n3, 251 n3, 253 n4, n6, 269 & n4, 274 & 275 n3 Phyllanthus (leaf flower) 32 & 35 nn 7–9, 34, 106–7 & 107 n5, 108 & 109 n1, n7, 144 n1, 162 & 163 n4, 246 & 247 n3, 282 & 283 nn 2–3, 301, 480 & 481 n10, 497 & 498 n4, 500 & n4, 662 & 663 n3, 686 & n4 Phyllanthus compressus 246 & 247 n6, 350 & 351 n8, 662 & 663 n6, 675 & 676 n8 Phyllanthus consanguineus 246 & 247 n6, 301, 350 & 351 n8, 662 & 663 n6, 675 & 676 n8 Phyllanthus niruri (gale of the wind) 32 & 35 n7, 108 & 109 n2, 282 & 283 n2 phyllodes 55–6 & 58 n11, 644 & 646 n11 Phyllopteryx eques (leafy seadragon; Phycodurus eques) 620 & n2 Phylloxera vastatrix (grape phylloxera; Daktulosphaira vitifoliae) 314 & 315 n2, 537 & 538 n3 phylogeny 234–5 & nn 1–5 Physiological Society 374–5 & 375 n1, n4, 614 & 615 n3

Index physiology 160–1 & 161–2 nn 1–7, 177–80 & 180–1 nn 1–15, 181–5 & 185–6 nn 1–23, 187 & 188 nn 1–4, 190 & n5, 198 & nn 5–6, 213–14 & 214 nn 1–6, 216 nn 7–8, 434, 614 & 615 nn 3–4, 655–8 & 658–9 nn 1–15 Phytophthora infestans (potato late blight) 131–2 & 132 n2, n6 Picea nordmania (spruce fir) 479 & n5 pickerel weed (Pontederiaceae) 83 & 84 n5, 647 & 648 n5 Pico Mafra, São Miguel, Azores 554, 554 & 555 n8, 692 & 693 n8, 693 pied flycatcher (Ficedula hypoleuca) 289 & n8 pigeons: fancy 197 & nn 1–4, 509 n2, 511–12 & 512 n2 Piggot, Horatio: observations on wireworms and earthworms 635–6 & 636 nn 1–6 pigments, plant 630 & 632 nn 1–3 pigs 67 & n1, 70 & n4 pimpernels (Anagallis) 498 & n6, 686 & 687 n6 Pinguicula (butterworts) 153 & n1, 477 & n5, 479 & n7 Pinnotheres pisum (pea crab) 127 & 129 n5 pipefish 620 & n2 Piré, Louis: Royal Botanical Society of Belgium elects CD as associate member 202 & nn 1–2, 659 & nn 1–2, 700 & n1 Pisum sativum 217 n3, 660 n3 pitcher plants 479 & 480 n3, 480 & 481 nn 6–7, 494 & 495 nn 15–16, 499 & 500 n3, 547 & n5, 558 & n2 Pitt-Rivers, Augustus Henry 493 & n6 Planorbis laevis (Gyraulus kleini) 235 & n4 Planorbis multiformis aequiumbilicatus (Gyraulus kleini) 235 & n4 plant geography 337 & 338 nn 2–3 plant pigments 630 & 632 nn 1–3 plasmolysis 509 & 510 n3 Platt, Katharine Judd 193 & 195 n3, 313 & 314 n5 Playfair, John 204 & 205 n4 Playfair, Lyon 187 & 188 n4 Plimsoll, Joseph: on the salvation of CD’s soul 490–4 & 492 nn 1–13 Plücker, Julius 173 n1 plume albizia (Acacia lophantha; Paraserianthes lophantha) 301 & 302 n3, 350 & 351 n8, 675 & 676 n8 plumules 164 & 165 n3, 171–2 n2 Plusia gamma (silver-Y moth; Autographa gamma) 128 & 129 n10 Plutonia atlantica see Viquesnelia atlantica Poaceae see Gramineae

957

poet’s narcissus (Narcissus poeticus) 322 & n5 Poinsettia 480 & 481 n10, 547 & n3 political economy xxv, 311 & 312 n3 pollen 497 & 498 n3, 685 & 686 n3 pollination 33 & 35 n13, 425–6 & 426 nn 1–3, 607– 8 & 608 n3, 609 n8; insect 86 n2 Pollock, Frederick 17 & 18 n4 Polly (rough-haired fox terrier) 400 & 401 n3 Polychaeta 500–1 & 501 n2, n5 polyembryony 32–3 & 35 n11 polyps 391 & 392 n5, 678 & 679 n5 pomades (pomatums) 85 & n2 Pompilus 286 & n2 Ponta Delgada, São Miguel, Azores 326 & n5, 554 & 555 n8, 672 & 673 n5, 692 & 693 n8 Pontederiaceae (pickerel weed) 83 & 84 n5, 647 & 648 n5 Pontodrilus 452 & n2 poorman’s weatherglass (Anagallis foemina) 498 & n7, 686 & 687 n7 Poperinghe, Belgium 549–50 & 550 n2, 691 & n2 poplar hawk-moth (Smerinthus populi; Laothoe populi) 629 & 630 n2 Popper, Josef: asks CD if he could comment on works he had sent previously 94 & 94–5 nn 3–5, 652 & 652–3 nn 3–5; CD does not recall Popper’s previous essay 97 & nn 2–3; CD doubts it would be possible to train birds 97 & n1; idea of training birds to fly together to create a bird-powered flying machine xxii, 93–4 & 94 n2, 651–2 & 652 n2 poppies (Papaver) 149 & n3 Porpita 166 & 167 n2 Porter, James 548 & n3 portraits n8, 19 & 20 nn 4–6; CD, by J. Collier for Linnean Society xxv, 237 & nn 1–3, 241 & nn 1–3, 247 & n3, 290 & 291 nn 2–3, 297 & nn 1–2, 321 & n2, 348 & 349 n3; CD, by W.W. Ouless 348 & 349 n3; CD, by W.B. Richmond 348 & 349 n3; R.W. Darwin 19 & 20 n5, 293 & n2; Susannah Darwin, miniature 415 & 416 n7, 417; J.D. Hooker 241 & n3; T.H. Huxley 297 & 297–8 n3; G.J. Romanes 297 & 297–8 n3 Portuguese sundew (Drosophyllum lusitanicum) 480 & 481 n10, 493 & n5, 499 & 500 n3, 572 & n3 Portuguese viper (Vipera seoanei; Iberian viper) 611 & 612 n5, 694 & n5 potassium hydroxide (caustic potash) 540 & n6, 545 & 546 n2 potassium permanganate (potash) 218 & 219 n6 potato bean (Apios tuberosa; A. americana) 70 & 71 n2

958

Index

potato late blight (Phytophthora infestans) 131–2 & 132 n2, n6, 224 n2 potatoes: ‘Champion’ variety 131 & 132 n3; Report from the Select Committee on Potato Crop 131–2 & 132 n6 potatoes (J. Torbitt’s project): CD on T.H. Farrer and J. Caird’s response to report on potato experiments 18 & 18–19 nn 1–5; continuing to grow crossed potatoes 131 & 132 nn 1–2; funding for further potato experiments 3 & 4 n2, 9 & n2, 18 & 19 nn 2–3, 59 & n3, 224 & n1; letter from S.M. Alexander in support of his work on potatoes 131–2 & 132 nn 5–6, 136 & n2; Torbitt sends CD, J. Caird and T.H. Farrer different potato varieties to grow 131 & 132 nn 3–4, 136 & nn 1–2; Torbitt’s report 3 & 4 n2, 8–9 & 9 n1, 18 & 19 n2; Torbitt’s update on last season’s crops 28–30 & 30 nn 1–4 see also Caird, James; Farrer, Thomas Henry; Torbitt, James Potimirim potimirim see Atyoida potimirim Powell, Frederick Glyn Montagu: CD thanks for letter 582 & nn 1–3; sends CD copies of some of his sermons 580 & 581 nn 1–5 Powell, John Welstead Sharp 580 & 581 n2 pozzolan 554 & 555 n8, 692 & 693 n8 Preece, Wiliiam Henry 562 & n4 prepotency 629 & 630 n1 Prestwich, Joseph 410 n6 Preyer, William 348 & 349 n2; CD thanks for book 496 & n1 Price, Elis 408 & n3 Price, John xxxi, 368 & n1; CD congratulates on the marriage of his daughter 629 & n1; CD on the death of L.C. Smith 629 & n2; CD sends a gift 629 & n3; CD thanks for letter of condolence after E.A. Darwin’s death 382 & 383 nn 1–3; N. Hubbersty in poor health 408 & n6; revision of the New Testament 408 & 408–9 nn 7–9; thanks CD for his letter, his son and daughter attempted to visit Down 408 & nn 1–3 Price, John MacNeile 571 & n3 Price, Mary Elizabeth 408 & n3, 629 & n1 Price, Peter: CD on the depths worms can work at 450 & 450 n2 Price, Richard Evan 571 & n3 Price, Stephen: asks if the English gnat is the same species as the mosquito 373 & nn 1–3, 545 n2; CD on gnats 376 & nn 1–3 Primula vulgaris (primrose) 636 & n5 Produxus 608 & 609 n7 Produxus decipiens (bogus yucca moth) 607–8 & 608 n3

Proneomenia 373 & 374 n1 Pronuba (Tegeticula) 608 & 609 n7 Pronuba yuccasella (yucca moth; Tegeticula yuccasella) 425–6 & 426 nn 1–3, 607–8 & 608 n2 Proteaceae 354 & 355 n15 Protection of Persons and Property Bill 73 & 73–4 n10 protophytes 157 & n5, 654 & n5 protoplasm xx–xxi, 87 n4, 396 & 397 n6, 436 & n4, 468 & 469 nn 8–9, 509 & 510 nn 2–3, 545 & 546 n2, 567 & n3, 649 n4 protozoa 291 & 292 n3 provision tree (Pachira aquatica) 32 & 35 n11 Pryor, Marlborough Robert 461 & 462 n11 Ptilodon capucina see Notodonta camelina Public Opinion 408 & 409 n9 PUBLICATIONS (CD): ‘Action of carbonate of ammonia on chlorophyll’ 480 n4, 697 & 699 n4; ‘Action of carbonate of ammonia on roots’ 481 n5, 495 nn 12–13, 506 nn 2–3, n5, 515 & 516 n7, 564 & n2, n4, 572 n3, n5; ‘Dimorphic condition in Primula’ 239 & 240 n6; ‘Distribution of the erratic boulders’ 381 n3; ‘Fertilization of orchids’ 389 n1; Fossil Cirripedia 628 & n4; Living Cirripedia 628 & n4; ML 630 n2; Narrative 169 & 171 n8; Natural selection 526 & 527 n3; South America 248 n3; Volcanic islands 326 & n3, 353 & 355 n5, 672 & 673 n3 see also Birds (CD); Climbing plants; Coral reefs; Cross and self fertilisation; Descent; Earthworms; Erasmus Darwin; Expression; Forms of flowers; Insectivorous plants; Journal of researches; Movement in plants; Nature (CD’s letters); Orchids; Origin; ‘Recollections’; Variation Pulmonifera (Pulmonata) 271 & 272 n2 Pumilo argyrolepsis (small wrinklewort; Siloxerus multiflorus) 167 & 168 n3 Punch: caricature of CD 470–1 & 471 nn 1–2, 472, 473 & n3 pussy willow 128 & 129 n7 Pycnogonida (sea spiders) 565 & nn 1–2 Pye-Smith, Philip Henry 374 & 375 n3; asks CD who he would recommend to write an science based article about vivisection for the Nineteenth Century 614 & 615 nn 1–3; enjoyed Earthworms 615 & n8; proposed Science Defence Association for researchers charged under the 1876 Cruelty to Animal Act 614–15 & 615 nn 4–7, 618 & 618–19 nn 1–7 Quarterly Review 578 & n4 queen scallop (Pecten opercularis; Aequipecten opercularis) 272 n3

