The Correspondence of Charles Darwin, Volume 28: 1880 [1 ed.] 1108839606, 9781108839600

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Desmodium gyrans: day and night. Original drawings by G. H. Darwin for Charles Darwin’s Movement in plants, p. 358, fig. 149. DAR 209.10: 24–5. By permission of the Syndics of Cambridge University Library.

THE CORRESPONDENCE OF

CHARLES DARWIN Editors

frederick burkhardt† samantha evans francis neary anne secord

james a. secord shelley innes alison m. pearn paul white

Associate Editors

anne schlabach burkhardt† rosemary clarkson amparo gimeno-sanjuan michael hawkins elizabeth smith ruth goldstone muriel palmer

This edition of the Correspondence of Charles Darwin is sponsored by the American Council of Learned Societies. Its preparation is made possible by the co-operation of Cambridge University Library and the American Philosophical Society. The Advisory Committee for the edition, appointed by the Management Board, has the following members: Gillian Beer Janet Browne Sandra Herbert Randal Keynes Gene Kritsky Steven Wheatley

Tim Birkhead Daniel Grossman Mandy Hill Simon Keynes John Parker

Support for editing has been received from the Alfred P. Sloan Foundation, the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation, the Arts and Humanities Research Council, the British Academy, the British Ecological Society, the Evolution Education Trust, the Isaac Newton Trust, the John Templeton Foundation, the National Endowment for the Humanities, the National Science Foundation, the Natural Environment Research Council, the Royal Society of London, the Stifterverband für die Deutsche Wissenschaft, and the Wellcome Trust. The National Endowment for the Humanities funding of the work was under grants nos. re-23166-75-513, re-27067-77-1359, re-0082-80-1628, re-20166-82, re-20480-85, re-20764-89, re-20913-91, re-21097-93, re-21282-95, rz-20018-97, rz-20393-99, rz-20849-02, and rq-50388-09; the National Science Foundation funding of the work was under grants nos. soc-75-15840, soc-76-82775, ses-7912492, ses-8517189, sbr-9020874, sbr-9616619, ses-0135528, ses-0646230, and ses-0957520. Any opinions, findings, conclusions, or recommendations expressed in this publication are those of the editors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the grantors.

THE CORRESPONDENCE OF

CHARLES DARWIN VOLUME 28

1880

University Printing House, Cambridge CB2 8BS, United Kingdom One Liberty Plaza, 20th Floor, New York, NY 10006, USA 477 Williamstown Road, Port Melbourne, VIC 3207, Australia 314–321, 3rd Floor, Plot 3, Splendor Forum, Jasola District Centre, New Delhi – 110025, India 79 Anson Road, #06–04/06, Singapore 079906 Cambridge University Press is part of the University of Cambridge. It furthers the University’s mission by disseminating knowledge in the pursuit of education, learning, and research at the highest international levels of excellence. www.cambridge.org Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9781108839600 DOI: 10.1017/9781108884594 © Cambridge University Press 2021 This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place without the written permission of Cambridge University Press. First published 2021 Citation: Burkhardt, Frederick, et al., eds. 2021. The correspondence of Charles Darwin. Vol. 28. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Printed in the United Kingdom by TJ Books Limited, Padstow Cornwall A catalogue record for this publication is available from the British Library ISBN 978-1-108-83960-0 Hardback Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of URLs for external or third-party internet websites referred to in this publication and does not guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate.

Dedicated to colleagues past and present in Cambridge University Library and the American Council of Learned Societies without whose support this edition would not have been possible

The completion of this edition has been made possible through the generosity of the Evolution Education Trust together with the Alfred P. Sloan Foundation, the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation, and the Isaac Newton Trust. The Darwin Correspondence Project also gratefully acknowledges the essential long-term support for the edition provided by the British Academy, the National Endowment for the Humanities, the National Science Foundation, the Royal Society, and the Wellcome Trust, and by the following donors: Patrons The Evolution Education Trust Golden Family Foundation The Parasol Foundation Trust Jim and Hilary Potter Affiliates Bern Dibner† William T. Golden† Kathleen Smith† Friends Jane Burkhardt Pamela Davis Florence Fearrington and James Needham† Gerald† and Sue Friedman John C. Greene Daniel V. Grossman and Elizabeth Scott Andrews Lawrence K. Grossman Shirley Grossman, M.D. Mary S. Hopkins Robert McNeil Michael Mathews Victor Niederhoffer Wendy L. Thompson Daniel J. Wright

CONTENTS List of illustrations

viii

List of letters

ix

Introduction

xvii

Acknowledgments

xxvii

List of provenances

xxxi

Note on editorial policy Darwin/Wedgwood genealogy Abbreviations and symbols THE CORRESPONDENCE

xxxiv xl xlii 1

Appendixes I. Translations

521

II. Chronology

565

III. Diplomas and testimonials

569

IV. Presentation list for Movement in plants

574

V. Reviews of Movement in plants VI. Alfred Russel Wallace memorial

578 580

Manuscript alterations and comments

585

Biographical register and index to correspondents

599

Bibliography

700

Notes on manuscript sources

740

Index

743

ILLUSTRATIONS Drawings of Desmodium gyrans by G. H. Darwin

frontispiece

Erasmus Darwin and his father at chess (silhouette)

12

Bryoclonia (Discomedusae)

46

Ionidium anomalum

111

Anton Dohrn

115

James Torbitt c. 1860

142

Auxanometer built by Horace Darwin

210

Wilhelm Breitenbach

303

DAR 65: 99–100: drawings annotated by CD

322–3

Annie Besant

335

Fossil footprints from Glamorganshire

349

Desmodium gyrans

401

G. E. Mengozzi

480

Chinese guardian lions, Château de Fontainebleau

517

CALENDAR LIST OF LETTERS

The following list is in the order of the entries in the Calendar of the correspondence of Charles Darwin. It includes all those letters that are listed in the Calendar for the year 1880, and those that have been redated into 1880. Alongside the Calendar numbers are the corrected dates of each letter. A date or comment printed in italic type indicates that the letter has been omitted from this volume. Letters acquired after the publication of the first edition of the Calendar, in 1985, have been given numbers corresponding to the chronological ordering of the original Calendar listing with the addition of an alphabetical marker. Many of these letters are summarised in a ‘Supplement’ to a new edition of the Calendar (Cambridge University Press, 1994). The markers ‘f ’, ‘g’, ‘h’, and ‘j’ denote letters acquired after the second edition of the Calendar went to press in 1994.

6400. 30 Sept 18[80] 9491. 13 June [1880] 11300f. [29 Dec 1880] 11352. 10 Feb [1880] 11818. 2 Jan [1880] 12379. [1870–81]. To be published in a future supplement. 12379f. [before 15 Dec 1880] 12380. [before 8 Nov 1880] 12381. [18 Mar 1880] 12382. [17 Dec 1881] 12383. [before 16 Sept 1880] 12384. [28 June 1879] 12385. [1880–2]. To be published in a future supplement. 12386. [1880–2]. To be published in a future supplement. 12387. [1880–2]. To be published in a future supplement. 12388. 2[5] Nov 188[0] 12389. [after 29 July 1878]. To be published in a future supplement. 12390. [after 4 Nov 1879] 12390f. [before 4 Sept 1880] 12391. 15 Dec [1879] 12392. 1 Jan 1880 12392f. 1 Jan 1880 12392g. 1 Jan 1881 12393. 2 Jan 1880 12394. 2 Jan 1880

12395. 2 Jan 1881 12396. 3 Jan 1880 12397. 3 Jan 1880 12398. 3 Jan 1880 12399. 3 Jan 1880 12399f. 4 Jan 1880 12400. 4 Jan 1880 12401. 5 Jan 1880 12402. 5 Jan 1880 12403. 5 Jan 1880 12404. 5 Jan 1880 12404f. 6 Jan [1880] 12405. 5 Jan 1880 12405f. 5 Jan 1880 12406. 6 Jan 1880 12407. 6 Jan 1880 12408. 6 Jan 1880 12409. 7 Jan 1880 12409f. 8 Jan [1880] 12410. 7 Jan 1880 12411. 8 Jan 1880 12412. 9 Jan 1880 12413. 10 Jan 1880 12414. 10 Jan 1880 12415. 11 Jan [1880] 12416. 12 Jan 1880

x 12417. 12 Jan 1881 12418. 12 Jan 1880 12419. 12 Jan [1872]. To be published in a future supplement. 12419a. 12 Jan 1880 12420. 13 Jan 1880 12421. Cancelled: not a CD letter. 12422. 13 Jan 1880 12423. 13 Jan 1880 12423f. 14 Jan 1880 12424. 15 Jan 1880 12425. 15 Jan [1880] 12426. 15 Jan 1880 12427. 16 Jan 1880 12428. 17 Jan 1880 12429. 17 [Jan 1880] 12430. 18 Jan [1880] 12431. 18 Jan [1880] 12432. 18 Jan 1880 12433. 19 Jan 1880 12434. 19 Jan 1880 12435. 19 Jan 1880 12436. 20 Jan [1880] 12437. 21 Jan 1880 12438. 21 Jan 1880 12439. Cancelled: enclosure to 12445. 12440. 27 Jan 1880 12440f. 28 Jan 1880 12440g. [28 Jan 1880] 12441. 29 Jan [1880] 12442. 29 Jan 1880 12442f. Cancelled: enclosure to 12445. 12442g. 30 Jan 1880 12443. 31 Jan 1880 12444. Cancelled: enclosure to 12450. 12445. 1 Feb 1880 12446. 1 Feb 1880 12447. Cancelled: enclosure to 12450. 12448. 1 Feb 1880 12449. Cancelled: enclosure to 12445. 12450. [1 Feb 1880] 12451. 2 Feb 1880 12452. 2 Feb 1880 12453. 2 Feb 1880 12454. 3 Feb 1880 12455. 3 Feb 1880 12456. 3 Feb 1880 12457. 3 Feb 1880 12458. 4 Feb [1880] 12459. 4 Feb 1880 12460. 4 Feb 1880 12461. 5 Feb 1880 12462. 5 Feb 1880 12463. 6 Feb 1880

List of letters 12464. 6 Feb 1880 12465. [12 Dec 1880] 12466. 7 Feb 1880 12467. 9 Feb 1880 12468. 9 Feb 1880 12469. 10 Feb 1880 12470. 10 Feb 1880 12471. 11 Feb 1880 12472. 12 Feb 1880 12472f. Cancelled: not a letter. 12473. 18 July 1880 12474. 13 Feb [1879] 12474f. 12 Feb 1880 12475. 13 Feb 1880 12476. 13 Feb 1880 12477. 13 Feb 1880 12478. 13 Feb 1880 12479. 14 Feb 1880 12480. 14 Feb 1880 12481. 14 Feb 1880 12482. 15 Feb 1880 12483. 15 Feb 1880 12484. 16 Feb 1880 12485. 16 Feb 1880 12486. 16 Feb 1880 12487. 16 Feb [1880] 12488. 16 Feb 1880 12489. 17 Feb 1880 12490. 17 Feb 1880 12491. 17 Feb 1880 12492. [17? Feb 1880] 12493. 18 Feb 1880 12494. 20 Feb 1880 12495. 20 Feb 1880 12496. 21 [Feb 1880] 12497. 21 Feb 1880 12498. 24 Feb 1881 12499. 24 Feb 1880 12500. 26 Feb 1880 12501. 27 Feb 1880 12502. 28 Feb 1880 12503. [4 Mar 1880] 12504. 29 Feb 1880 12505. [after 16 Feb 1880] 12505f. 2 Mar 1880 12506. 3 Mar 1880 12507. 3 Mar 1880 12508. 3 Mar 1880 12509. 3 Mar 1880 12510. 4 Mar 1880 12511. 4 Mar 1880 12512. 5 Mar 1880 12513. [5 Mar 1880?] 12514. 5 Mar [1880]

List of letters 12515. Cancelled: enclosure to 12523. 12516. 5 Mar 1880 12517. 5 Mar 1880 12518. 6 Mar 1880 12519. 6 Mar 1880 12520. 6 Mar 1880 12521. 6 Mar [1880] 12522. 6 Mar 1880 12523. 7 [Mar 1880] 12524. 7 Mar 1880 12525. Cancelled: enclosure to 12526. 12526. 8 Mar 1880 12527. 8 Mar 1880 12528. 9 Mar 1880 12529. 10 Mar 1880 12530. 10 Mar 1880 12530f. 11 Mar [1880] 12531. 11 Mar 1880 12532. 11 Mar 1880 12533. 12 Mar 1880 12534. 12 Mar 1880 12535. 12 Mar [1880] 12536. 15 Mar 1880 12537. 16 Mar 1880 12537f. 16 Mar 1880 12538. 17 Mar [1880] 12538a. 19 Mar 1880 12538f. Cancelled: not a letter. 12539. 20 Mar 1880 12540. 20 Mar 1880 12541. 20 Mar [1880] 12542. 22 Mar 1880 12543. 23 Mar 1880 12544. 23 Mar 1880 12545. 24 Mar [1880] 12546. 24 Mar 1880 12547. Cancelled: draft of 12548. 12548. Cancelled: enclosure to 12546. 12549. 25 Mar 1880 12550. Cancelled: not a CD letter. 12551. 28 Mar 1880 12552. 28 Mar 1880 12553. Cancelled: enclosure to 12562. 12554. 29 Mar 1880 12555. 30 Mar 1880 12556. [1 Apr 1880] 12557. 1 Apr 1880 12558. 2 Apr 1880 12559. 2 Apr 1880 12560. 2 Apr 1880 12560f. 3 Apr 1880 12561. 4 Apr 1880 12562. 4 Apr 1880 12563. 4 Apr 1880

12564. 5 [Apr 1880] 12564f. 7 Apr 1880 12564g. 6 Apr [1880] 12565. 7 Apr 1880 12566. 8 Apr 1880 12567. 8 Apr 1880 12568. 8 Apr 1880 12569. 8 Apr 1880 12570. 9 [Apr] 1880 12571. 9 Apr [1880] 12572. 10 [Apr] 1880 12573. 10 Apr 1880 12574. 11 [Apr] 1880 12575. 14 Apr 1880 12576. 15 Apr 1880 12577. 15 Apr 1880 12578. [before 16] Apr 1880 12579. 16 Apr 1880 12580. 17 Apr 1880 12581. 17 Apr 1880 12582. 19 Apr 1880 12583. 19 Apr 1880 12584. 20 Apr [1880] 12585. 20 Apr 1880 12585a. 20 Apr 1880 12586. 21 Apr 1880 12587. 22 Apr 1880 12588. 23 Apr [1880] 12589. 24 Apr 1880 12590. 27 Apr 1880 12591. 27 Apr 1880 12592. 27 Apr 1880 12593. 28 Apr 1880 12593f. 28 Apr [1880] 12594. 28 Apr 1880 12594f. 29 Apr 1880 12594g. Cancelled: not a CD letter. 12594h. 2 May 1880 12595. 30 Apr 1880 12595f. Cancelled: not a CD letter. 12595g. Cancelled: not a CD letter. 12595h. Cancelled: part of 12604. 12595j. 3 May 1880 12596. 5 May 1880 12596f. 6 May [1880] 12597. [7 May] 1880 12598. 7 May 1880 12599. 8 May 1880 12600. 9 May 1880 12601. [9 May 1880] 12602. 9 May 1880 12603. 10 May 1880 12604. 11 May 1880 12605. 13 May 1880

xi

xii 12606. 14 May [1880] 12607. 15 May 1880 12608. 16 May [1880] 12608f. 16 May 1880 12609. 17 May 1880 12610. 20 May 1880 12611. 20 May [1880] 12612. 20 May 1880 12613. 21 May 1880 12614. 21 May 1880 12615. 22 May 1880 12616. 24 May 1880 12616f. [25–7 May 1880] 12617. 28 May 1880 12618. 28 May 1880 12619. 30 May [1880] 12619f. 16 June [1880] 12620. 4 June 1880 12621. 4 June 1880 12622. 7 June 1880 12623. 9 June 1880 12624. 9 [June 1880] 12625. 9 June 1880 12626. 9 June [1880] 12627. 9 June 1880 12628. 11 June [1880] 12628f. 11 June 1880 12629. 11 June 1880 12630. 12 Jan 1880 12631. 12 June 1880 12632. 12 June [1880] 12633. 13 June [1880] 12634. 14 June 1880 12635. 14 June 1880 12636. 16 June 1880 12637. 16 June 1880 12638. 17 June 1880 12639. 18 June 1880 12640. 18 June 1880 12641. 19 Jun [1880] 12642. 21 June 1880 12642f. 25 June 1880 12642g. 24 June [1880] 12643. 30 June 1880 12644. Cancelled: part of 12668. 12645. [before 1 Aug 1880] 12646. 1 July 1880 12646f. 3 July 1880 12647. 5 July 1880 12647f. June 1880 12648. 8 July [1880] 12649. 8 July 1880 12649f. 8 July 1880 12650. 9 [July 1880]

List of letters 12651. 10 July 1880 12652. 15 July 1880 12653. 15 July [1880] 12654. 15 July 1880 12655. 15 July 1880 12656. 15 July 1880 12657. [after 15 July 1880] 12658. 16 July 1880 12659. 16 July 1880 12660. 17 July 1880 12660a. [19 July 1880] 12661. [c. 19 July 1880] 12662. 19 July 1880 12663. 19 July 1880 12663f. Cancelled: same as 12660a. 12664. 20 July 1880 12665. 21 July 1880 12665f. 22 July 1880 12666. 22 July 1880 12667. 27 July 1880 12668. 27 July 1880 12669. 28 July [1880] 12670. 28 July 1880 12671. 28 July 1880 12672. 28 July [1880] 12673. 31 Aug 1880 12674. 29 July 1880 12674f. 29 July [1880] 12675. 30 July 1880 12675f. [1 Aug 1880] 12676. 3 Aug 1880 12677. 4 Aug 1880 12678. 5 Aug 1880 12679. 5 Aug [1880] 12680. 6 Aug [1880] 12681. [after 11 Aug 1880] 12682. 7 Aug 1880 12683. 8 Aug 1880 12683f. 8 Aug 1880 12684. 10 Aug 1880 12685. 11 Aug [1880] 12686. 11 Aug [1880] 12687. 14 Aug 1880 12688. [15 Aug 1880] 12689. 16 Aug [1880] 12690. 17 Aug 1880 12691. 18 Aug [1880] 12692. 18 Aug 1880 12693. 18 Aug [1880] 12694. 19 Aug 1880 12694f. 20 Aug 1880 12695. 23 Aug 1880 12696. 23 Aug [1880] 12697. 23 [Aug 1880]

List of letters 12698. 24 Aug 1880 12699. 24 Aug 1880 12700. 25 Aug [1880] 12701. 26 Aug 1880 12702. 27 Aug 1880 12703. 28 Aug 1880 12704. 2 Sept 1880 12705. 2 Sept 1880 12706. 4 Sept 1880 12707. 4 Sept 1880 12708. 7 Sept 1880 12709. 9–12 Sept 1880 12710. 10 Sept [1880] 12711. 11 Sept 1880 12712. 13 Sept 1880 12713. 14 Sept 1880 12713f. [before 16 Sept 1880] 12714. 16 Sept 1880 12714f. 16 Sept 1880 12714g. 16 Sept 1880 12715. 17 Sept 1880 12716. 18 Sept 1880 12717. [18 Sept 1880] 12718. 21 Sept 1880 12719. 21 Sept 1880 12720. 21 Sept 1880 12721. 22 Sept 1880 12721f. [before 22 Sept 1880] 12722. 22 Sept 1880 12723. 23 Sept 1880 12724. 24 Sept 1880 12725. 24 Sept 1880 12726. 24 Sept 1880 12727. [after 24 Sept 1880] 12728. 26 Sept 1880 12729. 28 Sept 1880 12730. 29 Sept 1880 12731. 29 Sept 1880 12732. 1 Oct 1880 12733. Cancelled: see Appendix III. 12734. 1 Oct 1880 12735. 2 Oct 1880 12736. 3 Oct 1880 12737. 4 Oct 1880 12738. 6 Oct 1880 12739. 6 Oct 1880 12740. 7 Oct 1880 12741. 7 Oct 1880 12742. 7 Oct 1880 12743. 8 Oct 1880 12744. Cancelled: PS to letter 12743. 12745. 8 Oct [1880] 12746. [before 9 Oct 1880] 12747. 9 Oct 1880

12748. 9 Oct 1880 12749. 10 Oct [1880] 12750. 10 Oct [1880] 12751. 10 Oct 1880 12751a. 10 Oct 1880 12752. 11 Oct 1880 12753. 11 Oct 1880 12754. 12 Oct 1880 12755. 13 Oct 1880 12756. 13 Oct [1880] 12757. 13 Oct 1880 12758. 14 Oct 1880 12759. 14 Oct 1880 12760. 15 Oct [1880] 12761. 16 Oct 1880 12762. 16 Oct 1880 12763. 17 Oct 1880 12764. 17 Oct 1880 12765. 19 Oct 1880 12766. 20 Oct 1880 12767. 20 Oct 1880 12768. 20 Oct 1880 12769. 20 Oct 1880 12770. 22 Oct 1880 12771. 23 Oct 1880 12772. 23 Oct 1880 12773. 24 Oct 1880 12774. 25 Oct 1880 12775. 25 Oct 1880 12776. 26 Oct 1880 12777. 26 Oct 1880 12778. 26 Oct 1880 12778f. [before 28] Oct 1880 12779. 28 Oct 1880 12780. 29 Oct 1880 12781. 29 Oct [1880] 12782. 30 [Oct 1880] 12783. 30 Oct 1880 12784. 30 Oct 1880 12785. 31 Oct [1880] 12786. [22 Nov 1880] 12787. Nov 1880 12788. 1 Nov 1880 12789. [20–2] Nov [1881] 12790. Cancelled: draft of 12793. 12791. 3 Nov 1880 12792. 3 Nov 1880 12793. 3 Nov 1880 12794. 4 Nov 1880 12795. 4 Nov [1880] 12796. 5 Nov 1880 12797. 5 Nov 1880 12798. 5 Nov 1880 12799. 5 Nov 1880

xiii

xiv 12800. 5 Nov [1880] 12801. 6 Nov 1880 12802. 7 Nov 1880 12803. 8 Nov 1880 12804. 8 Nov [1880] 12805. 8 Nov 1880 12806. 9 Nov 1880 12807. 10 Nov 1880 12807f. [11 or 12 Nov 1880] 12808. 11 Nov 1880 12809. 12 Nov 1880 12809f. 12 Nov 1880 12810. 12 Nov 1880 12811. 13 Nov 1880 12812. 13 Nov 1880 12813. 13 Nov 1880 12814. 14 Nov [1880] 12815. 14 Nov 1880 12816. 14 Nov 1880 12817. 14 Nov [1880] 12818. 14 Nov 1880 12819. 14 Nov 1880 12820. 15 Nov 1880 12821. 15 Nov 1880 12822. 15 Nov 1880 12823. 16 Nov 1880 12823a. 16 Nov 1880 12824. 17 Nov 1880 12825. 17 Nov 1880 12826. 18 Nov 1880 12827. 18 Nov 1880 12827a. 18 Nov 1880 12828. 19 Nov 1880 12829. 19 Nov 1880 12829f. [after 19 Nov 1880] 12830. 20 Nov [1880] 12831. 20 Nov 1880 12832. 20 Nov 1880 12833. 20 Nov [1880] 12834. 21 Nov [1880] 12835. 21 Nov 1880 12836. 21 Nov 1880 12837. [after 21 Nov 1880] 12838. 22 Nov 1880 12839. 22 Nov 1880 12840. 22 Nov 1880 12840f. 22 Nov [1880] 12841. 23 Nov 1880 12842. 23 Nov 1880 12843. 23 Nov [1880] 12844. 23 Nov [1880] 12845. 23 Nov 1880 12846. 23 Nov 1880 12847. 23 Nov 1880

List of letters 12848. 23 [Nov 1880] 12849. [after 23 Nov 1880] 12850. 24 Nov 1880 12851. 24 Nov 1880 12852. 24 Nov 1880 12853. [after 24 Nov 1880] 12854. 25 Nov 1880 12855. 25 Nov [1880] 12856. 25 Nov 1880 12857. 25 Nov 1880 12857f. 25 Nov 1880 12858. 25 Nov 1880 12859. [after 25 Nov 1880] 12860. 26 Nov 1880 12860f. 26 Nov 1880 12861. 26 Nov [1880] 12862. 26 Nov 1880 12863. 26 Nov 1880 12864. [after 26 Nov 1880] 12865. [27 Nov 1880] 12866. 27 Nov 1880 12867. 27 Nov 1880 12868. 27 Nov 1880 12869. 27 Nov 1880 12870. 28 Nov [1880] 12871. 28 Nov 1880 12872. 28 Nov [1880] 12872a. 28 Nov [1880] 12873. 29 Nov 1880 12874. 29 Nov 1880 12874f. [before 30 Nov 1880] 12875. 29 Nov [1880] 12876. 30 Nov [1880] 12877. 30 Nov 1880 12878. 30 Nov 1880 12879. [before 25 Feb 1880] 12880. 1 Dec 1880 12880f. 1 Dec [1880] 12881. 2 Dec 1880 12882. 2 Dec [1880] 12883. 2 Dec 1880 12884. 28 Dec 1880 12885. 3 Dec [1880] 12886. 3 Dec 1880 12887. 4 Dec 1880 12888. 4 Dec 1880 12889. 4 Dec 1880 12890. 5 Dec 1880 12891. 5 Dec 1880 12892. 6 Dec 1880 12893. [7 Dec 1880] 12894. 7 Dec 1880 12895. 7 Dec 1880 12896. 8 Dec 1880

List of letters 12897. 8 Dec 1880 12898. 8 Dec 1880 12899. 9 Dec 1880 12900. 9 Dec 1880 12901. 9 Dec 1880 12902. 9 Dec [1880] 12903. 10 Dec 1880 12904. 10 Dec 1880 12905. 11 Dec 1880 12906. 11 Dec 1880 12907. 12 Dec [1880] 12908. 13 Dec 1880 12908f. 13 Dec 1880 12909. 13 Dec 1880 12910. 13 Dec 1880 12911. 13 Dec 1880 12912. 14 Dec [1880] 12913. 14 Dec 1880 12914. 15 Dec 1880 12915. 15 Dec 1880 12916. 16 Dec 1880 12917. 16 Dec 1880 12918. 16 Dec 1880 12919. 18 Dec 1880 12920. 17 Dec [1880] 12921. Cancelled: not a CD letter. 12922. 17 Dec 1880 12923. 17 Dec 1880 12924. 17 Dec 1880 12925. 19 Dec 1880 12926. 20 Dec 1880 12927. 20 Dec 1880 12928. 20 Dec 1880 12929. 20 Dec 1880 12929f. 20 Dec 1880 12930. 21 Dec 1880 12930f. 21 Dec 1880 12931. 22 Dec 1880 12932. 22 Dec [1880] 12932f. 23 Dec 1880 12933. 23 Dec 1880 12934. 23 Dec 1880 12935. [29 Dec 1880] 12935f. Cancelled: same as 10732. 12936. 24 Dec 1880 12937. 25 Dec [1880] 12938. 25 Dec [1880] 12939. 26 Dec 1880 12940. 26 Dec 1880 12941. 27 Dec 1880 12942. 27 Dec 1880 12943. 27 Dec [1880] 12944. 27 Dec 1880 12945. 27 Dec [1880]

12946. [before 27 Dec 1880] 12947. 28 Dec 1880 12948. [28 Dec 1880] 12949. 28 Dec 1880 12950. [after 27 Dec 1880] 12951. [before 29 Dec 1880] 12951a. 28 Dec [1880] 12952. [29 Dec 1880] 12953. 29 Dec 1880 12954. 29 Dec 1880 12955. [before 30 Dec 1880] 12956. 30 Dec 1880 12957. 31 Dec [1880] 12958. 31 Dec 1880 12958a. 31 Dec 1880

xv

INTRODUCTION

‘My heart & soul care for worms & nothing else in this world,’ Darwin wrote to his old Shrewsbury friend Henry Johnson on 14 November 1880. Darwin became fully devoted to earthworms in the spring of the year, just after finishing the manuscript of Movement in plants, his most ambitious botanical book. Both projects explored the complexities of movement, forms of sensitivity, and the ability of organisms to adapt to varying conditions. The implications of Darwin’s work for the boundary between animals and plants, especially the origins of the nervous system, were picked up by some of his readers who had trained in zoology. New studies of animal instincts by George John Romanes drew upon Darwin’s early observations of infants, family pets, and zoo animals begun in the late 1830s. Other correspondents raised questions touching on the distinction between human races, the foundations of the moral sense, and the harmony of evolution and creation. Many letters flowed between Darwin and his children, as he took delight in their accomplishments, and they continued to assist him in his experiments and observations. Financial support for science was a recurring issue, as Darwin tried to secure a Civil List pension for Alfred Russel Wallace, and continued his aid for James Torbitt and the quest for a blight-resistant potato. The year opened and closed with an irksome controversy with Samuel Butler, prompted by the publication of Erasmus Darwin the previous year. Darwin’s most recent book, Erasmus Darwin, had been published in November 1879. It was received well by his relations, many of whom had provided manuscripts and memories of his grandfather passed down over several generations. He continued to receive letters about Erasmus’s life and other bits of family history. On 1 January, a distant cousin, Charles Harrison Tindal, sent a cache of letters from two of Darwin’s grandfather’s clerical friends, full of lively discussions on the philosophy of Berkeley and Rousseau, the politics of the East India Company, and elements of pig anatomy. ‘The extract about the eagerness of the two learned divines to see a pig’s body opened is very amusing’, Darwin replied, ‘& that about my grandfather’s character is of much value to me’ (letter to C. H. Tindal, 5 January 1880). Darwin had employed a genealogist, Joseph Lemuel Chester, to investigate a little-known uncle of Erasmus with extensive landholdings in Lincolnshire. Chester found much pleasure and inspiration burrowing away in archives and registry offices, and produced a twenty-page history of the Darwin family reaching back to the seventeenth century: ‘Sometimes a single fact in the life of one person has been the turning point of events that have influenced the whole Kingdom, & even the

xviii

Introduction

world’ (letter from J. L. Chester, 3 March 1880). Darwin’s sons George and Leonard also continued to research the family, and George was obliged to meet some of the distant relations and conciliate a few whose ancestors had not featured in Darwin’s Life. ‘In an endeavour to explain away yr. treatment of [William Alvey Darwin],’ George wrote on 28 May 1880, ‘I … said you were anxious not to overburden the book with family details. … I seem to have got rather in to the thick of all these cousins & think I must pay a round of visits.’ One cousin, Reginald Darwin, warmed to George: ‘he had been alarmed at a Wrangler, and expected a tall thin man in spectacles, and was delighted to find an ordinary mortal who could laugh’ (letter from W. E. Darwin to Charles and Emma Darwin, 22 July 1880). Sales of Erasmus Darwin were moderate and reviews generally positive, but the reception of the book was soon coloured by controversy. The work had been coauthored with Ernst Krause, whose essay on Erasmus’s scientific work complemented Darwin’s biographical piece. Krause’s essay was based on an article he had written for the German journal Kosmos in February 1879, an issue produced in honour of Darwin’s birthday. Krause enlarged and revised the essay for the book, partly in order to address a publication by Samuel Butler, Evolution old and new, which had appeared in May 1879. Krause wanted to correct Butler’s ‘immeasurably superficial and inaccurate piece of work’, although Darwin advised him not to ‘expend much powder & shot’ (Correspondence vol. 27, letter from Ernst Krause, 7 June 1879, and letter to Ernst Krause, 9 June [1879]). The final text of the Krause’s essay did not mention Butler’s book directly, but it did allude to it unfavourably in the last sentence. When Butler read Erasmus Darwin, he noted the reference to his work, and seized upon an inconsistency in the preface, where Darwin stated that Krause’s piece had been written in 1879, before Evolution old and new was published. Butler wrote to Darwin on 2 January 1880 for an explanation: ‘Among the passages introduced are the last six pages of the English article, which seem to condemn by anticipation the position I have taken as regards Dr Erasmus Darwin in my book Evolution old & New, and which I believe I was the first to take.’ Darwin tried to resolve the matter in private, explaining that such revision was ‘common practice’, and offering an apology: ‘it never occurred to me to state that the article had been modified; but now I much regret that I did not do so’ (letter to Samuel Butler, 3 January 1880). At the top of Butler’s letter, Emma Darwin wrote: ‘it means war we think’. William agreed: ‘there was something of the viper in the tone of the letter, I fancy he wants a grievance to hang an article upon’ (letter from W. E. Darwin, [28 January 1880]). Butler had once been an enthusiastic supporter of Darwin, but he had grown critical of natural selection and the apparent lack of purpose that such a theory implied. He found inspiration in earlier developmental theories, and in some of Darwin’s harsh critics, especially St George Mivart. Butler was unsatisfied with Darwin’s reply, and ‘decided on laying the matter before the public’ (letter from Samuel Butler, 21 January 1880). He stated his case in the Athenæum, a leading literary weekly. He accused Darwin of purposely misleading his readers, and implied that

Introduction

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the whole book had been written as an attack on himself. Darwin was extremely vexed by the accusations and uncertain about what to do. He drafted two versions of a letter to the Athenæum, sending one or both to his daughter Henrietta (letter to H. E. Litchfield, 1 February [1880]). ‘The world will only know … that you & Butler had a controversy in which he will have the last word’, she warned (letter from H. E. Litchfield, [1 February 1880]). ‘He is a virulent Salamander of a man who will fight to the end’, added her husband Richard (letter from R. B. Litchfield, 1 February 1880). Even the great controversialist Thomas Huxley recommended silence: ‘take no notice whatever … I am astounded at Butler—who I thought was a gentleman … Has Mivart bitten him & given him Darwinophobia? It is a horrid disease’ (letter from T. H. Huxley, 3 February 1880). All went quiet until November, when a new book by Butler appeared (Unconscious memory) mentioning the affair at several points. The charge of wilful deceit was repeated, and fresh accusations were brought against Krause for quoting passages of Buffon and Coleridge from Butler’s text without acknowledgment. Krause wanted to mount a defence, squashing the ‘mosquito inflated to an elephant’ (letter from Ernst Krause, 9 December 1880). Again, Darwin felt compelled to reply, and family members rallied round, debating the best course of action. The affair highlighted some of the difficulties Darwin faced in engaging a critic outside the medium of correspondence or scientific publishing, a critic whom he clearly regarded as nonscientific. Seeking engagement with Darwin and failing to obtain it, Butler was outraged at his exclusion from scientific debate. The matter spilled over into January 1881. With Henrietta’s aid, the advice of a leading journalist was sought. Leslie Stephen’s reply on 12 January [1881] echoed that of Huxley: ‘take no further notice of Mr Butler whatever’ (Correspondence, vol. 29). With Francis’s assistance, the last of Darwin’s botanical works was completed in the spring. Father and son had been experimenting steadily for over two years and finally concluded their observations in the early months of the year. Among the final objects of study was root-growth in Megarrhiza californica (a synonym of Marah fabacea, California manroot). Darwin had raised the plant from seeds sent by Asa Gray in December 1879. His observations differed, however, from the description of germination in the genus given by Gray in an article and textbook (A. Gray 1877 and A. Gray 1879, pp. 20–1). ‘I think you cannot have watched the whole process,’ he told Gray on 19 January; ‘Some [seeds] were placed by me on, and others half an inch beneath the surface, and others deeper—, but none of the cotyledons were lifted up. … The sole use of this wonderful manner of growth which occurs to me is to hide the enlarged root, at least at first, beneath 2½ inches of soil as a protection against enemies.’ ‘Your letter … made me open my eyes’, Gray replied on 3 February, but he affirmed his original description. Darwin was puzzled: ‘If my letter opened your eyes, yours has opened mine much wider. … It is very strange that plants, if they belong to the same species, should behave so differently.’ (Letter to Asa Gray, 17 February 1880.) But Gray had based his description of Megarrhiza on specimens grown in pots. On receiving Darwin’s letters, he requested more seeds

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and information on the germination of the plant in its native habitat. He forwarded a letter from a botanist and schoolteacher in California, Volney Rattan, whose description agreed with Darwin’s (letter from Asa Gray, 4 April 1880). Having finished the manuscript, Darwin was puzzled about what to call it. He first suggested ‘The Circumnutating Movements of Plants’, writing to his publisher’s business partner Robert Cooke on 23 April, ‘My family shake their heads in the same dismal manner as you & Mr. Murray did, when I told them my proposed title’. He finally settled on ‘Power of Movement in Plants’, but was doubtful of the book’s popularity and so proposed publishing at his own expense. The costs were considerable because of the large number of woodcuts and diagrams. When Cooke calculated the expense against prospective sales, he complained: ‘Where is the profit for Author or publisher?’ (letter from R. F. Cooke, 20 July 1880). ‘I must take the risk & loss on my own shoulders’, Darwin replied: ‘As I have made some money by science, I must now lose some for science’ (letter to R. F. Cooke, 21 July 1880). The worries were ill founded, however, for the book sold out quickly, and 500 more copies had to be printed at the end of November. ‘It always pleases me to exalt Plants in the organic scale’, Darwin wrote to Alphonse de Candolle on 28 May 1880. Readers trained in zoology realised the implications of the work for the plant–animal boundary, the origins of the nervous system, and the nature of ‘sensitivity’. Francis Balfour described Movement in plants as ‘a complete revelation— The remarkable nervous system without nerves, for I do not know what else to call it … must have a most important bearing on speculations as to the origin of the nervous system in animals— One is almost led to wonder why a nervous system has become developed, when it is possible for so perfect an arrangement can exist without any corresponding structural differentiations’ (letter from F. M. Balfour, [22 November 1880]). George Romanes, who had worked on the nerves of marine animals, suggested on 10 December that Darwin try experiments with bursts of light similar to those Romanes had performed on hydromedusa: ‘How about the period of latent stimulation in these non-nervous and yet irritable tissues? And especially with reference to luminous stimulation it would be most interesting to ascertain whether the tissues are affected by brief flashes of light.’ After a favourable review appeared in The Times, Darwin was congratulated by an old Shropshire friend, Sarah Haliburton. She was one of the daughters of William Mostyn Owen, the squire of Woodhouse, where Darwin had gone hunting in his youth. ‘Yesterday I read … “Of all our living Men of Science, none have laboured longer, or to more splendid purpose than Mr Darwin”, & it recalled to my mind, your boyish assertion made many many years ago, that “if ever Eddowe’s Newspaper alluded to you, as “our deserving Fellow Townsman”, your ambition would have been amply gratified”‘ (21 November [1880]). ‘I had quite forgotten my old ambition about the Shrewsbury newspaper’, Darwin replied on 22 November, ‘but I remember the pride which I felt when I saw in a book about beetles the impressive words “captured by C. Darwin”. … This seemed to me glory enough for any man!’ Renewed contact with Sarah put him in mind to call on her sister,