Index rabbit (Oryctolagus cuniculus) 329 & 330 n4 rabbit-eared bandicoot (bilby; Macrotis lagotis) 329 & 330 n4 Raddia see Strephium radicles 56 & 58 n13, 213 n4, 231 n5, 307 & n2, 315 & n6, 520 & 523 nn 5–7, 644 & 646 n13, 687 & 688 nn 5–7 see also roots Radiolaria 280 & 282 n3, n6, 668 & 669 n3, n6 Railway Company 114 & 115 n3 Ralston, William Ralston Shedden- 256 & n3; caricature of CD will appear in Punch 470–1 & 471 nn 1–2 Ramsay, Andrew Crombie 519 & 520 nn 4–5, 598 & n1; Civil List pension for A.R. Wallace 12 & n4, 12–13 & 13 n2; sent presentation copy of Earthworms 702 & 703 n4 Raoulia eximia (vegetable sheep) frontispiece, 334 & n1 rattlesnakes 613 & 614 nn 1–2 Raynal, Harriet Alicia Joan 338 & 339 n16 Reade, Thomas Mellard xxvii, 344 & 346 n9, 353 & 355 n6, 355 & 356 n5; CD thanks for his account of deep roots in clay 528 & nn 1–2; finds deep roots in clay, wonders whether the roots followed earthworm burrows 523–4 & 524 nn 1–3 READING (CD): H. Adler, ‘Beiträge zur Naturgeschichte der Cynipiden’ 333 & 333–4 n2; G. Allen, The evolutionist at large 98 & n1; F.M. Balfour, A treatise on comparative embryology 481 & 482 n4; N.E. Brown, ‘A locomotive dicotyledon’ 307 & n2; T. Carlyle, Reminiscences xxx, 200 & 200–1 n6; CD on reading German xxviii, 110, 168, 222, 434, 496; M. Cornu and E. Mer, ‘Recherches sur l’absorption des matières colorantes par les racines’ 244 & 245 n4; J. Dawson, Australian aborigines 250 & n1; J.-H. Fabre, ‘Étude sur les mœurs et la parthénogenèse des Halictes’ 61 & 62 n3; D. Ferrier, physiological and medical papers 549 & n2; R.D. Fitzgerald, Australian orchids 85–6 & 86 nn 1–5; P. Geddes, ‘Insectivorous plants’ 591 & 592 n1; P. Geddes, ‘Observations on the physiology and histology of Convoluta schultzii’ 591 & 592 n2; J.H. Gilbert, address to Chemical Section of the British Association for the Advancement of Science 110 & n6; W. Graham, The creed of science xxiii, 291 & n7, 300 & 301 nn 1–4, 305 & 306 n13, 311 & 312 nn 4–5, 369–70 & 370–1 nn 1–5; G. Hoffmann, ‘Rückblick auf meine VariationsVersuche von 1855–1880’ 318 & n3; A. von Humboldt, Personal narrative 344 & 346 n3;

959

S.W. Johnson, How crops feed 122 & n1, 136 & n1; J.W. Judd, ‘Volcanoes: what they are and what they teach’ 401 & 402 n7; E.R. Lankester, Degeneration: a chapter in Darwinism 238 & 239 n3; K.M. Lyell, Life, letters and journals of Sir Charles Lyell xxix, 579 & n4; C.E. Meetkerke, The guests of flowers: a botanical sketch for children 24 & n1; F. Müller, article on Crotalaria 612 & 613 n5; F. Müller, ‘Atyoida Potimirim, eine schlammfressende Süsswassergarneele’ 481 & 482 n5; Nature 302; Nineteenth Century, essays on vivisection 579 & 580 n3; N.A.E. Nordenskiöld, The voyage of the Vega 617 & n2; Papilio 104 & nn 1–2; C.V Riley, ‘Further notes on the pollination of Yucca by Pronuba and Prodoxus’ 425 & 426 n1; G.J. Romanes, abstract of ‘Observations on the locomotor system of Echinodermata’ 169 & 169–71 n3; W. Roux, Der Kampf der Theile im Organismus 168–9 & 171 n4, 347 & n2; W. Schmankewitsch 81 & n4; C.G. Semper, The natural conditions of existence as they affect animal life 80–1 & 81–82 nn 1–6; W.P. Snow, Chamber’s Journal 563 & n2; W.F. Stanley, Experimental researches into the properties and motions of fluids 619 & 619–20 nn 1–2; P. van Tieghem, Traité de botanique 218 & 219 n6; Transactions and Proceedings of the New Zealand Institute 103 & n2; J. Wiesner, Das Bewegungsvermögen der Pflanzen xxviii–xxix, 468 & 469 nn 1–7, 471 n3, 476 & 477 n2, 488–9 & 489–90 nn 1–9; J. Wortmann, ‘Ein Beitrag zur Biologie der Mucorineen’ 269 & n4 ‘Recollections’ (CD) 19 & 20 n3, 217 & 219 n2; influence of C. Lyell 553 n2; memories of his mother 416 n9; passion for collecting 320 & n4 red clover (Trifolium pratense) 128 & 129 n10 red slug (Arion rufus) 636 & n5 red-backed shrike (Lanius collurio; butcher bird) 128 & 129 n9 reef formation 166–7 & 167 nn 1–4, 203–4 & 205 nn 1–6, 224–5 & 225 nn 1–7, 575 & n4, 579 & n5 Reform Bread League 110 n5 Reichenau, Wilhelm von 613 n7 Reichert, Karl 293 & 294 n3 Reinke, Johannes 232 & 233 nn 5–6 Reinwald, Charles-Ferdinand: CD lists those he would like a copy of the French translation of Movement in plants sent to 571 & n3; CD on errata in Earthworms 508 & nn 1–3; CD sends additions to Earthworms 571 & n2; French translation of Earthworms 508 & n2, 566 & n1;

960

Index

Reinwald, Charles-Ferdinand, cont. É. Heckel’s preface to French translation of Movement in plants 566 & 567 n2, 571 & n1 religion 35–6 & 36 n2, 96 & 97 nn 1–3, 201 & nn 1–2, 300 & 301 nn 1–2, 311 & 312 n4, 330 & n1, 331 & nn 1–2, 349 n2, 514, 551 & nn 1–4, 564 n1, 582 & n3; CD discusses with E.B. Aveling and L. Büchner xxvi, 423 & 423–4 n2; FD does not mind what religion B. Darwin is taught xxvi, 232 & 233 n9; J. Plimsoll’s concern for CD’s soul 490–4 & 492 nn 1–13 Report of the Royal Commission on Vivisection xxiv, 178 & 180 n6, n8, 183–4 & 186 n12, nn 14–22, 188–9 & 189 nn 2–4, 195 & 196 n7, 198 & n5, 214 & nn 3–5, 656 & 658 n6, n8 Retzius, Gustaf: CD thanks for book 619 & nn 1–2 reversion 55 & 58 n5, 204 & 205 n8, 634 & n3, 643 & 646 n5 Rhea 526 & 527 n4 Rhinerrhiza divitiflora see Sarcochilus divitiflorus Rhizopus stolonifer see Mucor stolonifer Rhodites rosae (mossy rose gall wasp; Diplolepis rosae) 333 & 333–4 n2 Rhododendron (azaleas) 322 & 323 n6 rhododendrons: leaves 75 & n4, 76 & 77 n2, 77–8 & 78 n4, 79–80 & 80 n1, 84 & 85 nn 1–2, 102 & n8, 133 & n4 Rhomphaea nasica see Ariannes delicatulus Rich, Anthony: on T.H. and H.A. Huxley’s proposed visit 129 & 130 n1; asks CD to tell T.H. Huxley of his wish to bequeath him his house 118 & n3; R.S. Ball’s praise for G.H. Darwin’s work 265 & 266 n11; bequeathed house to T.H. Huxley 89 & 90 n12, 116–17 & 117 n7, 117–18 & 118 n1, n3, 118–19 & 119 nn 1–6, 120 & n1, 129 & 130 n1, 266 n1, 365 n4, 394 n4, 400 & 401 n4; bequest to CD xxx, 389 & 390 n4, 393 & 394 n3, 400 & n1, 421 & n3; books read 265 & 266 nn 4–8; British Association for the Advancement of Science meeting at York 378 & nn 6–8; on S. Butler 88–9 & 90 n7; on T. Carlyle’s Reminiscences xxx, 265 & 266 nn 3–5; CD and Emma Darwin visit 363–4 & 365 nn 1–5, 378 & n5, 387 & 388 n6, 389 & 390 nn 1–2, 393 & 394 n1, 698 & 699 n25; on the Darwin’s visit to the Lake District 264–5 & 266 n3; G.H. Darwin’s trip to Madeira 88 & 90 n2, 265 & 266 n10; W.E. Darwin’s head injury 265 & 266 n9; hopeful that the Darwins might visit in the summer 89–90 & 90 n13, 115 & 117 n1, 264 & 266 n2; T.H. and H.A Huxley visit

264 & 266 n1, 363–4 & 365 n4, 393 & 394 n1; T.H. Huxley’s appointment as inspector of salmon fisheries 89 & 90 n11, 116 & 117 n5; T.H. Huxley’s support for Origin when first published 118 & n2; illness 88; Movement in plants 89 & 90 nn 9–10, 115–16 & 117 nn 3–4; reading I.L. Bird’s account of the Ainu people of Sakhalin Island 88 & 90 n6; sends condolences on the death of E.A. Darwin 377–8 & 378 nn 1–4; sent presentation copy of Earthworms 702 & 704 n28; sent presentation copy of Movement in plants 88 & 90 n5; sister 116 & 117 n8, 389 & 390 n5; E.H. Stanley and politics 129–30 & 130 n2; E.H. Stanley’s article in the Nineteenth Century about Ireland and the Land Act 456 & 457 nn 3–4; thanks CD for presentation copy of Earthworms 456 & 457 nn 1–2; E.J. Trelawny 364 & 365 nn 6–12; weather 88 & 90 n2, 264 Rich, Fanny Ricarda 364 & 365 n5 Rich, Francis Henry 364 & 365 n5 Richard, Louis Claude 164 & 165 n4 Richmond, William Blake 349 n3 Richter, Hans: visits Down xxvi, 239 & 240 n7, 242 & n5, 698 & 699 n14 Rifle Volunteer Corps 590 & nn 3–4 Riley, Charles Valentine: CD very interested by his notes on the pollination of Yucca by Pronuba 425–6 & 426 nn 1–3; enjoyed Earthworms xxvii–xxviii, 608 & 609 n9; metamorphosis of the locust mite 426 & n5; pollination of Yucca by Pronuba; and opinion of T. Meehan 607–8 & 608–9 nn 1–8; sends regards to FD 608 & 609 n10 Rimac river, Peru 418 & 419 n6 Robertson, Charles Alexander Lockhart 348 & 349 n4 Robinia pseudoacacia (black locust; false acacia) 50 & 51 n5, 52 & n7, 55 & 58 n5, 74 & n6, 76 & 77 n1, 643 & 646 n5 rocks 409 & 410 n8, 632 & n3 Rolleston, George 25 & 26 n2, 339 n17, 551 & n2; death of xxix, 273 & 274 n7, 279 & 280 n5, 421 & 422 n1, 423 n1 Rolleston, Grace 273 & 274 n7 Rolleston, Humphry Davy 273 & 274 n7 Roman coins 530–1 & 531 n2 Romanes, Ethel 237 n4, 241 & n4, 297 & 297–8 n3; CD addresses letter to so she can decide whether to forward it 595 & n2; CD sends his remembrances 459 & n5; visits Down 698 & 699 n6 Romanes, Ethel Georgina 237 n4

Index Romanes, George Ernest 237 & n4, 241 & n4 Romanes, George John xxiv, 270 & 271 n12, 633 n3, 696 n3; Animal intelligence 123 & n4, 171 n7, 191 & n5, 302 & n4, 375 & n6, 459 & n3, 465 & n2; birth of son 237 & n4; cats, homing instincts 120–1 & 121 n2, 147 & n2, 149 & n4; CD admires Romanes’s letter to Nature defending natural selection 536–7 & 537 nn 1–2; CD admires Romanes’s letter to The Times about vivisection xxiv, 197–8 & 198 nn 1–4; CD asks Romanes to keep letter from J.-H. Fabre 67 & n2; CD attempts to visit but is unwell 604 & 604–5 n2; CD cited Romanes on the nature of intelligence in Earthworms xx, 168 & 169 n2; CD declines to write testimonial for J.C. Ewart 595 & n4, 625 & 625–6 nn 1–5; CD interested by abstract of Romanes work on Echinoderms in Nature 168 & 169–71 n3; CD on G. Allen 589 & nn 1–3; CD on F.P. Cobbe 198 & n5; CD on J. Collier painting his portrait for the Linnean Society xxv, 241 & nn 1–3, 290 & 291 nn 2–4, 302 & n3, 347 & n3; CD on death of E.A. Darwin 379 & 380 n8; CD on Earthworms, cited Romanes on the nature of intelligence xx, 168 & 169 n2; CD on Earthworms, delay in publication 379 & 380 n5; CD on Earthworms, sends manuscript pages 122 & 123 n3, 434 & 435 n2, 702 & 703 n19; CD on Earthworms, sent to the printers 168 & 169 n1; CD on Earthworms, thanks for review in Nature 459 & nn 1–2; CD on W. Graham’s book, The creed of science 291 & n7, 302 & n5; CD on his experiments looking at learning and intelligence in worms xix, 130 & n3; CD on importance of W. Roux’s book on evolution 168–9 & 171 n4, 302 & n5, 347 & n2; CD on instinctive behaviour in wasps and bees 169 & 171 nn 7–9, 286 & 286–7 nn 2–4; CD on Lake District holiday 290–1 & 291 n6, 302 & n2; CD on meaning of the word ‘symposium’ 379 & 380 n3; CD on papers by H. Müller and review of W. Roux’s book on evolution in Kosmos 379 & 380 nn 6–7; CD on planned experiment with grafting plant ovaries 149 & nn 1–3; CD on planned experiment with pigs 67 & n1, 70 & nn 4–5; CD on possible origins of electric organs in fish 286 & 287 n5; CD on references to the minds of animals in Gardeners’ Chronicle 122 & 123 n2; CD on Romanes’s response to S. Butler 176 & n7; CD on Romanes’s review of S. Butler’s Unconscious memory 70 & n1, 71 & 72 n3; CD on the effects of intermittent light