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Fanny, with whom he had been on romantic terms before the Beagle voyage and her marriage to the politician Robert Biddulph. But the meeting seems to have been forestalled: ‘I had hoped to call & see whether Mr.s Biddulph would admit me, & had got her address, but a Russian naturalist came to luncheon & dinned me half to death & then an American naturalist, & I was half dead. … In former years I was, also, rarely fit to see anybody’ (letter to S. H. Haliburton, 13 December 1880). After finishing the manuscript of Movement in plants, Darwin began writing what would be his final book, Earthworms. ‘My essay will be barely scientific’, he pretended, ‘but the subject has amused me’ (letter to W. C. McIntosh, 18 June 1880). Members of the family were enlisted to study worm burrows on agricultural land and the intake of stones and flints to aid digestion. He asked Francis to check for castings on old furrows in Wales, and wrote to William on 18 June, ‘I very much wish to examine under the microscope more of such particles of brick, tile, slate or any other artificial object, which could hardly have been worn except in the worm’s gizzard.’ While on honeymoon with his new wife, Ida, in the Alps, Horace spotted worms at high elevations, though he was more interested in new modes of transport: ‘We tramwayed to the bottom of the hill & walked up & trammed back. Then we saw a steam tram—imagine my excitement’ (letter from Horace Darwin to Emma Darwin, [18 September 1880]). Darwin’s Wedgwood nieces, Sophy and Lucy, were asked to recall observations made years ago on Leith Hill common: ‘If Lucy is with you, I know that she would readily look from her well-known affection for worms— I am also becoming deeply attached to worms.— Can Lucy remember what sort of lantern she used when she looked at the worms. We find that the light frightens them’ (letter to Sophy Wedgwood, 8 October [1880]). The role of instinctive behaviour, which featured largely in Darwin’s study of worms, was a growing field of investigation. On reading Souvenirs entomologiques by Jean-Henri Fabre, Darwin suggested a further line of research on the homing ability of insects. The experiment involved placing ants in a circular box that could be rotated on an axle so as to confuse their sense of direction. ‘I formerly wished to try it with pigeons’, he told Fabre on 31 January; ‘If this plan failed, I had intended placing the pigeons within an induction coil, so as to disturb any magnetic or dia-magnetic sensibility which it seems just possible that they may possess.’ Fabre described an analogous practice performed in Belgium on cats: ‘it is customary to turn a cat round in a bag if one wants to take it elsewhere, and thus one looks to prevent its return’ (letter from J.-H. Fabre, 18 February 1880). Darwin shared the letter with Romanes, who later tried the experiment with cats on Wimbledon Common, driving them several miles into the country, and letting them out of their respective bags (letter from G. J. Romanes, [6, 13, or 20] March 1881). Romanes was at work on a lengthy study of animal intelligence and sent Darwin a diagram showing the evolution of emotions and intellect across the animal world. Darwin was reminded of his early observations of infants, pets, and zoo animals, which had formed the basis of his writing in Descent and Expression. He offered detailed comments on 5 February: ‘I should have thought that the word ‘love’ (not sexual passion) as shown

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very low in scale to offspring & apparently to comrades, ought to have come in more prominently in your table than appears to be the case.’ In his reply of 6 February, Romanes clarified: ‘By ‘Love’ I intend to denote the complex emotion (dependent on the representative faculties) which, having been so lately smitten myself, I am perhaps inclined to place in too exalted a position.’ Romanes was soon married to Ethel Duncan. After the first child was born, the men joked about keeping a monkey in the nursery ‘for purposes of comparison’. Darwin encouraged the experiment, but conceded, ‘Mr.s Romanes is quite right not to allow the monkey to enter the nursery, for how dreadful it would be if the monkey received more attention than the baby!’ (letter from G. J. Romanes, 17 December 1880, and letter to G. J. Romanes, 20 December 1880). Darwin’s fame and the broad implications of his work continued to attract correspondents with diverse backgrounds and interests. In February, a 12-year-old boy asked politely, ‘What causes the different shades of colour in the inhabitants of the earth … If in a few words you could give me any idea of the reasons, I should be greatly obliged’ (letter from W. Z. Seddon, 2 February 1880). Darwin sympathised with the pupil; ‘I wish that you or anybody else could account for the colours of the different races of man.’ He referred him to the brief explanation in Descent of man, ‘which,’ he added, ‘hardly anybody has accepted’ (letter to W. Z. Seddon, 4 February 1880). On 16 February, ‘an ardent student’, Henry Faulds, sought help in collecting finger and palm impressions from ‘living men of all races’, pointing out the possible forensic use of the data, and, since he had a few palm prints from monkeys, the light that might be thrown on human evolution. Darwin rightly thought the ‘queer subject’ of interest to Francis Galton, who had already taken thumb impressions of criminals, and who suggested extending the study to public-school pupils (letter to Francis Galton, 7 April 1880, and letter from Francis Galton, 8 April 1880). Darwin was queried about human mortality and gave a cautious reply: ‘I suppose that no one can prove that death is inevitable, but the evidence in favour of this belief is overwhelmingly strong. … As evolution depends on a long succession of generations, which implies death, it seems to me in the highest degree improbable that man should cease to follow the general law of evolution, and this would follow if he were to be immortal. This is all that I can say’ (letter to A. Gapitche, 24 February 1880). When approached by the radical socialist Edward Aveling for permission to dedicate a popular book to him, Darwin was more hesitant. The book, The student’s Darwin, was based on a series of articles that had appeared in the radical weekly National Reformer. Darwin was grateful for the honour, but declined: ‘though I am a strong advocate for free thought on all subjects, yet it appears to me … that direct arguments against christianity & theism produce hardly any effect on the public; & freedom of thought is best promoted by the gradual illumination of men’s minds, which follows from the advance of science. … I may, however, have been unduly biassed by the pain which it would give some members of my family, if I aided in any way direct attacks on religion’ (letter to E. B. Aveling, 13 October 1880). Finally, Darwin received a tribute in the form of

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eugenic verse from a French poet and physician. ‘La Lutte pour la vie’ (The struggle for life), described the relentless battle of the strong against disease, infirmity, idiocy, and excess; even the ‘noble science’ of medicine should heed the warning: ‘The weak must not procreate the race/ If they do not want to leave an indelible trace’ (letter from Jules Rouquette, 2 April 1880). Despite Darwin’s own weakness, which was often used to keep visitors at bay, admirers were admitted to Down House in record numbers. Forty-three members and friends of the Lewisham and Blackheath Scientific Association were received in the drawing room and veranda on 10 July. According to the report of the visit, Darwin ‘exhibited and described some of his most prized curiosities’, including the albums he had received from German and Dutch naturalists on his 70th birthday, and some of his recent work on earthworms. He then retired from faintness and fatigue, ‘bidding his visitors adieu’. The group went on to the White Hart Hotel in Orpington, where they toasted Darwin’s health, and a member pronounced him ‘one of the most painstaking of naturalists … most genial of men … [and] perhaps the most vehemently abused person in existence’ (Proceedings of the Lewisham and Blackheath Scientific Association (1880): 19–20). In November, a delegation from the Yorkshire Naturalists’ Union visited Down to present Darwin with a memorial address. ‘We hope there will not be too many for your convenience,’ the secretary wrote, ‘but the difficulty has been to limit the number of our members who wish to do honour to the greatest biologist of our time’ (letter from W. D. Roebuck to G. H. Darwin, 25 October 1880). The president of the society explained to Emma that the members of the union wished to congratulate Darwin ‘on his having lived to see his great doctrines … “Come of Age”’ (letter from W. C. Williamson to Emma Darwin, 2 September 1880). In April, Thomas Huxley had delivered an address at the Royal Institution, ‘The coming of age of the Origin of species’. Darwin admitted that the meaning of the title had eluded him: ‘I had read the announcement of your Lecture & thought that you meant the maturity of the subject, until my wife one day remarked, “yes it is about 21 years since the Origin appeared”’ (letter to T. H. Huxley, 11 [April] 1880). While praising Origin, Huxley had failed to mention natural selection in the address, preferring to emphasise the wide acceptance of evolution in general: ‘I saw your motive’, Darwin remarked; ‘But at the same time it occurred to me that you might be giving it up. … If I think continuously on some half-dozen structures of which we can at present see no uses, I can persuade myself that natural selection is of quite subordinate importance. On the other hand when I reflect on the innumerable structures, especially in plants, which 20 years ago would have been called simply ‘morphological’ & useless, & which are now known to be highly important, I can persuade myself that every structure may have been developed through natural selection’ (letter to T. H. Huxley, 11 May 1880). In the autumn, Darwin renewed his efforts to obtain financial assistance for the co-discoverer of natural selection, Alfred Russel Wallace. In the previous year, he had consulted Joseph Dalton Hooker about the possibility of a Civil List pension, but Hooker was against it, fearing that Wallace’s spiritualism and an ill-judged wager

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on the sphericity of the earth might damage the cause. Nor was he in absolute poverty: ‘Wallace’s claim is not that he is in need, so much as that he can’t find employment’ (Correspondence vol. 27, letter from J. D. Hooker, 18 December 1879). For some years, Wallace’s main source of income had been writing for periodicals. He had applied for various institutional posts, but without success. On 20 March, Darwin heard more about Wallace’s plight from the geologist Alfred Tylor: ‘Is it not possible that some small appointment should be found for him? He feels the labour of working for the Booksellers rather trying I fear when he is not very strong He is 57 years of age and has been much discouraged since he was unsuccessful in his application for the manager of Epping Forest’. In October, Darwin had discussions with John Lubbock and Huxley and was encouraged about Wallace’s prospects for a government pension. Civil List pensions had been established in 1834 and were occasionally awarded for ‘useful discoveries in science and attainments in literature and the arts’. The decision largely rested with the prime minister, who recommended candidates to the Crown. Darwin asked Arabella Buckley, who had served as Charles Lyell’s secretary, to draft a statement of Wallace’s claims: ‘If I were to ask Wallace any of these questions he would think me mad or impertinent’ (letter to A. B. Buckley, 31 October [1880]). Buckley reported back on 7 November: ‘At first he hesitated but when I represented that such men as Joule & Faraday had received it he said “I confess it would be a very great relief to me and if such men as Darwin & Huxley think I may accept it I suppose I may”’. Darwin was committed to the cause: ‘I hardly ever wished for anything more than I do for the success of our efforts’ (letter to A. B. Buckley, 9 November 1880). He worked with Huxley on a memorial. One of the achievements they highlighted was Wallace’s extensive work on geographical distribution. Darwin and Hooker both praised his most recent book on the subject, Island life, which appeared in October 1880. ‘It is splendid,’ Hooker wrote on 22 November, ‘what a number of cobwebs he has swept away.— that such a man should be a Spiritualist is more wonderful than all the movements of all the plants.’ The document was finished in early December and signatures were gathered from leading scientific figures. Hooker agreed to sign, though he still worried about Wallace’s spiritualism, writing on 26 November: ‘I am doubtful as to whether it should not be mentioned privately to the Minister. I am writing to Huxley to this effect.’ Huxley concurred, for Darwin later urged that the religious matter be left out of the official memorial: ‘I cannot see that there is the least necessity to call any minister’s attention to Spiritualism, or to repeat (what you said) to Gladstone—that Spiritualism is not worse than the prevailing superstitions of this country!’ (letter to T. H. Huxley, [after 26 November 1880]). The memorial was eventually submitted to Gladstone in January 1881 and was successful. For a copy of the draft and further details, see Appendix VI. Government assistance was sought for another worthy cause: potatoes. Darwin had tried for four years to aid the Irish businessman James Torbitt in his efforts to breed a blight-resistant variety. Appeals for state support had not succeeded, and so private subscriptions were raised, with Darwin, Thomas Farrer, and James

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Caird leading the campaign. In February, Darwin learned that Torbitt was again in financial trouble. ‘If you are not utterly weary of the subject’, he wrote to Farrer on 14 February 1880, ‘will you read this letter— It seems that Mr T is too poor to go on without aid, and it will be a grievous shame … I would subscribe £50 but I have not strength or time to go begging for the remainder’. Torbitt had had mixed success with his varieties, but was still optimistic: ‘I think that in a few years, if not lost, they will be worth some millions per annum to England’ (letter from James Torbitt, 5 March 1880). Darwin met with Farrer and quickly raised £150, but he was not sanguine about government assistance. ‘As far as I can see political men care only about their party quarrels’ (letter to James Torbitt, 9 May 1880). Politicians grew concerned however, after severely damaged potato crops in Ireland brought hardship, with many labourers in destitution, farmers facing eviction, and threats of violence against English landlords from the Irish Land League. In May, a parliamentary committee was established to report on the best means of producing disease-resistant varieties. Torbitt hoped that his work would finally be appreciated. He tried to interest the chief secretary for Ireland, William Edward Forster, and when that failed, he decided to appeal directly to the prime minister, drafting a letter to William Gladstone on 15 December 1880: ‘It would mean a supply of home grown food sufficient to defy foreign competition, and at the same time maintain intact, the rental of England—and to Ireland it would mean peace.’ Torbitt’s plan was to distribute potatoes ‘gratis to the people’ through the Post Office, ‘until the whole kingdom should be flooded with disease-proof new varieties’ (letter from James Torbitt, 23 December 1880, enclosure.) Following Darwin’s advice, Torbitt did not send his letter directly to Gladstone, but to the press. It was printed in a number of provincial newspapers, but Torbitt’s grand plan was not realised. The year was marked by the loss of several close family members. Emma’s brother Josiah Wedgwood III died on 11 March. Like Emma, he had married a cousin: Caroline, Darwin’s elder sister. The couple had settled at Leith Hill Place in Surrey, which became a regular destination for Charles and Emma, and also a site of scientific observation for the Wedgwood nieces. Later in the year, Emma’s sister Elizabeth Wedgwood died at her home, Tromer Lodge in Down. ‘As good & generous a woman as ever walked this earth,’ Darwin wrote to Romanes on 14 November [1880]. Darwin was also touched by the loss of his second cousin William Darwin Fox. They had been at Cambridge together, and had shared an enthusiasm for hunting and beetle collecting. Fox had become a country vicar, the vocation that Darwin once assumed he would follow himself. Despite their divergent paths, the men had continued to correspond over the years. On learning that Fox was gravely ill, Darwin wrote to his son, ‘in the course of my life, now a long one, I can truly say that I have never known a kinder or better man.— I can therefore feel what a loss he will be to you all.’ After Fox’s death, he wrote again in sympathy, ‘I have now before my eyes his bright face as a young man, so full of intelligence & I hear his voice as clearly as if he were present’ (letters to C. W. Fox, 29 March 1880 and 10 [April] 1880).

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Feeling increasingly old himself, Darwin took delight in his children’s accomplishments. He consoled George about his poor health and difficulties with physical theory. He encouraged William’s interest in geology, and longed to see Francis elected fellow of the Royal Society. He rejoiced to see Horace and Ida settled in their new home in Cambridge, and spent extended periods with Henrietta and Richard Litchfield in London. The children returned his support and affection with scientific assistance, editorial advice, and an extravagant present. Unable to bear the thought of their father suffering from the cold, they clubbed together to buy him a winter coat. Darwin was truly warmed by the gift: ‘I have just found on my table your present of the magnificent fur-coat. If I have to travel in the winter, it will be a wonderful comfort … The coat, however, will never warm my body so much as your dear affection has warmed my heart’ (letter to the Darwin children, 17 [ January 1880]). At the year’s end, a Christmas card from another old friend, John Maurice Herbert, inspired happy memories of youth and reflections on his lifetime of ‘grinding’ labour in science as an abiding pleasure: ‘my memory often goes back to Cambridge days … Oh dear, life was worth then living, not that I have anything to complain of. … I go on working at Science & in fact I am turned into a sort of machine for observing facts & grinding out conclusions, & am never happy except when at work’ (letter to J. M. Herbert, 25 December [1880]).

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The editors are grateful to the late George Pember Darwin and to William Darwin for permission to publish the Darwin letters and manuscripts. They also thank the Syndics of Cambridge University Library and other owners of manuscript letters who have generously made them available. Work for this edition has been supported by grants from the National Endowment for the Humanities (NEH), the National Science Foundation (NSF), and the Wellcome Trust. The Alfred P. Sloan Foundation and the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation provided grants to match NEH funding, and the Mellon Foundation awarded grants to Cambridge University that made it possible to put the entire Darwin correspondence into machine-readable form. Research and editorial work have also been supported by grants from the Arts and Humanities Research Council, the British Academy, the British Ecological Society, the Isaac Newton Trust, the Jephcott Charitable Trust, the John Templeton Foundation, the Natural Environment Research Council, the Parasol Foundation Trust, the Royal Society of London, and the Wilkinson Charitable Foundation. The Stifterverband für die Deutsche Wissenschaft provided funds to translate and edit Darwin’s correspondence with German naturalists. Since 2010, funding sufficient to complete the entire edition has been provided by the Alfred P. Sloan Foundation, the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation, the Evolution Education Trust, and the Isaac Newton Trust. We are extremely grateful for this unprecedented long-term support. We particularly wish to acknowledge the role of the Evolution Education Trust, without whose imaginative and generous support so distinguished a consortium could not have been established. Cambridge University Library, the American Philosophical Society (APS), Harvard University, and Cornell University have generously made working space and many services available to the editors; the American Council of Learned Societies has provided invaluable administrative and strategic support. Since the project began in 1975, the editors have been fortunate in benefiting from the interest, experience, and practical help of many people, and hope that they have adequately expressed their thanks to them individually as the work proceeded. English Heritage has responded most generously to requests for information and for material from the collections at Down House, Downe. We are particularly grateful to past and present curators, Olivia Fryman, Laura Houliston, Annie Kemkaran-Smith, Sarah Moulden, Frances Parton, Cathy Power, and Tori Reeve.

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The late Richard Darwin Keynes kindly made available Darwin family material in his possession. The late Ursula Mommens provided letters and other materials that belonged to her grandfather, Francis Darwin. The Cornford family have generously made available letters written by William Erasmus Darwin and Henrietta Litchfield. Institutions and individuals all over the world have given indispensable help by making available photocopies or digital images of Darwin correspondence and other manuscripts in their collections. Those who furnished copies of letters for this volume can be found in the List of provenances. The editors are indebted to them, and to the many people who have provided information about the locations of particular letters. The editors make daily use of the incomparable facilities of Cambridge University Library and have benefited greatly from its services and from the help and expertise of its staff, particularly the staff of the Manuscripts and Reader Services departments. We are especially grateful to the University Librarian, Jessica Gardner, and to her predecessors Anne Jarvis, Peter K. Fox, and Frederick W. Ratcliffe, and to the Keeper of Archives and Modern Manuscripts, Katrina Dean, and her predecessors Suzanne Paul and Patrick Zutshi, for their generous support. Other members of the library’s staff who frequently respond to the editors’ requests are: Marjolein Allen, Wendy Aylett, Jim Bloxam, Frank Bowles, Mark Box, Louise Clarke, Colin Clarkson, Jacqueline Cox, Maureen Dann, Amélie Deblauwe, Emily Dourish, Anna Johnson, Scott Maloney, Charlotte Marriott, Błazej Mikuła, Domniki Papadimitriou, Maciej Pawlikowski, Adam Perkins, Ben Perks, Nicholas Smith, Anne Taylor, Ngaio VinceDewerse, John Wells, and Jill Whitelock. The fetchers in the Rare Books reading room have also patiently dealt with the editors’ often complex requirements, as have the staff of the Map Room. The editors would like to acknowledge the assistance of Marten L. Leavitt of the American Philosphical Society Library, Rodney Dennis, Jennie Rathbun, and Susan Halpert of the Houghton Library, Constance Carter of the Science Division of the Library of Congress, and Judith Warnement, Lisa DeCesare, and Jean Cargill of the Gray Herbarium of Harvard University, who have all been exceptionally helpful in providing material from the collections in their charge. In Britain, the editors have received assistance from Will Beharrell, Lynda Brooks, Isabelle Charmantier, Gina Douglas, Liz McGow, Vida Milovanovic and of the Linnean Society of London; and from Lorna Cahill, Michele Losse, Virginia Mills, and Kiri Ross Jones of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew. We would also like to thank Anne Barrett, college archivist at the Imperial College of Science, Technology and Medicine, and Louisiane Ferlier and Keith Moore of the Royal Society; successive librarians and archivists of Christ’s College, Cambridge; Simon Chaplin, head of the Wellcome Library, Wellcome Trust; and Sarah Rayner and John Hodgson at The John Rylands Library. We owe a considerable debt to the staff of the American Council of Learned Societies for their help and advice since the Project began. We particularly thank the president, Joy Connolly, former president, Pauline Yu, vice president, James Shulman, former vice president, Steven Wheatley, and Kelly Buttermore, for their generosity and unfailingly warm welcome.

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Among the others who advise and assist the editors in their work are Nick Gill, Randal Keynes, David Kohn, Gene Kritsky, Jim Moore, Garry J. Tee, and John van Wyhe. The editors are also pleased to acknowledge the invaluable support of the members of the Project’s Advisory Committee. Among the many research resources on which we rely, special mention should be made of the Biodiversity Heritage Library (www.biodiversitylibrary.org), the Darwin Manuscripts Project (www.amnh.org), and Darwin Online (darwin-online.org.uk). From 2009 to 2013 we were fortunate to work with a group of colleagues based at Harvard under the direction of Professor Janet Browne and supported by grants from the National Endowment for the Humanities and the National Science Foundation. We are grateful to the History of Science Department at Harvard for providing space and facilities, and to Janet Browne for making her time and expertise available. For help with particular enquiries in volume 28 the editors would like to thank, besides those already mentioned, Paul Barnaby, Rachel Calder, Christian Clarkson, Graham Dolan, Louisiane Ferlier, Professor Helen Gardner, Kirsty McHugh, Loredana Mastrototaro, Sabrina Meneghini, Dr Jasmin Mersmann, Torunn Nåmdal, Robyn Orr, Bettina Rex, Stuart Sillars, Liam Sims, and John Stern. We have relied heavily on expert technical assistance both from external consultants and from colleagues in Cambridge University in developing and maintaining our electronic resources, including our typesetting systems, and in making the correspondence available over the World Wide Web. We are particularly grateful to our colleagues Hal Blackburn, Iain Burke, Mary Chester-Kadwell, Andrew Corrigan, Jennie Fletcher, Wojciech Giel, Lesley Gray, Huw Jones, Philip Jones, John Norcott, Tuan Pham, Tristram Scott, Zhipeng Shan, Merina Tuladhar, and Tomasz Waldoch of Cambridge University Library. For past help, we particularly thank Maarten Bressinck, Simon Buck, Anne Clarke, Matthew Daws, Peter Dunn, Robin Fairbairns, Patricia Killiard, Chris Martin, John Norman, Martin Oldfield, and Grant Young. This volume has been typeset using Adobe InDesign. Thanks are also due to all former staff and associates of the Darwin Correspondence Project, including: Doris E. Andrews, Katie Ericksen Baca, Geoff Belknap, Sarah Benton, the late Charlotte Bowman, Heidi Bradshaw, Pamela J. Brant, Janet Browne, P. Thomas Carroll, Finlay Clarkson, Stefanie Cookson, Andrew Corrigan, Henry Cowles, Sheila Dean, Sophie Defrance, Mario Di Gregorio, Rhonda Edwards, Deborah Fitzgerald, Kate Fletcher, Megan Formato, Hedy Franks, Jane Mork Gibson, Nick Gill, Philippa Hardman, Joy Harvey, Arne Hessenbruch, Thomas Horrocks, Dorothy Huffman, Rachel Iliffe, Andrew Inkpen, Christine M. Joyner, Thomas Junker, Rebecca Kelley, Joan W. Kimball, Barbara A. Kimmelman, David Kohn, Jyothi Krishnan-Unni, Gene Kritsky, Sam Kuper, Kathleen Lane, Sarah Lavelle, Margot Levy, Robert Lindsey, Jean Macqueen, Nancy Mautner, Anna K. Mayer, William Montgomery, Eleanor Moore, Leslie Nye, Perry O’Donovan, Ann Parry, Stephen V. Pocock, Duncan Porter, John A. Reesman, Marsha L. Richmond, the late Peter Saunders, Andrew Sclater, Myrna Perez Shelton, Tracey Slotta, Jessee Smith, Kate Smith, the late Sydney Smith,

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Acknowledgments

Alison Soanes, Emma Spary, Alistair Sponsel, Nora Carroll Stevenson, Edith Stewart, Zuzana Jakubisinowa Toci, Jenna Tonn, Jonathan R. Topham, Charissa Varma, Tyler Veak, Ellis Weinberger, Béatrice Willis, Sarah Wilmot, Jeremy Wong, and Rebecca Woods. We also thank our project colleague, Sally Stafford. We are most grateful to Helen Taylor for providing the index to the current volume.

Copyright statement We gratefully acknowledge the families and estates of letter authors for permission to include their works in this publication, and particularly the Darwin family for permission to publish the texts of all letters written by Charles Darwin. We make every reasonable effort to trace the holders of copyright in letters written by persons other than Darwin where copyright permission is required for publication. If you believe you are a rights holder and are concerned that we have published or may publish in the future material for which you have not given permission and which is not covered by a legal exception or exemption, we would be most grateful if you would contact us in writing by post or email. Darwin Correspondence Project Cambridge University Library West Road Cambridge United Kingdom CB3 9DR Email: [email protected] The editors are grateful to the executors of Alfred Russel Wallace’s literary estate for permission to publish in this edition such letters by Wallace as remain in copyright. All intellectual property rights in such letters, including copyright in the typographical arrangement, remain with the executors. For more information visit http://wallaceletters.info/content/wallace-literary-estate.

PROVENANCES

The following list gives the locations of the original versions of the letters printed in this volume. The editors are grateful to all the institutions and individuals listed for allowing access to the letters in their care. Access to material in DAR 261 and DAR 263, formerly at Down House, Downe, Kent, England, is courtesy of English Heritage.

Aguttes (dealers) American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, USA Archives de la famille de Candolle (private collection) Archives of the Gray Herbarium, Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts, USA Archives of the New York Botanical Garden, Bronx, New York, USA F. Louise Nash Barton (private collection) Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Munich, Germany Bedfordshire Archives and Records Service, Bedford, England Pierre Bergé (dealer) Biblioteca Comunale dell’Archiginnasio, Bologna, Italy Birmingham Daily Post (publication) Bodleian Library, Oxford, England Bonhams, London (dealers) Bonhams, New York (dealers) British Library, London, England Bromley Central Library, Local Studies Library and Archives, Bromley, Kent, England Cambridge University Library, Cambridge, England Christie’s, London (dealers) Christie’s, New York (dealers) Cleveland Health Sciences Library, Case Western Reserve University, Cleveland, Ohio, USA Cornford Family Papers (DAR 275) CUL. See Cambridge University Library DAR. See Cambridge University Library eBay (dealers) Eidgenössische Technische Hochschule, Zurich, Switzerland

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Provenances

Ernst-Haeckel-Haus, Friedrich-Schiller-Universität, Jena, Germany Faulds [1912] (publication) Fullerton [1930] (publication) Harvard University Archives, Cambridge, Massachusetts, USA Herald of Health (publication) Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, USA The Huntington Library, San Marino, California, USA Janet Huxley (private collection) Imperial College of Science, Technology and Medicine, London, England Indiana University, Lilly Library, Bloomington, Indiana, USA James Innes (private collection) Institut Mittag-Leffler, Djursholm, Sweden International Institute of Social History, Amsterdam, The Netherlands The John Rylands Library, The University of Manchester, Manchester, England Laboratório Nacional de Energia e Geologia, Amadora, Portugal Leeds University Library Special Collections, Leeds, England Linnean Society of London, Piccadilly, London, England Liverpool Central Library, Liverpool, England Liverpool Record Office, Liverpool Central Library, Liverpool, England Elizabeth Margaret Elliott Lucas (private collection) Maggs Brothers (dealers) Manchester Guardian (publication) Martin-Luther-Universität Halle-Wittenberg, Universitätsarchiv, Halle, Germany Mitchell Library, State Library of New South Wales, Sydney, Australia ML (publication) Muséum national d’Histoire naturelle, Bibliothèque centrale, Paris, France National Library of Scotland, Edinburgh, Scotland The National Library of Wales, Aberystwyth, Wales National Records of Scotland, Edinburgh, Scotland Natural History Museum, London, England Nature (publication) The New York Public Library, New York, USA The estate of Sandro Onestinghel (private collection) ornithomedia.com Oxford University Museum of Natural History, Oxford, England Paget 1901 (publication) Peabody Essex Museum, Phillips Library, Salem, Massachusetts, USA Placzek 1883 (publication) Alfred S. Posamentier (private collection) Private collections, whose owners wish to remain anonymous Roma Etrusca (publication) E. D. Romanes 1896 (publication) Roundell 1880 (publication)

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Royal Horticultural Society, Lindley Library, London, England St Mark’s National Theological Centre Library, Canberra, Australia Shrewsbury School, Taylor Library, Shrewsbury, Shropshire, England Skinner (dealers) Smithsonian Libraries (Dibner Library of the History of Science and Technology), Washington, District of Colombia, USA Sotheby’s (dealers) Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin – Preußischer Kulturbesitz, Berlin, Germany State Darwin Museum, Moscow, Russia Sulivan family (private collection) Swann Auction Galleries (dealers) Torquay Museum Society, Torquay Museum, Torquay, Devon, England Trustees of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, Richmond, Surrey, England Spike Tyson (private collection) UCL Library Services, Special Collections, London, England Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek Bonn, Bonn, Germany University of British Columbia Library, Rare Books and Special Collections, Vancouver, British Columbia, Canada University of California Berkeley, Bancroft Library, California, USA University of Chicago Library, Special Collections Research Center, Chicago, Illinois, USA University of Liverpool Library, Liverpool, England Wellcome Library, London, England John Wilson (dealer) Jeffrey Winograd (private collection) Yale Peabody Museum of Natural History, New Haven, Connecticut, USA

A NOTE ON EDITORIAL POLICY

The first and chief objective of this edition is to provide complete and authoritative texts of Darwin’s correspondence. For every letter to or from Darwin, the text that is available to the editors is always given in full. The editors have occasionally included letters that are not to or from Darwin if they are relevant to the published correspondence. Volumes of the Correspondence are published in chronological order. Occasional supplements will be published containing letters that have come to light or have been redated since the relevant volumes of the Correspondence appeared. Letters that can only be given a wide date range, in some instances spanning several decades, are printed in the supplement following the volume containing letters at the end of their date range. The first such supplement was in volume 7 and included letters from 1828 to 1857; the second was in volume 13, and included letters from 1822 to 1864; the third was in volume 18, and included letters from 1835 to 1869; the fourth was in volume 24, and included letters from 1838 to 1875. Dating of letters and identification of correspondents In so far as it is possible, the letters have been dated, arranged in chronological order, and the recipients or senders identified. Darwin seldom wrote the full date on his letters and, unless the addressee was well known to him, usually wrote only ‘Dear Sir’ or ‘Dear Madam’. After the adoption of adhesive postage stamps in the 1840s, the separate covers that came into use with them were usually not preserved, and thus the dates and the names of many recipients of Darwin’s letters have had to be derived from other evidence. The notes made by Francis Darwin on letters sent to him for his editions of his father’s correspondence have been helpful, as have matching letters in the correspondence, but many dates and recipients have had to be deduced from the subject-matter or references in the letters themselves. Transcription policy Whenever possible, transcriptions have been made from manuscripts. If the manuscript was inaccessible but a photocopy or other facsimile version was available, that version has been used as the source. In many cases, the editors have had recourse to Francis Darwin’s large collection of copies of letters, compiled in the 1880s. Other copies, published letters, or drafts have been transcribed when they provided texts that were otherwise unavailable.

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The method of transcription employed in this edition is adapted from that described by Fredson Bowers in ‘Transcription of manuscripts: the record of variants’, Studies in Bibliography 29 (1976): 212–64. This system is based on accepted principles of modern textual editing and has been widely adopted in literary editions. The case for using the principles and techniques of this form of textual editing for historical and non-literary documents, both in manuscript and print, has been forcefully argued by G. Thomas Tanselle in ‘The editing of historical documents’, Studies in Bibliography 31 (1978): 1–56. The editors of the Correspondence followed Dr Tanselle in his conclusion that a ‘scholarly edition of letters or journals should not contain a text which has editorially been corrected, made consistent, or otherwise smoothed out’ (p. 48), but they have not wholly subscribed to the statement made earlier in the article that: ‘In the case of notebooks, diaries, letters and the like, whatever state they are in constitutes their finished form, and the question of whether the writer ‘‘intended’’ something else is irrelevant’ (p. 47). The editors have preserved the spelling, punctuation, and grammar of the original, but they have found it impossible to set aside entirely the question of authorial intent. One obvious reason is that in reading Darwin’s writing, there must necessarily be reliance upon both context and intent. Even when Darwin’s general intent is clear, there are cases in which alternative readings are, or may be, possible, and therefore the transcription decided upon must to some extent be conjectural. Where the editors are uncertain of their transcription, the doubtful text has been enclosed in italic square brackets. A major editorial decision was to adopt the so-called ‘clear-text’ method of transcription, which so far as possible keeps the text free of brackets recording deletions, insertions, and other alterations in the places at which they occur. Darwin’s changes are, however, recorded in the back matter of the volume, under ‘Manuscript alterations and comments’, in notes keyed to the printed text by paragraph and line number. All lines above the first paragraph of the letter (that is, date, address, or salutation) are referred to as paragraph ‘0’. Separate paragraph numbers are used for subscriptions and postscripts. This practice enables the reader who wishes to do so to reconstruct the manuscript versions of Darwin’s autograph letters, while furnishing printed versions that are uninterrupted by editorial interpolations. The Manuscript alterations and comments record all alterations made by Darwin in his letters and any editorial amendments made in transcription, and also where part of a letter has been written by an amanuensis; they do not record alterations made by amanuenses. No attempt has been made to record systematically all alterations to the text of copies of Darwin letters included in the correspondence, but ambiguous passages in copies are noted. The editors believe it would be impracticable to attempt to go further without reliable information about the texts of the original versions of the letters concerned. Letters to Darwin have been transcribed without recording any of the writers’ alterations unless they reflect significant changes in substance or impede the sense; in such cases footnotes bring them to the reader’s attention. Misspellings have been preserved, even when it is clear that they were unintentional: for instance, ‘lawer’ for ‘lawyer’. Such errors often indicate excitement

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or haste and may exhibit, over a series of letters, a habit of carelessness in writing to a particular correspondent or about a particular subject. Capital letters have also been transcribed as they occur except in certain cases, such as ‘m’, ‘k’, and ‘c’, which are frequently written somewhat larger than others as initial letters of words. In these cases an attempt has been made to follow the normal practice of the writers. In some instances that are not misspellings in a strict sense, editorial corrections have been made. In his early manuscripts and letters Darwin consistently wrote ‘bl’ so that it looks like ‘lb’ as in ‘albe’ for ‘able’, ‘talbe’ for ‘table’. Because the form of the letters is so consistent in different words, the editors consider that this is most unlikely to be a misspelling but must be explained simply as a peculiarity of Darwin’s handwriting. Consequently, the affected words have been transcribed as normally spelled and no record of any alteration is given in the textual apparatus. Elsewhere, though, there are misformed letters that the editors have recorded because they do, or could, affect the meaning of the word in which they appear. The main example is the occasional inadvertent crossing of ‘l’. When the editors are satisfied that the intended letter was ‘l’ and not ‘t’, as, for example, in ‘stippers’ or ‘istand’, then ‘l’ has been transcribed, but the actual form of the word in the manuscript has been given in the Manuscript alterations and comments. If the only source for a letter is a copy, the editors have frequently retained corrections made to the text when it is clear that they were based upon comparison with the original. Francis Darwin’s corrections of misreadings by copyists have usually been followed; corrections to the text that appear to be editorial alterations have not been retained. Editorial interpolations in the text are in square brackets. Italic square brackets enclose conjectured readings and descriptions of illegible passages. To avoid confusion, in the few instances in which Darwin himself used square brackets, they have been altered by the editors to parentheses with the change recorded in the Manuscript alterations and comments. In letters to Darwin, square brackets have been changed to parentheses silently. Material that is irrecoverable because the manuscript has been torn or damaged is indicated by angle brackets; any text supplied within them is obviously the responsibility of the editors. Occasionally, the editors are able to supply missing sections of text by using ultraviolet light (where text has been lost owing to damp) or by reference to transcripts or photocopies of manuscript material made before the damage occurred. Words and passages that have been underlined for emphasis are printed in italics in accordance with conventional practice. Where the author of a letter has indicated greater emphasis by underlining a word or passage two or more times, the text is printed in bold type. Paragraphs are often not clearly indicated in the letters. Darwin and others sometimes marked a change of subject by leaving a somewhat larger space than usual between sentences; sometimes Darwin employed a longer dash. In these

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cases, and when the subject is clearly changed in very long stretches of text, a new paragraph has been started by the editors without comment. The beginnings of letters, valedictions, and postscripts are also treated as new paragraphs regardless of whether they appear as new paragraphs in the manuscript. Special manuscript devices delimiting sections or paragraphs, for example, blank spaces left between sections of text and lines drawn across the page, are treated as normal paragraph indicators and are not specially marked or recorded unless their omission leaves the text unclear. Occasionally punctuation marking the end of a clause or sentence is not present in the manuscript; in such cases, the editors have inserted an extra space following the sentence or clause to set it off from the following text. Additions to a letter that run over into the margins, or are continued at its head or foot, are transcribed at the point in the text at which the editors believe they were intended to be read. The placement of such an addition is only recorded in a footnote if it seems to the editors to have some significance or if the position at which it should be transcribed is unclear. Enclosures are transcribed following the letter. The hand-drawn illustrations and diagrams that occur in some letters are reproduced as faithfully as possible and are usually positioned as they were in the original text. In some cases, however, it has been necessary to reduce the size of a diagram or enhance an outline for clarity; any such alterations are recorded in footnotes. The location of diagrams within a letter is sometimes changed for typesetting reasons. Tables have been reproduced as close to the original format as possible, given typesetting constraints. Some Darwin letters and a few letters to Darwin are known only from entries in the catalogues of book and manuscript dealers or mentions in other published sources. Whatever information these sources provide about the content of such letters has been reproduced without substantial change. Any errors detected are included in footnotes. Format of published letters The format in which the transcriptions are printed in the Correspondence is as follows: 1. Order of letters. The letters are arranged in chronological sequence. A letter that can be dated only approximately is placed at the earliest date on which the editors believe it could have been written. The basis of a date supplied by the editors is given in a footnote unless it is derived from a postmark, watermark, or endorsement that is recorded in the physical description of the letter (see section 4, below). Letters with the same date, or with a range of dates commencing with that date, are printed in the alphabetical order of their senders or recipients unless their contents dictate a clear alternative order. Letters dated only to a year or a range of years precede letters that are dated to a particular month or range of months, and these, in turn, precede those that are dated to a particular day or range of dates commencing with a particular day.