961 on plants 175–6 & 176 nn 1–6; CD thanks for his letter to Nature rebuffing S. Butler 95 & n1; CD thinks Nature an excellent journal xxiii, 302; CD visiting H. Darwin in Cambridge 459 & n4; CD would like to visit when in London 595 & n5, 604 & 604–5 nn 1–5, 605 & nn 1–2; CD writes letter to The Times about vivisection 176 & n8; CD writes letter to The Times about vivisection, suggests Romanes use this for the collection in the Nineteenth Century 378–9 & 379–80 nn 1–4; CD’s letter to The Times about vivisection 191 & n3, 383 & 384 nn 1–3; J. Collier paints CD’s portrait for the Linnean Society xxv, 237 & nn 1–3, 297 & 297–8 nn 1–3, 348 & 349 n3; death of E.A. Darwin 383 & 384 n5; Earthworms, looking forward to publication 173 & 174 n2; Earthworms, manuscript pages 124 & 125 nn 1–4, 702 & 703 n19; Earthworms, review of 465 & n1, 615 & n8; Earthworms, thanks CD for advance copy 384 & n8; elected zoological secretary of the Linnean Society 191 & n4; experiment exposing plants to brief flashes of light 121 & n3, 174 & n7, 191 & n2; experiment rotating Echinus 173 & 174 n4; experiments on echinoderms and sea anemones 465 & nn 4–5; on how to define intelligence in animals xix–xx, 123–4 & 125 nn 1–3; instinctive behaviour in bees and wasps 173–4 & 174 nn 5–6, 383 & 384 n7; International Medical Congress passes resolution about vivisection 348 & 349 n4; invites CD’s sons to visit if in Scotland 375, 379 & 380 n9; N. Lockyer has shown proofs of his book 384 & n9; Mental evolution in animals 171 n7, 173 & 174 n5, 191 & n5, 237 & n4, 287 n4, 459 & n3, 465 & n2; photograph 148; portrait 297 & 297–8 n3; review of E.B. Aveling’s The Student’s Darwin 348 & 349 n5; review of S. Butler’s Unconscious memory xviii, 71 & 72 n3, 73 & n7, 74 & n4, 91 & 92 nn 5–6, 95 n1, 176 & n7, 216 & 217 n6, 650 & 651 nn 5–6, 660 & 661 n6; W. Roux’s book on evolution 173 & 174 n3, 297 & 298 n5, 348 & 349 n1; W. Roux’s book on evolution, writes review of 383 & 384 n6, 537 & n2; sent presentation copy of Earthworms 702 & 703 n19; testing CD’s hypothesis of pangenesis grafting the ovaries of plants 147 & n1, 149 & n1; thanks CD for references from Gardeners’ Chronicle 124 & 125 n5; ‘Thought-reading’ 290 & 291 n5, 297 & 298 n6; too late in year to grow vine cuttings 174 & n8; visits Down

962

Index

Romanes, George John, cont. 698 & 699 n6; vivisection, series of essays to be published in the Nineteenth Century 374–5 & 375 nn 1–5, 383 & 384 nn 1–4, 465 & n5; will visit J.C. Ewart’s laboratory at Oban 375 & n7 Romanes, Isabella Gair Rose 297 & 297–8 n3 rook (Corvus frugilegus) 127 & 129 n2 roots 212 & 213 n4, 226 & 227 n7, 231 & n5, 232 & 233 nn 5–6, 269 & n5, 270 & nn 2–3, 314–15 & 315 nn 5–7, 468 & 469 n9, 523–4 & 524 nn 1–3, 528 & n1, 535 & 536 nn 8–9, 593 & 594 n1, 690 & 690–1 nn 8–9; absorption xx, 244 & 245 n4, 479 & 481 n5, 494 & 495 nn 12–13; effects of galvanic currents 252 & 253 n7; milk tubes 515 & 516 nn 3–7, 545 & 546 nn 1–3; response to chemicals 505–6 & 506 nn 1–5, 509 & 510 nn 1–4, 515 & 516 n1, 539 & 540 n3, 546–7 & 547 n2, 563 & 564 n2, n4, 567 & n2, 571–2 & 572 nn 1–5 see also radicles Rosas, Juan Manuel de 460 n1 Roscoe, Henry Enfield 175 & 176 n4 Ross, James Clark 185 & 186 n23, 355 n9 Rothamsted Experimental Station, Harpenden 253–4 & 254 n1, 256 & 257 n9, 257 & n1 Rottenburg, Paul 284 & 285 n1, n3, 287 & 288 n1 round-headed garlic (Allium descendens; A. sphaerocephalon sphaerocephalon) 352 & n5 round-leaved sundew (Drosera rotundifolia) 232 & 233 n8, 397 n6 Roux, Wilhelm 168–9 & 171 n4, 173 & 174 n3, 297 & 298 n5, 302 & n5, 347 & n2, 348 & 349 n1, 379 & 380 n7, 383 & 384 n6, 537 & n2 Royal Arsenal, Woolwich 595–6 & 596 n2 Royal Astronomical Society: G.H. Darwin fellow 461 & 462 n12 Royal Botanic Garden, Calcutta 542 & 543 n3, 558, 560 n2; G. King superintendent 403 n1; J. Scott curator 403 n2, 558 & n3 Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew: CD thanks unknown correspondent for plant 332–3; garden party for the International Medical Congress 338 & 339 n12; A. Gray visits, 1880 69 n2; J.D. Hooker, director 21 n1, 261, 273 & n4, 388 & 389 n6, 428 n9; Index Kewensis xxxi, 603 & 604 nn 1–3, 616 & n1, 621 & n1; V.O. Kovalevsky would like to visit 21 & n1; W.T. ThiseltonDyer, assistant director 149 n3, 388 & 389 n6, 409 & n4 Royal Botanical Society of Belgium: elects CD as associate member 202 & nn 1–2, 659 & nn 1–2, 700 & n1

Royal Commission on Vivisection (1875) xxiv, 160 & 161 n3, 181–2 & 186 n1, n4, 183–4 & 186 n12, nn 14–22, 188 & 189 n2, 618 & 618–19 n5 Royal Engineers: L. Darwin an officer 138 & 139 n2 Royal Institution of Great Britain 121 n3; CD attends J.S. Burdon Sanderson’s lecture 112 & 113–14 nn 7–8, 698 & 699 n9 Royal School of Mines, South Kensington 11 & n2, 67 n1, 338 & 339 n15 Royal Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals 188 n5 Royal Society of London: CD awarded Copley medal (1864) 19 & 20 n9; FD, fellow (1882) 156 n2; FD proposed for fellowship 155 & 155–6 nn 1–2; B. Franklin, member 221 & n9; government grants for scientific research 284 & 285 n2, 287 & 288 nn 2–3, 289 & n6, 294 & n5; T.H. Huxley, secretary 287 & 288 n2, 289 & n6, 294 & n5; J. Lubbock, fellow 284 & 285 n1; H.N. Moseley, fellow 422 n2; sent presentation copy of Earthworms 702 & 703 n3; R. Trimen, fellow (1883) 538 & n8 Rubus fruticosus (bramble) 275 & n8 Ruck, Lawrence: CD asks about grazing animals on steep hillsides in relation to the formation of horizontal ledges 42 & n1; sent presentation copy of Earthworms 702 & 703 n11; thinks horizontal ledges on steep hillsides are caused by sheep 46 & 47 nn 1–2, 52 & n4 Ruck, Mary Anne 292 & n10; FD visits 437 n6, 455 & 456 n4, 468 & 469 n1, n14, 544 & n10 rufous-collared sparrow (Zonotrichia matutina; Z. pileata; Z. capensis) 418 & 419 n4, 526 & 527 n7 Rumina decollata see Bulimus decollatus Ruskin, John xx, 239 & n1 Russo-Turkish war 130 n2 Rust, Mary Olivia 59–60 & 60 n2, 174 rust fungi (Melampsora) 128 & 129 n7 Rutherford, William 184 & 186 n20 Ryan, Vincent William 139 & 141 n2, 140 Sachs, Johanna 322 & 323 n9 Sachs, Julius 105 & 106 n8, 171 & 171–2 n2, 175 & 176 n2, 275 & n8, 314 & 315 n4, 495 n9, 515 & 516 n3; disagrees with CD about circumnutation in roots xxviii, 226 & 227 n7, 231 & n5; English translation of textbook of botany 232 & 233 nn 5–6; FD hears he has a mistress 322; FD worked at Sach’s laboratory in Würzburg, Germany 82 & n7, 176 n2, 212 & 213 n2, 250 & 251 n3, n7; FD’s opinion of 250 & 251 n7; sent presentation

Index copy of Earthworms 703 & 704 n49; wife, mental health of 322 & 323 n9 St Augustine, Florida 225 & n7 St Catherine Hill, Hampshire 10 & n2, 68 & n3, 73 & n4 St Michel, Azores see São Miguel, Azores Sakhalin Island: Ainu people 88 & 90 n6 Sales, Jane 442–3 & 443 n2 Sales, Sydney 442–3 & 443 nn 1–2, 452 n2, 453 n2, 458–9 & 459 n1 Sales, William 442–3 & 443 n1 Salix caprea (great sallow; goat willow) 128 & 129 n7 Salix cinerea (common sallow; grey willow) 128 & 129 n7 salmon disease 605 & 605–6 n3 salmon fishing 413 & n8, 588 & nn 5–6 Salt, George Moultrie 367 & 368 nn 2–5, 368 & 369 n2, 371 & n2, 372 & n2, 558 n3, 591 & n4, 597 n2 Salt, Thomas 407 & n1 Sambourne, Linley: caricature of CD 470–1 & 471 n2, 472; caricature of T.H. Huxley 66 sand wasps 171 n9, 173–4 & 174 n5, 286 & n2 Sandberger, Fridolin 235 n4 São Miguel, Azores 326 & n3, 357–8 & 358 n2, n5, 377 & n3, 380–1 & 381 nn 5–7, 464 n4, 554 & 555 n5, 555 n8, 672 & 673 n3, 676–7 & 677 n2, n5, 683 n4, 692 & n5, 693 n8 Saporta, Gaston de 338 & 339 nn 10–11, 345 & 346 nn 15–16, 354 & 355 n13, n16, 571 & n3; CD thanks for book and his support for evolution 211 & 212 nn 1–3; sends CD a copy of his book on cryptograms and hopes for his approval 156–7 & 157 nn 1–5, 653–4 & 654 nn 1–5 Saprolegnia 605–6 n3 Saprolegniae (Saprolegniaceae) 314 & 315 n2 Sarcochilus divitiflorus (Rhinerrhiza divitiflora) 86 & n5 Sargassum 583–4 & 585 n3 sargassum nudibranch (Scyllaea edwardsii; S. pelagica) 583–4 & 585 n2, 620 & n1 Sarracenia (trumpet pitchers) 480 & 481 n10, 499 & 500 n3, 547 & n5 Saussure, Henri de xxii; CD sends photograph, made by L. Darwin, and asks for Saussure’s photograph 138–9 & 139 n3; CD thanks for samples of pebbles and book 138 & 139 nn 1–2; sends CD his book 134 & 135 n4; sends CD samples of pebbles 134 & nn 1–2; visited Down 134 & 135 n3 Savile, Bourchier Wrey: asks CD about evolution of mammals from egg-laying animals 424 &