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2. Headline. This gives the name of the sender or recipient of the letter and its date. The date is given in a standard form, but those elements not taken directly from the letter text are supplied in square brackets. The name of the sender or recipient is enclosed in square brackets only where the editors regard the attribution as doubtful. 3. The letter text. The transcribed text follows as closely as possible the layout of the source, although no attempt is made to produce a type-facsimile of the manuscript: word-spacing and line-division in the running text are not adhered to. Similarly, the typography of printed sources is not replicated. Dates and addresses given by authors are transcribed as they appear, except that if both the date and the address are at the head of the letter they are always printed on separate lines with the address first, regardless of the manuscript order. If no address is given on a letter by Darwin, the editors have supplied one, when able to do so, in square brackets at the head of the letter. Similarly, if Darwin was writing from an address different from the one given on the letter, his actual location is given in square brackets. Addresses on printed stationery are transcribed in italics. Addresses, dates, and valedictions have been run into single lines to save space, but the positions of line-breaks in the original are marked by vertical bars. 4. Physical description. All letters are complete and in the hand of the sender unless otherwise indicated. If a letter was written by an amanuensis, or exists only as a draft or a copy, or is incomplete, or is in some other way unusual, then the editors provide the information needed to complete the description. Postmarks, endorsements, and watermarks are recorded only when they are evidence for the date or address of the letter. 5. Source. The final line provides the provenance of the text. Some sources are given in abbreviated form (for example, DAR 140: 18) but are listed in full in the List of provenances unless the source is a published work. Letters in private collections are also indicated. References to published works are given in author–date or shorttitle form, with full titles and publication details supplied in the Bibliography at the end of the volume. 6. Darwin’s annotations. Darwin frequently made notes in the margins of the letters he received, scored significant passages, and crossed through details that were of no further interest to him. These annotations are transcribed or described following the letter text. They are keyed to the letter text by paragraph and line numbers. Most notes are short, but occasionally they run from a paragraph to several pages, and sometimes they are written on separate sheets appended to the letter. Extended notes relating to a letter are transcribed whenever practicable following the annotations as ‘CD notes’. Quotations from Darwin manuscripts in footnotes and elsewhere, and the text of his annotations and notes on letters, are transcribed in ‘descriptive’ style. In this method the alterations in the text are recorded in brackets at the places where they occur. For example: ‘See Daubeny [‘vol. 1’ del] for *descriptions of volcanoes in [interl] S.A.’ ink means that Darwin originally wrote in ink ‘See Daubeny vol. 1 for S.A.’ and then

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deleted ‘vol. 1’ and inserted ‘descriptions of volcanoes in’ after ‘for’. The asterisk before ‘descriptions’ marks the beginning of the interlined phrase, which ends at the bracket. The asterisk is used when the alteration applies to more than the immediately preceding word. The final text can be read simply by skipping the material in brackets. Descriptive style is also used in the Manuscript alterations and comments. Editorial matter Each volume is self-contained, having its own index, bibliography, and biographical register. A chronology of Darwin’s activities covering the period of each volume and translations of foreign-language letters are supplied, and additional appendixes give supplementary material where appropriate to assist the understanding of the correspondence. A cumulative index is planned once the edition is complete. References are supplied for all persons, publications, and subjects mentioned, even though some repetition of material in earlier volumes is involved. If the name of a person mentioned in a letter is incomplete or incorrectly spelled, the full, correct form is given in a footnote. Brief biographies of persons mentioned in the letters, and dates of each correspondent’s letters to and from Darwin in the current volume, are given in the Biographical register and index to correspondents. Where a personal name serves as a company name, it is listed according to the family name but retains its original order: for example, ‘E. Schweizerbart’sche Verlagsbuchhandlung’ is listed under ‘S’, not ‘E’. Short titles are used for references to Darwin’s books and articles and to collections of his letters (e.g., Descent, ‘Parallel roads of Glen Roy’, LL). They are also used for some standard reference works and for works with no identifiable author (e.g., Alum. Cantab., Wellesley index, DNB). For all other works, author–date references are used. References to the Bible are to the authorised King James version unless otherwise stated. Words not in Chambers dictionary are usually defined in the footnotes with a source supplied. The full titles and publication details of all books and papers referred to are given in the Bibliography. References to archival material, for instance that in the Darwin Archive at Cambridge University Library, are not necessarily exhaustive. Darwin and his correspondents writing in English consistently used the term ‘fertilisation’ for the processes that are now distinguished as fertilisation (the fusion of female and male gametes) and pollination (the transfer of pollen from anther to stigma); the first usage known to the editors of a distinct term for pollination in English was in 1873 (Correspondence vol. 21, letter from A. W. Bennett, 12 July 1873). ‘Fertilisation’ in Darwin’s letters and publications often, but not always, can be regarded as referring to what is now termed pollination. In the footnotes, the editors, where possible, have used the modern terms where these can assist in explaining the details of experimental work. When Darwin or his correspondents are quoted directly, their original usage is never altered. The editors use the abbreviation ‘CD’ for Charles Darwin throughout the footnotes. A list of all abbreviations used by the editors in this volume is given on p. xlii.

The Wedgwood and Darwin Robert Waring Darwin = Susannah Wedgwood 1766–1848 1765–1817 Henry Parker = Marianne 1788–1856 1798–1858 Robert 1825–1907 Henry 1827–92 Francis 1829–71 Charles 1831–1905 Mary Susan 1836–93 Susan Elizabeth 1803–66

Caroline Sarah = Josiah III (Jos) 1795–1880 1800–88 Sophy Marianne 1838–9 Katherine Elizabeth Sophy (Sophy) 1842–1911 Margaret Susan 1843–1937 Lucy Caroline 1846–1919

Erasmus Alvey 1804–81 Charles Langton = Emily Catherine (Catherine) 1801–86 1810–66

Charles Robert = Emma 1808–96 1809–82

Sara Price Ashburner Sedgwick = William Erasmus 1839–1902 1839–1914 Anne Elizabeth 1841–51 Mary Eleanor Sept.–Oct. 1842 Richard Buckley Litchfield = Henrietta Emma (Etty) 1843–1927 1832–1903 George Howard 1845–1912 Elizabeth (Bessy) 1847–1926 Amy Richenda Ruck = Francis (Frank) 1850–76 1848–1925 Bernard Richard Meirion 1876–1961 Leonard 1850–1943 Ida Farrer = Horace 1854–1946 1851–1928 Charles Waring 1856–8

Families up to 1880 Josiah Wedgwood II = Elizabeth (Bessy) Allen 1764–1846 1769–1843 Sarah Elizabeth (Elizabeth) 1793–1880 Mary Anne 1796–8 Charles Langton = Charlotte 1801–86 1797–1862 Edmund 1841–75 Henry Allen = Jessie Wedgwood 1804–72 (Harry) Frances Mosley = Francis 1799–1885 Louisa Frances 1834–1903 (Frank) (Fanny Frank) Caroline Elizabeth (Carry) 1807–74 1800–88 1836–1916 Godfrey 1833–1905 John Darwin 1840–70 Amy 1835–1910 Anne Jane 1841–77 Cicely Mary 1837–1917 Arthur 1843–1900 Clement Francis Rowland Henry 1840–89 1847–1921 Laurence 1844–1913 Hensleigh = Frances Emma Elizabeth Constance Rose 1846–1903 (Fanny) Mackintosh 1803–91 1800–89 Mabel Frances Frances 1852–1930 (Fanny) Frances Julia (Snow) 1806–32 1833–1913 James Mackintosh (Bro) 1834–64 Ernest Hensleigh 1838–98 Katherine Euphemia (Effie) 1839–1931 Alfred Allen 1842–92 Hope Elizabeth (Dot) 1844–1935

ABBREVIATIONS AL ALS DS LS LS(A) Mem pc (S) TLS

autograph letter autograph letter signed document signed letter in hand of amanuensis, signed by sender letter in hand of amanuensis with additions by sender memorandum postcard signed with sender’s name by amanuensis typed letter signed

CD CUL DAR del illeg interl underl

Charles Darwin Cambridge University Library Darwin Archive, Cambridge University Library deleted illegible interlined underlined TRANSCRIPTION CONVENTIONS

[some text] [some text] [some text] ⟨ ⟩ ⟨some text⟩ ⟨some text⟩

‘some text’ is an editorial insertion ‘some text’ is the conjectured reading of an ambiguous word or passage ‘some text’ is a description of a word or passage that cannot be transcribed, e.g., ‘3 words illeg’ word(s) destroyed ‘some text’ is a suggested reading for a destroyed word or passage ‘some text’ is a description of a destroyed word or passage, e.g., ‘3 lines excised’

THE CORRESPONDENCE OF CHARLES DARWIN 1880

To Horace Darwin   1 January 1880 My dear Horace— My memory is so bad that I am not sure whether I wrote to the Bank, about your payments. I agreed to pay you the same allowance as before viz £300 (Aunt Catherines money does not come into consideration) & as £5000 was transferred to you, & this produces 200£ per annum, I ought to pay you 100£ viz 50 on Jan 1 & on July 1— Is this all right?1 Does not the £5000 produce £200 less income tax?— Please get your banking book & see whether 5.0£ has been placed to your account. & let me hear.— My overplus shall be divided in 10 or 14 days.—2 Many thanks for charming little compasses—3 May I trust you to make memorandum that I owe you for them, so that I cd pay whenever you come here.— What a nice few days we had at Christmas.— Your affectionate Father | C. Darwin Jan 1.— 1880— DAR 185: 6 1

2 3

CD placed £5000 of stock in trust for Horace Darwin and Ida Farrer before their marriage (see CD’s Investment Book (Down House MS) and Correspondence vol. 27, letter to W. M. Hacon, 8 November [1879], and letter from W. M. Hacon, 31 December 1879). In 1880, he paid Horace £50 on 1 January and 1 July (CD’s Classed account books (Down House MS)). Catherine Langton had left money in trust to CD that was intended for distribution to his children (see Correspondence vol. 14, letter to W. E. Darwin, 8 November [1866]). CD had decided to distribute the surplus income from his investments to his children in 1879 (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter to the Darwin children, 21 February 1879). Horace may have built some of the compasses that CD used in his observations for Movement in plants.

From C. H. Tindal   1 January 1880 The Manor House | Aylesbury. Jan: 1st. 1880. Dear Sir— I have been through the whole of the Clive Correspondence & have made extracts of all the allusions to Dr. Darwin— and I have also selected three letters in

2

January 1880

which mention is made of your father—1 Pray keep the extracts if they are of any interest to you—and kindly return the three letters— The Mr. Gifford referred to, was the Revd. Richard Gifford. M.A. of Balliol College Oxford. Rector of North Ockington Co: Essex & Vicar of Duffield Co. Derby He was a person of great literary attainments, & a fine Hebrew & Classical Scholar— The article in the gentlemans Magazine which appeared on his death will give you a fair description of him & his writings generally.2 I cannot say how he became acquainted with Dr. Darwin— The correspondence between him & Mr. Clive began in 1760. and they were then both acquainted with Dr. D. then. The Mr. Clive referred to is the Venble. Archdeacon Robert Clive Rector of Moreton, Prebendary of Westminster & Archdeacon of Salop. He was son of the Revd. Benjamin Clive of Duffield & cousin of the celebrated Ld. Clive whose sister he married.3 Duffield is about 5 miles from Derby. Mr. Richard Gifford is buried there, & his daughter & only child Euphemia Gifford likewise— She lived to be 89 & died in the year 1854.4 It may interest you to know that I have here a picture cut out in black Paper of Archdeacon Clive, & his brother George Clive a banker in London playing Chess—5 The picture was cut out by Miss Wedgwood daughter of Josiah Wedgwood who married Dr. Robert Darwin of Shrewsbury.6 It was left together with a print of the 1st. Lord Clive to Mr. Gifford by the Archdeacon. I have a long correspondence between Mr. Gifford & his wife,7 & daughter which may throw some light on the commencement of the acquaintance with Dr. Darwin. I will look through this tomorrow & let you know the result. I must apologise for troubling you with so long a letter— containing I am afraid much that is irrelevant, & subscribe myself, Yrs. very faithfully. | Charles H. Tindal [Enclosure 1] July 4th. 1768 d

The Ven: R. Clive to Rev R Gifford. I thank you, for the account you sent me of Mr. Rotton,8 & was very glad to find that you were of opinion he mended very fast. I have since seen Dr. Darwin, who seems to think he may get much better with care & proper management, but he can by no means approve of ye Bark as he apprehends his case to be dropsical. He happened to have in his pocket a little treatise which he had just written upon ye use of ye Bark, & which he was going to send up to ye College of Physicians, to be printed amongst their next annual publications— he gave me ye perusal of it, & leave to transcribe a part of it, which I will send you, & I dare say you will think it very judicious as I do.9 “The effect of ye Peruvian Bark & other Bitters seems much to depend on their decreasing ye Irritability of the nervous system; as is evinced by their daily successful use in Fever & other diseases from Irritation— And as ye palsies & dropsies described below were owing to a decrease of this Irritability, the Bark seems, whenever it was given to have produced or increased these diseases,

January 1880

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or to have destroyed ye. patient— The words Relaxation and Braceing cannot be opposed to this idea of the effect of Bitter medicines, as they can with no propriety be ascribed to ye nervous system of animal bodies; but are mechanical terms that belong alone to dead matter, & not to ye laws of life, & have misled many of ye faculty to ye great detriment of their patients— One observation I shall add, which has appeared to me invariably true viz: that ye. violent coughs, & ye febrile symptoms that are attendent on obstructed Livers, after proper Evacuations by bleeding with repeated vomiting or purging, are cured with certainty by the Bark, either alone or with the addition of a slight chalybeate10 or anodyne. But I believe from the following case that, where no symptoms of Irritation are attendant on obstructed Livers, ye Bark & chalybeates have induced palsies & dropsies to gr. destruction of Thousands”— Thus far ye ingenious Doctor, whose observations stand upon facts which have happened in his own practice, & which he produces in his treatise. His sentiments may be considered as a key to ye. use of the Bark & I am sure they will make me more cautious in recommending this medicine …… Send me word whether you will be at Moreton this day fortnight in ye Evening or, coming by Lichfield, & calling on Dr. Darwin give me ye. meeting at Dr. Adams’ at Counde on Tuesday by dinner’11 [Enclosure 2] Moreton Novr. 6th. 1768. R. Clive to R. Gifford I am glad to find by your last papers to ye. Doctor & his letter to you, that matters are likely to be adjusted very amicably betwixt you even without the help of a moderator. I think you were a little off your guard in your definition of a Living Substance when you said you meant no more by it than ‘a substance well fitted to convey impressions to ye. mind & to execute her orders— Living here signifies apt for ‘ye. business of Life.’ If this be a true definition of a Living substance will it not follow that an axe, a saw, or an hammer, or any other material instrument that we make use of for ye. business of life is as much a living substance fitted to convey impressions to ye. mind, & to execute her orders as ye. body itself is— From R. Clive to R. Gifford Moreton Dec: 12. 1768. ‘Dear Sir— I am desired by Doctor Darwin to let you know, that his pig & Mr. Whitleys12 company of comedians will be ready for our Establishment at Lichfield in ye. 2nd. week of January next. I propose being there on Tuesday ye 10th. & hope nothing will prevent you giving me ye. meeting, & pray bring your strictures on Berkeleys book upon ye material world—for ye Doctor tells me he has been writing a chapter to prove a material world, which he hopes will please you, as it plucks up the root

4

January 1880

of that kind of infidelity called scepticism.—13 We must try spend two or three days with ye. Doctor, which I think we shall pass very agreeably—. Pray bring Berkeleys book with you as ye Doctor may not have it.’— R. Clive to R Gifford [Enclosure 3] Moreton Sept: 12th. (no year) R. Clive to R. Gifford— I read over your remarks with Dr. Darwin, who took all in good part, said he was very much obliged to you & would write soon— by the observations he made it appeared you had misunderstood some few passages in his book—& I think he will respond to your objections very well. I mentioned to him our desire of attending him sometime when he opened an human body— to which he said that he could give us all the satisfaction we desired from an inspection of ye. parts of a pig, & invited us to spend two or three days with him at Xmas, when he should kill a fat pig— I propose much pleasure from this meeting & hope nothing will happen to prevent it [Enclosure 4] Stych. Jan: 10th. 1771. R. Clive to R. Gifford. I thank you for your letter & your proposal to meet me at Lichfield, which perhaps I may call upon you to fulfil before it be long, as Dr. Darwin has often pressed me to come and spend a week with him—& two new philosophical friends who have lately settled in Lichfield, induced to it by that cheerfulness and benevolence of disposition, with which you & I & all who know ye. good Doctor are so much charmed. R. Clive to R. Gifford Lichfield May 30. 1771. I wish you could have spent tomorrow with Dr. Darwin & his two ingenious friends Edgeworth & Day14 R. Clive to Richard Gifford Moreton Oct: 25th. 1772. ‘I have been much out of order for these last 5 days with a fever of the bilious kind—luckily Dr. Darwin was in ye. neighbourhood & prescribed for me from my written account of myself though he had not time to see— he has lain at home but one night these five weeks so great is his fame & usefulness

January 1880

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[Enclosure 5] Moreton. July 1st. 1773. R. Clive to R. Gifford ‘I dare say you had a very sincere pleasure in Lord Clive’s victory over his enemies in parliament which was very complete & very honorable—15 Dr. Darwin wrote me a good blackguard letter on the occasion which will Entertain you better than anything else I can add to this hasty scrawl. I will therefore transcribe it “I had a great mind to have written a letter in ye newspapers on ye. following plan. To all ye. Blackguards in Great Britain— Loving friends & Cousins— To it again—at him— We shall conquer this Lion at last I warrant ye. Never mind a pinch or two— Burgoyne will stave, & Meredith tail—16 At him again. We’ll first demolish Clive & then Chatham,17 and there shall not be a man of virtue left in the Kingdom if we can help it— Now’s the time, My loving Cousins in Parliament, proscribe & confiscate all that are against the ministers at present; and when a new ministry prevails, then all the present proscribers shall be proscribed in their turn. till Temple bar is hung round with Calves heads like a Butcher’s shop— This is the true levelling principle!18 Rare times for old England! At him again, my lads next session— Never yelp & howl so for one defeat— Give me another pot of porter— Oh! d— your virtue— it has saved your country”—.’ [Enclosure 6] Lichfield. Jan: 25th. (no year). R. Clive to R. Gifford. When I came here yesterday I found Dr. Darwin & Mr. Boothby busily engaged in translating the Genera Plantarum of Linnæus into English, in which if they succeed to their Satisfaction Mr. Boothby is to publish it.19 It will probably be a work of time, as it will be of some nicety—in which I told them I thought you could be useful as you have ye. book. I also told them you had been trading on metaphysical ground— They both wished much to see your M.S.  Mr. B.  said he would give you his free sentiments ou bien ou mal. He is going to publish a work which Rousseau entrusted to him about 4 years ago with a request not to do it till after his death.20 R. Clive to R. Gifford. Lichfield. Jan: 20th. (no year). I will send you some verses I found upon Dr. Darwin’s table. On the death of Brindley the great perfector of Inland Navigation.21 Leek, Cheadle, Cheddleton, Delf, Burslem, Woor, Stoke, Turnhurst, Ipstones, Draycot in ye. Moor, All strive for Brindley’s birth, but strive in vain.22

6

January 1880 For Brindley sprung immortal from the main— On the much lamented death of Mr. G–r–ck.23 Ambubiarum collegia pharmacopolæ.24 Pimps, prompters, poets, painters, rhymers, riddlers, Beaux, taylors, link boys, fruit girls, singers, fiddlers, Scene shifters, tumblers, fairies, goblins, witches, Backs, bullies, gamblers, demireps, & bitches, All mourn for Garrick dead with wild distraction A crowded playhouse was their scene of action—

R. Clive to R. Gifford Shrewsbury. Sept 14th. (no year) I received Dr. Darwins response which I think very ingenious & solid. I should be glad of your sentiments as soon as you have perused it. I am now sitting in Company with the Hero of Dr. Darwins book, who is in better health & spirits than I ever remember him— DAR 227.7: 11–13, 16, 18, 25, 128 CD annotation Top of letter: ‘I must make note of obligation to Mr Tindal’ pencil 1

2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

10 11 12 13

14 15

CD had asked Tindal for details about Richard Gifford and Robert Clive (1722/3–92), friends of his grandfather Erasmus Darwin (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter to C. H. Tindal, 29 December 1879. CD’s father was Robert Waring Darwin. Gifford’s obituary appeared in Gentleman’s Magazine 77 (May 1807): 477–8. ‘Lord Clive’ was Robert Clive (1725–74); his sister was Rebecca Clive. Gifford’s daughter was Euphemia Gifford. George Clive. The plate on p. 12 shows a similar silhouette. Susannah Darwin was the daughter of Josiah Wedgwood I, and the wife of Robert Waring Darwin, CD’s father. Elizabeth Gifford. John Rotton. ‘Peruvian bark’ from cinchona trees was a common source of quinine. Erasmus Darwin prescribed it as a stimulus for treating fevers and other conditions (see E. Darwin 1794–6, 1: 83–4, 100 and 2: passim). Its medical properties are praised in The botanic garden, pt 2, The loves of plants (E. Darwin 1799, pp. 103–5); however, no separate publication on Peruvian bark has been found. Chalybeate: water or other liquid containing iron (OED; see also E. Darwin 1794–6, 2: 175–6). William Adams was rector of Counde, Shropshire (ODNB). James Whitley. George Berkeley’s controversial views on perception and the material world were published in An essay towards a new theory of vision (Berkeley 1709). Erasmus Darwin discussed visual perception in Zoonomia (E. Darwin 1794–6, 1: 14–29). Richard Lovell Edgeworth and Thomas Day; both were members of the Lunar Society of Birmingham (see King Hele 1999, pp. 79–80). In 1772 and 1773, several motions were brought against Robert Clive (1725–74) in the House of Commons, in connection with criticism of the East India Company’s administration in Bengal. In May 1773, Clive successfully defended himself against accusations of appropriating money while serving as governor of Bengal. (ODNB.)

January 1880 16

17 18

19 20 21 22

23 24

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John Burgoyne was an army officer, MP, and outspoken critic of Robert Clive (1725–74) and the East India Company. William Meredith served on Burgoyne’s committee to investigate the East India Company and seconded his motion to censure Clive for corruption. (ODNB.) William Pitt (Pitt the elder), first earl of Chatham. Temple Bar, the historic gateway to London, was used to display the severed heads of traitors until 1746. The Levellers was a name given to supporters of a democratic republic during the period of the English Civil War and Commonwealth (EB). Brooke Boothby. The translation of Carl von Linné’s Genera plantarum was credited to ‘a botanical society at Lichfield’ (Linnaeus 1787; see King-Hele 1999, pp. 217–18). Ou bien ou mal: whether well or ill (French). Boothby edited Rousseau juge de Jean Jacques: dialogue (Rousseau 1780). On the friendship between Boothby and Jean Jacques Rousseau, see Zonneveld [2003]). James Brindley was principal engineer on a number of canals across the Midlands; he died in 1772 (ODNB). Leek, Cheadle, Cheddleton, Delph, Burslem, Woore, Stoke-on-Trent, Ipstones, and Draycott are villages or towns in Staffordshire. Brindley was born in Wormhill, Derbyshire, and lived at Turnhurst Hall in Staffordshire after his marriage in 1765 (ODNB). The actor David Garrick died in 1779 (ODNB). ‘Ambubiarum collegia pharmacopolae’ (correctly, ‘Ambubaiarum collegia, pharmacopolae’): ‘A band of flute girls, quack doctors …’. The source is Horace, Satires 1.2.1.

From Samuel Butler   2 January 1880 15. Clifford’s Inn | Fleet Street E.C. Jan 2. 1880 Charles Darwin Esqr | F.R.S. &— Dear Sir Will you kindly refer me to the edition of ‘Kosmos’ wh: contains the text of Dr Krause’s article on Dr Erasmus Darwin, as translated by Mr W. S. Dallas? I have before me the last February number of Kosmos, which appears by your preface to be the one from wh: Mr Dallas has translated; but his translation contains long and important passages which are not in the February number of Kosmos, while many passages in the original article are omitted in the translation.1 Among the passages introduced are the last six pages of the English article, which seem to condemn by anticipation the position I have taken as regards Dr Erasmus Darwin in my book Evolution old & New, and which I believe I was the first to take.2 The concluding and therefore, perhaps, most prominent sentence of the translation you have given to the public stands thus;— “Erasmus Darwin’s system was in itself a most significant first step in the path of knowledge which his grandson has opened up for us, but the wish to revive it at the present day as has actually been seriously attempted shows a weakness of thought and a mental anachronism which no man can envy.”3 The Kosmos which has been sent me from Germany contains no such passage— As you have stated in your preface that my book Evolution old & New appeared subsequently to Dr Krause’s article, and as no intimation is given that the article has been altered and added to since its original appearance, while the accuracy of the translation as though from the February number of Kosmos, is as you expressly

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say guaranteed by Mr Dallas’s “scientific reputation together with his knowledge of German”,4 your readers will naturally suppose that all they read in the translation appeared in February last, and therefore before Evolution old and New was written, and therefore independently of, and necessarily without reference to that book. I do not doubt that this was actually the case, but have failed to obtain the edition which contains the passage above referred to, and several others which appear in the translation. I have a personal interest in this matter and venture therefore to ask for the explanation which I do not doubt you will readily give me I am | yr. faithfully | S. Butler—5 DAR 92: B65–6 1

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3 4 5

Ernst Krause had published an article on Erasmus Darwin in Kosmos (Krause 1879a). William Sweetland Dallas agreed to translate this article from the German for Erasmus Darwin (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter from W. S. Dallas, 14 March 1879). However, Krause sent a revised and much enlarged version of the article in manuscript, and it was this revised text, not the original Kosmos article, that Dallas translated (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter from Ernst Krause, 5 May 1879, and letter from W. S. Dallas, 7 May 1879). In the preface to Erasmus Darwin, p. iii, CD mentioned only Krause’s original article, having decided to omit much of the revised essay from the published English version. The additions were reinstated in Krause 1880. Butler’s Evolution old and new (Butler 1879) was published in May 1879 and contained lengthy discussions of Erasmus Darwin, Jean Baptiste de Lamarck, and other descent theorists. CD sent Krause a copy of Butler’s book (Correspondence vol. 27, letter to Ernst Krause, 13 May 1879). Both CD and Krause were critical of Butler’s views (see ibid., letter to Ernst Krause, 14 May 1879, and letters from Ernst Krause, 23 May 1879, 7 June 1879, and 13 June 1879); however, CD remarked: ‘I hope that you will not expend much powder & shot on Mr Butler, for he really is not worthy of it’ (letter to Ernst Krause, 9 June [1879]). The quotation is taken from the final sentence of Krause’s essay in Erasmus Darwin, p. 216. Erasmus Darwin, p. iii n. Emma Darwin wrote at the head of the letter, ‘To be returned as it means war we think’.

From Joseph Prestwich   2 January 1880 21 Park Crescent | Portland Place 2 Jany. 1880 My dear Mr. Darwin, May I trouble you with two lines in explanation to set me right if I am wrong in my statement. In reviewing the history of the “Parallel Roads” I refer to your views, and relying on the opinion expressed by later writers, whom I suppose to have been in communication with you, I have stated that you have abandoned the “marine theory”— therefore finally committing myself to this statement I should be glad to hear that I am quite correct in doing so, or if I am to put it in any other form.1 With the best wishes of the season I am | My dear Mr. Darwin | Very truly your’s | Joseph Prestwich DAR 174: 66

January 1880 1

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In his 1839 paper ‘Parallel roads of Glen Roy’, CD argued that the three horizontal terraces across the steep sides of the valley in Lochaber were the remains of beaches formed by the sea as the landmass of Scotland rose in graduated steps. In an article on the parallel roads, Prestwich remarked: ‘the marine theory was brought forward with his usual power of illustration, but subsequently abandoned, by Darwin’ (Prestwich 1879, p. 665). CD had abandoned his theory when an alternative explanation involving glacial lakes was advanced by Thomas Francis Jamieson (see Correspondence vol. 9, letter to T. F. Jamieson, 6 September [1861], and Rudwick 1974). CD discussed his reasons for giving up the marine theory with Charles Lyell and John Tyndall, both of whom published on the geology of Glen Roy (see Correspondence vol. 10, letter to Charles Lyell, 14 October [1862], and Correspondence vol. 24, letter to John Tyndall, 5 June [1876]; see also Lyell 1873, p. 307, and Tyndall 1876, p. 238).

From B. J. Sulivan   2 January [1880]1 Bournemouth Jany. 2./79 My dear Darwin Many happy new years to you & Mrs. Darwin and all your party. I think you will be amused with a few extracts from Bishop Stirlings youngest daughter’s letter, who has gone out with him this time; as it gives an amusing account of semi civilised Fuegians.2 “We heard from Mr. W.  a story of our name sake “Stirling”. Mr. Bridges was pitching into them all rather strongly one day in his sermon, and Stirling stood up and said “I came here to worship God, and not to be lectured by you”—3 “One or two at the Station have quite large pieces of land, which they are converting into gardens, Stirling is far ahead of any, and takes great pride in his. He has now 12 cows, including calves, and two pigs, so he is quite a rich man, I like him very much; his wife is “Louisa”. and one of his little children “Gertrude”. He said he was pleased to see “Mees” as he called me, as he wanted to see the girl his “little Gerty” was called after”—4 “A few outsiders came over yesterday in their Canoes, among them the leader of the Mapacie long ago”—5 “There are several nice men living here, and the boys who have grown up here look nice manly lads.” “They are very fond of biscuits. Eleanor—“Joe’s” wife—has not been well and papa asked her if he took her any of the biscuits he had given him. He looked quite reproachful as he answered that “he always took it home to her”; and we found that when he had six given him he only eat one, and took five to her”—6 “This morning, one family brought a bucket of milk for sale; and Stirling some butter which he got Louisa to make, because papa asked him if they had any”. “The orphanage children look very jolly”. “James Sulivan7 is a splendid little chap, the jolliest boy here”. “The Eldest orphan girl is to be married tomorrow, she is about sixteen, she is said to be fond of dressing up in Mrs. Whait’s clothes.8 Once one of the girls found a stocking, so they took it in turns to wear the one stocking. They always choose who shall sit at the head of their table at meals”—

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“We went to the Sunday school which Mr. Laurence9 was taking, sometimes one or two of the married men come to it if the room is not too crowded. They sang hyms in English very nicely, and repeated texts, and then translated them into their own language”. “Papa wanted to get two boys for his boat, but found it difficult, as all the nice ones had wives; one wanted to come very much, but as he had a wife papa did not like to take him. Presently he came running & said. “I quick find man not bad, take care of wife”, which meant that Stirling would let her live with him & his wife while he was away: on that “Barry Loring” and his wife would do the same;10 and his wife told him he might go”—so he is coming”— “The other boy is from Lennox Island, a nice small little fellow who does not speak English except “yes”, “Sailor”.— “One of the men who is to be married tomorrow said “he was ashamed to go to church because he had not got any “pants” to go in “using that expression”. “This morning we went to the wedding. The bride looked very nice, she was dressed in a pretty blue and white print. The bridegroom too looked very nice. The were both shy, as there were about 78 as a congregation to see the performance.”— “This morning we watched Willie,11 and James Sulivan, sawing wood they did it splendidly”— “The Indians are very sarcastic if displeased at any thing; before leaving Ushuwia the Bridges12 gave away many old clothes, and flour, and one man was discontented because he thought he ought to have more. They had given him less because he was not so deserving, so he shouldered his bag of flour and trudged off saying it was really so heavy, and so large that he could hardy carry it”. When they were off a “splendid” glacier on their way to Sandy point—which from their position I think must be one near Mount Darwin she describes hearing the noise several times of avalanches, sounding like peals of thunder. The Bishop was preparing to hop from Sandy Point to Falklands in a boat sent out from England taking her with him. The boat is decked but only 30 feet long. He had her built for work at Falklands, and sent out by steamer to meet him in Straits: I urged him to send her direct to Falklands as there was great risk if she had heavy weather crossing. I think he goes in her instead of A. Gardiner Yawl13 because he would not send men in her without showing his confidence by going himself with them. Of course she might go often safely, if carefully handled, but she is too small for very heavy weather I am sorry to say I have had a sad account from Mellersh of his health. He went to live at Brighton for his daughter’s health, and was soon very ill with bad liver and an abscess in one lung, and suffering in one leg from sciatica.14 He had been near death for some time, but has been better lately. Mr. Bridges has had to return from Ushuwia through breaking down entirely in health. with our united kind regards to Mrs. Darwin and your family | Believe me dear Darwin | yours very sincerely | B. J. Sulivan I am reading with great interest your G. Fathers life which Mrs. Langton has lent me.—15

January 1880

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DAR 177: 308 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to B. J. Sulivan, 3 January 1880. Sulivan wrote ‘79’ in error. Waite Hockin Stirling was bishop of the Falkland islands; his youngest daughter was Gertrude Louisa Stirling. ‘Mr. W’ was Robert Whaits, a blacksmith and assistant to Thomas Bridges in Ushuaia, Tierra del Fuego (Hazlewood 2000, pp. 326, 347). Stirling’s namesake has not been identified. The wife and daughter were evidently named after Louisa Jane Stirling and Gertrude Louisa Stirling; they have not been further identified. The Mapuche are an indigenous people occupying parts of Chile and Argentina, includingPatagonia. Joe and Eleanor have not been identified. Cooshaipunjiz (renamed James Button Sulivan). Mary Ann Whaits. The orphan girl was Wilooshwahwilis; she was renamed Orphie Loftus (South American Missionary Magazine, 2 January 1882, p. 15). John Lawrence was a gardener who settled in Ushuaia (Hazlewood 2000, p. 326). Barry Loring and his wife have not been identified. Pucananlacitanjiz (renamed William Beckenham Button). Thomas Bridges had settled in Ushuaia with his wife, Mary Ann Bridges, and daughter, Mary Ann Varder Bridges (ODNB). The Allen Gardiner was a two-masted vessel owned by the South American Missionary Society (Macdonald 1929); it was named after the missionary Allen Francis Gardiner. Arthur Mellersh and Henrietta Alice Mellersh. Sulivan borrowed the copy of Erasmus Darwin from Emily Caroline Langton, CD’s niece by marriage.

To Samuel Butler   3 January 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Jan 3. 1880 My dear Sir, Dr Krause soon after the appearance of his article in Kosmos told me that he intended to publish it separately and to alter it considerably and the altered M.S. was sent to Mr Dallas for translation.1 This is so common a practice that it never occurred to me to state that the article had been modified; but now I much regret that I did not do so. The original will soon appear in German, and I believe will be a much larger book than the English one; for with Dr Krause’s consent many long extracts from Miss Seward were omitted (as well as much other matter) from being in my opinion superfluous for the English reader. I believe that the omitted parts will appear as notes in the German edition.2 Should there be a reprint of the English life I will state that the original as it appeared in Kosmos was modified by Dr Krause before it was translated.3 I may add that I had obtained Dr Krause consent for a translation and had arranged with Mr Dallas, before your book was announced, I remember this because Mr Dallas wrote to tell me of the advertisement.4 I remain, | Yours faithfully | Charles Darwin LS British Library (Add MS 34486 D ff. 84–5)

Wellcome Collection (CC BY 4.0).

January 1880 1

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3

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A revised version of Ernst Krause’s article on Erasmus Darwin, originally published in Kosmos (Krause 1879a), was translated from the German by William Sweetland Dallas for Erasmus Darwin (see letter from Samuel Butler, 2 January 1880 and n. 1). CD decided to cut parts of Krause’s manuscript, including biographical details taken from Anne Seward’s Memoirs of the life of Erasmus Darwin (Seward 1804; see Correspondence vol. 27, letter to Ernst Krause, 13 August 1879). Krause placed most of this material in lengthy notes to the German edition (Krause 1880, pp. 183ff.). The following note was added to Erasmus Darwin 2d ed., p. v: ‘Mr. Darwin accidentally omitted to mention that Dr. Krause revised, and made certain additions to, his Essay before it was translated. Among these additions is an allusion to Mr. Butler’s book, “Evolution, Old and New.”’ CD asked for permission to translate the article in his letter to Ernst Krause, 9 March 1879 (Correspondence vol. 27); Dallas mentioned Butler’s book in his letter of 9 May 1879 (ibid).

From J.-H. Fabre1   3 January 1880 Monsieur Permettez-moi de vous offrir, comme à un Maître de la Science, un exemplaire de mes Souvenirs entomologiques, traitant experimentalement de l’Instinct chez les Insectes.2 Quelques unes de mes recherches vous sont déjà connues, mais dans l’opuscule act〈uel〉 elles sont completées par de nouvelles observations; d’autres, en plus grand nombre, paraissent pour la première fois. Comme le sujet est de nature, à intéresser de nombreux lecteurs, j’ai cru devoir abandonner la forme académique, trop sévère, et laisser courir un peu plus librement ma plume; toutefois, telle qu’elle est, la forme n’enlève rien à la rigoreuse exactitude des faits. Je serais hereux, Monsieur, si, du fond de mon village, je pouvais vous procurer une lecture digne de votre attentions. Peut-être ne serons-nous pas toujour d’accord sur les conclusions à tirer des faits observés; mais ce qui sera au parfaite harmonie chez nous, c’est la profonde admiration pour l’industrie de l’Insecte. Vous poursuivez avec une noble ardeur la vérité dans les plus hautes sphères, je la poursuis aussi dans mon humble domaine et je serais assez recompensé de mes efforts si j’ajoutais quelques épis à la moisson. Veuillez agréer, Monsieur, l’expression de ma profonde estime et de mes sentiments les plus respectueux | J. H. Fabre Sérignan (par Orange) Vaucluse 3 Janvier 1880 DAR 164: 1 1 2

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. Fabre 1879; CD’s annotated copy is in the Darwin Library–CUL.

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To Joseph Prestwich   3 January 1880 Down Jan 3. 1880 My dear Dear Prof Prestwich You are perfectly right. As soon as I read Mr Jamieson’s article on the parallel roads, I gave up the ghost with more sighs and groans than on almost any other occasion in my life1 Believe me, yours very sincerely | Charles Darwin Copy DAR 147: 253 1

See letter from Joseph Prestwich, 2 January 1880 and n. 1. Thomas Francis Jamieson proposed that the ‘parallel roads’ of Glen Roy marked the shores of glacial lakes in a paper presented to the Geological Society of London ( Jamieson 1863). In 1861, CD received a report of Jamieson’s initial findings and expressed support for Jamieson’s theory, referring to his own paper on the subject as ‘one long gigantic blunder’ (see Correspondence vol. 9, letter from T. F. Jamieson, 3 September 1861, and letter to T. F. Jamieson, 6 September [1861]).

To B. J. Sulivan   3 January 1880 Down | Beckenham. Kent. Jan. 3. 1880. My dear Sulivan. I return you your Xmas good wishes with all my heart, and may you live for many years to do good to others and to make all around you happy. Your extracts about the Fuegians are extremely curious & have interested me much.1 I have often said that the progress of Japan was the greatest wonder in the world but I declare that the progress of Fuegia is almost equally wonderful—2 I am very sorry to hear about poor Mellersh; his case seems hopeless. He told me some time ago how much he suffered from Sciatica and said he could not wish his worst enemy to suffer nearly so much.—3 I have nothing to tell you about myself as my days are uniformly spent in working on the Physiology of Plants. I am pleased to hear that you like my little life of Dr. Eras4 With all good wishes, believe me | My dear Sulivan. | Yours very sincerely. | Charles Darwin. Copy DAR 147: 515 1 2 3 4

See letter from B. J. Sulivan, 2 January [1880]. CD had remarked on the progress of Japan in his letter to E. S. Morse, 21 October 1879 (Correspondence vol. 27). Arthur Mellersh had mentioned his severe sciatica in his letter of 13 February 1879 (Correspondence vol. 27). Erasmus Darwin.

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From Wallis Nash   4 January 1880 Corvallis. Oregon 4th. Jany 1880. Charles Darwin Esqre My dear Sir I have been for a long while promising myself the pleasure of writing to you— I would not have imposed a long letter on you had I not known that you had more than one secretary at hand to read it to you: and certainly not with any idea that you should be bound to answer it in person— But I wish, & hope, that you may devolve the answering it on your son Frank,1 from whom I shall look for a letter. And now, where to begin? Why, with the ancient formula, that I hope this will find you well, as it leaves us at this present. For we are all well, in spite of the violent variations of temperature for the last week or two. Observing people here say that extremes of temperature here are getting more marked year by year, the country losing its repute among the early settlers for equability, & this though the Japan or Pacific current has not changed its course so far as mariners observe, & still strikes our shores, & there has been no activity among the volcanic summits of the Cascades. I believe the observation to be correct, & only wonder if the gradual thinning out of the forests accounts for it. Two days before Christmas the frost set in suddenly: on Christmas Eve the thermometer registered 26 degrees of frost, & so stood each night for nearly a week, & then the cold left us as suddenly as it came on & the three inches of snow which covered the fields vanished— The sudden cold struck the wild geese & ducks, which swarm round us, almost but not quite by surprize. They seemed to have about two days notice, for they took flight Southwards in long Vs by hundreds at a time: we noticed their loss without putting it down to the proper cause— They came back, to gladden our sportsmen’s eyes as soon as the frost went. The small birds became as tame as they do in England in frost, & we had a large congregation to gather up the crumbs under our windows— It was curious to see the American cousins of the finches and thrushes so familiar at home. We find from a good many questions and observations in our home letters that friends are expecting us to be beginning to be tired of our new life; to be homesick; to be planning our return; & they seem surprized that we should continue to be happy here. For happy we are— We are contented to get our Spectator, & Pall Mall Budget, & Punch, and Illustrated News,2 and Field three weeks old: and having so many people about, & each with so many correspondents we seem to be always in communication with home. But the sound of the commotions & excitements of public affairs in England seems dulled and distant, & the impression is that of patients who have struggled through some epidemic & see and know of their friends still fighting and fevered. Politics here we have none of. Our inflexible rule is non-interference—& hitherto we have resisted every seduction to declare ourselves Democrats or Republicans, or Greenbackers, or Know-nothings,3 or anything— Local interests we have in plenty, and do what we can for school, &

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college, and church, and temperance Society. Our neighbours have been very kind: they have not shewn any signs of jealousy, whilst we are very much on our guard against exclusiveness, which is the one thing they would resent. You would smile, or Mrs. Darwin would, to see Mrs. Nash4 pay a call at her Grocer’s or linendraper’s house. She is warmly welcomed by the lady of the house, who well nigh pushes her into a (rocking) chair, & seizes her cloak & bonnet, saying “Sit right down, & take off your things”— “How is your health?” “How is Mr. Nash: how is his health?” How do you like this “country?” And so on through a long string of stereotyped questions, now as familiar as the Catechism. And then the contrast between the dowdy, dressing gowny style of costume in their homes, and the spick & span, kid glove and new bonnet appearance with which they come here. Some of the men, notably one or two of the college professors are very intelligent; & one or two of the doctors round about have read & still think a good deal. It is a surprize to me to find that socially the lawyer is considered to stand several degrees above the doctor. I can find no justification for it. Hitherto we have lived in our own well furnished, comfortable house only a mile from the town—with no lack of shops, and only too many visitors— But as soon as the season will permit us we shall move out for the summer to our “ranch” in the hills, 25  miles off, & between this & the sea. It is a valley, about 3000 acres in extent; quite among the mountains; with one main stream or “creek” running its whole length, & several smaller lateral brooks. Plenty of beaver live there now, & seem to have done so for many years past. Their roads between one stream & the next, & their dams are models of Engineering— Having had a good sized log house built (of cedar), on the banks of the stream, on a rising ground looking South West down the Valley, & having fenced & planted our orchard & garden the time of the masculines will have to be spent in bush clearing, & fencing, & grass seed sowing, & riding round after the cattle: the feminines will have the care of the house & children, assisted by our pet Chinaman, Charlie. I expect that all, children in particular, will enjoy the life to the full. We shall be surrounded by wild flowers & shrubs: the valley is rich with vegetation. The wild animals make it now their favorite home, the deer tracks cross & recross the hill sides everywhere like the sheep tracks one sees on the South Downs. A curious experiment is being worked out in our neighbourhood now. The fern is the herdsman’s great enemy; the brake grows on the hill sides & tops four & five feet high, & in the dells eight & nine feet high. It has beaten all the grasses that have been tried, until they have got the “mesquit”5 from Mexico & Southern California during the last two years. The folk burn the fern in January or February & then sow the mesquit on the ashes. The young grass & the fern start together & the grass ousts & overcomes the fern— I have seen many acres now covered with a thick grass carpet or sod, free from fern, & where the grass is now pushing its way out beyond, into the unburnt fern. It grows a thick, succulent, blue green, herbage on which the cattle thrive & which gives a good sweet hay. My paper is full, but my topics only begun: I should dearly like a long talk, for I know you would ask many questions of us, and there are, oh so many things, on which I would be so glad to get your replies— If one were but a botanist, & a zoologist, and

January 1880

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a geologist! Mrs. Nash means to write Mrs. Darwin a long letter very soon in reply to one which she was very glad indeed to get. She sends her love to you all. And I am My dear Sir | Yours most truly | Wallis Nash Charles Darwin Esqre. DAR 172: 4 1 2 3

4 5

Francis Darwin. The Spectator, Pall Mall Gazette, Punch, Illustrated London News, and Field were all weekly magazines. The Greenback Party was a US political party founded in 1874 in opposition to gold-backed currency; the Know Nothing party was a political party founded in the 1850s in opposition to immigration (EB 27: 703, 721). Louisa A’hmuty Nash. Mesquite grass is Hilaria belangeri.

To Ercole Ricotti   4 January 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. Jan 4. 1880 Sir, I beg leave to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of Dec 29th in which you are so good as to inform me that the Royale Academy of Sciences of Turin has awarded me the great Bressa prize.1 I hope that you will express to your Academy how deeply I feel this honour, which I believe to be the greatest which can be conferred on any scientific man. The remembrance of this award will stimulate me to do whatever little more I can do in Science during the few remaining years of my life With great respect & gratitude | I have the honour to remain, | Sir, | Your obedient & obliged servant | Charles Darwin P.S. | I have sent to Messrs Vincent Teja through the Union Bank of London an order signed by me to receive the 12,000 lir2 LS www.ornithomedia.com/magazine/art_mag441_alberto_masi.pdf (accessed 1 December 2011) 1 2

See Correspondence vol. 27, letter from Ercole Ricotti, 29 December 1879. The prize was founded by Cesare Alessandro Bressa. CD recorded the receipt of £418 18s. 10d. under the heading ‘Bressa prize’ on 17 January 1880 (CD’s Account books–banking account (Down House MS)). Vincent, Teja & Co. were bankers in Turin (Banking almanac).

To Adolf Ernst   5 January 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. Jan 5. 1880 Dear Sir, I have read your paper in ‘Nature’ with great interest & you have added a new family with heterostyled plants.1 Your plan of trying the pollen grains in abs: alcohol

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seems to me very good.2 But I have taken the liberty of writing to urge you to ascertain whether the illegitimate seedlings when legitimately fertilised are less fertile than the legitimate seedlings legitimately fertilised. I believe that you possess my ‘Forms of Flowers’ (if you do not I should be happy to send you a copy) and I would suggest your reading my experiments on the fertility of the illegitimate seedlings of Lythrum & Primula.3 The establishment of such infertility in other cases seems to me important as bearing on the sterility of hybrids. This opinion is not confined to me, for some years ago Fritz Müller in S. Brazil told me that he intended to repeat my experiments, but I suppose that other investigations interfered.4 Wishing you success in all your future researches, | I remain, dear Sir, | Yours faithfully | Charles Darwin LS State Darwin Museum, Moscow (GDM KP OF 8972) 1

2

3 4

Ernst’s note ‘On the heterostylism of “Melochia Parvifolia”’ was published in Nature, 1 January 1880, p. 217. Melochia parvifolia is a species in the mallow family. In Forms of flowers 2d ed., p. v., CD remarked that Ernst had added the Byttneraceae to the ranks of families with heterostyled members. The Byttneraceae is now the neotropical subfamily Byttnerioideae of the Malvaceae (mallow family). Ernst found that pollen-grains of the short-styled form of Melochia parvifolia shrank more in alcohol, from which he concluded that the protoplasm of that form contained a larger percentage of water than that of the long-styled form. Ernst compared the number of seeds produced from crossed and self-fertilised plants, using charts like those in Forms of flowers for legitimate and illegitimate offspring of Lythrum and Primula. No letter from Fritz Müller on this subject has been found.

To Ernst Krause   5 January 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. Jan 5./80 My dear Sir, There have been a good many reviews of the Life, & all without exception favourable. Some chiefly about your part, some about mine & some equally about both parts.1 I enclose one rather good review. The others, excepting the Pall Mall which was sent you, did not seem to me worth sending. I assume that you saw the review in the Times which was chiefly about your part. There is an article in the Journal of Science just published which I have not yet read.2 I am surprised that a new edition has not been called for. I hope the German edition will soon appear.3 My dear Sir, | Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin LS(A) The Huntington Library (HM 36198) 1

Erasmus Darwin contained a lengthy biographical notice by CD and an essay by Krause on Erasmus Darwin’s scientific work.

January 1880 2

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The enclosure was a review of Erasmus Darwin from Popular Science Review n.s. 4 (1880): 69–71 (see letter from Ernst Krause, 16 January 1880). Reviews of Erasmus Darwin were published in the Pall Mall Gazette, 12 December 1879, p. 12, and The Times, 22 November 1879, p. 6; an article-length review, ‘The history of evolutionism’, was published in the January 1880 issue of Journal of Science, pp. 1–8. Other reviews appeared in the Academy, 6 December 1879, p. 411, the Athenæum, 6 December 1879, pp. 723–4, and the Derby Mercury, 3 December 1879, p. 6. See Correspondence vol. 27, Appendix V. Erasmus Darwin 2d ed. was published in 1887. The German edition was Krause 1880.

To C. H. Tindal   5 January 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Jan 5. 1880 Dear Sir, Your kindness has been extreme in having taken so much trouble in searching through the letters and copying the extracts.1 I value them much, and they interest me strangely by bringing before my eyes old passed scenes. I never knew how my father (Dr R.  Darwin of Shrewsbury)2 became so intimate with all the Clives. I dimly remember staying when a child at Stych & seeing a very old Mrs Clive, no doubt the widow of the Archdeacon.3 The extract about the eagerness of the two learned divines to see a pig’s body opened is very amusing; & that about my grandfather’s character is of much value to me.4 I now hope that there may be a second edition of the Life, that I may use a few extracts from the materials which you have so kindly given me.5 The information about Mr Gifford & the Archdeacon is now quite sufficient. I was glad to read the P.S. about my father & about the outline made by my mother.6 With the most cordial thanks, I remain, | dear Sir, | Yours faithfully | Charles Darwin LS DAR 185: 118 1 2 3 4 5 6

Tindal had sent extracts from the correspondence between Richard Gifford and Robert Clive (1722/3–92), friends of CD’s grandfather Erasmus Darwin (see letter from C. H. Tindal, 1 January 1880). Robert Waring Darwin. Styche Hall in Shropshire was the seat of the Clive family; Rebecca Clive was the wife of Robert Clive, archdeacon of Shropshire. See letter from C. H. Tindal, 1 January 1880, enclosures 2 and 3 (about the dissection of a pig), and enclosure 4 (about Erasmus Darwin’s character). Erasmus Darwin 2d ed. was published after CD’s death, but no new material was added. The postscripts must have been in one of the letters that CD returned to Tindal; they have not been found. In his letter of 1 January 1880, Tindal mentioned a picture cut out in black paper by CD’s mother, Susannah Darwin.

To Vincent, Teja & Co   5 January 1880 Gentlemen, I shd be much obliged if you would be so good as to apply to the R. Academy of Sciences of Turin, for the sum of 12,000 lire which have been awarded to me.1 Also

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January 1880

I hereby authorise you to receive this sum for me, which please to & to transmit to the Union Bank of London on my account—2 Gentlemen | your obed & obliged servt | Charles Darwin To Mssrs. —— | Turin, | Jan. 5. 1880 ADraftS DAR 202: 68 1 2

CD had been awarded the Bressa prize by the Royal Academy of Sciences of Turin (see letter to Ercole Ricotti, 4 January 1880). £418 18s. 10d. was deposited into CD’s banking account on 17 January 1880 (CD’s Account books– banking account (Down House MS)).

To A. R. Wallace   5 January 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Jan 5. 1880 My dear Wallace, As this note requires no sort of answer, you must allow me to express my lively admiration of your paper in the Nineteenth Centy.1 You certainly are a master in the difficult art of clear exposition. It is impossible to urge too often that the selection from a single varying individual or of a single varying organ will not suffice. You have worked in capitally Allen’s admirable researches.2 As usual you delight to honour me more than I deserve. When I have written about the extreme slowness of natural selection (in which I hope I may be wrong) I have chiefly had in my mind the effects of intercrossing.3 I subscribe to almost everything you say excepting the last short sentence.4 And now let me add how grieved I was to hear that the City of London did not elect you for the Epping office;5 but I suppose it was too much to hope that such a body of men should make a good selection. I wish you could obtain some quiet post & thus have leisure for moderate scientific work. I have nothing to tell you about myself; I see few persons, for conversation fatigues me much; but I daily do some work in experiments on plants, & hope thus to continue to the end of my days. With all good wishes. | Believe me yours very sincerely | Charles Darwin P.S. | Have you seen Mr Farrer’s article in the last Fortnightly   it reminded me of an article on bequests by you some years ago which interested & almost converted me.6 LS British Library (Add MS 46434 ff. 286–8) 1 2

Wallace’s article, ‘On the origin of species and genera’, was published in the January 1880 issue of Nineteenth Century (Wallace 1880b). Wallace 1880b, pp. 98–102, discussed the wide range of variations between individuals of the same species, with examples from Joel Asaph Allen’s monograph, ‘On the mammals and winter birds of East Florida’ (Allen 1871).

January 1880 3 4

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Wallace argued that if the conditions of existence changed rapidly, then natural selection could act more quickly than CD had supposed (Wallace 1880b, p. 104). Wallace 1880b, p. 106: I have also attempted to show that the causes which have produced species of one genus, of one family, or perhaps of one order from a common ancestor, are not necessarily the same as those which have produced the separate orders, classes, and sub-kingdoms from more remote ancestors. That all have been alike produced by “descent with modification” from a few primitive types the whole body of evidence clearly indicates; but while individual variation with natural selection is proved to be adequate for the production of the former, we have no proof and hardly any evidence that it is adequate to initiate those important divergences of type which characterise the latter. CD had supported Wallace’s application to become superintendent of Epping Forest (see Correspondence vol. 26, letter from A. R. Wallace, 14 September 1878 and letter to A. R. Wallace, 16 September 1878). On his failure to obtain the post, see Correspondence vol. 27, letter from A. B. Buckley, 16 December 1879. CD refers to Wallace’s essay on the injustice of trust-deeds, settlements, and wills that allowed the interests of the deceased to control the use of land and other property by the living (Wallace 1873). Thomas Henry Farrer made a similar argument in his article ‘Freedom of land’, which appeared in Fortnightly Review, 1 January 1880 (Farrer 1880).

From A. S. Wilson   5 January 1880 North Kinmundy, | Summerhill, | by Aberdeen. 5 Jany. 1880. Charles Darwin, Esq. F.R.S. Down | Beckenham | Kent. My Dear Sir, I duly received your letter of the 30ult. and was sorry to hear that the wheats had gone amissing.1 Perhaps they may yet turn up. I have now had another year’s experiments with the Russian wheats, but as my report is about finished and will probably appear in the Gards’ Chron. I need say little on the matter at present.2 I have had some letters from Dr. Asher combating the view I took last year. I reply to some of his contentions in my report. He mentions that you had supposed that Saxonka seeds or plants may have remained in the land from one season to another.3 I think myself that this is highly probable, and is a cause working in the same direction as the superior fertility of one of the wheats. I have had barleys and wheats frequently, some of the culms of which ripened seed, while others on the same stool, coming up but a few inches, stood through the winter and ripened next season. And I understand that it is not uncommon in Russia for the seeding to consist merely of what is shed during winds and harvesting. I have seen cases of this kind even here, where strong gales before harvest shook out so much as to produce what was the first stage of a good thick crop. I have several times been going to inform you that in my first experiments with Aegilops, I had been misled as to the species, having used ventricosa in place of ovata.4 Some of the seeds of ventricosa I sent to you. But some years ago I got ten species from Vilmorin5 and think I am now clear of some errors. I mentioned a curious fact to you regarding the non-germination of the outer seeds of what I called ovata, but which was ventricosa, or cylindrica; and I thought that the pressure of the glumes

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killed the outer embryos.6 But nature is not found out so soon as one would wish. I had planted a number of spikelets, undecorticated, of ventricosa, each containing a central and two lateral seeds. When I was going to pull up the ripe plants, consisting of from 6 to 10 culms, in autumn, what was my surprise to find in many cases the two lateral seeds which I had supposed were killed, just beginning to germinate, throwing o〈ut〉 short plumules and roots. There they had rested during the time the central seeds had produced a crop, and were now ready to go on and produce another crop, which they did; for I transplanted a good many of them, and they stood out the winter producing ripe crops in due time. I made absolutely sure that the young plants were not tillers from the central seeds; taking out a good many of those side seeds from the glumes just beginning to germinate and planting them by themselves. I enclose an ear of AEgilops speltaeformis, which is understood to be the species used by Faber. You will see that there is almost no difference between it and some wheats, except that the outer glume has an awn.7 Though a believer in Evolution myself, I have always doubted the rapid transformations accepted by some. Trusting you will excuse my writing at such length | I am | yours very sincerely, | A. Stephen Wilson. DAR 181: 115 1

2

3

4 5 6 7

See Correspondence vol. 27, letter to A. S. Wilson, 30 December [1879]; CD was expecting a collection of wheat varieties from Turkestan (see ibid., letter from K. P. von Kaufman, 9 May 1879, and letter to A. S. Wilson, 4 [ June] 1879). Wilson’s experiments were designed to test whether Kubanka wheat transformed into a variety with shorter, rounder grains (Saxonka wheat), when grown in infertile soil; his report was published in Gardeners’ Chronicle, 24 January and 7 February 1880 (Wilson 1880). Georg Michael Asher had written to CD, initially through John Murray (1808–92), about the possibility of transmutation between the wheat varieties (see Correspondence vol. 25, letter from G. M. Asher to John Murray, 1 November 1877, and letter from G. M. Asher, 7 November 1877). CD’s letters to Asher have not been found. Wilson was studying variation in Aegilops (goatgrass; see Correspondence vol. 26, letter from A. S. Wilson, 28 February 1878). Aegilops ovata is a synonym of A. geniculata, ovate goatgrass; A. ventricosa is barbed goatgrass. Vilmorin-Andriex was a Paris seed company; the head of the firm was Henry de Vilmorin (Heuzé 1899). See Correspondence vol. 26, letter from A. S. Wilson, 14 March 1878. Aegilops cylindrica is jointgrass. Aegilops speltaeformis (a synonym of × Aegilotriticum triticoides) was found in Agde, France, by Esprit Fabre and named by Alexis Jordan (see Jordan 1855, p. 313, and Slageren 1994, pp. 40–1). In grasses, the glume is the lowermost bract surrounding a spikelet in the flower cluster; the awn is a hair-like appendage that in wheat typically extends from the middle bract or lemma of the floret, while in goatgrass the awn is often on the glume.

To William Cole   6 January 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Jan 6. 1880 Dear Sir, I belong to so many Societies that I am not willing to join any others.

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But I beg permission to enclose a donation of £1–1 in aid of your preliminary expenses,1 & remain | dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin W. Cole Esq LS Imperial College of Science, Medicine and Technology Archives (Essex Naturalists Field Club MLDA/9) 1

Cole was secretary of the Epping Forest and County of Essex Naturalists’ Field Club, which was founded in 1880; the president was Raphael Meldola (Transactions of the Epping Forest and County of Essex Naturalists’ Field Club 1 (1880): 1). A payment to Cole of £1 1s. was recorded in CD’s Account books– banking account (Down House MS). CD’s donation was mentioned in the Transactions of the Epping Forest and County of Essex Naturalists’ Field Club ( Journal of Proceedings) 1 (1880): lxxi.

From W. E. Darwin   6 January [1880]1 Basset Jan 6th My dear Father. We are delighted to hear they have done you so great an honour at Turin, and I entirely agree with what was I fancy Horace’s notion that you should hand the proceeds over to the Laboratory at Naples.2 It would be a fine opportunity of doing the Laboratory a good turn & paying scientific Italy a compliment. Hen: & George3 also would like to see this done, at all events with a portion of the sum. I think it would be very well worth while, and interesting as a case of heridity, if you would write a Memorandum to be inserted in your Autobiography shewing how little you think Old Erasmus’s work influenced you.4 I send you another box of “B” pens,5 which I hear have been in stock for 4 years, & so I hope they may be better. I tried to get at the makers I got Bessy’s card6   I am afraid Uncle Jos. must be near the end.7 Sara8 sends her love she is glad to get home to rest after London Your affect son | W. E Darwin Cornford Family Papers (DAR 275: 79) 1 2

3 4

5 6 7 8

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to Ercole Ricotti, 4 January 1880 (see n. 2, below). CD had been awarded the Bressa prize by the Royal Academy of Sciences of Turin (see letter to Ercole Ricotti, 4 January 1880). Horace Darwin evidently suggested that CD give the prize money to the Zoological Station at Naples. Henrietta Emma Litchfield and George Howard Darwin, William’s sister and brother. CD had written ‘Recollections of the development of my mind and character’ in 1876; handwritten copies were made for his children. Samuel Butler had recently compared CD’s theory of evolution unfavourably with the theories of earlier writers, including Erasmus Darwin, hinting that CD had given insufficient credit to his predecessors (Butler 1879, pp. 196–7). For CD’s remarks on his grandfather’s evolutionary theory, see ‘Recollections’, p. 371; for his comments on Butler, see ibid., pp. 419–20. ‘B pen’: broad-nibbed steel pen. Elizabeth Darwin’s note has not been found. Josiah Wedgwood III died on 11 March 1880 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). Sara Darwin, William’s wife.

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To J.-H. Fabre   6 January 1880 Down, | Beckenham Kent. Jan 6. 80 Dear Sir, It has gratified me much that you should have thought of sending me a copy of your ‘Souvenirs Entomologiques &c’.1 In one sense I am worthy of the gift, for I do not believe that any one in Europe has more truly admired your investigations than I have done.2 I look forward with much pleasure to reading your volume, & remain | With great respect | Yours faithfully | Charles Darwin Mons. Fabre LS Muséum national d’histoire naturelle, Bibliothèque centrale, Paris (Ms FAB 32) 1 2

CD’s annotated copy of Fabre 1879 is in the Darwin Library–CUL; see letter from J.-H.  Fabre, 3 January 1880. CD described Fabre as an ‘inimitable observer’ in Descent 1: 364. See also Origin 6th ed., pp. 216, 394.

To J. T. Murray   6 January 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Jan 6. 80 Dear Sir, I am much obliged to you for your kindness in having taken the trouble to send me the specimens of Drosera, with which I am well acquainted. It is D. binata vel dichotoma1 Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Charles Darwin LS Mitchell Library, Sydney (MLMSS 3069) 1

No letter from Murray has been found. Drosera dichotoma is a synonym of D. binata, the forked-leaf sundew, which is native to Australia and New Zealand. CD had obtained a specimen from Dorothy Fanny Nevill (see Insectivorous plants, pp. 281–4).

From F. B. Goodacre   7 January 1880 Wilby Rectory | Attlebro’ | Norfolk Jan 7/80 Dear Sir, I ought to have written to thank you for the copy of “Nature” you so kindly sent me before this, allow me to do so now; I am greatly interested in your article although I remain of my old opinion:1 There are two little facts in connexion with domestic birds I can answer for which perhaps you may like to know; some years

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ago a blue mongrel pigeon of mine changed the white band over tail for a pale blue one such as many blue pigeons have; & a wild drake I bought young in the spring of 1864 is still flourishing & was the father of some 40 or so young ones which I reared last year for the table, I do not know whether there is anything remarkable in his age, having never read anything about the natural length of life of such birds With kind regards | Believe me | yrs truly | F B Goodacre DAR 165: 70 1

Using specimens supplied by Goodacre, CD had successfully crossed hybrids of the common and Chinese goose, reporting his results in the letter to Nature, 15 December [1879] (Correspondence vol. 27). Goodacre believed that the Chinese goose was only a variety of the common goose, and that true hybrids could not produce fertile offspring (Goodacre 1879; see also Correspondence vol. 26, letter from F. B. Goodacre, 2 September 1878). The Chinese goose is a domestic variety of the wild swan goose (Anser cygnoides); the common European domestic goose is a variety of the wild greylag goose (Anser anser).

From Ernst Krause1   7 January 1880 Berlin N.O. Friedenstrasse 10. II. den 7.1.1880. Hochverehrter Herr! Ihre gütige Mittheilung, dass die englischen Zeitschriften das kleine Buch über Erasmus Darwin freundlich beurtheilen, macht mir grosse Freude und danke ich Ihnen herzlichst dafür.2 Ich muss gestehen, dass ich in Bezug auf meinen Theil nicht ganz ohne Besorgnisse hinsichtlich der Aufnahme bei englischen Kritikern war und dass es mir höchst schmerzlich gewesen sein würde, wenn man die Uebersetzung als nicht der Mühe werth erklärt, und Ihnen dadurch einen Verdruss bereitet hätte. Der Druck der deutschen Ausgabe schreitet nur langsam vor, doch hoffe ich, dass sie jedenfalls vor Ostern fertig werden wird, da ich in diesen Tagen bereits die Correctur des 9 Bogens erhalten habe.3 Herr Reinwald hat mir nicht geschrieben, ob er von den mit Bezug auf die deutschen Verhältnisse hinzugefügten Anmerkungen Gebrauch machen will und ich werde sie ihm deshalb nicht zuschicken.4 Vielleicht will er, um in seinen Entschliessungen ganz frei zu sein, das Erscheinen der deutschen Ausgabe abwarten, und gegen diese Vorsicht lässt sich nichts sagen. Mit den besten und innigsten Wünschen für das neubegonnene Decennium zeichne ich, hochverehrter Herr | Ihr dankbar ergebenster | Ernst Krause DAR 92: B51 1 2 3 4

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. CD had remarked on the favourable reviews of Erasmus Darwin (see letter to Ernst Krause, 5 January 1880 and n. 2). The German edition of Erasmus Darwin was published in April 1880 (Krause 1880; see letter from Ernst Krause, 19 April 1880). CD had corresponded with Charles-Ferdinand Reinwald about a French translation of Erasmus Darwin (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter to C.-F. Reinwald, 29 October 1879); however, no French edition was published.

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To Antonio Mendola   8 January [1880]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Jany. 8th. 1879 Dear Sir I am obliged to you for your kindness in writing to me & for the specimens which you are so good as to offer to [send]. Your statements are so remarkable that I can assure you that no naturalist, without repeated & most 〈care〉ful observations with all the many chances of error avoided, would think them worthy of any consideration.—2 I am myself so much engaged on other work, that I cannot undertake the investigation, & therefore will not trouble you to send the horn. I beg leave to remain | Dear Sir | Yours faithfully & obliged | Charles Darwin Christie’s (dealers) (7 June 2010) 1 2

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from Antonio Mendola, 29 December 1879. CD wrote ‘1879’ in error. Mendola claimed that roots had grown from a calf ’s horn buried in earth, and that hairs from the tails of donkeys, mules, and horses had come alive when placed in water (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter from Antonio Mendola, 29 December 1879).

To A. S. Wilson   8 January 1880 Down Jan. 8. 1880 My dear Sir I am much obliged for your interesting letter. I am glad that you have solved the puzzle of the outer seeds.—1 I am very unwilling to believe in Nature blundering, and I imagined that the rootlets, which so clearly manage to escape from between the glumes, perhaps afterwards entered, consumed and digested these seeds. I therefore looked twice at ears which had been in the ground for several months, but could not detect the entrance of any radicles. I was, however, astonished at the whiteness of these seeds when cut into two, yet never thought about their being alive and capable of subsequent germination! I quite agree with you about the great improbability of sudden transformations, | My dear Sir, | Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin. P.S.  I have ceased to take in Gardeners Chronicle, from want of time to read it. Will you therefore send me a post card when you know number of Journal containing your Report.2 Copy DAR 148: 369 1 2

See letter from A. S. Wilson, 5 January 1880. Wilson found that the outer seeds in a glume of Aegilops (goatgrass) that had failed to sprout when planted were starting to germinate the following season. Wilson’s report was published in Gardeners’ Chronicle, 24 January and 7 February 1880 (Wilson 1880).

January 1880

27

From A. R. Wallace   9 January 1880 Waldron Edge, Duppas Hill. | Croydon. Jany. 9th. 1880 My dear Darwin It is a great pleasure to receive a letter from you sometimes—especially when we do not differ very much.1 I am of course much pleased & gratified that you like my article.2 I wrote it chiefly because I thought there was something a little fresh still to say on the subject, & also because I wished to define precisely my present position which people continually misunderstand. The main part of the article forms part of a chapter of a book I have now almost finished on my favourite subject of “Geographical Distribution”. It will form a sort of supplement to my former work & will I trust be more readable & popular—3 I go pretty fully into the laws of variation & dispersal—the exact character of specific & generic areas, & their causes,—the growth dispersal & extinction of species & groups, illustrated by maps &c.— Changes of geography & of climate as affecting dispersal with a full discussion of the Glacial theory adopting Croll’s views (part of this has been published as a separate article in Quarterly Rev. of last July, & has been highly approved by Croll & Geikie)4—a discussion of the theory of permanent continents & oceans, which I see you were the first to adopt, but which geologists I am sorry to say quite ignore—5 All this is preliminary— Then follows a series of chapters on the different kinds of Islands—Continental & Oceanic, with a pretty full discussion of the character, affinities, & origin of their fauna & flora in typical cases. Among these I am myself quite pleased with my chapters on New Zealand, as I believe I have fully explained & accounted for all the main peculiarities of the New Zealand & Australian Floras. I call the book Island Life: &c. &c. & I think it will be interesting. Thanks for your regrets & kind wishes anent Epping.6 It was a disappointment, as I had good friends in the Committee & therefore had too much hope. I may just mention that I am thinking of making some application through friends for some post in the new Josiah Mason College of Science at Birmingham,7 as Registrar or Curator & Librarian &c. The Trustees have advertised for Professors to begin next October. Should you happen to know any of the Trustees or have any influential friends in Birmingham perhaps you could help me. I think this book will be my last as I have pretty well said all I have to say in it, and I have never taken to experiment as you have. But I want some easy occupation for my declining years with not too much confinement or desk-work which I cannot stand. You see I had some reason for writing to you; but do not you trouble to write again unless you have something to communicate. With best wishes | Yours very faithfully | Alfred R. Wallace I have not seen “Fortnightly” yet but will do so.8 Charles Darwin Esq. DAR 106: B142–3

28 1 2 3 4

5 6 7 8

January 1880

See letter to A. R. Wallace, 5 January 1880. ‘The origin of species and genera’ (Wallace 1880b). Island life (Wallace 1880a); his previous work on geographical distribution was The geographical distribution of animals (Wallace 1876). Wallace’s review of works by James Croll, James Geikie, and others was published in the July 1879 issue of Quarterly Review ([Wallace] 1879). Croll had argued that glacial epochs occurred during prolonged periods of high eccentricity of the earth’s orbit (see Correspondence vol. 16, letter from James Croll, [2 December 1868]; see also Croll 1875 and [Wallace] 1879, pp. 233–44). In Island life (Wallace 1880a, pp. 97–8), Wallace discussed the permanence of continents and oceans, citing CD’s remarks in Origin 6th ed., p. 288. Wallace had failed to be appointed superintendent of Epping Forest (see letter to A. R. Wallace, 5 January 1880 and n. 5). Mason College in Birmingham was founded in 1880 by the manufacturer Josiah Mason (ODNB s.v. Mason, Josiah). See letter to A. R. Wallace, 5 January 1880 and n. 6.

To the Darwin children   10 January 1880 Excess of my income to be distributed & ordered on Jan 12th to be paid into each account.1 N.B I invested £800 early in year otherwise the distribution wd have been larger.

William Bessy George Frank Leonard Horace  Henrietta

£ 360 240

600  to Williams Bank

360 360 360 360 240.2 £2280

Each child must put initial to show he has seen it. C. Darwin Everybody has seen this. | C.D Jan 10th. 1880.— To William Do not be in such a hurry in investing Bessy’s money, both she & her mother have been howling all summer as if I had starved her death. The only way to feel rich is to have a good balance in the Bank. C. D DAR 210.6: 155

January 1880 1

2

29

CD had informed his children of his plan to distribute the surplus income from his investments in 1879; each daughter was to receive two-thirds of the amount allotted to each son (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter to the Darwin children, 21 February 1879). William Erasmus Darwin, Elizabeth Darwin, George Howard Darwin, Francis Darwin, Leonard Darwin, Horace Darwin, and Henrietta Emma Litchfield. ‘600 to Williams Bank’: this included the sum allotted to Bessy, which William was to deposit or invest. William was a partner in the Southampton and Hampshire Bank.

From E. A. Wheler   10 January 1880 3 Bertie Terrace 10 Jany 1880. My dear Cousin, I will not delay longer to thank you very much for so kindly sending me a copy of my Grandfather’s life last November.1 I have read it several times over, with the greatest interest, & all his descendants must feel much indebted to you for writing it, & undoing Miss Seward’s calumnies.2 I am surprised though at your dwelling so much on my Grandfather being so pitted with small pox.3 It must have quite worn off in later life, for I have heard my Mother4 over & over again say “his complexion was beautiful, like a child’s”, & she also used to remark upon “the sweetness of expression in his mouth”— He had lost all his teeth, & I have the scoop he always used when eating apple &c. My sister Adele Bunbury & Mrs. Nixon who have been here both remember with me, that my Mother & Aunt Gisborne spoke of his complexion being so good & clear in his later life.5 I think the Photograph of him at the beginning of the book very good, far better than one I have, taken from Rollason’s picture. Will you kindly give me the name & address of the Photographer, as I should much like to order one or two?6 I must not conclude without congratulating you on your son’s recent marriage7 & with kind remembrances to Mrs. Darwin & your Daughter8 Believe me | Yours very truly, | Elizth. A Wheler. I am sure you will be sorry to hear we have just received the news of Violetta Darwin’s death, which took place yesterday.9 She has long been suffering from dropsy. DAR 99: 197–8 1 2 3 4 5 6

7

Wheler’s name is on the presentation list for Erasmus Darwin (see Correspondence vol. 27, Appendix IV, and letter from E. S. Galton, 12 November 1879). CD was highly critical of remarks by Anna Seward in her biography of Erasmus Darwin (see Seward 1804, pp. 64–8 and 406, and Erasmus Darwin, pp. 70–80). Erasmus Darwin, p. 54. Violetta Galton. Millicent Adele Bunbury, Emma Nixon, and Millicent Gisborne. The Autotype Company produced the frontispiece of Erasmus Darwin, a photograph of an engraving of a painting by Joseph Wright (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter to John Murray, 4 September 1879). James Rawlinson painted two portraits of Erasmus Darwin, one of which was purchased for Wheler by Emma Nixon (see Keynes 1994, p. 79). Horace Darwin and Ida Farrer were married on 3 January 1880 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)).

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January 1880

Elizabeth Darwin. Violetta Harriot Darwin died on 9 January 1880 (Darwin pedigree).

To Horace Darwin   11 January [1880]1 Down Jan 11th My dear Horace Everybody has seen the enclosed except William so please forward it to him immediately.—2 I suppose that you & Ida are too high in the sky to care for base money.3 Your affect. | C. Darwin DAR 185: 7 1 2 3

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to the Darwin children, 10 January 1880. William Erasmus Darwin. The enclosure was the letter to the Darwin children, 10 January 1880. Horace had married Ida Farrer on 3 January 1880 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)).

To C. E. Ferguson   12 January 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Jan 12/80 Dear Sir If you will read Häckels “Evolution of Man”—if this Translation has appeared in America, or his Schöpfungsgesikter—and my Descent of Man, I think that you will find reference to everything important.—1 Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin Indiana University, The Lilly Library (Ferguson MSS.) 1

Ferguson had asked for a list of books on ‘the theory of evolution as relating to man’ (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter from C. E. Ferguson, 27 December 1879). The US edition of Ernst Haeckel’s Natürliche Schöpfungsgeschichter was published by D. Appleton & Company in 1880 (Haeckel 1880). Descent 2d US ed. was also published by Appleton.

From Asa Gray   12 January 1880 Herbarium of Harvard University, | Botanic Garden, Cambridge, Mass. Jany 12 1880. My Dear Darwin So you want some cotton-seeds!1 I sent south for them, & here will be all you need, but you can have more. Two-kinds; those in the copious white wool probably best. That is ‘Green-seed’ from Alabama. The other is sea-island.2 The Man who sent the seed has heard of “Vine Cotton”, of which he once had a few seeds “sent from England” and he wants more—to grow.3 Now you ask Hooker4

January 1880

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if he knows of such a thing, and can get hold of some for this southern planter,—& will send by post hither. Ever Yours | Asa Gray DAR 165: 201 1 2 3

4

CD had requested seeds of ‘common cotton’ in his letter to Asa Gray, 16 December 1879 (Correspondence vol. 27). Alabama cotton is Gossypium hirsutum (upland or short-staple cotton); sea-island cotton is G. barbadense (pima or extra-long-staple cotton). The man who sent the seed has not been identified. A variety known as vine cotton was grown in British Guiana and Jamaica; it was believed to have originated from sea-island cotton (Gossypium barbadense; see Duff 1866, p. 182). Joseph Dalton Hooker.

To Alfred Krakauer   12 January 1880 I am much obliged for your note. I have heard of other analogous cases, but there remains the doubt whether they may not be accidental coincidences, for such cases certainly occur in non-Jewish families.—1 Yours faithfully & obliged | Ch. Darwin Down, Beckenham | Jan 12.—1880. ApcS (photocopy) British Library Surrogate (RP 4481/3) 1

Krakauer’s note has not been found and the cases referred to have not been identified. The recipient is given in the J. S. Stargardt catalogue for an auction on 4 and 5 October 1989 (Catalogue 645); he was an ear specialist.

From Lawson Tait   12 January 1880 7. Great Charles S.t | Birmingham. Jan 12/80 My Dear Sir, This day month is your birth day and we propose here to have a “Darwin Festival” on a small scale probably, but as hearty and as large as we can secure. May I ask if you would be willing to accept some little expression of our gratitude for your work—say an illuminated address or something of the kind? Also can you refer me to any biographical notes beyond that of “Men of the Time” & Dublin University Magazine?1 The date in question is the completion of your 70th. year is it not?—or rather the day before is—& that your 71st. birth day.2 Our Philosophical Society3 meets that day, therefore arises the opportunity. Yours truly, | Lawson Tait DAR 178: 41

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January 1880

Biographical articles on CD appeared in Men and women of the time (1865) and University Magazine 92 (August 1878): 154–63 ([Lubbock] 1878); Dublin University Magazine was renamed University Magazine in 1878. CD was 71 on 12 February 1880. Tait was a council member of the Birmingham Philosophical Society (Proceedings of the Birmingham Philosophical Society 2 (1879–81)).

From J. I. Rogers   13 January 1880 1 Ravenna Rd. Putney S.W. 13th January 1880. Dear Sir, With reference to your article in last weeks “Nature” it appears to me, that in some cases the forewings of our British Butterflies, are either conspicuously marked underneath, or are transparent, so that the bright colour of the upper surface shows through when the insects are flying.1 The undersurface of the hinder wings, is generally very soberly coloured in these instances, and (if my impression be correct) I think that when the insect is settled, the bright portion of the undersurface of the forewing, is hidden, or covered, by the dull part of the hind wing If this be so, the insects when flying would be aided in finding each other, by being able to see bright colours both from above and from below: while this would not prevent complete protection when the butterfly was at rest. Cases in point, are, the Red Admiral; the peacock, (to a less degree); the painted Lady; the large & small Tortoiseshell; the small Copper; the clouded Yellow; the pale clouded Yellow; the small Heath; the Grayling; the Meadow Brown; and the Orange Tip.2 It seems strange that some of our brilliant Butterflies, like the Red Admiral, should be so conspicuous when flying, & when therefore most exposed to the attacks of birds; and so dully coloured when they are at rest and so little exposed— If the bright colours were warnings that the species was uneatable, one would expect the undersurfaces to be similarly coloured. It may be that the butterflies are on the wing chiefly at times when birds are not so. Or that the bright colours are warnings to certain foes, while the dull ones are protections against others. Or again, the ready recognition of the butterflies by each other, may be so advantageous for the continuation of the species, as to outweigh the risk of capture by birds. Some butterflies—the metallic looking fritillaries for instance—appear most attractive when the wings are closed. possibly in such cases the sexes seek each other when one or the other is at rest. The brighter colours of the White Admiral & the Swallow tail3 are transparent, so that the Insects are readily seen both from above & below when flying. Believe me to be, dear Sir | yours obediently | J Innes Rogers. Ch. Darwin Esq F.R.S. DAR 176: 200

January 1880 1

2

3

33

CD’s letter to Nature, 16 December 1879 (Correspondence vol. 27) was published in the 8 January 1880 issue of the journal. CD discussed cases in which the wings of male butterflies were iridescent on the upper surface only from a particular point of view, and so noticeable in general to approaching females, while the dull under surface was visible when the wings were closed and thus served a protective function when the butterflies were at rest. The red admiral is Vanessa atalanta; the peacock is Aglais io; the painted lady is Vanessa cardui; the large tortoiseshell is Nymphalis polychloros; the small tortoiseshell is Aglais urticae; the small copper is Lycaena phlaeas; the clouded yellow is Colias croceus; the pale clouded yellow is Colias hyale; the small heath is Coenonympha pamphilus; the grayling is Hipparchia semele; the meadow brown is Maniola jurtina; the orange tip is Anthocharis cardamines. The white admiral is Limenitis camilla; the swallow-tail is Papilio machaon.