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n1, 429 & n1, 450 & n1; CD gives examples of egg-laying mammals 440 & nn 1–3 Saxifraga crustata 537 & 538 n5 scale insects 557 & n2 Scandinavia 345 & 346 n17 scarlet fever 436 & 437 n6, 469 n14 scarlet pimpernel (Anagallis arvensis) 498 & n7, 686 & 687 n7 scarlet plume (Euphorbia jacquiniaeflora; E. fulgens) 163 & n7 Scarth, Jonathan 240 & n3 Schizolobium parahyba (Brazilian firetree) 246 & 247 n5, 301 & 302 n4, 350 & 351 n8, 385 & 386 n1, 396 & 397 n3, 662–3 & 663 n5, 675 & 676 n8 Schmalhausen, Ivan Fedorovich 515 & 516 n3 Schmankewitsch, Wladimir 81 & n4 Schmidt, Oskar 213 & n13, 226 & 227 n10, 231 & n6 Schmiedeberg, Oswald 270 & 271 n6 Schmiedeknecht, Otto 391 & 392 n6, 678 & 679 n6 School for scandal 548 & n4 School of Military Engineering, Chatham 74 & n3, 139 n2, 176 n5 Schubert, Franz 270 & n8 Schwarzwald (Black Forest) 232 & 233 n7 E. Schweizerbart’sche Verlagsbuchhandlung 7 n8, 199 nn 1–2, 216 & 217 n5, 222 & n2, 223 n2, 285 n2, 296 n4, 639 n8, 660 & 661 n5 science and religion xxiii, 35–6 & 36 n2, 96 & 97 nn 1–3, 172, 366–7 & 367 n1, 551 & nn 1–4, 564 n1 see also Graham, William Science Defence Association 336 n2, 614–15 & 615 nn 4–7, 618 & 618–19 nn 1–7; CD decides he should not be president xxv, 602 & nn 1–3, 615 & n7, 618 & n2 SCIENTIFIC VIEWS (CD): achievements of science 370 & n3; advances in geology 409–10 & 410 nn 1–8; humane treatment of animals 187 & 188 n5, 190 & n2, 198 n3; natural selection 300 & 301 n3; potatoes, importance of J. Torbitt’s work 18 & 19 n2; systematics 628 & n4; universe not a result of chance xxiii, 300; vivisection xxiv–xxv, 155 n2, 160–1 & 161–2 nn 1–7, 176 & n8, 187 & 188 nn 1–4, 188–9 & 189 nn 2–4, 190 & n2, 197–8 & 198 n4, 213–14 & 214 nn 1–6, 216 nn 7–8, 378–9 & 379–80 nn 1–4, 548–9 & 549 n2, 579 & 580 n3; women, intellectual inferiority of xxii, 626 & nn 1–2 SCIENTIFIC WORK (CD): Abies pectinata 479 n5; absorption by roots 244 & 245 n4, 340 n1; absorption of ammonium carbonate by roots

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Index (CD), cont. 479 & 481 n5, 494 & 495 nn 12–13, 500 & n5, 505 & 506 n1, 515 & 516 n1, n7, 532 & n9, 539 & 540 n3, 572 & nn 1–5; absorption of various chemicals by roots xx–xxi, 505 & 506 n2, 515 & 516 n2, 538 & n7, 545 & 546 n1, 547 & n2, 563–4 & 564 nn 1–2, n4; Acacia 350 & 351 n8, 675 & 676 n8; acidity of leaf mould and worm casts 78–9 & 79 n1, 136 & n1; aggregation of protoplasm xx–xxi, 396 & 397 n6, 436 & n4, 468 & 469 nn 8–9, 545 & 546 n3; Anemone pulsatilla 269 & n2; bloom on plants 159 & 160 n6, 189 & nn 1–3, 211 n2, 301, 360 & n8, 396 & 397 n5, 612 & 613 n4; Cassia 350 & 351 n8, 675 & 676 n8; CD like clock-work working away at science 144; CD miserable without daily work xxxi–xxxii, 579; CD will never again write on difficult subjects xvii, xxiii– xxiv, 204–5; Centradenia floribunda 144 n6, 159 & 159–60 n4; chlorophyll 436 & n4, 468 & 469 n8, 479 & 480 n4, 539 & 540 n3, 547 & n5, 697 & 699 n4; Clarkia elegans 144 n6; Compositae 168 & nn 3–5; Desmodium 167 & 168 nn 1–2, 301–2 n2, 305 & 306 n8, 307 & n3, 350 & 351 n8, 360 & n8, 675 & 676 n8; Drosophyllum 572 & n3; earthworms 42 & n1, 50 & 51 n5, 52 & nn 4–7, 54 n3, 76–7 & 77 nn 1–4, 77–8 & 78 nn 4–5, 84 & 85 nn 1–2, 102 & n8, 122 & n3, 125 & 126 nn 2–3, 130 & n3, 207 & 208 n2, 697 & 699 nn 1–3; effects of water on sensitive leaves 301 & 301–2 nn 2–3, 350 n2, 675–6 n2; Euphorbia 468 & 469 n9, 479 & 481 n5, 532 & n9, 538 & n7, 539 & 540 n3, 540 & n6, 545 & 546 nn 1–3, 564–5 & 565 n2, 572 & nn 1–2, 697 & 699 n4; experiments on movement in plants done while writing Erasmus Darwin 95 & 96 n3; heterostyled plants xxi, 282; Linum grandiflorum 396 & 397 n4; Melastomaceae xxi, 143 & 144 nn 2–3, n6, 145 & n5, 153 & n2, 154 n4, 159 & 159–60 n4, 278 & 278–9 nn 3–4, 301 & 302 n6; Mimosa 301–2 n2, 307 & n3, 360 & n8; Monochaetum 144 n6, 153 & n2, 153 & 154 n2, 159 & 159–60 n4; Oxalis sepium 246 & 247 n6, 301, 349 & 350 n2, 674–5 & 675–6 n2; paraheliotropism 307 & n3; Pelargonium zonale 563 & 564 nn 1–2, 572 & n4; Phyllanthus 350 & 351 n8, 675 & 676 n8; Picea nordmania 479 n5; Sarracenia 547 & n5; Schizolobium 301 & 302 n4, 396 & 397 n3; Trifolium 210 & 211 n2; Urtica 572 & n5; Verbascum 154 n3; writing about eminent men he has met xvii; wrote preface to A. Weismann’s Studies in the theory of descent 132 & 133 n3

SCIENTIFIC WORK

Sclater, Philip Lutley 8 & n1; Civil List pension for A.R. Wallace 12 & n4, 12–13 & 13 n2 Scleractinia (stony corals) 224 & 225 n3 Scolopendra 475–6 & 476 nn 3–4, 503 & nn 2–3 Scolopendra forficatus see Lithobius forficatus scorpions, fossil 534 & nn 1–2, 541 & n1, n5 Scott, John 402–3 & 403 n2, 558 & n3 Scuola Italica: elects CD honorary president 332 & nn 1–3, 673 & nn 1–3 scutellum 164 & 165 nn 3–5 scutes 541 & n4 Scyllaea edwardsii (sargassum nudibranch; S. pelagica) 583–4 & 585 n2, 620 & n1 sea anemones (Actiniaria) 465 & n4 sea fans (Alcyonacea) 224 & 225 n3 sea otter (Enhydra marina; E. lutris) 615 & 616 n9 sea pens 627 & 627–8 nn 1–2, 633–4 & 634 nn 1–3 sea spiders (Pycnogonida) 565 & nn 1–2 sea stars (starfish; Asteroidea) 224 & 225 n3 sea urchins 173 & 174 n4, 248 n4 seahorses (Hippocampus) 440 n3, 620 & n2 seasonal coloration 81 & n5 section cutting 537–8 & 538 n6 sedges (Cyperaceae) 268 & 269 n3 sedges, true (Carex) 270 & n2 Sedgwick, Adam 410 n3 Sédillot, Maurice 262 & 264 n8, 665 & 666 n8 seed dispersal 2–3 & 3 n1, 7 & 8 nn 1–2, 111 & 112 nn 6–8, 301 & 302 n4, 333 & 334 n4, 398 & 399 n3, 418 seeds 267 & 267–8 n1, 301 & 302 n4 self-consciousness xix–xx, 124 & 125 n4, 130 & n3 self-fertilisation 85–6 & 86 nn 2–3 Selk’nam people 140 & 141 n5 semaphore plant (Desmodium gyrans; Codariocalyx motorius) 159 & 160 n7, 163 & 164 n9, 167 & 168 nn 1–2, 305 & 306 n8, 307 & n3 Semper, Carl Gottfried xxii; CD on the effect of external conditions on evolution 317–18 & 318 nn 1–6; CD thanks for and comments on his book The natural conditions of existence as they affect animal life 80–1 & 81–2 nn 1–6; FD asks to be remembered to 81 & 82 n7; FD will call on 322 & 323 n11; on his university teaching work 316 & 317 n3; sends compliments to Emma Darwin and FD 316 & 317 n5; sent presentation copy of Earthworms 703 & 704 n50; thanks CD for his compliments on his book 316 & nn 1–2 Semper, Johann Carl 316 & n1 Semper, Wilhelm 316 & n1 Senecio vulgaris (common groundsel) 168 & n5

Index Senna floribunda see Cassia floribunda Senna neglecta see Cassia neglecta senses 74 & n7 sensitivity of fungi: to touch 226 & 227 n6 sensitivity of plants 520 & 523 nn 5–7, 687 & 688 nn 5–7 septicaemia 437 & n1 Sertularia 583–4 & 585 n4 Sete Cidades Massif, São Miguel, Azores 554 & 555 n5, 692 & n5 Seward, Anna 46 & n3, 220 & 221 n5, 642 & 643 n3 sexual selection 226 & 227 n8, 231 & n6, 612 & 613 n7 Seymour, Horace Alfred Damer 24 & n6, 72 & n2; CD on A.R. Wallace’s address and the backdating of his pension 60–1 & 61 nn 1–2 Shaen, Margaret: visits Down 102 & n7 shame plant (Mimosa pudica) 307 & n3, 360 & n8, 486 n2, 539 & 540 n1, 684 n2 Sharp, Charles 260 & n7 Sharp, Elizabeth Jessie 260 & n7 Sharpey, William 618 & n5 sheep 42 & n1, 46 & 47 nn 1–2, 52 & n4 Shelley, Percy Bysshe 364 & 365 n7, n9 Sheridan, Richard Brinsley 548 n4 shiny cowbird (Molothrus niger; M. bonariensis; M. purpurascens; M. sericeus) 416 & 419 n1, 418 & 419 nn 2–5, 526–7 & 527 nn 5–6 Shmankevich, Vladimir Ivanovich 81 & n4 Shrewsbury: The Mount, Darwin family home 132 & 133 n2, 240 & n1, 293 & n2, 408 & n2; Shrewsbury school, CD attended 126–7 & 127 n2, 293 & n1, 376 & n3, 383 n4, 408 & n2, 445 n4 Sida (fanpetals) 163 & n8 Sidgwick, Henry 361 & n1, n5 Siemens, Anne: CD declines invitation due to frail health 266 & 267 n1 Siemens, William 266 & 267 n1 Siloxerus multiflorus see Pumilo argyrolepsis Silurian period 338 & 339 n6 Silveira da Motta, Ignacio Francisco: work on new varieties of sugar cane 632–3 & 633 nn 1–3, 696 & nn 1–3 silver fir (Abies pectinata; A. alba) 479 & n5 silver lime (Tilia tomentosa) 315 & 316 n8 silver nitrate 175 & 176 n2 silver-Y moth (Plusia gamma; Autographa gamma) 128 & 129 n10 Simon, Eugène 262 & 264 n6, 665 & 666 n6 Simon, Heinrich: suggests CD visit the Royal Arsenal at Woolwich to see stacks of cannonballs 595–6 & 596 nn 1–2

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Simon, John 379 & 380 n4 Simpson, James Frederick: observations on earthworms drawing leaves into burrows 513–14 & 515 nn 1–3, 528–30 & 530 nn 1–3, 630 & n2; thanks CD for offer of a copy of reprint of Earthworms 577–8 & 578 nn 1–5 Sinclair, Alexander James 184 & 186 n18 Sinel, Joseph: CD replies to his query about hair growth on moles 318–19 & 319 nn 1–2 Sirk, Leopold 254–5 & 255 nn 1–7, 663–4 & 664 nn 1–7 Sismondi, Jean-Charles Léonard de 306 n4, 671 n4 Skertchly, Cyril Edwin Kemp 414 & n2 Skertchly, Sydney Barber Josiah 380 & 381 n2, 388 & 389 n4; asks if he may use CD’s testimonial to support application for a higher pension 413–14 & 414 nn 1–3 sleep in plants 89 & 90 n10, 106–7 & 107 nn 1–5, 162–3 & 163–4 nn 1–9; Cassia 32 & 35 n7, 106 & 107 n5; Centrosema 385–6 & 386 n3; Crotalaria cajanaefolia 385–6 & 386–7 n2, n4, 469 & n11, 481 & 482 n2; Lupinus 612 & 613 n6; Maranta arundinacea 31 & 35 n4; Olyra 32 & 35 n6, 106 & 107 n4; Oxalis 350, 404 & 405 n3, 675; Pandanus 350 & 351 nn 5–6, 404 & 405 n3, 675 & 676 nn 5–6; Phyllanthus 32 & 35 n7, n9, 34, 106–7 & 107 n5, 108 & 109 nn 1–2, 282 & 283 n2; Strephium 32 & 35 n6, 106 & 107 n4 slender sea pen (Virgularia mirabilis) 627 & 627–8 nn 1–2, 633–4 & 634 nn 1–3 slugs 635–6 & 636 nn 4–5 small heath butterfly (Coenonympha pamphilus) 128 & 129 n6 small pearl-bordered fritillary (Argynnis selene; Boloria selene) 128 & 129 n6 small wrinklewort (Pumilo argyrolepsis; Siloxerus multiflorus) 167 & 168 n3 Smerinthus ocellatus (eyed hawk-moth) 629 & 630 n2 Smerinthus populi (poplar hawk-moth; Laothoe populi) 629 & 630 n2 Smith, Adam 308 & n4 Smith, John 154 n4, 388 & 389 n10 Smith, Lucy Caroline 383 & n5; death of 629 & n2 Smith, William 578 n4 smooth newt (Lissotriton vulgaris) 127 & 129 n4 snails, fossil 234–5 & 235 nn 1–5 Snow, William Parker: CD on his health, not worth Snow visiting 563 & n3; CD on natives of Tierra del Fuego xxii, 562–3 & 563 n1; sends

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Snow, William Parker, cont. CD an article and would like to visit 559–60 & 560 nn 1–5; specimens of Holothuria 559 & 560 n3, 563 & n3 snub-nosed viper (Vipera latastei; Lataste’s viper) 611 & 612 n4, 694 & n4 snuff boxes 554 & 555 n7, 692 & 693 n7 Society for the Abolition of Vivisection 182–4 & 186 n8, 190 & n3, n5, 198 & n5 soda water 317 Södling, Carl Erik: sends likeness of a woman that could be considered as a ‘missing link’ 460 & n2; would give a year of his life for one hour’s conversation with CD xxii, 460 soft corals (Alcyonacea) 224 & 225 n3 soil: effect of wind 447–8 & 448 nn 2–3; mould xxvii, 10 & nn 1–2, 52 & n6, 68 & n3, 78–9 & 79 n1, 105 & 106 nn 1–11, 110 & nn 1–3, 136 & n1, 586 & 587 n16, 588 & 589 n2 Solla, Ruggero Felice 494 & 495 n18 Solms-Laubach, Hermann Graf zu 33–4 & 35 n13 song thrush (Turdus philomelos) 636 & n5 Sorby, Henry Clifton 25 & 26 n2, 410 n7, 551 & n2, 631; Glimpse, yacht 631, 632 & nn 3–4; plant pigments 630 & 632 nn 1–3; studying Ascidians while on his yacht 632 & n4 soup tureen, bequeathed to CD by S.E. Darwin 19 & 20 n9 South America (CD) 248 n3 South American Missionary Magazine 141 n1, 579 & n2, 581 & 582 n3 South American Missionary Society 559 & 560 n4, 563 & n1, 575 n1, 579 & n2, 581 & 582 nn 3–4 South Eastern Railway 136 & n2 Southampton: British Association for the Advancement of Science meeting, 1882 474 & n5; W.E. Darwin served on relief committee for extreme weather 73 & 74 n13; Ordnance Survey Office 73 & 74 n12 Southampton Dock Company 1 & 2 n5, 10 & 11 n6, 19 & 20 n2, 73 & n6, 74 & n1, 75 & 76 n1 Southey, Robert 364 & 365 n7 Souza Corrêa, Arthur de: forwards I.F. Silveira da Motta’s observations on sugar cane 632–3 & 633 nn 1–3, 696 & nn 1–3 Spain, Thomas Dixon: asks CD to deliver a lecture on evolution 187 & n1; CD declines 192 & n1 Sparks, Jared 220 & 221 n2, n4, 248 & 249 nn 4–5 species: classification of 611, 628 & n4, 694; development of new 164 & n2; genealogy of 204 & 205 nn 7–8

Spencer, Herbert 307 & 308 n1; asks CD to join his Anti-Aggression League 420 & nn 1–2; CD declines xxv, 420 & nn 1–2 Spencer, John Poyntz 65 & 67 n2 Sphaeria (Hypoxylon) 128 & 129 n7 Sphaerium corneum see Cyclas cornea Sphecidae 169 & 171 n7 Sphex 169 & 171 n7, n9, 173–4 & 174 n5 Sphinx convolvuli (convolvulus hawk-moth; Agrius convolvuli) 128 & 129 n12 spider flower (Cleome) 498 & n6, 686 & 687 n6 spiders 262 & 264 nn 6–7, 665 & 666 nn 6–7 spiderwort (Commelynaceae; Commelinaceae) 83 & 84 n6, 647 & 648 n6 Spirorbis 583–4 & 585 n4 spores 175 & 176 n6 sporophores 226 & 227 n4, 269 & n4 Spottiswoode, William 614 & 615 n3; Civil List pension for A.R. Wallace 12 & n4, 12–13 & 13 n2 spruce fir (Picea nordmania) 479 & n5 spurge nettle (Cnidoscolus urens var. stimulosus) 500 & n6 spurges (Euphorbia) 480 & 481 n10, 500 & nn 4–5, 538 & n7, 539 & 540 n3, 540 & n6, 545 & 546 nn 1–3, 546–7 & 547 nn 2–3, 553 & n2, 567 & n2, 572 & n1, 697 & 699 n4 Squire, Elizabeth 368 & 369 n5, 587 & n1 Sri Lanka see Ceylon Stahl, Ernst 213 & n9, 218 & 219 n13, 250 & 251 n6 Stainton, Henry Tibbats: CD thanks for dahlia flower 426 & n1 stamens: different colours xxi, 143 & 144 nn 2–4, n6, 145 & nn 2–4, 153 & n2, 159 & 159–60 n4, n8 Standard: letter from G.R. Jesse 190 & n3 Stanley, Edward Henry 129–30 & 130 n2, 456 & 457 n3 Stanley, Mary Catherine: hopes CD not badly affected by severe gale 466 & n2; thanks CD for presentation copy of Earthworms xxvii, 466 & n1 Stanley, William Ford: CD thanks for his book on fluids, and is glad that he was influenced by reading Origin 619 & 619–20 nn 1–3; sends CD his book on fluids 598–9 & 599 nn 1–2 Staphylinus 630 & n1 starfish (sea stars; Asteroidea) 224 & 225 n3 states of matter 242 & n2, 289–90 & 290 n3 Stebbing, Thomas Roscoe Rede: CD thanks for his letter to Nature about S. Butler’s accusations 95–6 & 96 nn 1–4

Index Steenstrup, Japetus: CD thanks for papers on cephalopods, and wishes he believed in evolution 325 & nn 1–3 Steinheim crater, Germany 234–5 & 235 nn 1–5 Stephanotis 547 & n4 Stephen, Julian Thoby 47 & 49 n4 Stephen, Laura Makepeace 47 & 49 n4 Stephen, Leslie: accepts CD’s offer to send him some copies of his books 52–3 & 53 n1; advises that CD should take no further notice of S. Butler, and gives reasons xviii, 47–8 & 48–9 nn 1–8, 52 & n3, 53 & 54 n5; CD asks for advice on how to reply to S. Butler 14 & 15 n5, 44 & 45 nn 1–3, 50 & 51 n4, 53 & 54 n5; CD sends copy of Erasmus Darwin 44 & 45 n1, 51 & n3; CD thanks for his advice to ignore S. Butler 51 & nn 1–2; L. Darwin suggests corrections should be made to the preface of Erasmus Darwin 36–7 & 37 nn 1–5, 39 & 41 nn 5–6, 51 & n2; H.E. Litchfield asks, on CD’s behalf, for advice on whether to correct the preface of Erasmus Darwin xviii, 39–41 & 41 nn 1–8, 44 & 45 n2, 51 & n2; thanks CD for copy of Erasmus Darwin 47 & 48–9 nn 3–4; visits Down 218 & 219 n10 Stephen, Vanessa 47 & 49 n4 Sternberg, George Miller 437 & n1 Sterne, Carus see Krause, Ernst Steudel, Ernst Gottlieb 603 & 604 n1 Stewart, Balfour 25 & 26 n2, 551 & n2 stick insects 276 & 277 n5, 666 & 667 n5 Still, Minerva C. 174 Stipa pennata (feather grass) 267 & 267–8 n1 Stokes, George Gabriel 25 & 26 n2, 548 & n3, 551 & n2 stolons 226 & 227 n4, 292 & n7 Stolterfoth, Henry 629 & n1 stomata 55–6 & 58 nn 11–12, 63 & n4, 211 n2, 644 & 646 nn 11–12 Stone, Edward James 256 & 257 n10 stone centipede (Lithobius forficatus; Scolopendra forficatus) 476 n4 stone tools 506 & 507 n2, 512 & n1, 527–8 & 528 n2 stony corals (Scleractinia) 224 & 225 n3 stools, of grain 164 & n2 Story-Maskelyne, Nevil 284 n1 Strahan, Alexander Stuart 551 n3 Strasbourg, Botanical Institute xx, xxvi, 211 n1, 211 n4, 217 & 219 n1, 222 & 223 n7, 226–7 & 227 n11, 228 & n1, 231 & 232 n7, 232 & 233 n2, nn 5–6, 241–2 & 242 nn 1–4, 250–1 & 251 nn 5–7, 268 & 269 n7, 270 & n4, 278 & 279 n6, 314 & 315 n2, 392 & 393 n12, 469 n7, 537 &

967

538 n6, 679 & 680 n12; FD’s description of 212 & 213 n2 Strasburger, Eduard 35 n11, 175 & 176 n6, 218 & 219 n13, 270 & 271 n6 strata, geological 409 & 410 n3 Streatfeild, Hannah 259 & 260 n5 Streatfeild, Thomas Edward Champion 260 n5 Strephium (Raddia) 32 & 35 n6, 106 & 107 n4 Strutt, Evelyn Georgiana Mary: visits CD in Cambridge 698 & 699 n31 Strutt, John William xxix, 486 & 487 n2, 494 & 495 n10; visits CD in Cambridge 698 & 699 n31 Stuarts, royal family 56 & 58 n15, 645 & 646 n15 Sturnella bellicosa (Peruvian meadowlark; Leistes bellicosus) 418 & 419 n4, 526 & 527 n7 subterranean clover (Trifolium subterraneum) 359 & n3, 677 & 678 n3 suffocated clover (Trifolium suffocatum) 359 & n3, 677 & 678 n3 sugar cane 632–3 & 633 n3, 696 & n3 Sulivan, Bartholomew James xxxii, 563 n1; account of T. Bridges’ talk to the Bournemouth Association Drawing-room meeting, about the natives of Tierra del Fuego and their languages xxii–xxiii, 139–41 & 141–2 nn 1–7; CD asks after Sulivan’s health, and about his daughter 144 & n3; CD on Beagle crew members 429 & 430 n3; CD on collection of C. Lyell’s letters 579 & nn 4–5; CD on E.A. Darwin’s death 429 & 430 n4; CD on mission at Tierra del Fuego 579 & n2; CD on Sulivan’s health and his own 429, 579 & n3; CD sends subscription for orphan James FitzRoy Button 578 & 579 n1, 581 & n1; CD thanks for account of the Fuegians’ honesty and language 144 & nn 1–2; CD thanks for grapes 496–7 & 497 nn 1–2; grape varieties 427 & 428 n1, 428 & n9, 429 & 430 n2, 497 n2; health, of himself and family 427–8 & 428 n3, 574–5 & 575 n5; human exhibit of Fuegians at Berlin Zoological Gardens 581 & 581–2 nn 2–5; looking forward to reading collection of C. Lyell’s letters 575 & nn 3–4; sends news of Beagle crew members 427–8 & 428 n4, nn 6–8; sponsorship of orphan James FitzRoy Button 574 & 575 n1, 581 & n1; visits R. and M.A. Darwin in Buxton 427 & 428 n2 Sulivan, Frances Emma Georgina 141 & 142 n8, 427 & 428 n3, 575 & n5 Sulivan, Henry Norton 581 & 581–2 nn 2–3 Sulivan, James Button (Cooshaipunjiz) 141 & 142 n7, 574 & 575 n1, 581 & n1 Sulivan, Sophia 427 & 428 n3, 575 & n5