To Lawson Tait   13 January 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Jan 13. 1880 My dear Sir The honour which you propose to do me is a great one.1 But would it not be better to wait until I am in my grave? Nevertheless if you & friends remain of the same opinion, I can express only my gratitude & the wish that I were more worthy of the honour. I know of no other biographical notices published in England so full as the two to which you allude. A good sketch by Prof. Preyer appeared in the last Feby. nor. of Kosmos, as a sort of commemoration of my Birth-day.2 I could lend you the nor, if you shd. think it worth while to read it in German, which to almost all Englishmen is a great trouble & sorrow. I was born on Feb. 12th 1809, so shall be 71 next Feb.y. Pray reflect on what I have said about my grave, & till then, pray believe me | Yours very faithfully | Charles Darwin Shrewsbury School, Taylor Library 1 2

See letter from Lawson Tait, 12 January 1880. The biographical sketch by William Preyer appeared in the special issue of Kosmos commemorating CD’s 70th birthday (Preyer 1879).

From W. C. Williamson   13 January 1880 Fallowfield | Manchester Jan 13th 1880 My Dear Darwin Though you are working now at very different objects, I thought you might be interested to see the enclosed seedling of Drosera Capensis:1 I sowed the seed gathered from my own plant about midsummer or rather later and i〈t〉 〈has〉 come up very freely 〈    〉 I sowed upon Sphag〈num〉 packed tightly into a pot and then cut very close— I also scattered some upon the peat of the pot in which one of my Odontoglossums2 is growing— Both have come up—but the sphagnum pot is the best— I have to keep the moss down by Clipping or it would soon smother the Drosera—

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January 1880

You will see that like my seedling plants of Spathulata (which are flourishing sple〈ndidly〉 it is in the shape 〈    〉 rotundifolia3 Have you noticed how large & fleshy the roots of Capensis are? and also that the roots of dichotoma are also very large & numerous—unless the latter are subterranean rhizomes seing that they give off foliar buds so freely.—4 I am ever yours | W C Williamson DAR 181: 107 1 2 3

4

Drosera capensis is Cape sundew. Odontoglossum is a genus of orchids. Williamson had sent specimens of Drosera spatulata that resembled D. rotundifolia (see Correspondence vol. 26, letter from W. C. Williamson, 20 September 1878). Drosera spatulata is the spoon-leaved sundew (spathulata is a common misspelling); D. rotundifolia is the common or round-leaved sundew. Drosera dichotoma is a synonym of D. binata, the forked-leaf sundew. This plant reproduces both by seed and vegetatively by means of underground rhizomes.

To Jabez Hogg   14 January 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Jan 14/80 My dear Sir, I am glad that you are calling attention to the arsenic question.1 I cannot answer your question positively, but have hardly any doubt that it was my grandfather Erasmus, as my father never published on medical subjects.2 Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin LS Maggs Brothers (dealers) (catalogue 1453, 2011) 1 2

Hogg had recently published a pamphlet on poisoning from arsenic pigments in wallpaper (Hogg 1879). For more on environmental arsenic poisoning in Victorian Britain, see Bartrip 1994. No letter from Hogg has been found. Erasmus Darwin discussed the medical uses of arsenic in Zoonomia (E. Darwin 1794–6, 2: 726–28); no publications by him on the dangers of arsenic have been found. CD’s father was Robert Waring Darwin.

From Daniel Mackintosh   15 January 1880 36 Whitford Road | Tranmere, | Birkenhead, 15th Jan. 1880 Dear Sir, I send a syllabus of a paper I am about forwarding to the Geological Society.1 I can easily understand how the retreat of the sea may have left the terraces of Patagonia,2 while in this neighbourhood the sinking of the land was the cause of the submergence. But I have not made any positive assertions on the subject. I find from your paper in the Phil. Magazine that you were the first to notice the proofs of the violent stranding of floating ice, which I cannot but regard as the

January 1880

35

most remarkable of all the Moel Tryfan phenomena.3 I have made use of the term “violent impact” &c in my paper.

N. W vertical slaty laminæ.

Clay above all—parcels of clay rolled up in sand,—& parcels of slate chips rolled up in sand. With many thanks for the letters with which you have honoured me,4 | I am, Dear Sir, | Yours very truly, | D Mackintosh DAR 171: 9 1 2 3

4

The syllabus has not been found. Mackintosh’s paper on the Moel Tryfan deposits in Wales was published in the Quarterly Journal of the Geological Society of London (Mackintosh 1881). In ‘Distribution of the erratic boulders’, CD discussed the submarine origin of terraces in the valley of Santa Cruz, Patagonia. CD’s paper, ‘Ancient glaciers of Caernarvonshire’, was published in the Philosophical Magazine in 1842; it described deposits on Moel Tryfan (a mountain in Wales) as shattered and rounded by icebergs grating over the surface (ibid., p. 144). CD had praised Mackintosh’s paper on erratic boulders (Mackintosh 1879; see Correspondence vol. 27, letters to Daniel Mackintosh, 9 October 1879 and 16 October 1879).

To Lawson Tait   15 January [1880]1 From Mr. C. Darwin, Down, Beckenham. Kosmos despatched by this Post.—2 Kindly return it me when done with, as I have no duplicate copy.— When my son3 returns home, I will see about some letter from Erasmus D., as I do not doubt I can spare one.—4 C.D. Jan. 15th. ApcS (photocopy) DAR 221.5: 41 1 2 3 4

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to Lawson  Tait, 13 January 1880. CD sent the issue of Kosmos containing a biographical sketch by William Preyer (Preyer 1879; see letter to Lawson Tait, 13 January 1880). Francis Darwin. Tait’s request for a letter from Erasmus Darwin has not been found.

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January 1880

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   15 January 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Jan 15— 80 My dear Dyer. It was very very good of you to have taken such great trouble about the cottonseeds. Some of those from Naples show this day their noses above ground, & I have no doubt will serve my purpose excellently.1 I hope my work will some day end, but new points are continually turning up. I am now observing the germination of the Cucurbitaceous genus Megarrhiza, & it is a very curious case, for the petioles of the 2 cotyledons (which never break out of the seed-coats) unite & form a hollow tube which penetrates deeply into the ground, & becomes functionally (& structurally as far as surface is concerned) a root; the plumule bursts the tube at a depth of 2–3 inches beneath the ground & then rises to the surface.—2 Ever yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin. You are an unfortunate man: writing about Megarrhiza has made me think that I ought to look again at the germinating seeds of Trichosanthes anguina or I daresay any Trichosanthes, for I record in my notes that “cotyledons fleshy almost like hypogean ones”. Therefore the hypocotyledonous stem ought not to be provided with that wonderful peg or heel by which the seed-coats of most other Cucurbitaceæ are torn apart beneath the ground, & which I was delighted to find quite absent in Megarrhiza.3 Am I not a superb bore?! Can you give me seeds of Trichosanthes; but do not write.— Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Darwin: Letters to Thiselton-Dyer, 1873–81: ff. 199–200) 1

2

3

CD had requested cotton seeds in his letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 20 November 1879 (Correspondence vol. 27). CD studied sleep in the cotyledons of ‘Naples’ cotton; his notes from 21 January to 17 February 1880 are in DAR 209.9: 16. CD studied germination in Megarrhiza californica, a synonym of Marah fabacea, California manroot; Cucurbitaceae is the family of gourds and squashes. He observed the plant between 14 and 30 January 1880 (his notes are in DAR 209.6: 105–15; his observations of the plumule, the stem immediately above the cotyledons, are in DAR 209.6: 107 and DAR 209.6: 109). See also Movement in plants, pp. 81–3. Trichosanthes anguina is a synonym of T. cucumerina, snake gourd. CD had noted its ‘thick & fleshy’ cotyledons in April 1877 (DAR 209.9: 99); he made further observations of the peg or heel of the radicle later in January 1880 (DAR 209.6: 165). See also Movement in plants, pp. 102–6.

From Ernst Krause1   16 January 1880 Berlin N.O. Friedenstrasse 10. II. den 16.1.80. Hochverehrter Herr! Zunächst meinen ergebensten Dank für die freundliche Uebersendung der Blaetter aus der Popular-Science-Review abstattend,2 muss ich leider hinzufügen, dass ich mit meinen Plackereien immer noch nicht am Ende bin. Ich hoffe aber, es

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wird die letzte Auskunft sein, um die ich Sie, in Sachen des kleinen Buches bemühen muss, nämlich mit der Bitte, mir freundlichst sagen zu wollen, was das Amt des auf Seite 1 erwähnten yeoman of the armourÿ für Funktionen in sich schloss?3 Ich habe das Wort im Text unübersetzt gelassen, fühle mich aber verpflichtet, in den Anmerkungen ein Wort darüber zu sagen und kann in deutschen Lexicis keine passende Uebersetzung dazu finden. War es, was man jetzt Director oder Vorsteher nennen würde, oder mehr ein subalternes Amt, wie Aufseher, Schlieser und dergl.? Ferner möchte ich Sie noch um gütige Auskunft bitten, ob der S. 34 erwähnte “alte Hooker”, mit Richard Hooker (X 16) identisch ist?4 Verzeihen Sie, diese wiederholten Attentate auf Ihre kostbare Zeit, hochverehrter Herr | Ihrem | Dankbar ergebenen | Ernst Krause DAR 92: B52 1 2 3

4

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. A review of Erasmus Darwin was published in Popular Science Review 19 (1880): 69–71. See letter to Ernst Krause, 5 January 1880. In Erasmus Darwin, p. 1, William Darwin (of Cleatham, 1573?–1644) is described as a ‘yeoman of the armoury of Greenwich to James I and Charles I’. A yeoman, in this sense, was a servant or attendant in a royal household, usually of a superior grade (OED). ‘X 16’ is a footnote marker; this was changed to n. 18 in Krause 1880, p. 20.

From the Darwin children   17 January 1880 Jan 17. 1880 Dear Father, We hope that you will let us give you the accompanying fur-coat. We know that you will not often wear it and that you will think it too magnificent, but we cannot bear to think that when you do travel in winter you should suffer from cold; and so we hope you will forgive this little indulgence of the feelings of your affectionate children William. | Sara. | Henrietta. | George. | Bessy. | Frank. | Leonard | Horace | (per HEL by his request)1 DAR 99: 208 1

William Erasmus Darwin, Sara Darwin, Henrietta Emma Litchfield, George Howard Darwin, Elizabeth Darwin, Francis Darwin, Leonard Darwin, and Horace Darwin.

To the Darwin children   17 [ January 1880]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Saturday evening 17th My dear Children. I have just found on my table your present of the magnificent fur-coat.2 If I have to travel in the winter, it will be a wonderful comfort, for the last time I went to

38

January 1880

London I did not get over the cold for 2 or 3 days.3 The coat, however, will never warm my body so much as your dear affection has warmed my heart. My good dear children | Your affectionate Father | Charles Darwin N.B. I should not be myself if I did not protest that you have all been shamefully extravagant to spend so much money over your old father, however deeply you may have pleased him. To Henrietta— please send this on to William, who can send it to Lenny. No man knows where Horace is.— Bessy will be with you.—4 DAR 211: 1 1 2 3 4

The month and year are established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from the Darwin children, 17 January 1880. See letter from the Darwin children, 17 January 1880. CD was last in London from 3 to 11 December 1879 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). Henrietta Emma Litchfield, William Erasmus Darwin, Leonard Darwin, Horace Darwin, and Elizabeth Darwin. Horace and Ida Darwin were on honeymoon in Penzance (letter from Emma Darwin to W. E. Darwin, 19 January 1880 (DAR 219.1: 131)).

From Lawson Tait   18 January [1880]1 7, Great Charles S.t | Birmingham Jan 18 My Dear Sir, I have pleasure in informing you that the Council of our Philosophical Society has received the proposal to commemorate your birthday with enthusiasm, that we propose to elect you our first honorary member and to vote you an address which shall be proposed by our President, Dr. T.  P.  Heslop2 our leading Physician and seconded by, yours truly. I am entrusted with the drafting of the address and if not bothering you too much I shall send you a rough copy of what I propose, after it has been submitted to my colleagues, in order that you may express any desire for alteration which may occur to you and that you may respond as you may think fit. It will of course be properly engraved before you receive it formally. We desire to do this, not only for the honouring of a man whom we regard as the head of the scientific world, but to give a fillip to the removal of that singular terror which the word “Darwin” excites in the minds of religionists and other uneducated people—that is the bulk of the community Yours faithfully | Lawson Tait DAR 99: 213–214 1 2

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to Lawson  Tait, 13 January 1880. Thomas Pretious Heslop was president of the Birmingham Philosophical Society for 1879–80 (Proceedings of the Birmingham Philosophical Society 2 (1879–81)).

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To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   18 January [1880]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Jan 18th My dear Dyer The sight of the seeds of Trichosanthes delighted me.—2 In last Nature there is a Review of Erasmus Darwin, which I think much the best which has appeared & has pleased me greatly.—3 I can give no sort of reason, but whilst reading it, I kept on thinking that you were the author. If you are not, which is of course the most probable view, pray forgive me for writing; but if you are I am sure that you will not grudge me the pleasure of thanking you heartily for so appreciative & good a review. If you are the author do please tell me; if you are not I shall so understand by your silence. Yours very sincerley | Ch. Darwin Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Darwin: Letters to Thiselton-Dyer, 1873–81: ff. 201–2) 1 2 3

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 15 January 1880. CD had requested seeds of Trichosanthes anguina (a synonym of T. cucumerina, snake gourd), or any Trichosanthes, in his letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 15 January 1880. The anonymous review of Erasmus Darwin was published in Nature, 15 January 1880, pp. 245–7.

From Hermann Welcker1   18 January 1880 Halle a d. Saale, 18. Januar 1880. Hochverehrter Herr! Gestatten Sie, dass ich Ihnen, hochverehrter Herr, dessen lichtbringende Gedanken auf jeder Etappe meiner Studien mir begegnen, dessen befruchtende Anregung mich bei meinen Forschungen so 〈vie〉lfach gefördert hat, einige meiner bescheidenen Publ〈ica〉tionen vorlege.2 Die Anordnung des ligamentum te〈res〉 femoris, 〈    〉 Sonderbare, 〈dass〉 dieses B〈and〉 die Hüftkapsel frei und umgreifbar durchzieht, sein Fehlen beim 〈O〉rang u〈nd〉 so manches Andere veranlas〈sten〉 mic〈h〉, dieses Band bei verschiedenen Thieren naeher zu untersuchen. Ich fand (wie dies die Zeichnung pag.  232  der 〈mit〉 III bezeichneten Abhandlung3 andeut〈et)〉 beim Tapir-Embrÿo das lig. teres 〈femoris der〉 ganzen Laenge nach, pilasterart〈ig〉 an die Wandung der Kapsel ang〈elegt,〉 beim erwachsenen Tapir frei und u〈m〉greifbar, in’s Innere des Gelenk〈es〉 〈ein〉gerückt; bei Phoca4 aber in 〈verschiedenen〉 〈Le〉bensaltern denselben Zustand, 〈wie beim〉 Tapir-Embrÿo, so dass 〈12 line〉 Entwicklung des lig. teres beim Menschen der Reihe nach dieselben Zustaende transitorisch aufweist, die in der Thierreihe bei bestimmten Thieren die definitiven Zielpunkte der Entwicklung sind.— Interessant schien mir ferner, dass ich bei zweien sonst ganz normalen menschlichen Schultergelenken eine strangförmige Partie der Fasern des Kapselbandes ganz aehnlich columnenartig

40

January 1880

in das Innere des Gelenkes eingerückt fand, wie dies nach obigen Untersuchungen bei der Entwicklung des lig. teres femoris die Regel ist. Jene Schultergelenke zeigten eine fovea capitis humeri und ganz denselben Zustand, wie das Hüftgelenk des Seehundes und des menschlichen Embrÿo (conf. die mit I bezeichnete Abhandlung, pag. 76)5. Ges〈ta〉tten Sie, dass ich Ihre Aufmerksamkeit auf ein anderes eigenthümliches Vorkommniss, den freien Durchgang der Sehne des musculus biceps brachii durch die Schulterkapsel, lenke. Beim Pferde, Tapir, Maulwurf, fand ich den in Abh. IV, pag.  22, 23, und pag.  25  bei 1  abgebildeten Zustand: die Sehne liegt ganz ausserhalb des Gelenkes, freivorbeistreifend.6 Bei Vespertilio, etc, s〈ow〉ie beim 2 monatlichen menschlichen Embrÿo fand ich den auf pag. 25 bei 2 und 3, sowie pag. 27, angedeuteten Zustand; die Sehne hatte sich in die Wandung der Kapsel eingedraengt ja durchgedraengt, die Sÿnovialmembran mesenteriumartig hinter sich nachschleppend.7 So namentlich bei Phoca (pag.  29), bis schliesslich nach Zerreissung des Mesotenontium die Sehne, wie beim erwachsenen Menschen, frei durch das Gelenk 〈du〉rchzieht. Man sollte die gesammte 〈Sae〉u〈get〉hierreihe auf dieses Structurverhaelt〈nis〉 〈unter〉suchen. Von Interesse für die Descendenzlehre scheint mir ferner der in Abh. II, pag. 181, beim Baeren nachgewiesene Zustand, wo das Muskelbündel z, welches von dem m. coracobrachialis aus eine Brücke nach dem glenoradialis zu schlagen beginnt, die phÿlogenetische Entwicklung des biceps erkennen laesst.8 Ich möchte ferner Ihre Aufmerksamkeit auf in Abh. V, Taf. 1 abgebildete, von einigen Forschern für ein Amnion gehaltene, von mir als Epitrichium bezeichnete Haut lenken.9 Sollte in der Entwicklung dieser Haut, welche meinen Untersuchungen zufolge die sich abhebende oberste Schicht des Epidermoid〈al〉blattes ist, nicht ein Vorgang anerkannt werden müssen, der sonst bei höheren Thieren feh〈lt:〉 eine die Entwicklung begleitende Häutu〈ng?〉 Einige Untersuchungen, welche ich ü〈ber〉 die künstlich verkrüppelten Füsse der 〈Chi〉nesinnen angestellt habe, führten mich 〈auf〉 die Frage, ob diese Fusstoilette nicht irgend w〈el〉chen erblichen Einfluss auf die Groesse un〈d〉 Entwicklung der Füsse dieses Volks ausge〈übt〉 habe? Wirklich scheint es so (Arch. f. Anthrop. V, 1872, p.  149); die Füsse auch der nicht g〈e〉bundenen Chinesinnen scheinen sehr klein 〈zu〉 sein: mittlere Fusslaenge bei 8 Javanesinnen 248 Mm; bei 3 Tahitierinnen 243; bei 8 Sundan〈esinnen〉 242 Mm.; bei 3 Chinesinnen 232 Mm.10 Noch erlaube ich mir, Ihnen zu gü〈tiger〉 Aufnahme ein Heft des Brockhauschen 〈Con〉versationslexicons beizulegen, in welche〈m〉 〈ich〉 den Artikel “Darwinismus” verfasst 〈habe;〉 eine Arbeit freilich, die mir heute ke〈ines〉wegs genügt und welche damals ei〈lig〉 〈in〉 wenig Tagen, vollendet werden 〈musste〉   Auf pag. 480 habe ich durch 〈1 or 2 words〉 Strich die Stelle bezeichnet 〈1 or 2 words〉 〈per〉sönlich für mich—das ist ja vielfach individuell!—die entscheidensten Gründe für Ihre grosse Lehre ausgesprochen sind.11 Seit zwei Jahren beschaeftigt mich eine Untersuchung über die phÿlogenetische Entwicklung der Wirbelsaeule; eine vorlaeufige Mittheilung, welche einige Punkte

January 1880

41

dieser Untersuchungen berührt, habe ich in der mit VI bezeichneten Beilage veröffentlicht.12 Das Buch selbst, dessen Abschluss nahe bevorsteht, wird den Titel führen: “Die Wirbelsaeule der Saugethiere und des Menschen, insbesondere der Bradÿpoden und Anthropomorphen, des Europaeers und der niederen Menschenrassen.”13 Es würde mir eine grosse Ehre und Freude sein, wenn Sie, hochverehrter Herr, gestatten wollten, dass ich den Tribut des Dankes und der Bewunderung, welchen wir Alle Ihren bahnbrechenden Forschungen und Lehren zollen, für meinen Theil durch Dedication des genannten Buches an Sie öffentlich darbringen und mein bescheidenes Werk durch Voranstellung Ihres berühmten Namens schmücken dürfte. Darf ich Sie um Ihre Erlaubniss hierzu bitten? Hochachtungsvoll und ergebenst | Dr Hermann Welcker, | Professor der Anatomie in Halle. 〈    〉 〈Darw〉in. DAR 181: 88 CD annotations 2.4 III] underl red crayon 2.17 I] underl red crayon 3.4 IV] underl red crayon 4.1 II] underl red crayon 5.1 V] underl red crayon 8.3 VI] underl red crayon 1 2

3

4 5 6 7

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. Six papers by Welcker are in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL; five of them are numbered in red in Roman numerals as follows: I. ‘Ueber das Hüftgelenk’ (On the hip joint; Welcker 1875a); II. ‘Beiträge zur Myologie’ (Contributions to myology; Welcker 1875b); III. ‘Zur Anatomie des ligamentum teres femoris’ (On the anatomy of the foveal ligament; Welcker 1876); IV. ‘Die Einwanderung der Bicepssehne in das Schultergelenk’ (The migration of the biceps tendon in the shoulder joint; Welcker 1878a); V. ‘Ueber die Entwicklung und den Bau der Haut und der Haare bei Bradypus’ (On the development and structure of the skin and hair in Bradypus; Welcker 1864). The sixth, unnumbered paper is ‘Ueber die künstliche Verkrüppelung der Füsse der Chinesinnen’ (On the artificial crippling of the feet of Chinese women; Welcker 1870). It may have been sent separately, but no other letter from Welcker mentioning it has been found. See Welcker 1876, p. 232; the illustration referred to shows two cross-sections of a hip capsule, one typical of a tapir embryo or a seal from embryo to adult, and the other typical of humans and other mammals, in which the comparative position of the ligamentum teres femoris (foveal ligament) is shown. Phoca is a genus of earless seals. The fovea capitis humeri is the depression or pit at the head of the femur; see Welcker 1875a, p. 76. Welcker 1878, pp. 22, 23, and 25; the illustration on p. 25 (fig. 3.1) shows the location of the tendon directly over the joint. Vespertilio is a genus of bats. See Welcker 1878, p. 25, figs. 3.2 and 3.3. The mesenterium is a fan-shaped fold of peritoneum (lining of the abdominal cavity) encircling most of the small intestines. The mesotendon is a fold of the synovial membrane (a layer of connective tissue that lines the cavities of joints) connecting a tendon to its synovial sheath.

42 8

9

10

11 12

13

January 1880

See Welcker 1875b, p. 181; in the illustration of the upper right limb of an embryo of Ursus maritimus (polar bear), the highlighted muscle bundle, identified as a rudimentary coracoradialis muscle, is shown branching from the coracobrachialis towards the glenoradialis. See Welcker 1864, plate I, figs. 1 and 2, illustrating an fetus of Bradypus tridactylus (pale-throated sloth) and showing the epitrichium, or outer layer of epidermis beneath which hair develops, at an early stage of development and just before birth. Welcker coined the term epitrichium in this paper. Welcker’s first paper on the binding of Chinese women’s feet, Welcker 1870, is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL; his second paper, Welcker 1872a, has not been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL. For the measurements of foot length, see Welcker 1872a, p. 150 n. 2. CD’s annotated copy of [Welcker] 1872b is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. Welcker’s paper, ‘Zur Lehre von Bau und Entwickelung der Wirbelsäule’ (On the theory of the structure and development of the spine; Welcker 1878b) has not been found in the Darwin Archive– CUL. The projected title translates as: ‘The spine in mammals and humans, in particular in Bradypodidae and anthropoid apes, in Europeans and lower human races.’ No book with this or a similar title was published.

From Charles Dixon   19 January 1880 Albert Road | Heeley | near Sheffield Jany 19. 80. Sir Some few days ago I happened to be dissecting a Common Heron, shot on one of the streams near this place. Upon examining its plumage I found the inclosed seed firmly fastened among the breast feathers. I consider this another instance as to how seeds are conveyed from one place to another. Doubtless when the bird preened its plumage the seed would have been cast forth, to germinate or not according to circumstances.1 There are many other seeds which depend upon animals and birds, too, for dispersal, by sticking firmly to the fur or feathers of a bird or animal walking amongst the plants. I trust, sir, that you will excuse me troubling you on the matter, and let my enthusiastic desire for assisting in working out Nature’s problems, be my apology for bringing before your notice what seems such a trivial circumstance. Believe me, Sir, | Very respcty yours | Charles Dixon Charles Darwin Esq DAR 205.2: 228 CD annotations Top of letter: ‘Means of Distribution—’ blue crayon Verso of p. 1: ‘The external [interl] glumes serrated by which I suppose had adhered, but the 2 enclosed sets of inner glumes contained no seeds.’2 ink 1 2

The common heron is the grey heron (Ardea cinerea). CD had discussed cases in which seeds had been dispersed by birds in Origin, pp. 361–3. Glumes are the lowermost bracts of a grass inflorescence, usually found in pairs. A packet containing a seed is pinned to the letter.

January 1880

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To Asa Gray   19 January 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Jan 19. 80 My dear Gray, I have been greatly interested with the Megarrhiza seeds which you so kindly sent me.1 You have been misinformed about their germination, for I think you cannot have watched the whole process   Some were placed by me on, and others half an inch beneath the surface, and others deeper—, but none of the cotyledons were lifted up.2 One seed on the surface was a little tilted by the root not penetrating the ground, but this often occurs with all kinds of seeds. The petioles of my specimens were not stif enough to bear the weight of the seed. What takes place is that the radicle bends down & penetrates the ground, but grows only to a length of about half an inch or less (length rather doubtful as I did not wish to kill specimens by making sections). When of this length its growth is arrested, and the lower ends of the tubular petioles grow quickly & penetrate the ground just like a root to a depth of nearly 212 inches; then their growth ceases, and now the radicle takes up the game & grows very quickly. In every case the base of the radicle lay 212 inches beneath the surface. You probably know that if ordinary seedlings are placed in solution of permanganate of potassium the radicle is coloured brown whilst the hypocotyl & cotyledons is left uncoloured. Now when a seedling Megarrhiza with the plumule just reaching the surface was thus treated, the whole radicle (+ hypocotyl) & the whole of the tubular petioles (densely covered with root hairs) became brown whilst the plumule was quite uncoloured. Therefore I think it certain that the tubular petioles act functionally like a root and that the cotyledons are hypogæan. The sole use of this wonderful manner of growth which occurs to me is to hide the enlarged root, at least at first, beneath 212 inches of soil as a protection against enemies.3 When my plants are two or three weeks old I will cut a slice from the root, and taste it & test it for starch. Now can you tell me whether the plant is an annual or perennial? When the root has become huge does it come to the surface, and is it then hard, and is it then bitter? I wonder whether it is attacked by beasts birds insects or slugs in California? It is has been a great grief to me that not one of the seeds of Ipomœa leptophylla has germinated: my gardener opened some & found them rotten.4 I hope I havn’t wearied you much Ever, my dear Gray, | Yours sincerely | Charles Darwin LS Archives of the Gray Herbarium, Harvard University (126) 1

2

CD had received seeds of Megarrhiza californica (a synonym of Marah fabacea, California manroot) from Gray in December 1879 (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter to Asa Gray, 16 December 1879). His notes on the plant, recorded between 10 and 30 January 1880, are in DAR 209.6: 106–11; other undated notes are in DAR 185: 135. See also letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 15 January 1880 and n. 2. Gray had described the germination of Megarrhiza californica as a process in which the cotyledons were raised out of the ground (see A. Gray 1877 and A. Gray 1879, pp. 20–1). CD annotated the illustration from A. Gray 1877, p. 23, to show the level of the ground (DAR 209.6: 114 and 175).

44 3

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January 1880

CD discussed the germination of Megarrhiza californica and the protective function of its root growth in Movement in plants, pp. 81–4. His notes on the application of potassium permanganate or permanganate of potash (KMnO4), dated 9 January 1880, are in DAR 209.6: 105. CD began sowing seeds of Ipomoea leptophylla (bush morning-glory) in December 1879 (see letter to Asa Gray, 16 December 1879). His new gardener was William Duguid.

To Ernst Krause   19 January 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Jan 19. 80 My dear Sir, Pray do not apologise for it is no trouble to me to answer your questions as far as I can.1 The Hooker alluded to is Richard Hooker. With respect to Yeomen of the Armoury, it is doubtful whether any man in England could tell you what the duties were   Probably there were no duties and it was a sinecure in the gift of the king. I would advise you to use the English term. There are at the present day what are called Yeomen of the Guard who are gentlemen who attend the Queen on state occasions, & I believe they serve merely for parade.2 My dear Sir | Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin LS The Huntington Library (HM 36199) 1 2

See letter from Ernst Krause, 16 January 1880. See letter from Ernst Krause, 16 January 1880 and n. 3. During the Tudor period, yeoman of the armoury was a special office of the Yeomen of the Guard, serving within the royal household (Hewerdine 2012, p. 53).

To Asa Gray   20 January [1880]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Jan 20 My dear Gray This is a P.S. to yesterday’s letter to say that the drawing at p. 21 of your text Book wd. represent perfectly all that I have seen, supposing that a line were drawn, representing the surface of the soil, 12 inch above the seed, assuming that the seed had been sown at 12 inch depth.—2 You may perhaps like to hear that the first true leaves break out through a split at base of confluent petioles of Delphinium nudicaule presicely as in Megarrhiza.3 The swelling of the plumules bursts the tube, & then the bowing downwards of the tip of the plumules of Megarrhiza, forces it laterally out of the tube. The tip is at first straight.— This bowing down of the tip is a very common or rather universal movement with seedlings, but here it plays a new part. Ever yours | C. Darwin Archives of the Gray Herbarium, Harvard University (127)

January 1880 1 2 3

45

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to Asa Gray, 19 January 1880. See letter to Asa Gray, 19 January 1880 and n. 2. The drawing of Megarrhiza californica is in Gray’s Botanical text-book (A. Gray 1879, p. 21). CD’s notes on the germination of Delphinium nudicaule (red larkspur), with diagrams, dated 19 and 20 January 1880, are in DAR 209.6: 66–78. Megarrhiza californica is a synonym of Marah fabacea, California manroot. CD discussed the two species in Movement in plants, pp. 80–4.

From Samuel Butler   21 January 1880 15. Clifford’s Inn | E.C. Jan 21. 1880 Charles Darwin Esqr FR.S &c. Dear Sir I have to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 3d inst. which I should have done sooner had I not been in great doubt what course to adopt in regard to it—1 I have now decided on laying the matter before the public and have accordingly written to the Athenæum stating the facts2 I am | yr. faithfully | S. Butler— DAR 92: B67 1 2

See letter to Samuel Butler, 3 January 1880; see also letter from Samuel Butler, 2 January 1880 and nn. 1 and 2. Butler’s letter to the Athenæum appeared in the issue for 31 January 1880 (see letter to H. E. Litchfield, 1 February [1880], enclosure 1).

To Ernst Haeckel   21 January 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Jan 21st 1880 My dear Häckel I have just received your grand present & thank you heartily. The book is magnificent.— I have just looked over all the Plates & they are wonderful. An artist gone mad could never have imagined such diversified and & curious structures.1 I congratulate you on the completion of so gigantic a work. You are a wonderful man to do so much. Ever my dear Häckel | Yours very sincerely | Charles Darwin Ernst-Haeckel-Haus (Bestand A-Abt. 1:1-52/50 [A 9904]) 1

Haeckel’s Das System der Medusen (the first volume of Haeckel 1879–81) was published in 1879; it included an atlas with coloured plates based on Haeckel’s illustrations. See plate on p. 46. CD’s copy is in the Darwin Library–Down.

Bryoclonia ( Discomedusae). Haeckel 1879–81, 1: pl. 37. By permission of the Syndics of Cambridge University Library.

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To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   27 January [1880]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Jan 27th My dear Dyer. Asa Gray has sent me cotton-seeds (so that I now have a superfluity) & he asks me to ask Hooker whether you know a var. of Cotton called the “Vine Cotton”.2 A planter3 in the S. wants some seed of this var, & Gray wants to send him some.— Can you oblige them by sending such seeds to Gray? The Planter says he formerly received the seeds of this var. from England.— Ever yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin If you will let me hear sometime I will write to Gray or if you are writing to him you can just say whether you know the var. Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Darwin: Letters to Thiselton-Dyer, 1873–81: ff. 203–4) 1 2

3

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from Asa Gray, 12 January 1880. Gray had sent seeds of Gossypium hirsutum (upland or short-staple cotton) and G. barbadense (pima or extra-long-staple cotton; see letter from Asa Gray, 12 January 1880). He had asked CD to write to Joseph Dalton Hooker for seeds of ‘Vine cotton’. A marginal note on the letter reads: ‘Col [or ‘W’] Clarke written to’; the planter has not been further identified.

From Grant Allen to G. J. Romanes1   28 January 1880 9 Boulevard des Iles d’Or. | Hyères. Var. France. Jan. 28.80. My dear Romanes, I must just drop you a line or two to let you know how we are getting on; though we are so isolated here, and get so little news from England, that I am afraid I must fill my letter by nothing more than our own personal affairs. I send Robertson a short bulletin from time to time, for the information of all friends who have kindly come forward to help us through the winter:2 but he tells me he seldom sees you, so I had better let you know occasionally how we prosper, direct. I am glad to say that I am still steadily, though very slowly, gaining health and strength: and I hope when the spring sets in—which it will do here next month—that I shall take a complete turn for the better. Even now, I can walk five miles without the least fatigue, and I have almost entirely lost my cough. I don’t doubt that by next spring I shall be quite well enough to resume work in England, if any should offer. The winter here has been for the most part simply delicious. We had a week’s frost in December, and three days again last week: but with these two exceptions there have been few days when one could not have picnicked in the open air with perfect comfort. For three weeks together in the beginning of January we had perfectly cloudless skies and warm sunlight day after day without intermission: and though

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January 1880

the weather is now a little dubious again, we were able yesterday to take out baby,3 and lunch by the seaside in weather like an English July. As a rule, people who come here suffering as I do, do not get better during December and January, but begin to mend in February: in other words, they simply stand still during the coldest months, and improve as soon as it gets warm again. I therefore look upon the fact that I have been steadily picking up ever since I came here as an indication that Hyères suits me particularly well. The surroundings are extremely pretty, and we find the walks among the hills grow upon one continually, so that we like the place much better the longer we stop in it, especially as we can now take longer walks and climb higher hills than when we first came. Morison4 passed through on his way to and from Italy, and visited us each time; so you will probably have heard all about Hyères and its surroundings from him already. Mrs. Allen,5 I am glad to say, is extremely well, and baby is doing capitally: both of which facts are the more gratifying as the whole family was more or less constantly invalided all last winter, so that I counted upon the change for their sakes almost if not quite as much as for my own. I suppose you are now in the midst of the gaieties of the London season, which I hope you are both thoroughly enjoying. If you can find time to write some day, I shall be glad to hear whether you have been doing any fresh scientific work. For myself, I have been completely lazy ever since Christmas, taking an entire holiday, and enjoying my idleness most thoroughly, after at least three years of high-pressure work. I cannot tell you what a relief it has been to me to have this winter free from the pressing anxieties which have weighed upon me so long, and to feel that I could go out and enjoy myself in the bright sunshine of Provence, without being perpetually harassed as to immediate wants. That has done me more good than the climate or anything else; though the air here is certainly delicious, and the winter the most pleasant I have ever felt anywhere.— We got cards of Miss Hertz’s wedding,6 but have heard nothing else about it. Of course you and Mrs. Romanes7 went.— Mrs.  Allen joins me in very kindest regards to you both; and with best remembrances to your mother and sister,8 believe me, | Yours most sincerely, | Grant Allen. DAR 159: A46 1 2

3 4 5 6 7 8

Romanes forwarded this letter to CD (see letter to G. J. Romanes, 3 February 1880 and n. 2, below). George Croom Robertson had worked with Romanes to raise a subscription for Allen and his family (P. Morton 2005, p. 55). CD had contributed £25 to the fund (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter to G. J. Romanes, 23 July 1879 and n. 1). Jerrard Grant Allen. Probably James Augustus Cotter Morison, an acquaintance of Romanes (see E. D. Romanes 1896, pp. 142, 160, 184). Ellen Allen. Probably Helen Augusta Hertz, who was married on 10 January 1880. Ethel Romanes. Isabella Gair Rose Romanes and Charlotte Elizabeth Romanes.

January 1880

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From W. E. Darwin   [28 January 1880]1 Basset Wednesday My dear Father, I have just received advice of the £600, & am placing £240 to Bessy & £360 to my account.2 It is a splendid addition to one’s income, and I had no idea it would be so large; it makes me thankful to think you can trust us all with so large a sum: Sara3 sends her best love and thanks, she thinks you really must be pinching yourself to be able to make us so grand a surplus division. I returned Butler’s letter; there was something of the viper in the tone of the letter, I fancy he wants a grievance to hang an article upon.4 Goodbye Dear Father | Ever your affect son | W. E. Darwin PS. | I wo’nt invest Bessy’s balance till she is so rich that I can say on my conscience though a Banker that she has an indecently large balance.5 Cornford Family Papers (DAR 275: 80) 1 2

3 4 5

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from Samuel Butler, 21 January 1880; in 1880, the Wednesday following 21 January was 28 January. CD had arranged for the surplus income from his investments to be distributed annually to his children; Elizabeth Darwin’s share was to be deposited in the bank by William (see letter to the Darwin children, 10 January 1880). Sara Darwin, William’s wife. See letter from Samuel Butler, 21 January 1880, and letter to H. E. Litchfield, 1 February [1880], enclosure 1. CD had remarked, ‘the only way to feel rich is to have a good balance in the bank’ (see letter to the Darwin children, 10 January 1880).

To G. H. Darwin   29 January [1880]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Jan. 29th My dear George We have both been very sorry to hear of your illness. You must have had a miserable time. I always thought that the journey in your state of health was a rash one. We are particularly glad to hear that you intend seeing a doctor & do follow his advice. We gather from your note this morning that the worst of the attack is over.—2 Now that you have got so far I hope that you may get on so as to see McLennan;3 but I pray you not to stay long there. You have perfect reason in your state of health.— By the way if McL. shd. say, or you shd hear from Mrs L. anything about his book, & if he leaves his materials in a form which could be worked up by anyone, tell him from me, supposing that he knows no better man, that Wallace I think wd do the work well & conscientiously, but he would require liberal payment as he is poor.—4 He writes admirable English & knows a good deal about anthropology & I think wd work conscientiously.— Pray give my kindest sympathy to him & say how grieved I have been for the sake of science as well his own sake at his long & terrible illness.—

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January 1880

Poor Franks5 is in bed with rheumatism & very bad cold & has to give up his Lecture on Saturday. My poor dear old George | Your affect Father | C. Darwin DAR 210.1: 90 1 2

3 4

5

The year is established by the mention of George’s plan to visit John Ferguson McLennan (see n. 3, below). No letter from George has been found. He had left for Switzerland on 20 January and had fallen ill in Zurich (letter from Emma Darwin to H. E. Litchfield, 19 January 1880 (DAR 219.9: 218), and letter from Emma Darwin to Sara Darwin, 31 January 1880 (DAR 219.1: 132)). George planned to visit John Ferguson McLennan in Davos, Switzerland; McLennan was very ill with consumption (letter from Emma Darwin to Sara Darwin, 31 January 1880 (DAR 219.1: 132)). Eleonora Anne McLennan was J. F. McLennan’s wife. McLennan died in 1881; a collection of his writings on the origin of patriarchal family structures was published posthumously (McLennan 1885). CD had been asked to find employment for Alfred Russel Wallace in 1879 (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter from A. B. Buckley, 16 December 1879). Francis Darwin.

From Oskar von Giesl1   29 January 1880 Hochgeehrter Herr! Im vorigen Jahre war der Verfasser des in meinem Blatte “Reunion” erschienen Aufsatzes: “Die Darwinische Theorie und die Landwirtschaft” so frei Ihnen die betreffenden Nummern zu senden und Sie hochgeehrter Herr hatten auch die Güte dieselben anzunehmen und zu lesen.2 Ihr werthes Schreiben sowie Urtheile über die Abhandlung die an mich von Büchner, Haeckl und Settegast3 gelangt sind war ich so frei in mein〈e〉m Blatte seinerzeit zu veröffentlichen. Die Sache machte damals in Kreisen von Landwirthen ziemliches Aufsehen und pro und contra’s wurden laut; nicht allein von den Anhängern sondern auch von Gegnern erklärten einige dass hochgeehrter Herr die Abhandlung allerdings angenommen aber darüber kein Urtheil gefällt hätten. Ich lege auf Ihr Urtheil hochgeehrter Herr, der ich Ihre Lehre ungemein hoch schätze und auch ferner zur Verbreitung und Verfechtung derselben mit aller Kraft eintreten will, das grösste Gewicht. Ich bitte Sie demnach vielmals mir zu schreiben: ob Sie mit dem Aufsatze beziehungsweise mit der Interpretation und Erklärung Ihrer Lehre einverstanden sind. Ihre Zuschrift werde ich dann gleich einer Religion aufbewahren und sie wird mir stets ein Sporen sein für die grosse Idee einzutreten. Ich verstehe wol englisch kann aber nur schlecht schreiben bitte mir deshalb den Brief nur in englischer Sprache zu senden; zur Vereinfachung lege ich ein Couvert mit meiner Adresse bei und bitte Sie hochgeehrter Herr vielmals meine Zeilen freundlich aufzu〈n〉ehmen. Ergebenst | Oskar von Giesl | Redacteur und Herausgeber der Reunion. Sassin, pr. Hohenau in Ungarn am 29. Jänner 1880. DAR 165: 41

January 1880 1 2

3

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For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. CD probably received the issues of the journal in April 1879 (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter to ?, 21 April 1879). The issues have not been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL; the author of the essay and the magazine Reunion have not been identified. CD’s letter has not been found. Ludwig Büchner and Ernst Haeckel had been involved in controversies over materialism and anti-clericalism in Germany (see Gregory 1977); Hermann Settegast was an agronomist who had published on animal breeding.

To Hermann Welcker   30 January 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. Jan 30th 1880 Dear Sir I thank you sincerely for your very courteous letter of the 18th, received only yesterday, & for your kind present of a whole series of Essays.1 Many of the points which you have discussed are very interesting & bear directly on the descenttheory.— I am particularly glad that you have investigated the ‘ligamentum teres’ for its absence in the anthropoid apes has long appeared to me a most perplexing circumstance.2 Broca has advanced, & perhaps justly, this case as one in which natural selection could not have come into play.3 I hope before long to read your essays. I am also much interested by what you say about the feet of the Chinese; but we should remember that people always wish to exaggerate any character which they already possess to an unusual degree.4 If on further reflexion you still wish to dedicate your forthcoming book to me, I shall certainly esteem it a very great honour.5 With all good wishes I remain, Dear Sir | Yours very faithfully | Charles Darwin Martin-Luther-Universität Halle-Wittenberg, Universitätsarchiv (Rep. 29, Nr. 715) 1 2

3 4 5

See letter from Hermann Welcker, 18 January 1880 and n. 2. Welcker 1876 discussed the position and developmental stages of the ligamentum teres femoris (foveal ligament) in different mammals (see letter from Hermann Welcker, 18 January 1880 and n. 3). CD had been alerted to the absence of the ligament in orang-utans and a few other mammals (see Correspondence vol. 5, letter from Edward Blyth, [1–8 October 1855], and Correspondence vol. 13, supplement, letter from W. C. L. Martin, [1859–61]). Paul Broca; see Broca 1870, p. 556. Welcker had sent CD two papers on Chinese foot-binding and its possible hereditary effects (Welcker 1870 and Welcker 1872a; see letter from Hermann Welcker, 18 January 1880 and n. 10). Welcker’s projected book on the spine was never published; see letter from Hermann Welcker, 18 January 1880 and n. 13.

To J.-H. Fabre   31 January 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Jan 31. 1880 My dear Sir. I hope that you will permit me to have the satisfaction of thanking you cordially for the lively pleasure which I have derived from reading your book1   Never have the

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January 1880

wonderful habits of insects been more vividly described, and it is almost as good to read about them as to see them. I feel sure that you would not be unjust to even an insect much less to a man— Now you have been misled by some translator, for my grandfather. Erasmus Darwin states (Zoonomia— Vol I p. 183.— 1794) that it was a wasp (guêpe) which he saw cutting off the wings of a large fly   I have no doubt that you are right in saying that the wings are generally cut off instinctively, but in the case described by my grandfather; the wasp after cutting off the two ends of the body rose in the air and was turned round by the wind; he then alighted and cut off the wings.2 I must believe with Pierre Huber that insects have “une petite dose de raison”3 In the next edition of your book—I hope that you will alter part of what you say about my grandfather. I am sorry that you are so strongly opposed to the Descent Theory; I have found the searching for the history of each structure, or instinct an excellent aid to observation; and wonderful observer as you are, it would suggest new points to you.— If I were to write on the evolution of instincts, I could make good use of some of the facts which you give. Permit me to add that when I read the last sentence in your book, I sympathise deeply with you—4 With the most sincere respect | I remain dear Sir. | Yours faithfully. | Charles Darwin. P.S. | Allow me to make a suggestion in relation to your wonderful account of insects finding their way home.5 I formerly wished to try it with pigeons. Namely to carry the insects in their paper ‘cornets’ about a hundred paces in the opposite direction to that which you ultimately intended to carry them; but before turning round to return to put the insect in a circular box with an axle which could be made to revolve very rapidly first in one direction & then in another, so as to destroy for a time all sense of direction in the insects. I have sometimes imagined that animals may feel in which direction they were at the first start carried. If this plan failed, I had intended placing the pigeons within an induction coil, so as to disturb any magnetic or dia-magnetic sensibility which it seems just possible that they may possess.— C.D. Copy and LS incomplete6 DAR 144: 14; Muséum national d’histoire naturelle, Bibliothèque centrale, Paris (Ms FAB 32) 1 2

3 4

CD had received a copy of Souvenirs entomologiques (Fabre 1879; see letter from J.-H. Fabre, 3 January 1880). In Zoonomia, Erasmus Darwin had described a common wasp (probably Vespula vulgaris) removing the wings of a fly (E. Darwin 1794–6, 1: 183). Fabre had quoted a French account of Erasmus Darwin’s description in Introduction à l’entomologie (Lacordaire 1834–8, 2: 460–1), in which the wasp was misnamed Sphex, a genus of digger wasps that paralyse prey (see Fabre 1879, p. 124). Jean Pierre Huber; the correct quotation is ‘une petite dose de jugement’ (Huber 1836, p. 157). CD referred to this passage in Origin, p. 208 (see also Natural selection, p. 469). The final page of Fabre’s book (Fabre 1879, p. 323) contained a dedication to his son, Jules, who had died in 1877: Cher enfant, ravi si jeune à ton amour passioné des fleurs et des insectes, tu étais mon collaborateur, rien n’échappait à ton regard clairvoyant; pour toi, je devais écrire ce livre, dont les récits faisaient ta joie; et tu devais toi-même le continuer un jour. Hélas! tu es parti pour une meilleure demeure, ne connaissant encore du livre que les premieres lignes! Que ton nom du moins y figure, porté par quelques-uns de ces industrieux et beaux Hyménopteres que tu aimais tant.

February 1880

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6

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(Dear child, torn so young from your passionate love of flowers and insects, you were my collaborator, nothing escaped your perceptive gaze; for you, I had to write this book, whose stories made you happy; and you were going to continue it one day. Alas! You have gone to a better place, still knowing nothing of the book but the first lines! May your name at least appear here, carried by some of the industrious and beautiful hymenopterans that you loved so much.) Fabre named the wasps Cerceris julii, Bembex julii, and Ammophila julii after his son (Fabre 1879, pp. 320–3). See Fabre 1879, pp. 261–74. For CD’s interest in homing instincts, see Correspondence vol. 21, letters to Nature, [before 13 March 1873] and [before 3 April 1873]. A manuscript by CD on instinct, containing an extended discussion of migration, was eventually published as an appendix to G. J. Romanes 1883, pp. 355–84. The postscript has been transcribed from a photocopy of the original in Paris.

To H. E. Litchfield   1 February [1880]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Feb. 1 My dear Henrietta Will you & Litchfield read article in Athenæum & my answer.—2 I have resolved to send one, as I can say something in defence of my negligence.— I wish my letter to appear in next number & I shd like to see proof, so if you do not object to anything greatly please post it on Monday addressed to Editor of Athenæum with my note to Editor, & return the Athenæum to me.3 If you or L. object very strongly to anything please return my letter here that I may post it on Tuesday. The Athænæum is published on Friday evening.— There is one sentence of which Frank suggested the insertion; but I am doubtful & so is your Mother— It is on separate paper, & if inserted please gum it in by cutting p. 3 into two pieces before the last paragraph, beginning with words “As Mr Butler evidently does not believe &c”4 It is very disagreeable being accused of duplicity & falsehoods— All here approve of letter5 Since the above was written I have by advice of Frank & Leonard rewritten my letter & shortened it.6 I hope that you & L. may approve of it. If you do not, I cannot promise to follow your advice,, but it shall be well considered. I am sure that neither of you will grudge the bother of considering the case.— Mr Butler’s letter is very artful: he throughout makes it appear as if I had written Dr Krause’s part.—7 Yours affectionately | C. Darwin [Enclosure 1] ‘evolution old and new.’8 I beg leave to lay before you the following facts:— On February 22nd, 1879, my book, ‘Evolution Old and New,’ was announced. It was published May 3rd, 1879. It contained a comparison of the theory of evolution as propounded by Dr. Erasmus Darwin with that of his grandson, Mr. Charles Darwin, the preference being decidedly given to the earlier writer. It also contained other matter which I could not omit, but which I am afraid may have given some offence to Mr. Darwin and his friends.

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February 1880

In November, 1879, Mr. Charles Darwin’s ‘Life of Erasmus Darwin’ appeared.9 It is to the line which Mr. Darwin has taken in connexion with this volume that I wish to call attention. Mr. Darwin states in his preface that he is giving to the public a translation of an article by Dr. Krause, which appeared “in the February number of a well-known German scientific journal, Kosmos,” then just entered on its second year. He adds in a note that the translator’s “scientific reputation, together with his knowledge of German, is a guarantee for its accuracy.”10 This is equivalent, I imagine, to guaranteeing the accuracy himself. In a second note, upon the following page, he says that my work, ‘Evolution Old and New,’ “has appeared since the publication of Dr. Krause’s article.”11 He thus distinctly precludes his readers from supposing that any passage they may meet with could have been written by the light of, or with reference to, my book. On reading the English translation I found in it one point which appeared to have been taken from ‘Evolution Old and New,’ and another which clearly and indisputably was so; I also found more than one paragraph, but especially the last—and perhaps most prominent in the book, as making the impression it was most desired the reader should carry away with him—which it was hard to believe was not written at myself; but I found no acknowledgment of what seemed taken from ‘Evolution Old and New’ nor any express reference to it. In the face of the English translation itself, it was incredible that the writer had written without my work before him; in the face of the preface it was no less incredible that Mr. Darwin should have distinctly told his readers that he was giving them one article, when he must have perfectly well known that he was giving them another and very different one. I therefore sent for the February number of Kosmos and compared the original with what purported to be the translation. I found many passages of the German omitted, and many in the English which were wholly wanting in the German. Among these latter were the passages I had conceived to have been taken from me and the ones which were most adverse to me. Dr. Krause’s article begins on p. 131 of Mr. Darwin’s book. There is new matter on pp. 132, 133, 134, 135, 136, 137, 138, 139, while almost the whole of pp. 147–152 inclusive and all the last six pages are not to be found in the supposed original. I then wrote to Mr. Darwin, putting the facts before him as they appeared to myself, and asking an explanation; I received answer that Dr.  Krause’s article had been altered since publication, and that the altered MS. had been sent for translation. “This is so common a practice,” writes Mr. Darwin, with that “happy simplicity” of which the Pall Mall Gazette (Dec. 12th, 1879) declares him “to be a master,” “that it never occurred to me to state that the article had been modified; but now I much regret that I did not do so.” Mr. Darwin further says that, should there be a reprint of the English life of Dr. Darwin, he will state that the original as it appeared in Kosmos was modified by Dr. Krause. He does not, however, either deny or admit that the modification of the article was made by the light of, and with a view to, my book.12 It is doubtless a common pratice for writers to take an opportunity of revising their works, but it is not common when a covert condemnation of an opponent has been interpolated into a revised edition, the revision of which has been concealed, to declare with every circumstance of distinctness that the condemnation was written prior to the book which might appear to have called it forth, and thus lead readers to suppose that it must be an unbiassed opinion. S. Butler.

February 1880

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P.S.— A reviewer in the Pall Mall Gazette (Dec. 12th, 1879) quotes the last sentence of the spurious matter, apparently believing it to be genuine.13 He writes:—“Altogether the facts established by Dr. Krause’s essay thoroughly justify its concluding words:— ‘Erasmus Darwin’s system was in itself a most significant first step in the path of knowledge which his grandson has opened up for us, but the wish to revive it at the present day, as has actually been seriously attempted, shows a weakness of thought and a mental anachronism which no one can envy’.” On this (which has no place in the original article, and is clearly an interpolation aimed covertly at myself) the reviewer muses forth a general gnome that “the confidence of writers who deal in semi-scientific paradoxes is commonly in inverse proportion to their grasp of the subject.” When sentences have been misdated, the less they contain about anachronisms the better, and reviewers who do not carefully verify Mr. Darwin’s statements should not be too confident that they have grasped their subject. I have seen also a review of Mr. Darwin’s book in the Popular Science Review for this current month, and observe that it does “occur to” the writer to state (p. 69), in flat contradiction to the assertions made in the preface of the book he is reviewing, that only part of Dr. Krause’s original essay is being given by Mr. Darwin. It is plain that this reviewer had seen both Kosmos and Mr. Darwin’s book.14 The writer of the review of ‘Evolution Old and New’—which immediately follows the one referred to in the preceeding paragraph—quotes the passsage above given as quoted in the Pall Mall Gazette. I see it does “occur to” him, too—again in flat contradiction to Mr. Darwin’s preface—to add that “this anachronism has been committed by Mr. Samuel Butler, in a … little volume now before us, and it is doubtless to this, which appeared while his own work was in progress (italics mine), that Dr. Krause alludes in the above passage.”15 Considering that the editor of the Popular Science Review and the translator of Dr. Krause’s article for Mr. Darwin are one and the same person, it is likely that the Popular Science Review has surmised correctly that Dr. Krause was writing at ‘Evolution Old and New’: yet he seems to have found it very sufficiently useful to him. [Enclosure 2] First letter disapproved by everybody16 To the Editor of the Athenæum Sir. Mr Butler in his letter in your last number seems to think me guilty of intentional duplicity in not having stated in the preface to my notice of the life of Erasmus Darwin, that Dr Krause had considerably altered the article in Kosmos before he sent it to Mr Dallas for translation. In my private letter to Mr Butler I said that it was so common a practice for an author to alter an article before its re-publication, that it never occurred to me to state that this had been done in the present case.17 Afterwards a dim recollection crossed my mind that I had written something on the subject, & I looked at the first proof received from Messrs Clowes, & found in it the following passage, here copied verbatim (To the Compositor, be so good as to insert inverted commas to the whole of this extract)18

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“Dr. Krause has taken great pains, and has added largely to his essay as it appeared in ‘Kosmos;’ and my preliminary notice, having been written before I had seen the additions, unfortunately contains much repetition of what Dr.  Krause has said. In fact the present volume contains two distinct biographies, of which I have no doubt that by Dr. Krause is much the best. I have left it almost wholly to him to treat of what Dr. Darwin has done in science, more especially in regard to evolution.” This proof sheet was sent to Dr Krause, with a letter in which I said that on further reflection it seemed to me absurd to publish two accounts of the life of the same man in the same volume; & that as my Notice was drawn up chiefly from unpublished documents, it appeared to me best that my account alone of the life should appear in England, with his account of the scientific works of Erasmus Darwin; but that he could of course publish the extracts from Miss Seward &c in the German edition. Dr Krause, with the liberality & kindness which has characterized all his conduct towards me, agreed instantly to my suggestion; but added that he thought it better that the text of the German edition should correspond with the English one, & that he would add the extracts &c in a supplement or in foot-notes. He then expressly asked me to strike out the passage above quoted, which I did; & having done so, it did not occur to me to add, as I ought to have done, that the retained parts of Dr Krause’s article had been much modified.19 It seems to me that any one, on comparing the article in Kosmos with the translation, & on finding many passages at the beginning omitted, & many towards the end added, might have inferred that the author had enlarged & improved it, without suspecting a deep scheme of duplicity. Finally I may state, as I did in my letter to Mr Butler, that I obtained Dr Krause’s permission for a translation of his article to appear in England, & Mr Dallas agreed to translate it, before I heard of any announcement of Mr Butler’s last book—20 A?? As Mr Butler evidently does not believe my deliberate assertion that the omission of any statement that Dr Krause had altered his article before sending it for translation, was unintentional or accidental, I think that I shall be justified in declining to answer any future attack which Mr Butler may make on me. Sir | your obedient servant— | Charles Darwin Down Beckenham | Jan 24th. 1880.21 A (a sentence that [most] objected to)22 He is mistaken in supposing that I was offended by this book, for I looked only at the part about the life of Erasmus Darwin; I did not even look at the part about evolution; for I had found in his former work that I could not make his views harmonise with what I knew.23 I was indeed told that this part contained some bitter sarcasms against me; but this determined me all the more not to read it. [Enclosure 3] (Second letter) ultimately rejected—24

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Evolution Old and New Sir, In regard to the letter from Mr Butler which appeared in your columns last week under the above heading, I wish to state that the omission of any mention of the alterations made by Dr Krause in his article before it was re-published had no connection whatever with Mr Butler. I find in the first proofs received from Messrs Clowes, the words “Dr Krause has added largely to his essay as it appeared in Kosmos”.25 These words were afterwards accidentally omitted, & when I wrote privately to Mr Butler I had forgotten that they had ever been written. (I could explain distinctly how the accident arose, but the explanation does not seem to me worth giving.) This omission, as I have already said, I much regret. It is a mere illusion on the part of Mr Butler to suppose that it could make any difference to me, whether or not the public knew that Dr Krause’s article had been added to or altered before being translated. The additions were made quite independently of any suggestion or wish on my part. (As Mr Butler evidently does not believe my deliberate assertion that the above omission was unintentional, I must decline any further discussion with him.) Sir, | Your obedient servant | Charles Darwin To the Editor of the Athenæum Down, Beckenham, Kent. Feb. 1. 1880 DAR 92: B98–101, B102, B121; DAR 185: 40 CD annotations 1.7 There … believe &c” 1.10] del blue crayon 3.1 All … letter] del blue crayon 1 2 3

4

5 6 7

The year is established by the reference to Samuel Butler’s letter to the Athenæum (see n. 2, below). For Butler’s letter in the Athenæum of 31 January 1880, see enclosure 1. Litchfield: Richard Buckley Litchfield, Henrietta’s husband. The Monday following 1 February 1880 was 2 February. CD sent this letter, a copy of the Athenæum, and the second or both of his two draft letters to the Athenæum (enclosures 2 and 3) with his coachman, John Skinner (letter from H. E. Litchfield, [1 February 1880], enclosure 2 and n. 10). CD’s first draft letter to the Athenæum (enclosure 2) consisted of three large manuscript pages plus an additional partial sheet with the suggested addition. A capital ‘A’ on the third manuscript page indicated where the addition should be inserted before the sentence mentioned in this letter (see n. 22, below). The section of the paragraph that follows ‘Friday evening’ was crossed out in blue crayon, probably at a later date. This sentence was crossed out in blue crayon, probably at a later date. For the second draft letter to the Athenæum, written on the advice of Francis Darwin and Leonard Darwin, see enclosure 3. Ernst Krause had written the second section of Erasmus Darwin, titled ‘The scientific works of Erasmus Darwin’. CD’s ‘Preliminary notice’, a biographical sketch of Erasmus Darwin, focused on Erasmus’s character and work as a physician, and also aimed to correct inaccuracies in earlier accounts. The comments that Butler objected to were in Krause’s part, although he also objected to the fact that CD had failed to mention that Krause’s part had been modified in the light of Butler’s book, Evolution, old and new (Butler 1879).

58 8 9

10 11 12 13 14 15 16

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19 20 21

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February 1880

Samuel Butler’s letter regarding Evolution, old and new (Butler 1879) appeared in the Athenæum, 31 January 1880, p. 155. Erasmus Darwin was published in early November 1879 (Correspondence vol. 27, letter from Reginald Darwin, 12 November 1879). The title page refers to Krause as the main author, with CD’s contribution described as a ‘preliminary notice’. See Erasmus Darwin, p. iii. William Sweetland Dallas translated Krause’s essay (Krause 1879a) for Erasmus Darwin. Erasmus Darwin, p. iv. See letter from Samuel Butler, 2 January 1880, and letter to Samuel Butler, 3 January 1880. For Butler’s brief reply to CD, see the letter from Samuel Butler, 21 January 1880. The unsigned review that appeared in the Pall Mall Gazette was written by Frederick Pollock ([Pollock] 1879b; for the attribution, see the letter from R. B. Litchfield, 1 February 1880). The unsigned review in the Popular Science Review, January 1880, pp. 69–71, was probably written by Dallas, who was the editor of the journal. The unsigned review of Evolution, old and new in the Popular Science Review, January 1880, pp. 72–3, was also probably written by Dallas. Square brackets in original. This sentence was added in pencil in CD’s hand, probably at a later date; he added the words ‘First letter’ at the top of each subsequent page of enclosure 2, except for added paragraph ‘A’. The body of the enclosure is in Emma Darwin’s hand. See letter to Samuel Butler, 3 January 1880. The following paragraph is from a printed proof-sheet pasted onto the first manuscript page, with quotation marks added by hand; the instructions to the compositor are written in CD’s hand next to the pasted extract. See Correspondence vol. 27, letter to Ernst Krause, 13 August 1879, and letter from Ernst Krause, 6 August 1879. Miss Seward: Anna Seward. See Correspondence vol. 27, letter from Ernst Krause, 12 March 1879, and letter from W. S. Dallas, 14 March 1879. Butler 1879 was published on 3 May 1879 (see enclosure 1, above). If this date is correct, CD wrote most of this draft (except the section labelled ‘A’) before reading Butler’s letter in the Athenæum of 31 January 1880, being already aware of its probable contents (see letter from Samuel Butler, 21 January 1880). The following section was intended to precede the last paragraph of the body of the letter (see also n. 4, above). ‘a sentence that [most] object to)’ was added in pencil by CD at a later date See Correspondence vol. 27, letter to Ernst Krause, 14 May 1879. Butler’s former work was Life and habit (Butler 1878), in which Butler presented his own view on evolution, which relied heavily on the theory of Jean Baptiste de Lamarck. This sentence was added in pencil by CD at a later date. The body of the enclosure is in the hand of an amanuensis. Krause read Evolution old and new (Butler 1879) before finishing his own essay, but did not cite it in Erasmus Darwin. For his criticisms of Butler 1879, see Correspondence vol. 27, letter from Ernst Krause, 7 June 1879, and Krause 1879b. William Clowes & Sons were printers to John Murray, CD’s publisher.

From H. E. Litchfield   [1 February 1880]1 4, Bryanston Street, | Portman Square. W. My dear Father— R was very late coming in so that we had rather a hurried consultation over the letter & I did not thank you for caring to consult us—which I do most heartily whatever you do with our advice— You will see by my first letter which was written before I got yours how sure I felt that you wd not think of answering Butler.2 I foresee one result of your letter that Butler will say you have been guilty of another quibble— first you say to him that it never occurred to you to state that

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Krause had altered his article & then that you actually had it in the proof sheets & as you say accidentally omitted to publish it— Now, Butler, will say which of these two statements are true—& so it gives him scope for a whole set of fresh insults—& with his clever pen he can make something very disagreeable, out of this— The world will only know or at any rate remember that you & Butler had a controversy in which he will have the last word— If they understand it at all they’ll see that its nothing whatever against you—but if they merely know there have been letters backwards & forwards they may think there is some ground for Butlers accusation agst you of jealousy of yr grandfather—3 If you leave the letter alone the facts are all there for those who care to read them, & it remains that Butler said some nasty spiteful things which you didn’t care to answer So Goodbye dear Father— You get enough advice from us in quantity— your most affec. | H E L [Enclosure 1] 4, Bryanston Street, | Portman Square. W. 1 Feb 1880 Dear Mr. Darwin, Henrietta asks me to write my ideas on the Butler letter & your proposed answer.4 When I read Butler’s statement at the Club5 yesty I was much relieved to find that it was of a kind which, as I thought made any answer absolutely unnecessary. Neither in form, nor in substance, is it such as to suggest that a reply is expected. You will observe that it does not, as is common with newspaper attacks, ask for any further information or explanation, or touch any point of fact on which either the assailant, or a reader, could require such— In short, I never was clearer about anything than that, if it were my case, I should say nothing. I tried, a second time, to read the Statement, as if I were an outsider who knew nothing of the quarrel, & felt entirely sure this is the right conclusion. Not one reader in a thousand will make head or tail of the grievance. It’s all muddled up with complaints agst divers reviewers—6 This alone practically neutralizes any effect it might have had otherwise. Then if an attentive reader does care to look back & see what the complaint was he will also see (though in a brief form) your substantial reply: and this is on the face of it, sufficient for the purpose. All the rest of B.’s insinuations read to an outsider as merely the annoyance & venom of a man out of temper & hitting wildly about him. If you answer him you bring about exactly the result he most wants, wh is to fill people’s heads with the notion that yr. bk. is in some way a reply or rejoinder to his: in fact you make it a “Darwin–Butler affaire” as the French wd. say—and this is what will delight him. As it stands there is nothing wh.  any friend of yrs.  or any absolutely indifferent person cd want explained or answered, and the tone of Butler is of itself quite enough to deprive him of any shadow of claim to an answer wh. a loyal and friendly correspondent might have.

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What I am trying to convey in this letter is that I have thought the thing over as a cold outsider. & that it is in this character that I am against any reply to B. I agree however wholly with all that H. says as to yr. draft reply. Yrs affec | R B. L [Enclosure 2] 4, Bryanston Street, | Portman Square. W. To Father7 But in any case omit interpolated sentence about you   Could give explanation of how omission came to be made8   People will easily guess that such an accident is possible & this weakens the effect— Also & this is much more important omit last sentence which shows that Butler has stung you—9 of course there is no question of a controversy between you & the letter shd be done with a perfectly dry cold manner. I shd like you to treat Butler like a man does a woman who hits him— it isn’t pleasant, but its impossible to meet it— Your character for perfect fairness & magnanimity is known to everybody who knows anything of science & to think that anybody will heed what Butler says is absurd— I shd be very sorry that this last sentence shd go forth— R. wants to say some more but hasn’t time before John’s train—so please don’t make up yr mind—till you hear from us by post—10 We have copied out your letter to Athenæum so as to make any corrections John going DAR 92: B72–4; B91–4 1

2 3

4 5 6 7 8

9

The date is established by the date of the first enclosure.This packet of letters was sent by hand to CD in response to the letter to H. E. Litchfield, 1 February [1880]. The letters are presented in the probable sequence in which they were written. See letter to H. E. Litchfield, 1 February [1880]. The ‘first letter’ has not been found. Henrietta refers to Samuel Butler. Henrietta Emma Litchfield had been sent one or two draft letters from CD to the Athenæum, along with a copy of the Athenæum containing the letter from Samuel Butler (see letter to H. E. Litchfield, 1  February  [1880] and three enclosures). In his first draft response, CD had stated that text had inadvertently been left out of the preface to Erasmus Darwin explaining that Ernst Krause’s original essay (Krause 1879a) had been revised (see letter to H. E. Litchfield, 1 February [1880], enclosure 2). Erasmus Darwin was CD’s grandfather. Richard Buckley Litchfield appears to have read Henrietta’s letter before writing his own view on the matter. The club was probably the Oxford and Cambridge Club (H. E. Litchfield 1910, p. 245). See letter to H. E. Litchfield, 1 February [1880], enclosure 1, and nn. 13–15. This note was evidently written after further discussion between Henrietta and her husband. The interpolated sentence in CD’s second draft letter begins, ‘I could explain …’ It is written between the lines (see letter to H. E. Litchfield, 1 February [1880], enclosure 3). This sentence is enclosed in pencil square brackets. In his first draft letter, CD gave a more detailed description of how a section of the preface to Erasmus Darwin had accidentally been omitted (see n. 3, above). The last sentence in CD’s first draft letter to the Athenæum was shortened and slightly modified in his second draft, where it was enclosed with square brackets (letter to H. E. Litchfield, 1 February [1880], enclosures 2 and 3).

February 1880 10

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John Skinner was CD’s coachman. In a letter dated 4 February 1880 (DAR 219.1: 134), Emma Darwin wrote to her son William Erasmus Darwin, ‘F. got so anxious to get his answer to Butler’s attack off his mind that he sent John up w. it to R. & Hen. for their approval. They sent it down again with 2 very sensible letters from R. & Hen warmly dissuading him from taking any notice.’

From R. B. Litchfield   1 February 1880 4, Bryanston Street, | Portman Square. W. 1 Feb 1880 Dear Mr. Darwin, Since sending off our last packet I bethought myself I shd. like to ask the first bystander I could meet how Butler’s letter struck him as regards the need of an answer, and so I went in & shewed the Athm. to Pollock in this street.1 As an accustomed literary man & man of the world I wanted to see whether he wd. agree w. me. But of course I did not tell him anything before he read the article. I merely said when you have read it I want to ask yr. opinion on a certain point and when he had read it my question was does that in yr opinion need any answer? His reply was 1st. that he might be prejudiced as he knew something of B.—but he was strong that it didn’t want answering. (Of course I didnt lead him to suppose it was any more than a question from me personally.) He had himself written the Pall Mall Article as it happened—also an Art. in Sat. Rev on Butlers Book.2 B., he tells me, is known to be getting up a grand reply to all his critics & he is making a point of getting their names. He wrote to the Saty w. this enqy but the Sat. put him off with a formal refusal.3 All wh. helps to shew that he is a virulent Salamander of a man4 who will fight to the end, and as P. said, his greatest joy wd. be to get into a public dispute w. a man of eminence. P. however, tho’ aware of his character, was by no means prejudiced agst his bks. (he thinks them nonsense but very clever nonsense) and his opinion on the question of a reply was I have no doubt a dry opinion. I have since looked with a critical eye at yr. draft & I am thereby only confirmed in my impression for I do not find that it, in substance, contains anything wh. is not already in the sentence quoted by B. from yr note.5 But while to the Substance of yr. explann it adds nothing it gives B. the most admirable chance for another nasty letter inasmuch as it gives him new facts. At present he knows, & need know, nothing of the mere mechanical detail of the accident wh. caused the omission. These you in part give him. As he is now he cannot say anything more: he has made the worst of all he knows. But to a wretched unscrupulous word-fencer as he is yr. letter opens material for a wholly new attack, and if the Athm. likes to put it in, he can easily make it appear that there’s something very suspicious & mysterious in yr. proceedings. Given only that a man that is a blackguard and there is no end to the stuff he mighn’t write on such a theme. For illustration’s sake I have put down a few sentences, as they came into my head, such as he might string together.6 The fact is that such a story as that of the alteration of the proofs in this case cannot be made satisfactory unless it is told in full: and of course to tell it in full wd

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be ridiculous. The main topic is itself a merely microscopic point, and to go into the business wd. be too intolerable. But over & above all special considerations is the one that a reply in such a case is necessarily an apologetic process, and that you have nothing to apologize for. I dare say much of this repeats Henrietta.7 In what she has read to me I wholly agree. [Enclosure] Sketch of imaginary reply by Butler Sir. When I wrote &c last week I thought I knew all that was likely to be known abt r M Darwin’s extraordy treatment of my book, but his letter to you makes some most remarkable additions to the strange story. Mr D. had told me that it “never occurred to him” to state &c.— Never occurred to him!! When now it seems that it not only occurred to him, but that he did state &c &c   Stated it in a printed preface, and afterwards, in some mysterious way, this statement disappeared from the proof ! Perhaps Mr D. will complete the story &c &c. Sentences do not vanish out of a printed page by accident, only &c &c. He goes on to tell us that “it is an illusion to suppose it cd make any diffce &c &c” It might have been an illusion due to my ignorance but the details kindly given by Mr. D. now shew it to be a fact that it did make a diffce. If no diffce why was the sentence expunged? If the excision was an accident it is of course needless for Mr D. to tell us that it had nothing to with Mr. Butler— Accidents do not usually need to be thus explained &c &c. &c. Nor is a great Naturalist the man we shd think likely wholly to forget(!) the act of cancelling his own deliberate statements Then Mr. D. tells us that the addns. were made independently &c—   Strange that an author of distinction shd be so delightfully pliable in the hands of somebody else. Who this somebody else might be, whether Dr K.8 or &c &c we are not told. And lastly Mr. D. is oblg. eno’ to say that I do not believe his delib. assertion &c. I have not to my knowledge adopted this severe estimate of Mr. D.’s veracity but certainly if Mr. D wanted to create the incredulity wh he is so polite as to attribute to me the best means of achieving that result wd. be to supply us with more of the explanations of wh he has given a sample in yr. columns of Saty last. DAR 92: B75–8, 81 1

2 3

See letter from H. E. Litchfield, [1 February 1880]. For Samuel Butler’s letter, published in the Athenæum, 31 January 1880, see the letter to H. E. Litchfield, 1 February [1880], enclosure 1. Frederick Pollock lived at 24 Bryanston Street (Post Office London directory 1880). Pollock had written an unsigned review of Erasmus Darwin in the Pall Mall Gazette, ([Pollock] 1879b); also an unsigned review of Evolution, old and new (Butler 1879) in the Saturday Review ([Pollock] 1879a). When the second edition of Evolution, old and new was published, Butler added an appendix in which he discussed the reviews of the first edition (Butler 1882, pp. 385–94); he noted that the Saturday Review had attacked his book almost savagely (ibid., p. 389).

February 1880 4 5

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Litchfield alludes to the mythical ability of salamanders to be able to endure fire. In his letter to the Athenæum, Butler had quoted from CD’s letter to him of 3 January 1880 as follows: ‘it never occurred to me to state that the article had been modified; but now I much regret that I did not do so’ (see letter to H.  E.  Litchfield, 1  February  [1880], enclosure 1; for CD’s draft replies, see enclosures 2 and 3). See the enclosure to this letter. See letter from H. E. Litchfield, [1 February 1880]. Ernst Krause was the co-author of Erasmus Darwin.

To Wallis Nash   1 February 1880 Down,| Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Feb 1. 80 My dear Mr. Nash. I thank you cordially for your long & very interesting letter.1 Your life sounds very prosperous & I am delighted to hear that you are all well & happy. We heard some time ago with much alarm of your illness, but I trust it was not as bad as it sounded.2 I can well understand your enjoying your new life, for in old days I well remember thinking that a colonist’s lot, with children, was a happy one. I remember especially this in regard to Tasmania.3 Frank will tell you what little news there is to be told about this quiet place.4 But I must send my own kindest remembrances to Mrs. Nash. You will both ever be a heavy loss here.5 Believe me my dear Mr. Nash Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin F. Louise Nash Barton (private collection) 1 2

3 4 5

See letter from Wallis Nash, 4 January 1880. Nash and his family had emigrated to Oregon in 1879 (Smith and Dimick 1976, pp. 78–9). In his book Two years in Oregon (Nash 1882, p. 100), Wallis Nash refers to ‘a sharp attack of illness’ in the autumn of 1879. The Darwins received a false report in October 1879 that Nash had died (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter to ?, 23 October 1879). While on the HMS Beagle voyage, CD had written from Van Diemen’s Land (Tasmania) praising it as ‘a most admirable place of emigration’ (Correspondence vol. 1, letter to Catherine Darwin, 14 February 1836). Nash had written that he hoped CD’s son Francis Darwin would reply to his letter of 4 January 1880. When Wallis and Louisa A’hmuty Nash moved from Down to Beckenham in 1878, CD had called it ‘an irreparable loss to our village’ (Correspondence vol. 26, letter to Wallis Nash, 27 March 1878).

To T. H. Huxley   2 February 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Feb 2. 1880 My dear Huxley, I am going to ask you to me a great kindness. Mr Butler has attacked me bitterly, in fact accusing me of lying, duplicity, & God knows what, because I unintentionally omitted to state that Krause had enlarged his Kosmos article before sending it

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for translation.1 I have written the enclosed letter to the Athenæum in reply; but Litchfield is strongly opposed to my making any answer, and I enclose his letter if you can find time to read it.2 Of the other members of my family some are for & some against answering. I should rather like to show that I had intended to state that Krause had enlarged his article. On the other hand a clever & unscrupulous man like Mr Butler would be sure to twist whatever I may say against me; & the longer the controversy lasts the more degrading it is to me. If my letter is printed both the Litchfields want me to omit the two sentences now marked by pencil brackets; but I see no reason for their omission.3 Now will you do me the lasting kindness to read carefully the attack & my answer; & as I have unbounded confidence in your judgement, whatever you advise that I will do: whether you advise me to make no answer, or to send the enclosed letter as it stands or to strike out the sentences between brackets Ever yours sincerely | Charles Darwin P.S. Since writing the above I have received another letter from Litchfield, with a splendid imaginary letter from Butler, showing how he would probably travestie my answer. He tells me that he took the Athenæum to Mr Pollock, & asked him, (without giving any hint of his own opinion) whether Butler’s attack ought to be answered & he said “no”.4 But I wait in anxiety for your answer as this will decide me. LS(A) Imperial College of Science, Technology and Medicine Archives (Huxley 5: 336) 1

2

3

4

For Samuel Butler’s letter to the Athenæum, see the letter to H. E. Litchfield, 1 February [1880], enclosure 1. Ernst Krause had revised his essay on Erasmus Darwin (Krause 1879a) for publication in Erasmus Darwin. Although Krause had read Butler’s Evolution, old and new (Butler 1879), he did not cite it in his own essay. In his letter to the Athenæum, Butler accused CD and Krause of responding to Butler 1879 while maintaining that they had written their book before Butler 1879 was published. CD evidently enclosed a copy of the Athenæum containing Butler’s letter, his second draft letter to the Athenæum, and the first enclosure to the first letter from H. E. Litchfield, [1 February 1880] (see letter to H. E. Litchfield, 1 February [1880], enclosures 1 and 3; see also letter to R. B. Litchfield, 2 February 1880). His son-in-law, Richard Buckley Litchfield, had advised against responding to Butler, arguing that no reply was necessary (letter from H. E. Litchfield, [1 February 1880]). For the positions of CD’s family members on whether or not to respond to Butler’s attack, see the letter to R. B. Litchfield, 2 February 1880. The sentence beginning ‘I could explain …’ and the final sentence of CD’s second draft letter to the Athenæum are enclosed in pencil brackets (see letter to H. E. Litchfield, 1 February [1880], enclosure 3). See second letter from R.  B.  Litchfield, 1  February  1880 and enclosure. Litchfield had consulted his neighbour Frederick Pollock, who had written reviews of both Butler 1879 and Erasmus Darwin ([Pollock] 1879a and [Pollock] 1879b).