968

Index

Sulivan, Sophia Henrietta 141 & 142 n8, 427 & 428 n3, 575 & n5 Sunday Tramps 218 & 219 n10 sundew (Drosera rotundifolia) 232 & 233 n8, 292 & n6, 397 n6 sundews (Drosera) 218 & 219 n8, 241–2 & 242 nn 3–4, 505 & 506 n5 sunflower (Helianthus annuus) 232 & 233 n5 Sunningdale, Berkshire 482 & 483 n5, 499 & 500 n2 SUPPORT FOR CD’S THEORIES: F. de Arruda Furtado 262, 665; R.A. Blair 258 & n3; T.L. Brunton 36 & n2; E. Du Bois-Reymond 295 & n3; A. Engelhardt 165, 654–5; E. Haeckel 87, 649; T.H. Huxley 118 & n2; C. Lyell 575 & n4, 579 & n5; A.F. Marion 157 & n3, 654 & n3; F. Müller 231 & n6; C.V. Riley 426 n4; G. de Saporta 157 & n3, 211 & 212 n3, 654 & n3; O. Schmidt 213 & n13 Surman, Frederic William 366 & n1, n3, 368 & 369 n5; CD helping to apply for post at the British Museum 610 & n1, 616 & nn 1–2, 617 & n1, 620 & 621 nn 1–2, 621 & 622 nn 1–2 Sverchkov, Nikolai Yegorovich 635 n1 Swainson, Charles Anthony 548 & n3, 550 & n3 sweat bees (Halictus) 61 & 62 n3 Swedish Riksdag 154 & 155 n1, 208 & 209 n3 Switzerland, Davos 96 & 97 n4 syenite 195 & 196 n3 Symonds, Catherine Hyacinth 273 & 274 n6 Symonds, William Samuel 273 & 274 n6, 604 n8, 621 & n2 symposium, meaning of 379 & 380 n3 Symsagittifera schultzei see Convoluta schultzii syphilis 327 & 328 n2 Syracuse Botanical Club 59–60 & 60 n2; CD elected honorary and corresponding member 174–5 & 175 n1 systematics 611, 628 & n4, 694 Taafe, Eduard von 255 & n7, 664 & n7 Tait, Archibald Campbell 25 & 26 n2, 620 & 621 n2, 621 & 622 n2 Tait, Lawson 551 & n2; CD feels he is unable to write an article as requested 453–4 & 454 nn 1–3; points out some fallacies in CD’s letter to Nature on inheritance 327 & 328 nn 1–4 Talbot, Emily: CD on her investigations into child development 319–20 & 320 nn 1–4 Talpa europaea (European mole) 127 & 129 n3, 622 & 624 n6 Tanner, Mary Willes: observed very large numbers of earthworms after a rain storm 596 & nn 1–2

tannic acid 630 & 632 n2 taper-tip onion (Allium acuminatum) 352 & n5 taproots 270 & n3 taxonomy 611, 628 & n4, 694 Taylor, Beatrice Katherine 176–7 & 177 n1 Taylor, Helen Biggs: sends instructions for ginger beer plant 176–7 & 177 nn 1–3 Taylor, Isabella Park 329 & n2 Taylor, John Pitt: CD replies to his comments on Earthworms 546 & nn 1–3; sends comments on Earthworms 541–3 & 543 nn 1–7 Taylor, Mabel Mary 176–7 & 177 n1 Taylor, Thomas 542 & 543 n6 Teesdale, John Marmaduke 76 & 77 n1, 531 & 532 n3 teeth, mastodon 299 & n5, 326 & n4, 672 & 673 n4 Teg Down, Hampshire 10 & n1, 68 & n3, 73 & n4 Tegeticula yuccasella see Pronuba yuccasella Tegetmeier, William Bernhard: CD buys his book The natural history of cranes 151 & n1; CD on interest in pigeon breeding 511–12 & 512 n2; CD thanks for review of Earthworms 511 & 512 n1; sends CD a review of Earthworms he has written, and recalls assisting his work in the past 508–9 & 509 nn 1–2 telegraph plant (Desmodium gyrans; Codariocalyx motorius) 159 & 160 n7, 163 & 164 n9, 167 & 168 nn 1–2, 305 & 306 n8, 307 & n3 Templeton, Robert 439 & n3 Tennyson, Alfred 580 & 581 n3, n5 Terceira, Azores 326 & n3, 672 & 673 n3 terminology, botanical 54 & 57 n3, 62 & 63 n1, 165 n3, 643 & 646 n3 Thackeray, William Makepeace 125 n2 Thiselton-Dyer, Harriet Anne 480 n2, 482 & 483 n4, 493 n7, 538 n2 Thiselton-Dyer, William Turner 314 & 315 n2, 338 & 339 n9, 359 n2, 464 n4, 479 & 480 n2, 592 & n3, 603 & 604 n1, 678 n2, 683 n4; asks J. Smith to send CD Melastomaceae flowers from Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew 154 n4; CD asks if he knows examples of plants with different coloured anthers 145 & nn 1–6; CD mentions FD has left for Strasbourg 210 & 211 n4; CD on FD’s candidacy for fellowship of the Royal Society of London 155 & 155–6 nn 1–3; CD requests flowers of Monochaetum or other Melastomaceae 153 & n2; CD requests identification of a species of Clematis 207 & 208 nn 1–2, 210 & 211 n3; CD requests plant seeds 153 & 154 nn 3–4, 189 & n2; CD requests plants 153 & n2, 546–7 & 547 nn 1–4; CD thanks for Euphorbia specimens 553 & n2; CD thanks for flowers of Monochaetum,

Index G.H. Darwin has made drawings 153 & 154 n2; CD thanks for letter and gives update on his work 537–8 & 538 nn 1–9; CD thanks for seeds and notes about Trifolium resupinatum 210 & 211 n2; CD will try to obtain Pinguicula 153 & n1; CD working on bloom on leaves 189 & nn 2–3; holiday on the continent 482 & 483 n4, 493 & n7, 537 & 538 n2; Royal Botanic Gardens, assistant director 149 n3, 388 & 389 n6, 409 & n4; sent presentation copy of Earthworms 702 & 703 n8 Thomas, Sarah Anne 193 & 195 n6, 313 & 314 n7 Thompson, William 145 & n4, 153 & 154 n3; sends CD seeds 352 & nn 2–5; thanks CD for Movement in plants 351–2 & 352 n1 Thompson, William Hepworth 548 & n3, 550 & n3 Thomson, Charles Wyville 111 & 112 n9, 280 & 282 n7, 296 & 297 n3, 354 & 355 n9, 668 & 669 n7, 669 & 670 n3; illness 329 & 330 n5 Thomson, Jane Ramage 329 & 330 n5 Thomson, William 178 & 180 n7, 214 & 216 n8, 376 & n4, 387 & 388 n5, 550 & n2, 552 & n5, 562 & n2, n4, 656 & 658 n7 thought-reading 290 & 291 n5 thumbs, deformed 193–4 & 195 nn 5–7 Thwaites, George Henry Kendrick 439 & n2 Thymelicus lineola see Papilio linea Ticknor, George 624 & 625 n4, 695 & n4 tides: G.H. Darwin’s work 321 & n1, 568 & n2 Tieghem, Philippe van 175 & 176 nn 3–4, 218 & 219 n8, 241–2 & 242 nn 3–4; Traité de botanique 218 & 219 nn 6–7, 250 & 251 n6, 252 & 253 n8 Tierra del Fuego: flora 345 & 346 n13; languages xxii–xxiii, 139–40 & 141 nn 4–5, 144 & n2; mission 575 n1, 579 & n2, 581 & 582 n4; natives xxii–xxiii, 559 & 560 n1, 562–3 & 563 n1, 581 & 581–2 nn 2–5 Tilia tomentosa (silver lime) 315 & 316 n8 Tilt, Archibald Preston: CD replies to letter addressed to E.A. Darwin in error, will send a photograph if wanted 601 & 601–2 nn 1–4 The Times: address by R. Duckworth 182–3 & 186 n10; announcement of the death of E.A. Darwin 371 & 372 n1, 375 & 376 n2, 377 & 378 n2; CD’s letter to the editor about the Report of the Royal Commission on vivisection 187 & 188 n2, 188–9 & 189 nn 1–4, 191 & n3, 195 & 196 n7, 196 & 197 n3, 198 & n4; CD’s letter to F. Holmgren on vivisection xxiv, 160–1 & 162 n7, 176 & n8, 177–8 & 180 nn 2–4, 181 & 186 n2, 187 & 188 n1, n3, 192 & n2, 196 n7, 196 & 197 n2, 198 & n4, 208 & 209 nn 1–3, 213–14 & 214 nn 2–3, 238 & n2, 378–9 & 380 n2, 614

969

& 615 n1, 655–6 & 658 nn 2–4; T.H. Huxley, summary of lecture ‘On the application of the laws of evolution to the arrangement of the Vertebrata and more particularly of the Mammalia’ 11 & n3; mention of G.H. Darwin’s report for meeting of British Association for the Advancement of Science in York 389 & 390 n3; review of Earthworms 601 & n2; G.J. Romanes, letter on vivisection 197–8 & 198 nn 2–3 tiny shrimp (Atyoida potimirim; Potimirim potimirim) 222 & 223 n5, 481 & 482 n5 Tipulidae (crane flies) 376 & nn 1–3, 545 n2 Tococa 278 n3 Tollet, Ellen Harriet 219 & 220 n17 Tomkins, George Gordon 244 & 245 n5 tonsils 556, 561 & 562 n2 Torbitt, James: CD on T.H. Farrer and J. Caird’s response to Torbitt’s report on his potato experiments 18 & 18–19 nn 1–5; CD requests some potatoes for his gardener to grow 18 & 19 n6; CD sends funds for further potato experiments xxx, 224 & n1; CD thanks for potatoes and letter from S.M. Alexander 136 & nn 1–2; continuing to grow crossed potatoes 131 & 132 nn 1–2; encloses letter from S.M. Alexander in support of his work on potatoes 131–2 & 132 nn 5–6, 136 & n2; funding for further potato experiments 3 & 4 n2, 9 & n2, 18 & 19 nn 2–3, 59 & n3, 224 & n1, 229 & n1; plans to ask government for assistance 30 & n4; receipt for funds for further potato experiments 229 & n1; report on work on potatoes 3–4 & 4 nn 1–2, 8–9 & 9 nn 1–2; sends CD, J. Caird and T.H. Farrer different potato varieties to grow 131 & 132 nn 3–4, 136 & nn 1–2; sends CD copy of letter sent to W.E. Gladstone about growing blight-resistant potatoes 30 n4; update on last season’s potato crops 28–30 & 30 nn 1–4 see also potatoes (J. Torbitt’s project) Torras, Anne Jeanne Louis 57 & 58 n17, 645 & 646 n17 Torras, Pierre 57 & 58 n17, 645 & 646 n17 Tortugas 166–7 & 167 nn 1–4, 203 & 205 n1, 247 & 248 n2 touch: sensitivity of fungi to 226 & 227 n6 Tournefort, Joseph Pitton de 337 & 338 n2, 344 & 346 n2 toxicity 556–7 & 557 n1, n3, 564–5 & 565 n2 trade 516–17 & 517 n2 traps 187 & 188 n5, 190, 198 n3 Trelawny, Edward John: death of 364 & 365 nn 6–12

970

Index

Trench, Catherine Sabine 575 & n5 Treub, Melchior 481 n7 Trevelyan, George Otto 265 & 266 n6 Trichina spiralis (nematode worm; Trichinella spiralis) 161 & 162 n6 trichinosis 161 & 162 n6 Trifolium pratense (red clover) 128 & 129 n10 Trifolium resupinatum (Persian clover) 189 & nn 2–3, 210 & 211 n2, 352 & n4, 358–9 & 359 n2, 612 & 613 n4, 677 & 678 n2 Trifolium subterraneum (subterranean clover) 359 & n3, 677 & 678 n3 Trifolium suffocatum (suffocated clover) 359 & n3, 677 & 678 n3 Trigona 83 & 84 n4, 160 n8, 647 & 648 n4 Trimen, Roland 538 & n8 TRIPS AND VISITS (CD) see Darwin, Charles Robert, TRIPS AND VISITS

Triticum vulgare (wheat; T. aestivum) 164 & nn 1–2, 171 & n1, 567–8 Triton alonsoi (Lissotriton helveticus alonsoi) 611 & 612 n3, 694 & n3 Triton boscai (Bosca’s newt; Lissotriton boscai) 611 & 612 n3, 694 & n3 Triton helveticus (palmate newt; Lissotriton helveticus) 611 & 612 n3, 694 & n3 Triton marmoratus (marbled newt; Triturus marmoratus) 611 & 612 n3, 694 & n3 Triturus cristatus (crested newt) 127 & 129 n4 Trochus 526 & n3 Trombidium locustarum (locust mite; Eutrombidium locustarum) 426 & n5 trumpet pitchers (Sarracenia) 480 & 481 n10, 499 & 500 n3, 547 & n5 Tscherning, Friedrich August: sends CD his dissertation on the germination of Cucurbitaceae 206 & 206–7 nn 1–3, 232 & 233 n10 Tübingen University 521 & 523 nn 10–11, 688 & 689 nn 10–11 tuff 554 & 555 n4, 692 & n4 Turdus philomelos (song thrush) 636 & n5 turgescence 274 & 275 n3, 434 & n4 Turkestan 21 & n1 Turner, George Webster: asks for CD’s autograph 599 Turner, William 422 & n5, 614 & 615 n3 Tussilago (coltsfoot) 168 & n5 Tylor, Edward Burnett: CD thanks for book, Anthropology 151 & n1 Tyndall, John 121 n3, 173 n1, 440 n2, 614 & 615 n3 Uhlans 245 & n6, 275 & n9 Ullswater, Lake District 115 & 117 n2, 311 & 312 n7