To R. B. Litchfield   2 February 1880 Down. Feb 2. 1880 My dear Litchfield I have only a moment or two to thank you & Henrietta most warmly for all the trouble which you have taken.1 Your first letter I think about the most sensible one

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I ever read.2 Your imaginary answer for B is splendid. I am almost converted not to answer & I did not think I could be. Indeed I am converted.— So almost is Mother— Leonard partially.— F still maintains that if it were his case he would answer.3 We had thought of Huxley & I shall despatch by this post the Athenæum & my answer to him & I will enclose (for I think you could not object) your first letter. I will not enclose 2nd. letter, merely not to trouble H with reading so much.—4 I hope to god Huxley will say no. We do not agree about the 2 sentences to be cut out, if my answer is to be printed.5 You have both been very very kind to me. The affair has      me to a silly extent6 yours affectionately | Ch. Darwin Copy DAR 146: 56 1

2 3

4

5

6

CD had asked the Litchfields for advice on whether to respond to Samuel Butler’s letter to the Athenæum complaining of the treatment of his own work in Erasmus Darwin (see letter to H. E. Litchfield, 1 February [1880]). Letter from H.E. Litchfield, [1 February 1880], enclosure 1. Litchfield had composed an imaginary reply by Butler to CD’s draft letter to the Athenæum; see letter from R. B. Litchfield, 1 February 1880 and enclosure. Emma Darwin, Leonard Darwin, and Francis Darwin had also read CD’s draft reply to Butler. CD sent Thomas Henry Huxley a copy of the Athenæum containing Butler’s letter, his second draft letter to the Athenæum, and the first enclosure to the letter from H.E. Litchfield, [1 February 1880] (see letter to H. E. Litchfield, 1 February [1880], enclosures 1 and 3). The sentence beginning ‘I could explain …’ and the final sentence of CD’s second draft letter to the Athenæum were enclosed in pencil brackets to indicate that they should possibly be omitted (see letter to H. E. Litchfield, 1 February [1880], enclosure 3). The copyist left a gap, presumably because a word was illegible.

From W. Z. Seddon   2 February 1880 21 Portugal St | Bolton February 2nd 1880 C. Darwin Esq. F.R.S. D.C.L. &c. Sir My schoolmaster the other day in Conversation Lesson (That is a lesson every Wednesday from 11–15  am to 12  when we ask him anything we like) Had this question asked. “What causes the different shades of colour in the inhabitants of the earth”. He could not exactly tell the answer but he thought the different kinds of climate might cause it: I am just turned 12 years of age and attend the British School. Mawdsley St. Bolton.1 If I am not troubling you too much, may I ask if you could kindly tell me where I shall find an answer to this question. If in a few words you could give me any idea of the reasons, I should be greatly obliged I am Sir | your obedient Servant | William Zaccheus Seddon DAR 177: 126

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British schools were non-denominational elementary schools of a type founded by the British and Foreign School Society (formed in 1814) and run according to the educationalist Joseph Lancaster’s system of using older pupils to help teach younger children (OED).

From Asa Gray   3 February 1880 Herbarium of Harvard University,| Botanic Garden, Cambridge, Mass. Feb. 3 1880. My Dear Darwin Your letter of the 19th ult, made me open my eyes.1 I am just off on a little journey, and have only a moment to say that Mr. Watson, Prof. Goodale, my artist who drew the figures & others can make affidavit to the facts.2 Two or three plants—on one, I think fully 2 inches of the seeming radicle was out of ground3 There are 3 or 4 species. The second lot I sent you was probably different from the first, or of 2 species.4 If your plants were weak, even of the same species, it might account for their not lifting the weight of the seed. About nomenclature, following the current nomenclature I called the hypocotyledonous internode radicle—properly caulicle.5 Please call all below it root, so as to avoid confusion, “Perennial” I should think so! The root is said to be sometimes of the size of a barrel. Those I have seen in California were from the size of a carrot to that of the biggest ruta-baga.: the tip near the surface of the ground,—but under it, where there was no wash.6 In haste | Ever Yours | Asa Gray DAR 209.6: 201 CD annotations 2.1 If your … the seed. 2.2] scored red crayon Top of letter: ‘In my case petioles geotropic— In Asa Gray apogeotropic!!’7 ink 1 2

3 4

5

See letter to Asa Gray, 19 January 1880; see also letter to Asa Gray, 20 January 1880. Sereno Watson was the curator of the herbarium at Harvard (ANB); George Lincoln Goodale was professor of botany at Harvard. The figure in Gray’s botanical textbook (A. Gray 1879, p. 21) illustrating the development of a seedling of Megarrhiza californica (a synonym of Marah fabacea, California manroot) did not show which part of the seedling was below ground; no artist is credited for the illustrations in the textbook. In his article on the germination of the genus Megarrhiza (A. Gray 1877, p. 23), Gray had reported that the body of the seed was raised well outside the soil on what seemed to be a welldeveloped radicle. In Movement in plants, p. 82, in his copy of Gray’s figure of the Megarrhiza seedling, CD added a dotted line to indicate that most of the illustrated seedling was below the ground. CD had first requested seeds of Megarrhiza from Gray in October 1879 (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter to Asa Gray, 24 October 1879); he received some in December (ibid., letter to J. D. Hooker, 19 December [1879]), but later reported that some of a second batch of seeds failed to germinate (letter to Asa Gray, 17 February 1880). For the species of Megarrhiza recognised at this time, see A. Gray 1877; see also Stocking 1955). In the glossary of his textbook, Gray defined the caulicle as the initial stem in an embryo; the radicle of the embryo was defined as the hypocotyledonary and primary internode (A. Gray 1879, pp. 401,

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429–30). In Movement in plants, p. 5, CD defined the stem supporting the cotyledons as the hypocotyl; it was distinguished from the radicle only by the presence of root-hairs in the latter. CD had asked whether Megarrhiza californica was an annual or perennial (letter to Asa Gray, 19 January 1880). The rutabaga or swede (Brassica napus var. napobrassica) is a cross between a turnip (B. rapa) and a cabbage (B. oleracea). CD described the petioles of Megarrhiza californica as completely confluent, forming a tube; he noted that as soon as they protruded from the seed, they were strongly geotropic and penetrated the ground unless they met with an obstacle; in that case, the cotyledons were lifted above the ground (Movement in plants, p. 81).

From T. H. Huxley   3 February 1880 Science and Art Department | South Kensington Feby. 3. 1880 My dear Darwin I read Butler’s letter & your draft and Litchfield’s letter last night; slept over them, and after lecturing about Dogfish & Chimæræ (subjects which have a distinct appropriateness to Butler) I have read them again—and I say, without the least hesitation, burn your draft & take no notice whatever of Mr Butler until the next edition of your book comes out—when the briefest possible note explanatory of the circumstances—will be all that is necessary1 Litchfield ought hereafter to be called ‘the judicious’ as Hooker was (I don’t mean Sir Joe but the divine)—2 To my mind nothing can be sounder than his advice and “I am a man of (sor)rows and acquainted with (coming to) grief ”3 I am astounded at Butler—who I thought was a gentleman though his last book appeared to me to be supremely foolish— Has Mivart bitten him & given him Darwinophobia?4 It is a horrid disease & I would kill every son of a I found running loose with it—without mercy— But dont you worry as to these things   Recollect what old Goethe said about his Butlers & Mivarts “Hat doch der Wallfisch seine Laus Muss auch die meine haben.”5 We are as jolly as people can be who have been living in the dark for a week & I hope you are all flourishing Ever Yours | T H Huxley DAR 92: B82–3 1

See letter to T. H. Huxley, 2 February 1880. CD enclosed a copy of the Athenæum containing Samuel Butler’s letter, CD’s second draft letter to the Athenæum (see letter to H. E. Litchfield, 1 February [1880], enclosures 1 and 3), as well as the first enclosure of the letter from H. E. Litchfield, [1 February 1880]. Dogfish sharks and chimaeras are types of cartilaginous fishes; Huxley grouped sharks and chimaeras into a single class, Chondrichthyes (T. H. Huxley 1880b, p. 660). Huxley also alludes to the Chimaera of Greek mythology, since the term, used figuratively, refers to a wild fancy or unfounded conception (OED).

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February 1880

Richard Buckley Litchfield had advised against responding to Butler, arguing that no reply was needed (letter from H. E. Litchfield, [1 February 1880], enclosure 1). Joseph Dalton Hooker was a close friend of both CD and Huxley. The theologian Richard Hooker had been characterised as ‘judicious’ by many different religious groups (ODNB). Huxley alludes to the biblical verse, ‘He was despised and rejected of men; a man of sorrows, and acquainted with grief ’ (Isaiah 53:3). Butler’s book was Evolution, old and new (Butler 1879). CD had had a similar falling out with St George Jackson Mivart after Mivart suggested in an anonymous essay review in the Quarterly Review that, in an article on marriage, George Howard Darwin spoke in an approving strain of the encouragement of vice to check population growth ([Mivart] 1874, p. 70, G. H. Darwin 1873; see Correspondence vols. 22 and 23). After all, the whale has its louse, so I must also have mine (German; Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, in ‘Pseudo-Wanderer’; see, for example, Goethe 1845–6, 1: 138). The poem refers to Johann Friedrich Wilhelm Pustkuchen. On Pustkuchen’s critique of Goethe and Goethe’s response, see Bahr 1998, pp. 7–8, 52–5.

From R. B. Litchfield   3 February 1880 4 Bryanston Street | Portman Square. W. 3. Feb 1880 Dear Mr. Darwin, t I think Huxley’s judgm. will be a safe one on the question of replyg. to Butler— unless it be perhaps that he is himself horribly pugnacious & wd. naturally be for fighting1 I still cannot frame to myself any answer wh wd. be of the slightest use, or logically sound, except it confine itself to a mere reitern. of what you’ve already told B. If such a reply seems any good it might be in such form as I have put down on back of this. I do think it of the most supreme importance not to allude to B.’s pretending to think you untrustworthy—and that any reply shd. be absolutely without feeling.2 Always Yrs affec. | R. B. L. Evol n. Old & New3 Sir, I have read the statement by Mr. S. Butler wh. appeared in yr. columns of Saty last under the above heading, as to my having omitted to mention, in the preface to the lately issued transln of Dr. Krause’s Essay on Erasmus Darwin, that his paper had been somewhat altered before being thus republished.4 As Mr.  Butler quotes my letter to him in wh. I informed him that this omission was accidental, & that it shd. be corrected in case of the little book reaching a Second Edition, I do not see that I need trouble yr. readers with any further observations on the matter.5 DAR 92: B79–80 1

In his letter of 2 February 1880, CD told Litchfield that he planned to ask Thomas Henry Huxley’s opinion on whether he should respond to accusations made by Samuel Butler in a letter to the Athenæum (see letter to T. H. Huxley, 2 February 1880). For Butler’s letter to the Athenæum, see the letter to H. E. Litchfield, 1 February [1880], enclosure 1.

February 1880 2

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CD had sent one or two versions of his draft letter to the Athenæum to Henrietta Emma Litchfield (letter to H. E. Litchfield, 1 February [1880], enclosures 2 and 3). Both the Litchfields advised CD not to respond to Butler, but also advised CD to delete some sentences from his draft if he did decide to reply (see letter from H. E. Litchfield, [1 February 1880], and letter from R. B. Litchfield, 1 February 1880). This draft is Litchfield’s suggestion for a letter from CD to the Athenæum in response to Butler. The translation of Ernst Krause’s essay (Krause 1879a) was the second part of Erasmus Darwin. See letter to Samuel Butler, 3 January 1880. A second edition of Erasmus Darwin was published in 1887, after CD’s death (Erasmus Darwin 2d ed.). The following note was added to the preface: ‘[Mr. Darwin accidentally omitted to mention that Dr. Krause revised, and made certain additions to, his Essay before it was translated. Among these additions is an allusion to Mr. Butler’s book, ‘Evolution, Old and New.’]’ (ibid., p. iv).

To G. J. Romanes   3 February 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Feb 3. 1880 My dear Romanes, I will keep your diagram for a few days, but I find it very difficult now to think over new subjects, so that it is not likely that I shall be able to send any criticisms; but you may rely on it that I will do my best.1 I am glad you like Guthries book.2 The two inclosed letters from Mr Moulton on the subject are I think worth your reading, but you must consider them private & please return them. He doesn’t think much of Guthrie as a physicist.3 If you care to read a little book on pure instinct get Fabre Souvenirs Entomologiques 1879. It is really admirable, and very good on the sense of direction in insects  I have sent him some suggestions such as rotating the insects but I do not know whether he will try them.4 I have been very glad to read Grant Allen’s letter; we have all done a good work.5 Yours very sincerely | Charles Darwin LS American Philosophical Society (Mss.B.D25.570) 1

2

3

4

Romanes’s letter has not been found; the diagram was evidently an early version of a fold-out one opposite the title page of Mental evolution in animals (G. J. Romanes 1883); the published diagram detailed the evolution of emotions and intellect across the animal world over time, as well as showing the development of these faculties in humans from birth to age 15 months. Malcolm Guthrie had written a critique of Herbert Spencer’s views on CD’s theory of natural selection, On Mr. Spencer’s formula of evolution (Guthrie 1879). CD had discussed the book with family members and friends in December 1879 (see Correspondence vol. 27). John Fletcher Moulton had read Guthrie 1879 after discussing it with CD, and sent two letters giving his opinion of the book (see Correspondence vol. 27, letters from J. F. Moulton, 10 December 1879 and 13 December 1879). In his letter of 10 December 1879, Moulton had criticised Guthrie’s use of physical terminology without accurate knowledge of what the terms meant, and referred to the critique of Spencer as ‘a pseudo-scientific criticism of a pseudo-scientific work’. Jean-Henri Fabre had sent CD a copy of Souvenirs entomologiques (Fabre 1879). For CD’s comments on the book, including his suggestions for experiments on the sense of direction of insects, see the letter to J.-H. Fabre, 31 January 1880.

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February 1880

Romanes evidently sent a letter he received from Grant Allen with his now missing letter (letter from Grant Allen to G. J. Romanes, 28 January 1880). CD had contributed to a subscription to send Allen and his family to the French Riviera for the winter of 1879–80 (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter to G. J. Romanes, 23 July 1879 and n. 1).

To T. H. Huxley   4 February [1880]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station| Orpington. S.E.R. Febr 4th My dear Huxley Oh Lord what a relief your letter has been to me. I feel like a man condemned to be hung who has just got a reprieve. I saw in the future no end of trouble, but I feared that I was bound in honour to answer.2 If you were here I cd show you exactly how the omission arose.—3 Your letter when read aloud made us all shake with laughter.— You have indeed done me a lasting kindness Yours affectionately | Ch. Darwin The affair has [annoyed] & pained me to a silly extent; but it wd. be disagreeable to any one to be publickly called in fact a liar. He seems to hint that I interpolated sentences in Krause’s M.S, but he could hardly have really thought so. Until quite recently he expressed great friendship for me & said he had learnt all he knew about Evolution from my books, & I have no idea what has made him so bitter against me.4 You have done me a real kindness.— Litchfield will be infinitely pleased at your letter. Emma is copying it to send him.—5 Imperial College of Science, Technology and Medicine Archives (Huxley 5: 338) 1 2

3

4

5

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from T. H. Huxley, 3 February 1880. Huxley had advised CD not to respond to Samuel Butler’s letter to the Athenæum (see letter to H. E. Litchfield, 1 February [1880], enclosure 1), in which Butler suggested that CD intentionally failed to mention that Ernst Krause’s original essay (Krause 1879a) had been reworked for Erasmus Darwin (see letter from T. H. Huxley, 3 February 1880). CD had explained the accidental omission of a note about the revision of Krause’s essay in his first draft letter to the Athenæum, but had not sent that draft to Huxley (see letter to H. E. Litchfield, 1 February [1880], enclosure 2). Butler’s first letter to CD had expressed his enjoyment of Origin; he later sent CD drawings by Arthur Dampier May, some of which were published in Expression (see Correspondence vol. 13, letter from Samuel Butler, 1 October 1865, and Correspondence vol. 20, letter from Samuel Butler to Francis Darwin, [before 30 May 1872]). Huxley had praised the advice CD received from his son-in-law Richard Buckley Litchfield. A copy of the letter from T. H. Huxley, 3 February 1880, in Emma Darwin’s hand, is in DAR 92: B95–6; in the copy, the words ‘every son of a’ were substituted with ‘everyone’, and Huxley’s drawing was omitted.

February 1880

71

To Ernst Krause   4 February 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station| Orpington. S.E.R. Feb 4 1880 My dear Sir, I enclose a page from the Athenæum with a fierce attack by Mr Butler on both of us, especially on me.1 No doubt I committed a great error in not having stated that you had largely altered the article in Kosmos; but I now find that there was a sentence to this effect in the first proof-sheet, which was afterwards accidentally omitted.2 I have consulted three men well capable of judging and they unanimously think Mr Butler’s letter so ungentlemanlike as not to deserve an answer from me.3 He seems to insinuate that I suggested to you or persuaded you to add passages attacking his book, or that I myself interpolated such passages. As far as I can remember the sole suggestion which I made to you was to take no notice of Mr Butler’s book.4 You will be able to judge better than I can whether it is incumbent on you to answer Mr Butler’s letter. I am very sorry that you should be in any way troubled in this affair. My dear Sir | Yours sincerely | Charles Darwin P.S. | The obscure expression ‘writing at’ in the last sentence in the Athenæum which I failed to understand at first seems to mean attacking LS The Huntington Library (HM 36200) 1 2

3

4

For Samuel Butler’s letter to the Athenæum, see the letter to H. E. Litchfield, 1 February [1880], enclosure 1. See letter to H. E. Litchfield, 1 February [1880], enclosure 2. CD had pasted in the section of the first printed proof of Erasmus Darwin that made it clear that Krause’s original essay (Krause 1879a) had been revised. Richard Buckley Litchfield, Frederick Pollock, and Thomas Henry Huxley had all advised that CD should not respond to Butler’s letter (see letter from R. B. Litchfield, 1 February 1880, and letter from T. H. Huxley, 3 February 1880). See Correspondence vol. 27, letter to Ernst Krause, 9 June [1879]. CD had written, ‘I hope that you will not expend much powder & shot on Mr. Butler, for he really is not worthy of it. His work is merely ephemeral.’

To W. Z. Seddon   4 February 1880 Down. Beckenham. Kent. Feby. 4. 1880. Dear Sir. I wish that you or anybody else could account for the colours of the different races of man.1 Few persons believe that differences of climate suffice.— I have offered an explanation in my Descent of Man which hardly anybody has accepted.2

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February 1880

Since then other views equally or more improbable have been published, & this is all that I can say— Dear Sir. | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin. Copy DAR 147: 461 1 2

See letter from W. Z. Seddon, 2 February 1880. Seddon’s schoolmaster had suggested that climate might be a contributing factor in determining skin colour. In Descent 2d ed., pp. 195–6, CD added information on the susceptibility of lighter skin to sunburn and suggested the possibility that darker skin might be gradually acquired by humans through natural selection in some places.

From W. S. Dallas   5 February 1880 Geological Society, | Burlington House, W. 5 Feby. 1880 My dear Mr. Darwin I have no doubt you are quite right in abstaining from replying to Butler, & as you who are so much more aggrieved than I am let him alone, I think I may do so too.—1 If Krause would reply to him it would be the most satisfactory thing, for although by a judicious use of the pronoun “he” in the last paragraph of his letter Mr. Butler manages to leave his readers in doubt whether he charges Krause or me with having made unacknowledged use of his work, the reference must properly be to Krause.—2 The latter gentleman no doubt is acquainted with Butler’s work, which, indeed, he criticized in some of the MS. parts translated by me but not printed.—3 If you will send me the MS. of Mr. Francis Darwin’s lecture I will look through it to see whether it will suit me for Pop. Sci. Review but I am afraid I shall be unable to put it with the next (April) number.—4 I am very much obliged to you & to him for the kind offer of it.— Believe me | Yours very truly | W. S. Dallas DAR 99: 133–134 1

2

3

4

CD had recently decided not to respond to allegations concerning Erasmus Darwin made by Samuel Butler in a letter to the Athenæum (see letter to T. H. Huxley, 4 February [1880]; for Butler’s letter, see the letter to H. E. Litchfield, 1 February [1880], enclosure 1). CD’s letter to Dallas has not been found. In his letter to the Athenæum, Butler compared the original essay by Ernst Krause (Krause 1879a) with the version in Erasmus Darwin, and suggested that some of the new material made critical reference to Butler 1879 without acknowledging its target. Butler also criticised the reviews of Butler 1879 and Erasmus Darwin in Popular Science Review, the journal edited by Dallas. A substantial amount of Krause’s revised essay for Erasmus Darwin was deleted because it covered subjects already discussed by CD in his preliminary notice (see Correspondence vol 27, letter to Ernst Krause, 13 August 1879). Dallas published Francis Darwin’s lecture on climbing plants in the July 1880 issue of Popular Science Review (F. Darwin 1880c). The lecture was given by Francis to the Sunday Lecture Society at St George’s Hall, London, on 25 January 1880 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242); for more on the Sunday Lecture Society, see Barton 2014, pp. 199–206).

February 1880

73

To G. J. Romanes   5 February 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington.S.E.R. Feb 5. 80 My dear Romanes As I feared, I cannot be of the least use to you. I couldn’t venture to say anything about babies without reading my expression book, & paper on infants; or about animals without reading the Descent of man & referring to my notes; & it is a great wrench to my mind to change from one subject to another.1 I will however hazard one or two remarks. Firstly I should have thought that the word ‘love’ (not sexual passion) as shown very low in scale to offspring & apparently to comrades, ought to have come in more prominently in your table than appears to be the case.2 Secondly if you give any instance of the appreciation of different stimulants by plants, there is a much better case than that given by you. Namely that of the glands of Drosera which can be touched roughly 2 or 3 times & do not transmit any effect, 1 but do so if pressed by a weight of 78,000 grain (Insectiv Plants 263). On the other hand the filament of Dionæa may be quietly loaded with a much greater weight with no effect, while a touch by a hair causes the lobes to close instantly.3 This has always seemed to me a marvellous fact. Thirdly I have been accustomed to look at the coming in of the sense of pleasure & pain as one of the most important steps in the development of mind; & I should think ought to be prominent in your table.4 The sort of progress which I have imagined is that a stimulus produced some effect at the point affected; & that the effect radiated at first in all directions, & then that certain definite advantageous, lines of transmission were acquired, inducing definite reaction in certain lines. Such transmission afterwards became associated in some unknown way with pleasure or pain. These sensations led at first to all sorts of violent action such as the wriggling of a worm, which was of some use. All the organs of sense would be at the same time excited. Afterwards definite lines of action would be found to be the most useful & would be practiced. But it is of no use my giving you my crude notions Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin The diagram is returned as may wish to show it some one else LS American Philosophical Society (Mss.B.D25.571) 1

2

Romanes’s letter, to which this letter is the second response, has not been found, but Romanes evidently asked CD to comment on a diagram showing the evolution of emotions and intellect in the animal world; the diagram was later published in Mental evolution in animals (G. J. Romanes 1883, facing the title page). For CD’s initial response, see the letter to G. J. Romanes, 3 February 1880 and n. 1. There is a section in the published diagram in G. J. Romanes 1883 that correlates the development of instincts and intellect in different groups of animals with the age at which these faculties develop in a human infant up to the age of 15 months. CD had discussed these topics in Expression, ‘Biographical sketch of an infant’, and Descent. In the published diagram, under the heading ‘Products of emotional development’, Romanes included ‘parental affection’ and ‘social feelings’ at the same level as ‘sexual selection’; the term ‘sexual passion’ does not appear on the chart.

74 3

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February 1880

Romanes did not include any mention of plants in the diagram. CD had noted that the glands of Drosera rotundifolia (common or round-leaved sundew) did not bend, even when touched with considerable force, if touched momentarily, but bent to the slightest prolonged pressure, while a filament of Dionaea muscipula (Venus fly trap) was highly sensitive to momentary touch but less so to prolonged pressure (Insectivorous plants, pp. 289–90). Romanes discussed the different types of sensitivity displayed by these plants in G. J. Romanes 1883, pp. 49–51. Romanes included a category ‘pleasure and pains’ as a relatively early acquisition under the heading ‘Products of intellectual development’ in his published diagram.

From Ernst Krause1   6 February 1880 Berlin N.O. Friedenstrasse 10. II. den 6.2.1880. Hochverehrter Herr! So’eben empfing ich Ihr freundliches Schreiben vom 4t. i., mit dem höchst boshaften Artikel des Mr.  Butler.2 Auch mir will es scheinen, als ob Sie nicht nöthig hätten, auch nur eine Zeile auf diese lächerliche Reclamation zu erwidern. Das Einzige wäre vielleicht, dass ich meinerseits die beiden versteckten Insinuationen zurückwiese, als hätte sich mein Artikel auf Grund seiner Arbeit verbessert und vermehrt, oder als hätte ich auf Ihre Anstiften einen Angriff gegen ihn eingefügt. Ich werde mir erlauben, einige diesbezüglichen Zeilen auf der folgenden Seite beizufügen und zwar in deutscher Sprache, weil ich nicht genug Übung habe, mich geläufig englisch auszudrücken.3 Sollten Sie den vollständigen oder gekürzten Abdruck für irgendwie nützlich halten, so würde vielleicht Herr Dallas die Güte haben, eine Uebersetzung davon, sei es im Athenäum oder in seinem eigenen Journal zu publiciren.4 Es wäre mir nicht im Traume beigefallen, dass die Weglassung des allerdings in dem ersten Entwurfe Ihrer Vorrede enthaltenen Hinweises auf die geschehenen Veränderungen, derartige Verdächtigungen ermöglichen konnte, deren ganze Stärke darin beruht, dem Leser unbegründete Vorstellungen zu erwecken.5 Der Angriff charakterisirt die Wuth, in welche der Herr durch die Publikation des Buches versetzt worden ist und insofern könnte er mich amüsiren, wenn ich dabei nur hoffen könnte, dass Sie, hochverehrter Herr, ihn ebenfalls von der humoristischen Seite auffassen möchten. Was die deutsche Ausgabe betrifft, so hoffe ich Ihnen dieselbe im Laufe dieses Monats vorlegen zu können.6 Mit dem herzlichen Wunsche, dass diese Zeilen Sie in erwünschten Wohlsein antreffen mögen, zeichne ich, hochverehrter Herr | Ihr | aufrichtig ergebener | Ernst Krause DAR 92: B53 1 2 3 4

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. See letter to Ernst Krause, 4 February 1880. For Samuel Butler’s letter to the Athenæum, see letter to H. E. Litchfield, 1 February [1880], enclosure 1. The enclosure has not been found, but was evidently returned to Krause with CD’s letter to him of 9 February 1880. William Sweetland Dallas had translated Krause’s revised essay for Erasmus Darwin; he was the editor of Popular Science Review.

February 1880 5 6

75

See letter to H. E. Litchfield, 1 February [1880], enclosure 2). The German edition of Erasmus Darwin (Krause 1880) was published in April 1880 (letter from Ernst Krause, 19 April 1880).

From G. J. Romanes   6 February 1880 February 6, 1880. I have to thank you very much for your two letters, and also for the enclosures from [Moulton], which I now return.1 The latter convey exactly the criticism that I should have expected from [Moulton], for while writing my essay on Theism I had several conversations with him upon the subject of Spencer’s writings, and so know exactly what he thinks of them.2 But in none of these conversations could I get at anything more definite than is conveyed by the returned letters. In no point of any importance did he make it clear to me that Spencer was wrong, and the only result of our conversation was to show me that in [Moulton’s] opinion it was only my ignorance of mathematics that prevented me from seeing that Mr. Spencer is merely a ‘word philosopher.’ Upon which opinion I reflected, and still reflect, that the mathematicians must be a singularly happy race, seeing that they alone of men are competent to think about the facts of the cosmos. And this reflection becomes still more startling when supplemented by another, viz. that although one may not know any mathematics, everybody knows what mathematics are: they are the sciences of number and measurement, and as such, one is at a loss to perceive why they should be so essentially necessary to enable a man to think fairly and well upon other subjects. But it is, as you once said, that when a man is to be killed by the sword mathematical, he must not have the satisfaction of even knowing how he is killed. Of course, in a general way I quite understand and agree with [Moulton] that Spencer has done but little service to science. But I believe that he has done great service to thinking, and all the mathematicians in the world would not convince me to the contrary, even though they should all deliver their judgment with the magnificent authority of a [Moulton]. Coming now to the diagram, I am much obliged to you for your suggestions. The ‘Descent of Man,’ with all its references upon the subject, and also your paper on the ‘Baby,’ were read, and the results embodied in the diagram, so I am very glad you did not take the needless trouble of consulting these works.3 By ‘Love’ I intend to denote the complex emotion (dependent on the representative faculties) which, having been so lately smitten myself, I am perhaps inclined to place in too exalted a position. But you did not observe that I placed ‘Parental Affection’ and ‘Social Feeling’ very much lower down.4 In my essay I carefully explain the two cases of Drosera and Dionæa as being the best hitherto observed for my purpose in establishing the principle of discrimination among stimuli, as a principle displayed by non-nervous tissues.5 E. D. Romanes 1896, p. 95

76 1

2

3 4

5

February 1880

See letters to G. J. Romanes, 3 February 1880 and 5 February 1880. With the first of these letters, CD had enclosed letters to him from John Fletcher Moulton of 10 December 1879 and 13 December 1879 (Correspondence vol. 27). Moulton’s letters contained his comments on Malcolm Guthrie’s critique of Herbert Spencer’s views on CD’s theory of natural selection in On Mr. Spencer’s formula of evolution (Guthrie 1879). In the printed source of this letter, Moulton’s name has been replaced by dashes. In [G. J. Romanes] 1878, Romanes had discussed ideas presented by Spencer in First principles (Spencer 1860–2), notably Spencer’s concept of ‘persistence of force’ ([G. J. Romanes] 1878, p. 88 and passim). See letter to G. J. Romanes, 3 February 1880 and n. 3. Moulton’s criticism of both Spencer and Guthrie centred on their apparent failure to understand many of the scientific terms and concepts they employed in their writing. In his letter of 5 February 1880, CD had told Romanes that he would need to consult Expression, ‘Biographical sketch of an infant’, and Descent before venturing to say anything on babies or animals. Commenting on a diagram that later appeared in Mental evolution in animals (G. J. Romanes 1883, facing title page), CD expressed surprise that Romanes had not put the development of ‘love’ at an earlier stage (see letter to G. J. Romanes, 5 February 1880 and n. 2). Romanes alludes to his marriage in February 1879 to Ethel Duncan. See G. J. Romanes 1883, pp. 49–51. Romanes had evidently mentioned a different case illustrating plant sensitivity in a now missing letter to CD; CD suggested that the types of sensitivity shown by Drosera (sundew) and Dionaea (Venus fly trap) were better examples (see letter to G. J. Romanes, 5 February 1880 and n. 3).

From Ernst Krause1   7 February 1880 Hochverehrter Herr! Es fällt mir ein, dass Sie den Text des malitiösen Angriffs vielleicht noch zur Vergleichung nöthig haben könnten, und ich beeile mich deshalb, Ihnen denselben zurückzusenden.2 Ich hatte es gestern vergessen.3 In herzlicher Ergebenheit | Ihr | Ernst Krause Berlin 7.2.1880. DAR 92: B54 1 2 3

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. See letter to Ernst Krause, 4 February 1880. CD had sent Krause a copy of Samuel Butler’s letter to the Athenæum (for the text of Butler’s letter, see the letter to H. E. Litchfield, 1 February [1880], enclosure 1). See letter from Ernst Krause, 6 February 1880.

From Ernst Haeckel1   9 February 1880 Jena 9/2 1880 Hochverehrter theurer Freund! Zu der Wiederkehr Ihres Geburtstages bringe ich Ihnen von ganzem Herzen die aufrichtigsten Glückwünsche dar.2 Mögen Sie noch viele Jahre mit ungeschwächter Geisteskraft und körperlicher Rüstigkeit zum Heile der Wissenschaft und zum Wohle der Menschheit wirken, und sich der beispiellosen Erfolge erfreuen, welche Ihre bahnbrechenden Theorien auf allen Gebieten menschlichen Wissens hervorgerufen haben.

February 1880

77

Unter allen Ihren zahllosen Verehrern und Schülern kann keiner Ihnen aufrichtiger dankbar sein und an Ihrem kommenden Jahrestage herzlicher Ihrer gedenken, als ich selbst. Verdanke ich Ihnen doch für mein ganzes Leben die zielbewusste Richtung meiner wissenschaftlichen Thätigkeit, und jeder Erfolg, den ich dabei erringe, ist im Grunde durch die von Ihnen zuerst gegebene phylogenetische Anregung bestimmt. Obgleich die reichen Früchte des “Darwinismus” im Gebiete der Physiologie, der Oekologie und Chorologie, wie auf allen Gebieten der Lebensforschung, jährlich glänzender hervortreten, so glaube ich doch, dass das Gebiet meiner eigenen Thätigkeit, die Morphologie, darin keinem anderen Fache nachsteht.3 Ich hoffe demnächst in der “Morphologie der Medusen” (II.  Theil der Monographie) zu zeigen, wie herrlich sich hier Alles phylogenetisch erklären lässt.4 Mit lebhafter Freude denke ich noch oft an meinen letzten, dritten Besuch in Down bei Ihnen zurück, und wie wohl und frisch ich Sie wieder gefunden habe.5 Mögen Sie immer so bleiben, das wünscht von ganzem Herzen Ihr treulichst ergebener | Ernst Haeckel P.S. Meine freundlichsten Grüsse an Ihre Frau Gemahlin und Ihre Kinder! DAR 166: 76 1 2 3

4

5

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. CD’s birthday was on 12 February; in 1880 he was 71. In his work Generelle Morphologie der Organismen (Haeckel 1866, 2: 286–9), Haeckel had described ecology and chorology as neglected disciplines within physiology. Ecology was defined as the study of the relation of organisms to the outside world, both organic and inorganic, or their ‘conditions for existence’, while chorology was the study of the spatial dispersal of organisms, their geographical and topographical spread over the earth. The second volume of the Monographie der Medusen (Haeckel 1879–81), titled Die Tiefsee-Medusen der Challenger-Reise und der Organismus der Medusen (The deep-sea medusae of the Challenger voyage and the organism of the medusa), was published in 1881. Haeckel’s visit took place on 5 September 1879; his earlier visits were on 21 October 1866 and 26 September 1876 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)).

To Ernst Krause   9 February 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station| Orpington. S.E.R. Feb 9. 80 My dear Sir, I am very much obliged for your letter, which I have considered attentively.1 In my opinion it would be best for you not to write to the Athenæum, because Mr Butler is quite unscrupulous & he would in answer pick out some passages in your essay & say that they were borrowed from his book.2 You could only deny this, & no one would take the trouble to compare the two. Everybody will see in what a bad temper Butler has written & will disregard his charges against you. Mr Dallas means to take no notice of him.3 Nevertheless if you decide to publish your letter I will get it translated; but in this case will you be so good as to strike out the passage about the first proof-sheets, for which reason I return your letter.4 Having utterly

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February 1880

forgotten these proofs I wrote to Butler that it had never occurred to me to insert anything on the subject; & after reading the above passage in your letter he would not hesitate to say that I had intentionally told a falsehood5 I am sorry that you should have had the trouble of returning the Athenæum.6 It has surprised me much, seeing what the reviews have said about our book, & knowing that many strangers have greatly liked it, that the sale has not been greater, for the 1,000 copies have not yet all been disposed of. Mr Murray makes up his annual accounts in the middle of the summer, but I fear that there will be then but a small profit to transmit to you.7 It is good news that the German edit will soon be out.8 My dear Sir, | Yours sincerely. | Charles Darwin LS The Huntington Library (HM 36201) 1 2

3 4

5 6 7 8

See letter from Ernst Krause, 6 February 1880. In his letter to CD of 6 February 1880, Krause had enclosed a draft letter to the Athenæum, responding to Samuel Butler’s letter to the Athenæum (for Butler’s letter, see the letter to H. E. Litchfield, 1 February [1880], enclosure 1). Krause’s draft has not been found. See letter from W. S. Dallas, 5 February 1880; William Sweetland Dallas had translated Krause’s revised essay for Erasmus Darwin. See n. 2, above. In the first proof-sheets of Erasmus Darwin, CD had included a passage mentioning that Krause added largely to his essay; he deleted it at Krause’s request, because the sentence also mentioned that much of Krause’s essay was later omitted since it duplicated material in CD’s section of the book (see letter to H. E. Litchfield, 1 February [1880], enclosure 2). See letter to Samuel Butler, 3 January 1880. See letter from Ernst Krause, 7 February 1880. In the event, CD had not heard as late as the end of July 1880 that any profit had been made (letter to Ernst Krause, 29 July 1880). The German edition of Erasmus Darwin was published in April 1880 (letter from Ernst Krause, 19 April 1880).

From Wilhelm Breitenbach1   10 February 1880 Verehrtester Herr Darwin! In der vorletzten Woche hat sich unter einer Anzahl Studirender der Naturwissenschaft an hiesiger Universität ein naturwissenschaftlicher Verein gegründet, welcher den Zweck hat seine Mitglieder im Studium der Naturwissenschaft zu fördern und in ihnen ein lebhafteres Interesse an der Natur wachzurufen.2 Der junge Verein erfreut sich des ganz besonderen Wohlwollens der Herrn Haeckel, Strasburger und Preyer,3 welche dies bei der Eröffnungsfeier ausdrücklich ausgesprochen haben. Getreu dem Wahlspruch seines hochverehrten Lehrers Ernst Haeckel: “Impavidi progrediamur”4 wird der junge Verein stets bestrebt sein, auf den von Ihnen und Herrn Haeckel bezeichneten Wegen zu wandeln, und so hoffen wir denn, dass aus unseren Kreise noch mancher tüchtige Forscher hervorgehen möge. Es würde uns eine grosse Freude sein, wenn auch Sie diesen Wunsch mit uns theilten; mit um so grösserer Lust und Liebe würden wir alle dann arbeiten.

February 1880

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Unser Verein hat mich beauftragt, Ihnen, hochverehrter Herr Darwin, zu Ihrem heutigen Geburtstage seine innigsten Glückwünsche auszusprechen.5 Wir Alle wünschen aus vollem Herzen, dass es Ihnen vergönnt sein möge, noch recht lange unter den Lebenden zu weilen und dass Sie den Riesenbau immer schöner und vollendeter werden sehen, den Ihre Hand zu meisterhaft errichtet hat   Indem ich Sie bitte, diese Zeilen nur als den schlichten Ausdruck unseres aufrichtigen Wunsches zu nehmen, bin ich | mit vorzüglichster Hochachtung | Ihr ganz ergebenster | Wilhelm Breitenbach Jena. 10.II.1880. DAR 160: 294 1 2

3 4

5

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. Breitenbach was a student of natural sciences at the University of Jena; the society, Naturwissenschaftlicher Verein Studirender der Universität Jena (Natural Sciences Society of Students of the University of Jena), had its first meeting on 22 January 1880 (Nöthlich 2009, pp. 24–5). Ernst Haeckel, Eduard Strasburger, and William Preyer were among the professors who supported the society. Impavidi progrediamur: let us proceed fearlessly (Latin). Haeckel had adopted the motto in his book Freie Wissenschaft und freie Lehre (Haeckel 1878, p. 93). For more on the context of Haeckel’s motto, see Di Gregorio 2005, pp. 360–3. CD’s birthday was on 12 February.

From W. E. Darwin   10 February [1880]1 Basset Feb 10th My dear Father, We got back v. comfortably & S. is quite fresh today comparatively speaking.2 dia in composition means through, across, as diabainō to go across— diaballō to throw across.3 I send the small Greek dictionary by rail. My love to mother— I hope she is better. Your affect Son | W. E. Darwin The next time you have the Huxleys give us a chance of meeting them—4 S. is very anxious to meet him DAR 209.7: 159 1 2 3

4

The year is established by the reference to returning home (see n. 2, below). William and Sara Darwin had visited Down from 7 to 9 February 1880 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). Diabainō: transliteration of Greek ŧ¤Ç¤ď˪ (cross, pass through); diaballō: transliteration of Greek ŧ¤ÇÔÉɪ (throw across). CD used the term ‘diaheliotropism’ to refer to a movement more or less transverse to the light and induced by it (Movement in plants, p. 5). The term was probably chosen by CD to replace the German term ‘Transversal-Heliotropismus’, which had been introduced by Albert Bernhard Frank (see Frank 1870, p. 77). Thomas Henry Huxley and Henrietta Anne Huxley.