Ultramontanists 216 & 217 n7, 222 & 223 n8, 660 & 661 n7 ultraviolet light 122 & n3 Unio 526 & n3 Union Bank of London 203 & n2, 228 & 229 n4, 233 & 234 n1, 304 & n2, 305 & nn 2–3, 504 & n4, 510 & 511 n1 Unitarians 233 n9 United States Funded Loan 203 & n2, 207 & n2, 228–9 & 229 nn 1–4, 233 & 234 n1 University College, Liverpool 435 & n1 unknown correspondents 618 n3; CD asks for a piece of linoleum 384 & n1; CD declines an invitation to write for a periodical 362–3 & 363 n1, 436 & nn 1–2; CD does not know whether the enclosed receipt should be set to Brazil 317 & n1; CD encloses letters from FD and G.H. Darwin 362 & n1; CD on the fluid secreted by the foot pads of the blowfly 360 & 361 nn 1–2; CD sends copies of his works from E.A. Darwin’s library 566 & nn 1–4; CD thanks for note and plant 332–3 & 333 nn 1–2; CD thanks for paper about molluscs 271–2 & 272 nn 1–3 urates 556 & n6 uric acid 105, 110, 556 n6 Urtica dioica (common nettle) 500 & n6, 572 & n5 USA 447–8 & 448 n3; Beaufort, North Carolina 583 & 585 n3; flora 345 & 346 n14; Florida 166–7 & 167 nn 1–4, 203 & 205 n1, 224–5 & 225 n7, 247 & 248 n2; Hudson River 295 & n6; Milwaukee 391 & 392 n9, 678 & 679 n9; and Naples Zoological Station 100 & n7; New York Entomological Club 103 & n1, 104 & nn 1–2; Newport, Rhode Island 166 & 167 n1; Onondaga County, New York 60 & n5; tensions with Britain 77 & 78 n3; Wheeler Survey 202 & n1 Usborne, Alexander Burns 428 & 427 n6, n8 Ushuaia, Tierra del Fuego 139–41 & 141 n1, 575 n1, 581 & 582 n4 Utricularia (bladderwort) 484 & n2 Vanessa cardui see Cynthia cardui variability 81 & 81–2 n6, 197 n2, 318 & n3, 471 Variation (CD) 463 & nn 3–5, 566 & n3; ‘Adam’s apple’, fruit 365 n2; appearance of variations accidental 370 & 370–1 n5; cited by V. Hensen 239 & 240 n6; dahlia flowers 426 n1; development of fancy pigeons 197 n2; development of new species 164 n2; dogs with blue eyes 152 n2; effects of maternal imagination on unborn offspring 444 n1; inheritance 312–13 & 314 n2, 634 n3;

Index G.R. Jesse 181 & 185–6 n1; pangenesis 463 & n5; prepotency in crosses between species 630 n1; reversion 204 & 205 n8, 634 n3 Variation 2d ed. (CD) 463 n4 Vaseline 85 & n1 Vaughan Williams, Margaret Susan 414 & 415 n3 Vega expedition 617 & n2 vegetable sheep (Raoulia eximia) frontispiece, 334 & n1 Veitch & Sons 145 & n5, 153 & n3, 479 & 480 n3 Velella 166 & 167 n2 velvetleaf (Cissampelos pareira) 350 & 351 n8, 675 & 676 n8 Venus fly trap (Dionaea muscipula) 218 & 219 n8, 436 n4, 468 & 469 n8, 479 & 480 n3 Verbascum arcturus see Celsia arcturus Verbascum creticum see Celsia cretica Verbascum lychnitis (white mullein) 154 n3 Verbascum thapsus (great mullein) 154 n3 vermin traps 187 & 188 n5, 190, 198 n3 Verrill, Addison Emery 583 & 585 n2, 584 Vespula vulgaris (common wasp) 171 n9 Viburnum 554 & 555 n4, 692 & n4 Victoria, Queen 72 & n1, 183 & 186 n13 Vidal, Alexander Thomas Emeric 357–8 & 358 n2, 676–7 & 677 n2 Vienna: CD foreign corresponding member of Imperial Academy of Science 573 n1 Vines, Sydney Howard xxix; CD meets and likes 494 & 495 n9, 500 & n5; CD on milk tubes in roots 515 & 516 nn 3–7, 545 & 546 nn 1–3; CD on W. Pfeffer’s criticism of J. Wiesner’s book on plant movements 545 & 546 n4; CD on the response of root cells to various chemicals 505–6 & 506 nn 1–5, 515 & 516 n1, 563–4 & 564 nn 1–5, 571–2 & 572 nn 1–5; thinks the granules CD has observed in root cells are derived from protoplasm xxi, 509 & 510 nn 1–4, 567 & n3 violet quinoline 245 n4 Vipera ammodytes (horned viper) 611 & 612 n4, 694 & n4 Vipera berus (common European viper) 611 & 612 n5, 694 & n5 Vipera latastei (Lataste’s viper; snub-nosed viper) 611 & 612 n4, 694 & n4 Vipera seoanei (Portuguese viper; Iberian viper) 611 & 612 n5, 694 & n5 Viquesnelia atlantica (Plutonia atlantica) 262 & 264 n5, 263, 665 & 666 n5 Virchow, Rudolf xxv, 161 & 162 n6, 293 & 294 nn 3–4, 295 & n4, 336 & 337 n5, 698 & 699 n21 Virgil 408 & n2 Virgularia grandiflora (full-flowered sea pen; Anthoptilum grandiflorum) 627 & 628 n1

971

Virgularia mirabilis (slender sea pen) 627 & 627–8 nn 1–2, 633–4 & 634 nn 1–3 VISITS AND TRIPS (CD) see Darwin, Charles Robert, TRIPS AND VISITS

Vitis (grapevines) 427 & 428 n1, 428 & n9, 537 & 538 n3 Vitrina (glass-snail) 262 & 264 n5, 298 & 299 n2, 665 & 666 n5 vivisection xxiv–xxv, 154–5 & 155 nn 1–3, 160–1 & 161–2 nn 1–7, 187 & 188 nn 1–4, 188–9 & 189 nn 1–4, 191 & n3, 196 n7, 197–8 & 198 nn 2–6, 208 & 209 nn 1–3, 238 & n2, 549 n1, 562 & n2, 569 & n1, 614–15 & 615 nn 1–7, 618 & 618–19 nn 1–7; CD’s reply to W. von Voigts-Rhetz 213–14 & 214 nn 1–6, 216 nn 7–8; collection of essays in the Nineteenth Century 374–5 & 375 nn 1–2, 379 & 379–80 nn 1–4, 383 & 384 nn 1–4, 465 & n5, 579 & 580 n3, 614 & 615 n1, 616 n11; International Medical Congress resolution 348 & 349 n4; G.R. Jesse’s views 181–5 & 185–6 nn 1–23, 190 & nn 1–5, 196 & 196–7 nn 1–4, 198 n6; Royal Commission on 375 & n5, 618 & 618–19 n5; W. von Voigts-Rhetz’s views 177–80 & 180–1 nn 1–15, 655–8 & 658–9 nn 1–15 Vöchting, Hermann 274 & 275 n6; FD’s opinion of 321–2 & 322–3 nn 1–8 Voigts-Rhetz, Werner von 218 & 219 n14; CD replies to his letter and gives his views on vivisection 213–14 & 214 nn 1–6, 216 nn 7–8; gives views on vivisection after seeing CD’s letter to F. Holmgren in The Times 177–80 & 180–1 nn 1–15, 655–8 & 658–9 nn 1–15; photograph 215 Volcanic islands (CD) 326 & n3, 353 & 355 n5, 672 & 673 n3 volcanoes 401 & 402 n7 Voltaire see Arouet, François Marie Vries, Hugo de 434 & n4, 509 & 510 n3; CD asks for a reference 593 & 594 n1; CD glad de Vries is working on variation but will not do any more difficult work himself 471 & nn 1–3; CD thanks for letter 576 & nn 1–2; interested in CD’s hypothesis of pangenesis 463 & nn 3–5; sent presentation copy of Earthworms 703 & 704 n51; thanks CD for presentation copy of Earthworms 462–3 & 463 nn 1–2 W. & J. Burrow: CD requests a case of soda water 317 & n1 Wagner, Moritz Friedrich 80–1 & 81 n2 Wales: Ffestiniog 408 & n6; Llandaff Cathedral 450 & 451 n2 walking sticks (Phasmidae; Phasmatidae) 391 & 392 n8, 678 & 679 n8

972

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Wallace, Alfred Russel xviii, xxii, 278 & 279 n8; asks CD’s opinion on letters of thanks to W.E. Gladstone and those who signed the memorial 31; CD advises on letters of thanks 42 & 43 nn 1–5; CD informs Wallace that W.E. Gladstone recommends him for civil list pension 24–5 & 25 nn 1–5; CD on article in Nature about alpine plants in Madagascar 7–8 & 8 nn 1–4; CD on books about political economy 311 & 312 n3; CD on Creed of science, W. Graham 311 & 312 nn 4–5; CD on his health and Wallace’s 8 & n5; CD on J. Lubbock, F. Balfour and G.D. Campbell’s delight at the success of the memorial 43 & nn 6–7; CD on Lake District holiday and his weariness xxi, 311 & 312 n7; CD on Wallace’s next book, Land nationalisation 311 & 312 n9; CD sends his spare copy of book about life of C. Lyell 565–6 & 566 nn 1–2; CD thinks Island life a wonderful book 111 & 112 n10; CD’s memorial for 8 & nn 1–2, 11 & n1, 11–12 & 12 nn 1–4, 14 & 15 n8; distribution of closely allied species 362 & n5; Geographical distribution 299 & n5, 358 & n4, 377 & n1, 464 & n2, 501 & 502 n1, 677 & n4, 682 & 683 n2; on H. George’s book Progress and poverty 307–8 & 308 nn 1–6; W.E. Gladstone recommends for Civil List pension xviii, 20 & 20–1 n1, 21 & n1, 21–2 & 22 nn 1–6, 22 & nn 1–3, 23 & n1, 23–4 & 24 nn 1–4, n6, 24–5 & 25 nn 1–5, 26 & nn 1–2, 49–50 & 50 nn 1–2, 59 & n5, 61 & n2, 65 & 67 n3, 72 & n1, 74 & n5; Island life 265 & 266 n7, 299 & n5, 338 & 339 n6, 344 & 346 n8, 356 & 357 n9, 358 & n4, 359 & 360 n6, 362 & n4, 377 & n2, 677 & n4; land nationalisation 308 & 308–9 n6, 473 & n63; Land Nationalisation Society, president 308– 9 n6; Nutwood Cottage, Godalming 50 & n3, 308 & n5, 311 & 312 n6; refers CD to article in Nature about alpine plants in Madagascar 2–3 & 3 nn 1–2; sent presentation copy of Earthworms 702 & 703 n6; thanks CD for presentation copy of Earthworms xxvii, 471 & 473 nn 1–2; thanks CD for recommending him for Civil List pension xviii, 30–1 & 31 nn 1–3, 72 & nn 1–3; views on seed dispersal 111 & 112 nn 6–8, 356 & 357 n8 Wallich, Nathaniel 402–3 & 403 n1, n3, 480 & 481 n6 Wallington, Surrey 408 & n3 Wallis, Anthony 135 & 136 n2, 150 & n2 Wallis, Henry Marriage: acknowledges debt that thinking people owe CD xxii, 135; cats and

wood mice 150 & 151 n6; CD asks permission to send Wallis’s observations to Nature 145–6 & 146 n2; CD on D.F. Eschricht’s paper on the lanugo in human embryos 146 & n3; CD on flight of young birds and chickens 152 & nn 4–5; CD on Wallis’s observations on hair growth on ears 151–2 & 152 nn 1–3; CD unlikely ever to write on the theory of evolution again xvii, 152; hair growth on ears xxii, 135 & 136 n1, 149–50 & 150 nn 1–2, 150 & 151 n5; observation that young birds and chickens fly better than the adults 150 & 150–1 nn 3–4 wall-rue (Asplenium ruta-muraria) 60 & n6 Walpole, Spencer 294 n6 War of the Pacific (1879–83) 78 n3 Warington, Robert 105 & 106 n3 Warner, Francis: sends CD his article on muscular conditions 609 & nn 1–2 wasps 169 & 171 nn 7–9, 173–4 & 174 nn 5–6; fig 33, 33–4 & 35 nn 13–15, 108 & 109 n4; nest building 403 & 404 n1, 405 & nn 1–3, 412 & 413 n1, 416 & nn 1–3 water beetles 127 & 129 n4 water glands 537 & 538 n5 Waterer, John 338 & 339 n14 Waterhouse, George Robert 405 & n3 Watson, Hewett Cottrell 338 & 339 n13, 425 & n6 Watson, Morison 422 & n5 Watt, George 307 & n2, 315 & n6 waxweed (Cuphea) 498 & n6, 686 & 687 n6 weather: gales, October 461 & 462 n8, 466 & n2, 495–6 & 496 n2; summer 1881 255 & 256 n3, 256, 264, 268, 361, 396 & 397 n4, 403 & 404 n2; winter 1881 53, 61, 67, 73 & 74 n13, 88 & 90 n2 Webb, Philip Speakman 482 & 483 n3 Wedgwood, Caroline Sarah 260 n3, 368 & 369 n7, 407 & n1; CD on miniature of their mother and his memories of her 415 & 416 nn 7–12; CD on the division of E.A. Darwin’s estate, and investments 414–15 & 415 n 1–6; CD’s sister 213 & n10, 218 & 220 n16, 240 & n2, 580 & 581 n4; W.E. Darwin visits and finds well 454 & 455 n6; sent presentation copy of Earthworms 702 & 704 n35 Wedgwood, Emma see Darwin, Emma Wedgwood, Frances (1806–32) 306 n4, 671 n4 Wedgwood, Frances Emma Elizabeth 260 & n11, 368 & 369 n6, 408 & n4, 457–8 & n3; visits Down 469 & n14 Wedgwood, Francis 407 & n2; sent presentation copy of Earthworms 702 & 704 n38

Index Wedgwood, Godfrey 260 & n9 Wedgwood, Henry Allen 407 & n2 Wedgwood, Hensleigh 368 & 369 n9, 407 & n2, 408 & n4; helps fund J. Torbitt’s potato experiments 18 & 19 n3, 229 & n1; sent presentation copy of Earthworms 702 & 704 n38 Wedgwood, Hope Elizabeth 368 & 369 n6 Wedgwood, Josiah I: portrait 19 & 20 n6 Wedgwood, Josiah II: division of estate 407 & n2 Wedgwood, Josiah III 407 & n2; trustee of Emma Darwin’s trust, W.E. Darwin his executor 114 & 115 n2, 133 & 134 n5 Wedgwood, Sarah Elizabeth (Elizabeth) 407 & n2; bequests 10 & 11 n6, 74 & n2 Wedgwood, Sarah Elizabeth (Sarah) 245 n5 Wedgwood, Sophy 414 & 415 n3 Wedgwood, Susannah see Darwin, Susannah Wegner, Gustav: observations on wheat blossoms 567–8 & 568 nn 1–2 Weinland, David Friedrich 270 & 271 n7 Weir, John Jenner: CD thanks for his observations 634 & nn 1–3; hermaphroditism in Lepidoptera 629 & 630 n2, 634 & n2; observations on mules and hinnies 629 & 630 n1 Weismann, August: Studien zur Descendenz-Theorie, CD subscribed to R. Meldola’s translation 347–8 & nn 1–2; Studien zur Descendenz-Theorie, CD wrote preface to R. Meldola’s translation 132 & 133 n3 Wellesley, Arthur, 1st duke of Wellington 580 & 581 n3, n5 Wells, Thomas Spencer 182 & 186 n7 Welwitschia mirabilis 359 & n4, 677–8 & 678 n4 Wesley, William 552 & n8 western diamond-back rattlesnake (Crotalus atrox) 613 & 614 n1 western rattlesnake (Crotalus viridis) 613 & 614 n2 Westropp, Hodder Michael: CD on degeneration 238 & 238–9 nn 2–3; CD regrets he has not time to discuss Westropp’s essay 238 & n1 Westwood, John Obadiah 422 & n3 Westwood, Mary Anne 218 & 219 n11, 413 & n10 wheat (Triticum vulgare; T. aestivum) 164 & nn 1–2, 171 & n1, 567–8 Wheeler, George Montague 202 & n1 Wheler, Elizabeth Anne 248 & 249 n2 Whitaker, William: sent presentation copy of Earthworms 702 & 703 n7 White, Henry Kirke 621 & n3

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white garlic (Allium neapolitanum) 352 & n5 white mullein (Verbascum lychnitis) 154 n3 Whiteman, Richard Gilbert: CD explains the omission of a sentence about bears catching insects in water like whales from later editions of Origin 205–6 & 206 nn 1–3 Whitley, Charles Thomas 445 & n4 Wiesner, Julius 175 & 176 nn 2–3, 432, 487 & nn 1–2, 493 & n8; book, a critical study of Movement in plants xxviii–xxix, 520–1 & 523 nn 3–4, 524 & 525 n2, 531 & 532 nn 6–7, 539 & 540 nn 4–5, 540 & n2, 543 & 544 nn 3–4, 545 & 546 n4, 687–8 & 688 nn 3–4; CD thanks for book 433–4 & 434 nn 1–4; CD writes to FD about Wiesner’s book on plant movements 468 & 469 nn 1–7, 478–9 & 479 nn 2–4, n6, 494 & 495 nn 9–11; CD’s response to Wiesner about his book 488–9 & 489–90 nn 1–10; dean of philosophical faculty at University of Vienna 453 & n4, 489 & 490 n10, 534 & 536 n3, 682 & n4, 689 & 690 n3; sends CD copy of his book, a critical study of Movement in plants 430 & 430–1 nn 1–4, 452 & 453 n3, 471 & n3, 476 & 477 n2, 480 & 481 n8, 680 & nn 1–4, 681 & 682 n3; sent presentation copy of Earthworms 702 & 704 n41, n55; thanks CD for his detailed response to his book 534–5 & 536 nn 1–9, 689–90 & 690–1 nn 1–9; thanks CD for presentation copy of Earthworms 452– 3 & 453 n2, 681–2 & 682 n2 Wilberforce, Samuel 118 n2 Wild, Henriette 80 & n2 wild fig (caprifig) 108 & 109 n4, 247 & n7, 663 & n7 Wilkes, John 366 & 367 n2 Wilks, Samuel 579 & 580 n3, 615 & 616 n11 Willesden Junction 291 & 292 n4 Williams & Norgate 302 & n1, 544 & n9; CD queries account 102 & nn 1–2; CD queries book order 357 & n1; monograph series Fauna und Flora des Golfes von Neapel 99–100 & 100 n4, 102 & n1 Williamson, William Crawford 592 & n4 willows (Salix) 128 & 129 n7 Wills Act (1837) 410 & 411 n6 Wilson, Alexander 418 & 419 n2 Wilson, Alexander Stephen: CD on cotyledons of grasses 171 & 171–2 nn 2–3; CD thanks for report in Gardeners’ Chronicle on Russian wheat 171 & n1; on cotyledons of grasses 164 & 165 nn 3–5; sends report in Gardeners’ Chronicle on his experiments with Russian wheat 164 & nn 1–2

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Wilson, Edmund Beecher: CD thanks for describing the interesting case of mimicry 620 & nn 1–2; describes nudibranch Scyllaea which resembles the seaweed on which it lives 583–4 & 585 nn 1–6 Wilson, Edward 329 & n3 Wilson, Erasmus 615 & n6 Wilson, William Powell 314 & 315 n4, 323 n12 Wimbledon Common 590 & n4 Winchester 58 & 59 n2 wind, and soil 447–8 & 448 nn 2–3 wind dispersal 2–3 & 3 n1, 7 & 8 nn 1–2, 111 & 112 nn 6–8, 301 & 302 n4 wings: ants 526 & n4; geese, malformed 257 & 258 n1 Wintle, Douglas James: CD thanks for note 594 & n1; observes earthworms leaving burrows when rifles fired 590 & nn 1–4 wireworms 635 & 636 nn 2–3 women: education of 113 & 114 nn 12–13; supposed inferiority of xxii, 626 & nn 1–2 wood mouse (Apodemus sylvaticus) 150 & 151 n6 Woodhouse, Alfred James: Darwin family dentist 245 & n7 woodsorrel (Oxalis acetosella) 273, 279 & 279–80 nn 3–4 woodsorrels (Oxalis) 497 & 498 n4, 686 & n4 Woolwich, Royal Arsenal 595–6 & 596 n2 working classes 110 & n5 worms, earth 575 & n2; calciferous glands 555–6 & 556 n5, 576 n1; casts 68 & n2, 73 & nn 3–4, 78–9 & 79 n1, 110 & nn 1–3, 112 & 113 n5, 195 & 196 n3; consuming leaves 75 & nn 1–5, 77 n1; dilapidated pier of Llandaff Cathedral attributed to their action 450 & 451 n2; dying after heavy rain 121–2 & 122 n2, 125 & 126 n2; eggs 545 & n1; emerging from trampled ground 495–6 & 496 n3; false acacia leaves in burrows 50 & 51 n5, 52 & n7, 74 & n6; horizontal ledges on steep slopes 52 & nn 4–5, 53 & 54 n3, 68 & n4, 73 & n5, 456 & 457 n2; intelligence xix–xx, 75 & n4, 76, 80 n1, 102 & n8, 122–3 & 123 n3, 124 & 125 nn 3–4, 125, 130 & n3, 168 & 169 n2; killed by salt water 455 & nn 1–2, 622 & 624 n5; leaves pulled into the mouths of burrows 75 & nn 1–5, 76–7 & 77 n1, 77–8 & 78 nn 4–5, 84 & 85 nn 1–2, 133 & n4, 467–8 & 468 n2, 473, 513–14 & 515 n2, 630 & n2; prey of centipedes 475–6 & 476 nn 3–6; prey of slugs 635 & 636 n4; regarded as pests by gardeners 471 & 473 n2, 561 & n2; report of luminosity 525 & n2; senses 518 & 519 n2, 533 & n1; sensitivity to

different colours of light 122 & n3, 125 & 126 n3; stones in gizzards 138 & 139 n1; things used to plug their holes 483 & n2; toxicity of Euphorbia and Nerium 556–7 & 557 n1, n3, 564–5 & 565 n2 see also Earthworms (CD) ‘wormstone,’ scientific instrument 369 & n11, 701 Wortmann, Julius 219 n15, 227, 232 & 233 n7, 250 & 251 n6, 314 & 315 n3; A. de Bary’s assistant 212 & 213 n7, 245 & n8; ‘Ein Beitrag zur Biologie der Mucorineen’ 269 & nn 4–5; circumnutation in fungi 226 & 227 nn 3–4, 231 & nn 3–4, 274 & 275 n4 Wundt, Wilhelm 179 & 181 n13, 657 & 659 n13 Würtenberger, Leopold: asks CD for financial support 323 & 323–4 nn 1–5, 334–5 & 336 nn 1–2, 671 & 671–2 nn 1–5, 673–4 & 674 nn 1–2; CD sends £30 as a gift xxxi, 341 & n1 Würzburg: Zoological Institute 316 & 317 n3 Xerochrysum bracteatum (everlasting flower) 636 & n6 xylem 516 n6 Yahgan language 139–40 & 141 n4, 144 & n2 Yarrell, William 150 & 150–1 nn 3–4 yeast 176–7 & 177 n1 yellowish pipit (Anthus chii; A. lutescens) 418 & 419 n4, 526 & 527 n7 Yeo, Gerald Francis 555 & 556 n2 Yokcushlu (Fuegia Basket) 140 & 141 n5, 581 & 582 n5 York: meeting of British Association for the Advancement of Science 361 & n3, 365 & n3, 374 & n1, 378 & n6, 387 & n2 Young, Archibald 588 & n6 Young, Edward Harry 99 & n5 Young, James 625 & 626 n4 Yucca 270 & n3, 364 & 365 n11, 425–6 & 426 nn 1–2 Yucca angustifolia (beargrass; Y. glauca) 426 n3, 607–8 & 608 n4 Yucca filamentosa (Adam’s needle) 607–8 & 608 n4 yucca moth (Pronuba yuccasella; Tegeticula yuccasella) 425–6 & 426 nn 1–3, 607–8 & 608 n2 Zea mays (maize) 232 & 233 nn 5–6 Zeiss, Carl 87 & 88 n1, 280 & 282 n8, 288 & n1, 288 & 289 n4, 669 & n8 Zeuschner, Ernst L. 172–3 & 173 nn 1–3 Zincke, Foster Barham: on burial of objects by the action of earthworms, and large arctic mammals 506–7 & 507 nn 1–3; CD thanks for letter 512 & n1; CD would like to include his account of finding the buried celt in next printing of Earthworms 527–8 & 528 nn 1–4;

Index happy for CD to include his account in next printing of Earthworms 530–1 & 531 nn 1–2; paper on peasant life in Auvergne 528 & n4, 531 & n3; thanks CD for copy of Earthworms and for using his account 589 & nn 1–2 Zingiber officinale (ginger) 177 n1 Zöckler, Otto 4 & 7 n4, 6 & 7 n13, 637 & 639 n4, 638 & 639 n13 Zöllner, Johann Karl Friedrich 179 & 181 n12, 214 & n6, 657 & 659 n12 Zonotrichia matutina (rufous-collared sparrow; Z. pileata; Z. capensis) 418 & 419 n4, 526 & 527 n7 Zoological Gardens, Berlin 581 & n2 Zoological Gardens, London 146 & n4, 150 & 151 n5, 151 Zoological Institute, Würzburg 316 & 317 n3 Zoological record 100 & n5, 104 & n3 Zoological Station, Naples 44 & n4, 99–100 & 100 nn 2–7, 104 & n2, 230 & n4 Zoologischer Anzeiger 391 & 392 n7, 392 & n11, 678 & 679 n7, 679 & n11 Zoologischer Jahresbericht 100 & n5, 104 & n3, 230 & n4 Zoology Museum, Cambridge 44 & n4 Zostera 584 & 585 n6

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