80

February 1880

From Ernst Krause1   10 February 1880 Berlin N.O. Friedenstrasse 10. II. den 10. Februar 1880. Hochverehrter Herr! Unter den vielen Glückwünschen, die Sie übermorgen aus allen Theilen der Welt erhalten werden, hoffe ich, werden sich viele befinden, die ebenso herzlich und aufrichtig wünschen mögen, dass Ihnen noch recht häufige Wiederholungen dieses Tages in ungetrübtester Gesundheit beschieden sein möchten, wie ich dies thue, aber wenige werden dies mit innigeren Dankesgefühlen können. Wenn ich denke, wie viele Freude mir die im vorigen Jahre zu dieser Veranlassung verfasste kleine Skizze nachher bereitet hat, so fällt mir um so schwerer auf ’s Herz, dass Ihnen der Aerger über den malitiösen Butler’schen Angriff doch vielleicht einige böse Stunden macht.2 Je mehr ich darüber nachdenke, um so perfider erscheint mir der auf ein Nichts begründete Angriff, und es thut mir fast leid, die Ihnen übersandte Antwort nicht noch etwas schärfer abgefasst zu haben. Verzeihen Sie, dass ich in einem Gratulations-Briefe von so unliebsamen Dingen zu sprechen beginne, und gestatten Sie mir gütigst noch eine Frage. Der 10 April in der Grabschrift ist doch ein Druckfehler und das erstere Datum das richtigere? Ich sehe eben, dass ich den Fehler in der deutschen Uebersetzung kopirt habe.3 Ich zeichne, hochverehrter Herr, | mit den herzlichsten Glückwünschen | Ihr | aufrichtig ergebener | Ernst Krause DAR 92: B55 1 2

3

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. CD’s birthday was on 12 February. Krause’s essay on Erasmus Darwin (Krause 1879a) was published in February 1879, in a special number of the journal Kosmos celebrating CD’s 70th birthday. CD asked permission to have Krause’s essay translated (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter to Ernst Krause, 9 March 1879); the revised essay, together with a biographical sketch of his grandfather by CD, was published in November 1879 (Erasmus Darwin; Correspondence vol. 27, letter from Reginald Darwin,12 November 1879). On Samuel Butler’s attack, see the letter to Ernst Krause, 4 February 1880. See Erasmus Darwin, pp. 124 and 127; the error was copied in the German edition (Krause 1880, p. 72). Erasmus Darwin died on 18 April 1802 (ODNB).

From Anton Dohrn   11 February 1880 Stazione Zoologica | di | Napoli February 11th. 1880. Dear Mr. Darwin! It has become a privilege of the Zool. Station to congratulate you on your birthday.1 Last year I was unable to do it by letter,—at least I was unwilling to do it, because I wished to tell something definitively about the position of the Zool. Station, and could not do it on account of the unfinished state of my negotiations with the German Government.2 Today I am able to add to my own and the congratulation of all the Naturalists assembled in the Station the good news, that a new subvention of £.1500 is added

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to our regular income, and that I have good reason to retain it as an annual grant, though the formal and legal assurance of it, is still to be got. Parliament and Federal Council have both consented to place that sum on the Budget of the German Foreign Office, and I shall have to go to Berlin next month, to get it put down on the regular expenses of that Budget,—an achievement which will get the Zool. Station completely safe, and guarantee our considerable annual expenses. The Zool. Station will now be able to concentrate all its energies to the direct scientific work, to the development of all sorts of technical methods of fishing, preserving, etc.  and to the best ways of rendering the considerable amount of scientific material accessible to the best hands for working at it. It is almost ten years, when I had for the first and only time the honour of talking to you.3 I daresay I did not quite anticipate the difficulties of the enterprise, of which I told you at that time. You did, and you did still more, some years after in helping me over the deadlock,—I may say the first deadlock.4 I have always remembered your exceedingly kind letter, which you wrote to me at that time, when my purse and my nerves were equally exhausted.5 It is therefore my great satisfaction to be able to give the above news, and to add to it once more my heartfelt thanks for the sympathy and material help, which you and your sons at that most critical moment bestowed upon me. At present we are again twenty Naturalists in the Station, and there is a new Government added to the list of the supporters, Belgium.6 All our technical and scientific apparatus has been largely developed in the past year, scientific diving has been practised with great success, and almost twenty larger Monographs on the Ctenophorae, Fierasfer, Pycnogonidae, Planariae, Nemertinae, Actiniae, Balanoglossus, Sipunculoidae Caprellidae, Capitellidae, Echinodermata and several families of Algae are in course of preparation, two will soon be published forming the beginning of a large periodical publication “Fauna & Flora of the Gulf of Naples and neighbouring seas.”7 If all fits in,—if we are especially not drowned in a great European war,8—then I hope to give soon proof of a very active scientific life, and I wish to be able to present for many coming years the congratulations of the Zoological Station together with the results of its action to your birthday,—and I hope you will kindly allow of this liberty as hitherto so also in future. With my kindest compliments to Mrs.  Darwin and to Mr.  Frank and George Darwin | believe me | Yours most respectfully | Anton Dohrn To | Charles Darwin Esq. | Down. DAR 162: 218 1

2

CD’s birthday was on 12 February. See Correspondence vol. 22, telegram from Anton Dohrn, 12 February 1874, Correspondence vol. 23, letter from Anton Dohrn, 7 February 1875, and Correspondence vol. 27, telegram from the Naples Zoological Station, 12 February 1879. Dohrn was in negotiations with the German Empire to include the Zoological Station at Naples in the regular budget of the government; this goal was not reached until 1889. For an account of Dohrn’s negotiations, see Heuss 1991, pp. 194–9.

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Dohrn visited CD at Down on 26 September 1870 (Heuss 1991, pp. 108–9). On the early financial difficulties of the Zoological Station at Naples, see Correspondence vol. 21, letter from F. M. Balfour, 11 November 1873, and letter to G. H. Darwin, 15 November [1873]. See Correspondence vol. 22, letter to Anton Dohrn, 7 March 1874. CD had contributed £100 to a subscription to raise funds for Dohrn; Francis Darwin and George Howard Darwin had also contributed £10 each to the subscription. Countries or institutions, but not individuals, could rent tables at the Zoological Station; rental periods varied from one to five years and renewal was not always assured (see Heuss 1991, pp. 237–40). The monograph series, Fauna und Flora des Golfes von Neapel und der angrenzenden Meeres-Abschnitte, began publication in 1880 with the works Die Ctenophoren des Golfes von Neapel und der angrenzenden Meeres-Abschnitte (Ctenophorae of the Gulf of Naples and neighbouring seas; Chun 1880), and Le Specie del genere Fierasfer del golfo di Napoli e regioni limitrofe (Species of the genus Fierasfer of the Gulf of Naples and neighbouring seas; Emery 1880). Ctenophora is the phylum of comb jellies. Fierasfer is a synonym of Carapus, a genus in the family Carapidae (pearlfishes). Pycnogonidae is a family of sea spiders. Planariae is a synonym of Planariidae, the family of freshwater planarian worms. Nemertinae is a synonym of Nemertea, the phylum of ribbon-worms. Actiniae is a synonym of Actiniidae, a family of sea anemones. Balanoglossus is a genus of acorn worms. Sipunculoidae, a synonym of Sipunculidae is a family of peanut worms. Caprellidae is a family of skeleton shrimps. Capitellidae is a family of polychaete worms. Echinodermata is the phylum of sea urchins, sand dollars, and sea stars (starfish). Algae are mostly aquatic photosynthetic organisms formerly classed as plants; some forms are now included in other kingdoms such as Chromista and Bacteria. The latest European crisis had centred in the Balkans, culminating in the Russo-Turkish war (1877–8), which was finally settled to the satisfaction of the major European states by the Treaty of Berlin (see Mackenzie 1993; see also Correspondence vol. 26).

To Ernst Haeckel   12 February 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Feb. 12th 1880 My dear Häckel I thank you cordially for your letter,—one of the kindest which I have received in my life-time.1 As I have much to do will write no more.— Your ever true friend | Charles Darwin Ernst-Haeckel-Haus (Bestand A-Abt. 1:1-52/51 [A 9905]) 1

See letter from Ernst Haeckel, 9 February 1880; Haeckel sent birthday wishes to CD.

From James Torbitt   12 February 1880 58. North Street. | Belfast. 12. Feby. 1880. Charles Darwin Esqre. | Down. My dear Sir. I duly received your much esteemed letter of 27th. Decr.1  last and now write to suggest might it be possible to borrow £500 from the Government for the purpose of carrying on the work; giving the new varieties of the potato as security for repayment of the loan and of your advance—2

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A single variety of the plant “The Champion” which is now spreading all over the Kingdom has been worth many thousands of pounds to the country within the last few years, and doubtless it will be worth a great many more before it disappears so that the security ought to be good— The “Champion” was grown from a seed sown in the Spring of 1863 and latterly it has become more and more susceptible to the Disease and less and less able to produce its fruit—3 Watching it for the last two seasons I found all the Stamens abnormally twisted and all the flowers dropped off.— Last year as I am informed it did not produce any fruit anywhere and unquestionably new varieties should be coming forward to replace it—4 In the present state of affairs with the whole kingdom “hungry” for potatoes such as we had fifty years ago, it will be too bad if £500 stops the way. and yet I cannot devote another shilling to the work, although I thought I could afford to spend a thousand a year on it when I commenced—5 If no better may be I will offer these new varieties to all the Governments in Europe, and if they be allowed to pass out of the Country. I think it will be a mistake—but better that, than that they should perish. I am my dear Sir. | most respectfully | and faithfully. | James Torbitt. Copy DAR 144: 486 1 2

3

4 5

See Correspondence vol. 27, letter to James Torbitt, 27 December 1879. CD had been trying to secure government aid for Torbitt in his work on breeding blight-resistant potatoes. He had written to his friend Thomas Henry Farrer, who tried to interest Dudley Francis Stuart Ryder, minister for the Board of Trade, where Farrer was permanent secretary (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter to James Torbitt, 17 November 1879). The Champion potato was bred in 1863 by John Nicoll in Forfar, Scotland; in 1879 it was the only variety to yield a substantial harvest in Ireland during a widespread outbreak of blight (Salaman 1985, p. 168). The Champion variety was, in fact, grown in greater quantities in Ireland until the end of the century (Salaman 1985, p. 168). Torbitt alludes to the great Irish potato famine in the 1840s, which led to mass emigration to America (for more on the famine and its consequences, see Donnelly 2001).

To Wilhelm Breitenbach   13 February 1880 Down, | Beckenham Kent. (&c). Feb 13./80. Dear Sir. I thank you sincerely for your kind & courteous letter of the 10th.1 I hope that you will be so good as to return to the Society of Students at Jena my cordial acknowledgments of their kind congratulations on my birthday—2 I wish them every kind of success in their studies & throughout life— He who heartily sympathises

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with the work done by other men shows that he works for the sake of discovering the truth & not for gaining distinction; & this is the best of all auguries for success in the pursuit of Science. Believe me, My dear Sir. | Yours very faithfully. | Charles Darwin. Copy DAR 143: 143 1 2

Letter from Wilhelm Breitenbach, 10 February 1880. The student society was the Naturwissenschaftlicher Verein Studirender der Universität Jena (Natural Sciences Society of Students of the University of Jena; see letter from Wilhelm Breitenbach, 10 February 1880 and n. 2).

To Ernst Krause   13 February 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Feb 13./80 My dear Sir I thank you heartily for your most kind letter.1 I write now merely to say that April th 10 on the Epitaph is a dreadful mistake, made by the copyist, & I cannot think how I overlooked it, but I very often overlook errata.2 Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin The Huntington Library (HM 36202) 1 2

Letter from Ernst Krause, 10 February 1880. CD had not noticed the error in Erasmus Darwin, p. 127 (see letter from Ernst Krause, 10 February 1880 and n. 3).

To Lawson Tait   13 February 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station| Orpington. S.E.R. Feb. 13th. 1880. My dear Sir Although you tell me not to write I must thank you for your congratulations, your two notes, the articles in the Daily Post & the copy of the Address.—1 Nothing can be more honourable to me than the article & the Address, & according to my judgment no one could possibly have written them in better taste. I fear that you have expended much time & trouble in this whole affair. Accept my sincere thanks & believe me | Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin Of course whenever I receive the Address I will send a formal answer.2 Shrewsbury School, Taylor Library 1

The letter and notes from Lawson Tait have not been found. Two cuttings of articles from the Birmingham Daily Post are in DAR 226.2: 44 (1 and 2). The first article is headed ‘Charles Darwin: a birthday note’ (ibid., 12 February 1880, p. 4); the second is headed ‘Birmingham Philosophical Society. Address to Dr. Darwin’ (ibid., 13 February 1880, p. 5).

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The address from the Birmingham Philosophical Society was presented by Tait when he visited CD in London on 4 March 1880 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242); LL 3: 227).

To A. S. Wilson   13 February 1880 Down Feb: 13. 1880 My dear Sir It was very kind of you to send me the two numbers of the Gard. Chron. with your two articles, which I have read with much interest. You have quite convinced me, whatever Mr. Asher may say to the contrary.1 I want to ask you a question on the bare chance of your being able to answer it; but if you cannot please do not take the trouble to write. The lateral branches of the silver fir often grow out into knobs through the action of a fungus Æcidium; and from these knobs shoots grow vertically instead of horizontally like all the other twigs on the same branch.2 Now the roots of Cruciferæ3 and probably other plants are said to become knobbed through the action of a fungus; now do these knobs give rise to rootlets and if so do they grow in a new or abnormal direction? Believe me, my dear Sir | Yours sincerely | Charles Darwin Copy DAR 148: 370 1

2

3

Wilson’s letter and the copies of Gardener’ Chronicle have not been found. Wilson sent the issues for 24 January and 7 February 1880, containing his two-part article, ‘Kubanka and Saxonka wheat’ (Wilson 1880); Wilson had published an earlier article with his preliminary findings on the wheat varieties (Wilson 1879). Georg Michael Asher had arranged for samples of the wheat to be sent from Russia in 1878 (see Correspondence vol. 26, letter from G. M. Asher, 14 February 1878). Asher had disputed Wilson’s view that the apparent transformation of Kubanka into Saxonka was merely an artefact of the greater productivity of the latter variety (Wilson 1879, p. 654, and Wilson 1880, p. 173; see letter from A. S. Wilson, 5 January 1880). In his letter of [after 2 June 1879] (Correspondence vol. 27), Francis Darwin had provided CD with information on the abnormal shoots of Abies pectinata (a synonym of A. alba, silver fir), caused by Aecidium elatinum (a synonym of Melampsorella caryophyllacearum, fir broom rust). Cruciferae is a synonym of Brassicaceae, the mustard and cabbage family.

From William Cole   14 February 1880 Laurel Cottage, | Buckhurst Hill. | Essex. Feby 14th. 1880. Dear Sir, I have the honour to inform you that at the Inaugural Meeting of “The Epping Forest & County of Essex Naturalists’ Field Club” held on January 10th. 1880, you were unanimously elected an Honorary Member of the Club, in humble recognition of the great services rendered by you to Natural Science, and in appreciation of kindly aid afforded to the Club during its formation.1 I trust you will see fit to ratify your election; your consent would be very gratifying to the members of the Club.

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I now beg to enclose for your information a copy of the Rules, and list of Officers for 1880.2 I am | Yours faithfully | Wm Cole. | (Sec’y) Charles Darwin Esq M.A. F.RS &c DAR 202: 19 1 2

CD had made a donation of a guinea (£1 1s.) to the club when he turned down an invitation to become an ordinary member (see letter to William Cole, 6 January 1880). CD’s copy of the rules and list of officers has not been found; they were published in the Transactions of the Epping Forest and County of Essex Naturalists’ Field Club 1 (1880–1): 1–7 and iii.

To T. H. Farrer   14 February 1880 Down. | Beckenham. Kent &c. Feb: 14. 80. My dear Farrer. If you are not utterly weary of the subject will you read this letter—1 It seems that r M T is too poor to go on without aid, and it will be a grievous shame, in my opinion, if he is not aided & there has been so much delay on the part of Lord Sandon, that there is now but little time to spare—2 There is, I suppose, no hope, only political squabbles are cared for. would you be so kind as to let me hear as soon as you feel convinced that Government will give no aid that I may inform Mr Torbitt that he must give up his experiments & dispose of his stock— Ever yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin. P.S. I would subscribe £50 but I have not strength or time to go begging for the remainder; and it is too horrid work for anyone whatever to undertake— Therefore if anything is to be done it must I think, be done by Government— though whether the G. can or will do such a thing is quite beyond my knowledge— Copy DAR 144: 100 1 2

CD enclosed the letter from James Torbitt, 12 February 1880. See letter from James Torbitt, 12 February 1880 and n. 2. Farrer had asked Dudley Francis Stuart Ryder, Viscount Sandon, to seek government aid for James Torbitt.

To Lawson Tait   14 February 1880 Down. Feb. 14. 1880. My dear Sir. I have received the Newspaper which you kindly sent me, with the account of the meeting and this has deeply gratified me.1 The whole affair is a quite unprecedented honour— If you think fit to come here to give me the Address I shall be extremely glad to see you, but is it not a pity that you should spend your valuable time in

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travelling here? Had you not better send it by post? I would offer to come to London to receive it, but even a short journey is apt to fatigue me much, and I am always very unwilling to undertake one. Should you decide to come to Down March 21st. would not be quite convenient on two or three accounts; nevertheless I could manage it, but should prefer Wednesday, March 3rd. if equally convenient to you.2 With my sincere thanks for all the extraordinary interest which you have shown in this affair. | I remain, my dear Sir. | Yours sincerely | Charles Darwin. Copy DAR 147: 535 1

2

See letter to Lawson Tait, 13 February 1880 and n. 1; Tait evidently sent a copy of the Birmingham Daily Post, 13 February 1880, containing an account of a meeting of the Birmingham Philosophical Society at which an address to CD was read (ibid., p. 5). CD had been made the first honorary member of the Birmingham Philosophical Society (see letter from Lawson Tait, 18 January [1880]). The address from the Birmingham Philosophical Society was presented by Tait when he visited CD in London on 4 March 1880 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242); LL 3: 227).

From George Bentham   15 February 1880 25, Wilton Place. | S.W. Feby 15/80 My dearest Darwin If you do not object would you kindly sign the enclosed and return it to me?1 I have been for the last four or five months at work at Orchideæ for Genera Plantarum and have been wonderfully assisted by your book on the fertilisation of Orchids.2 I had no idea that Lindley and Reichenbach together could have brought the order into such a state of confusion both as to generic limitation and terminology for both showed great ability and intimate knowledge of species.3 I am very glad that you have suppressed the term caudicle which is indiscriminately applied to three very different organs— in Neottieæ &c a true caudicle or tail-like end of the pollen mass—in Epidendreæ a portion of the pollen not consolidated into the pollen masses but connecting them—in Vandeæ what you much more correctly have styled the pedicel, being as you have shown a production of the rostellum   I should however prefer the term stipes for pedicel is I believe as generally restricted to the stalk of a single flower as petiole is to the stalk of a leaf whilst stipes is used more generally as the support of any organ.4 I do not like the term gland generally used for what you have called disk but there is some inconvenience in using the latter term on account of its being more generally applied sometimes to an expansion of the torus sometimes to the centre of the upper surface of a petal etc.— the appearance of the part in question of the pollinarium is not always that which we associate with the word gland, and only very rarely like that of a quoit but I cannot at present devise a better term than the usually adopted one of gland, which in botany has not any very definite meaning being applied in different instances to very different organs.5

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Your labours have done so much to the elucidation of the very curious modifications of the fertilising apparatus in the Order that I trust you will excuse my troubling you with these observations in the hopes that if any improved terminology occurs to you you would kindly communicate it— I have still I have no doubt six months work before I can get through the Order. Hooker is working up the Palms6 Yours very sincerly | George Bentham DAR 160: 171 1

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6

Bentham had sent CD the certificate proposing William Turner Thiselton-Dyer for election as a fellow of the Royal Society of London (letter to George Bentham, 16 February 1880). The certificate was read to the society on 19 February 1880 and Thiselton-Dyer was elected 3 June 1880 (Royal Society archives, GB 117 EC/1880/07). The section on the order Orchideae (a synonym of the family Orchidaceae) appeared in volume 3 part 2 of Genera plantarum published in 1883 (Bentham and Hooker 1862–83, 3: 460–636); Bentham published a summary of his classification in 1881 (Bentham 1881). Orchids was first published in 1862; the revised edition appeared in 1877 (Orchids 2d ed.). John Lindley’s The genera and species of orchidaceous plants (Lindley 1830–40) was one of the earliest attempts to systematise orchids; Bentham significantly reduced the number of orchid genera recognised by Lindley as well as subsuming some of Lindley’s tribes within others and introducing subtribes (see Bentham 1881, pp. 285–7). Heinrich Gustav Reichenbach never published his own classification of orchids, but did publish a critical essay on the topic in 1885 (Reichenbach 1885). Neottieae, Epidendreae, and Vandeae are orchid tribes recognised by both Lindley and Bentham (Lindley 1830–40, p. xvii; Bentham 1881, pp. 284–5). CD had differentiated the caudicle, an extension of the pollen mass, from the pedicel, an extension of the rostellum (a modified stigma; see Orchids, pp. 6–7). Modern orchid terminology, following Bentham, has referred to the supporting organ derived from tissue of the rostellum as the stipe (Dressler 1981, p. 315). The torus or receptacle is the thickened stem tissue from which the floral organs grow. Some botanists had referred to the fleshy or glandular part of the receptacle as the disk (see, for example, MacGillivray 1840, p. 114). CD had called the portion of the rostellum which was attached to and removed with the pollen masses the ‘viscid disc’ (Orchids, p. 7). In modern orchid terminology, this is called the viscidium or viscid disk (Dressler 1981, p. 316). Joseph Dalton Hooker’s section on the order Palmae (a synonym of the family Arecaceae) appeared in Bentham and Hooker 1862–83, 3: 870–948.

To Anton Dohrn   15 February 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Feb. 15th 1880 r Dear D. Dohrn I thank you sincerely for your kind congratulations, & beg you to return my best acknowledgments to all the naturalists at the Station, who have joined you sending their kind message.—1 I rejoice most truly to hear of the 1500£ subvention, & trust it may be permanent.2 This will remove the manifold anxieties from which you have suffered; whilst from the first you deserved the highest sympathy, & encouragement. I was thinking of writing to you on a small point. Perhaps you saw in the papers that the Turin Socy honoured me to an extraordinary degree by awarding me the Bressa prize.3 Now it occurs to me that if your Station wanted some piece of

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apparatus of about the value of 100£ I shd. very much like to be allowed to pay for it. Will you be so kind as to keep this in mind, & if any want should occur to you, I wd send you a cheque at any time.—4 With all good wishes for your own success & happiness & for the prosperity of the Station, believe me | My Dear Dr Dohrn | Yours very sincerely | Charles Darwin Bayerische Staatsbibliothek München (Ana 525. Ba 704) 1 2

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4

See letter from Anton Dohrn, 11 February 1880; Dohrn had sent birthday greetings to CD. The Zoological Station at Naples, of which Dohrn was director, had received the grant from the Imperial German government; the grant was not made part of the regular government budget until later (see letter from Anton Dohrn, 11 February 1880 and n. 2). CD was awarded the Bressa Prize in late 1879 (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter from Michele Lessona, 28 December 1879). CD recorded the receipt of £418 18s. 10d. under the heading ‘Bressa prize’ on 17 January 1880 (CD’s Account books–banking account (Down House MS)). See letter from Anton Dohrn, 21 February 1880.

To George Bentham   16 February 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Febr 16th 1880 r My dear M Bentham I have had real pleasure in signing Dyer’s certificate.—1 It was very kind in you to write to me about the Orchideæ, for it has pleased me to an extreme degree that I could have been of the least use to you about the nature of the parts.2 They are wonderful creations these orchids, & I sometimes think with a glow of pleasure, when I remember making out some little point in their method of fertilisation.— With respect to terms no doubt you will be able to improve them greatly, for I knew nothing about the terms as used in other groups of plants.— Could you not invent some quite new term from gland, implying viscidity? or append some word to gland,— I used for Cirripeds “cement-gland”.—3 Your present work must be frightfully difficult: I looked at a few dried flowers & could make neither heads nor tails of them; & I well remember wondering what you would do with them when you come to the group in the Genera Plantarum.—4 I heartily wish you safe through your work, & I remain in a very conceited frame of mind, My dear Mr Bentham, Yours very sincerely | Charles Darwin Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Bentham Correspondence, Vol. 3, Daintree–Dyer, 1830-1884, GEB/1/3: f. 722) 1 2

3

CD had signed the certificate proposing William Turner Thiselton-Dyer for election as a fellow of the Royal Society of London (see letter from George Bentham, 15 February 1880 and n. 1). Bentham was preparing the section on orchids for Genera plantarum (Bentham and Hooker 1862–83, 3: 460–636). He had praised Orchids, and in particular, CD’s clarification of some terms related to orchid morphology (see letter from George Bentham, 15 February 1880 and nn. 2, 4, and 5). See letter from George Bentham, 15 February 1880 and n. 5. In Living Cirripedia (1851), pp. 33–4, CD described following the ducts that carried the substance by which barnacles affix themselves to a substrate back to two small organs, which he called cement-glands.

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Taxonomists often relied on dried herbarium specimens alone to describe plants. CD found working from dried flowers very difficult and once told Asa Gray, ‘It is dreadful work making out anything about dried flowers; I never look at one without feeling profound pity for all botanists, but I suppose you are used to it like eels to be skinned alive’ (Correspondence vol. 25, letter to Asa Gray, 8 March 1877).

From Henry Faulds   16 February 1880 Tsukiji Hospital, Tokio | Japan Feby 16th. 1880 Sir, As an ardent student of your writings I trust I may venture to address you on a subject of interest. I allude to the rugae or furrows on the palmar surface of the human hand. These form singular and intricate patterns which vary in detail with each individual but may be classed according to their leading lines without much difficulty— Now, I have been led to study these in prehistoric pottery & I am engaged in what proves a somewhat difficult task—collecting data from all quarters of such ancient impressions & comparing them with similar impressions of living men of all races— Already I see some glimpses of light but facts are hard to get in sufficient numbers.1 The few monkeys &c which I have got show similar but somewhat different markings & if man’s origin has been from organised ‘dust’ perhaps a comparative study of lemuroids &c may yield results of real value— I hope for this & have bethought myself of your powerful aid— A word or two would set observers working everywhere. I enclose a filled up form & can send a number to any one who wishes them. The practical value,—and Englishmen will look for that,—is in the work of Identification in medico legal studies, thus. 1. Copies of palmar impressions of convicted criminals—as photographs now are used— the latter become unlike the original, the rugae, never 2. In cases like that of ‘Tichborne?’ Are his rugae of the Tichborne or Orton type?—for heredity rules here marvellously.2 3. In cases where mutilated remains are found & various people are missing   The rugae again may be compared with that of parents &c 4. Where impressions exist of bloody fingers by a murderer, or prints on fresh paint or drinking glasses, windows &c by a robber— &c The Chinese, I find since entering on this enquiry, take impressions of this kind from criminals, as our servant girls used to seal their letters with their thumbs. (The Japanese as the ancient Egyptians, use their finger nail.) Hoping you may find this to be of interest I remain | Your obliged reader | Henry Faulds | Surgeon Supt. of Hospital

February 1880 [Enclosure]3

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UCL Library Services, Special Collections (GALTON/3/2/1/22, 23) CD annotation Top of letter: ‘Not to be returned’ ink 1

The pottery examined by Faulds came from a collection uncovered by Edward Sylvester Morse at the Ōmori archaeological site in Tokyo (Rubinger 2007, p. 138). Faulds published a more detailed letter on skin-furrows of the hand in Nature, 28 October 1880, p. 605. For more on Faulds’s experiments with fingerprinting, see McDermid 2014, pp. 118–19.

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The Tichborne claimant, in a series of dramatic legal cases, claimed to be the rightful heir to the Tichborne estates; he was identified by some as Arthur Orton (b. 1834), although most of the Orton family denied he was their relative. (ODNB s.v. Tichborne claimant.) The images are reproduced at 55 per cent of their original size.

From W. H. Flower to Francis Darwin   16 February 1880 Royal College of Surgeons of England. | Lincoln’s Inn Field, | (W.C.) 16th day of Feb. 1880 My dear Darwin I send by this post addressed to your father a copy of the Catalogue of Human osteology of which I was speaking, which he might like just to spend a few minutes in looking at, but not more1—and Hunter’s Memoranda on Vegetation, which may interest you, although I find that the experiments on the growth of beans during rotation are not recorded there, but in the 5th.  volume of the Catalogue of the ‘Physiological Series of Comparative Anatomy’ p. 10—of which I have not a copy to spare, but you will find it in most of the libraries.2 They are also to be found in Hunter’s work “on the Blood’.3 We enjoyed our visit to Down exceedingly, and I was particularly glad to find your father so well.4 Please give our united kind regards to him and to your mother and many thanks for the pleasure they have given us Believe me | Yours very truly | W. H. Flower DAR 164: 142 1

2

3 4

CD’s copy of the first part of Flower’s Catalogue of the specimens illustrating the osteology and dentition of vertebrated animals, recent and extinct, contained in the museum of the Royal College of Surgeons of England (Flower 1879), on human osteology, is in the Darwin Library–Down. Flower sent the 1860 edition of John Hunter’s Memoranda on vegetation (Hunter 1860), which had been copied from a manuscript notebook of Hunter’s loaned to the Royal College of Surgeons (ibid., p. iii). The copy in the Darwin Library–CUL has annotations by both CD and Francis Darwin. The fifth volume of the Descriptive and illustrated catalogue of the physiological series of comparative anatomy contained in the museum of the Royal College of Surgeons in London (Royal College of Surgeons 1833–40) was subtitled ‘Products of generation’ and began with a section on plants. Hunter’s experiments with beans are described in ibid. 5: 11–12. The description of the bean experiments in Hunter’s Treatise on the blood, inflammation, and gun-shot wounds (Hunter 1794, pp. 237–8) is the same as that in Royal College of Surgeons 1833–40 (see n. 2, above). According to Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242), Flower and his wife, Georgiana Rosetta Flower, visited Down from 14 to 16 February 1880.

From Ernst Krause1   16 February 1880 Berlin N.O. Friedenstrase 10. II. den 16.2.1880. Hochverehrter Herr! Ich schreibe heut nur ein Paar Zeilen, um Ihnen für Ihre freundlichen Mittheilungen herzlichst zu danken und Ihnen zu sagen, dass ich Ihrem Rathe

94

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folgen und auf jegliche Antwort an Herrn Butler verzichten werde.2 Es ist gewiss das Richtigste, Angreifern, die eine solche mala fides3 verrathen, wie die Benutzung Ihres Briefes, und seine verschiedenen Verdächtigungen enthalten, gar nicht zu antworten. Ihm selbst ist das gewiss viel unangenehmer, als wenn er irgend eine Antwort erh〈iel〉te, die ihm erlaubte, den Streit fortzuspinnen. In herzlicher Ergebenheit, hochgeehrter Herr, | Ihr | dankbarer | Ernst Krause DAR 92: B56 1 2

3

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. See letters to Ernst Krause, 9 February 1880 and 13 February 1880. Krause had considered responding to Samuel Butler’s letter to the Athenæum (see letter from Ernst Krause, 6 February 1880; for Butler’s letter, see the letter to H. E. Litchfield, 1 February [1880], enclosure 1). Mala fides: bad faith (Latin).

From S. B. J. Skertchly   16 February [1880] Handed in at the Edingburgh Office at 5.26 .M., Received here at 6.35 .M. From | SBJ Skertchly | Edingburgh | To | Charles Darwin | Down | Bromley Kent will you Kindly Telegraph testimonial as to my Cientific attainments especially in natural History am Candidate for chair of Biology Inotage and things have to be settled forthwith you can judge by my books of my fitness will pay all expences please be sure and reply1 Telegram Date stamp: FE 16 80 DAR 202: 121 1

The institution to which Skertchly applied was probably the University of Otago in New Zealand, where the chair in biology was filled in early 1880 (Morrell 1969, p. 61). He was an assistant geologist with the British Geological Survey at this time, but retired from that post in 1881 (Flett 1937, p. 258).

To [Otago University]   [16 February 1880]1 From my knowledge of Mr Skertchleys works, I consider him a very able observer, & well fitted to fill any post such as he now seeks.2 I have been much str by the ability shown in his books. ADraft DAR 202: 43 1 2

The date is established by and the addressee conjectured from the relationship between this letter and the telegram from S. B. J. Skertchly, 16 February [1880]. See telegram from S. B. J. Skertchly, 16 February [1880] and n. 1.

February 1880

95

To W. H. Flower   [after 16 February 1880]1 I am much obliged for the books. I see that they are marked from the Council & if it is proper will you be [so kind] return my sincere thanks to the C for its gift.—2 I shall be glad to read about the skulls, & I daresay you will convert me from my previous state of heresy.—3 Frank & I will both be glad to read [about] the [curiosities] Hunter says on plants.—4 We thoroughly enjoyed your visit here.—5 Yours very sincerely | C. D. ADraft DAR 202: 19v 1 2

3 4

5

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from W. H. Flower to Francis Darwin, 16 February 1880. Flower had sent Flower 1879 to CD and Hunter 1860 to both Francis and CD (see letter from W. H. Flower to Francis Darwin, 16 February 1880 and nn. 1 and 2). The council was that of the Royal College of Surgeons, where Flower was professor of comparative anatomy and curator of the Hunterian Museum. CD refers to Flower’s work on human osteology (Flower 1879) and probably alludes to some remarks he made on the subject while Flower was visiting (see n. 5, below). John Hunter’s Memoranda on vegetation (Hunter 1860) was a collection of notes made by Hunter that were later transcribed from a manuscript loaned to the Royal College of Surgeons (see letter from W. H. Flower to Francis Darwin, 16 February 1880 and n. 2). Flower and his wife, Georgiana Rosetta Flower, visited Down from 14 to 16 February 1880 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)).

To William Cole   17 February 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Feb 17/80 Dear Sir, I am much obliged for your courteous letter in which you inform me that the members of the Epping Field Club have elected me an honorary member.1 I request that you will be so good as to express to the club my sincere thanks for this honour; & with every wish for its success & long life, I remain, | dear Sir, | Yours faithfully | Charles Darwin LS Imperial College of Science, Medicine and Technology Archives (Essex Naturalists Field Club MLDA/10) 1

See letter from William Cole, 14 February 1880.

To Asa Gray   17 February 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Feb 17/80 My dear Gray, If my letter opened your eyes, yours has opened mine much wider. It is very strange that plants, if they belong to the same species, should behave so differently.1

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February 1880

The seeds were laid on the surface or buried in a mixture of peat sand & common soil, & this may have yielded more easily than your soil. From the extraordinary intermission in the growth of the true radicle, from the root-hairs & from the petiole staining brown with permanganate of potash I must believe that the normal function is to bury itself.2 My plants are growing very vigorously. Should they flower, I will send some dried with leaves, for the chance of your being able to name them.— I am astounded at the whole case.— I suppose when the petioles grow in the air they are stiffer than when hypogæan, for mine could not support the weight of the cotyledons.3 One seed germinated abnormally; one alone of the 2 cotyledons emitted its petiole, which was a hollow 12 cylinder, as in sketch with mere rudiment of true radicle, with a minute plumule. Ever my dear Gray | Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin P.S. Some of the seeds received last were a little flattened & evidently different; they were sown separately, but not one germinated.4

one of the 2 cotyledons.

⏞⏞⏞

semi cylindrical petiole.

⏞⏞⏞⏞⏞⏞⏞⏞⏞⏞⏞

semi cylindrical petiole.

radicle, with plumule microscopically minute

Archives of the Gray Herbarium, Harvard University (128) 1 2

See letter from Asa Gray, 3 February 1880 and n. 1. CD’s description in his letter to Gray of 19 January 1880 of the germination of seeds of an unnamed species of Megarrhiza had surprised Gray. Gray had reported that at least two inches of the seeming radicle was above ground after germination (see letter from Asa Gray, 3 February 1880 and n. 2). CD had described his observations on the intermission of growth in the true radicle and argued that the tubular fused petioles acted functionally like a root (letter to Asa Gray, 19 January 1880).

February 1880 3 4

97

CD presumably meant that when he removed the petioles from the ground they could not support the weight of the cotyledons (seed leaves). Gray had sent seeds of Megarrhiza in December 1879 (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter to J. D. Hooker, 19 December [1879]).

From A. S. Wilson   17 February 1880 North Kinmundy, | Summerhill, | by Aberdeen. 17 Feby. 1880. Charles Darwin Esq. F.R.S. | Down | Beckenham | Kent. My Dear Sir, I received your letter and feel very much gratified that you think my conclusions warranted in regard to the Russian wheats. I intend to give them another trial.1 In regard to the question you ask, I have never seen the silver fir affected with fungus in the way you describe; but I have examined to some extent the knobs on the roots of several of the Crucifers—turnips, swedes, mustard, cabbage, charlock &c. I have a paper in hand on the Plasmodioph〈ora〉 brassicae or cl〈  〉 fungus lately discovered by Woronin, and in preparing for this, I have found that on the turnip root for example, there are knobs or clubs arising proximately from three causes.2 First there are round knobs which Woronin holds to be caused by his fungus, but in which I can find none. These nodes are in reality tuberculated buds. They are of this form:—

a

And they are not only capable of throwing out leaves but also a stem, and ripening seed, as I have found during last season, in the case of swedes. A stem may arise at a node a and reach a height of two or three feet. These tubercles have a certain analogy to the potato. The fibrous roots which they throw out have nothing peculiar 〈abo〉ut them—

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February 1880

〈Se〉cond there are the nodes or galls produced by one or more beetles for the nursing of their larvae.3 They arise thus:— skin

a exit

medullary rays

And these are also tuberculated buds. A section shows that in some way, not known to me, the piercing of the skin of the turnip and the deposit of an egg, sets free one or more medullary rays which push out the skin by the growth of a true bud the fleshy leaves of which are very obvious and sometimes even green. It is upon the bud that the young larva feeds— These nodes, I have not observed to throw out any roots— Thirdly we have the true Club-root or Finger-and-Toe knobs or clubs, 〈    〉 have many specimens of these o〈    〉 of one hundred〈th〉 of an inch th〈ick〉 and upwards. These take oblong and swelling curves thus:—

These are not buds; these alone, as I think are produced by the clubroot fungus; the main feature of which is the formation from a granular plasma of enormous shoals of globular spores thus:

the diameter of which I make

.0044 mm. but which Woronin makes only about one third as large— These clubs do not throw out roots; they are upon the roots already thrown out.

February 1880

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Now here is a point for your consideration. Did this fungus and these beetles come by experience to know that cruciferous roots had a natural tendency to that tuberculation which 〈  〉ould be advantageous to their propa〈gatio〉n? I am | yours very sincerely | A Stephen Wilson. DAR 181: 116 1 2

3

See letter to A. S. Wilson, 13 February 1880 and n. 1. Wilson viewed the apparent transformation of one wheat variety into another as an artefact of the different productivity of the two varieties. Mikhail Stepanovich Voronin had identified the club-root fungus in his paper ‘Plasmodiophora brassicae организм, причиняющий капустным растениям болезнь, известную под названием “кила”’ (Plasmodiophora brassicae the organism responsible for the sickness in the cabbage plant, known by the name ‘club-root’; Voronin 1877). Turnip is Brassica rapa subsp. rapa; swede is B. napus var. napobrassica. Various species of the genera Brassica and Sinapis are referred to as mustard; charlock is S. arvensis. Cabbage is Brassica oleracea. The larvae of some flea-beetles (genus Phyllotreta) cause root damage in cabbage.

From J.-H. Fabre1   18 February 1880 Monsieur Votre lettre a été pour moi tout à la fois une source de satisfaction et une source de regret.2 De Satisfaction, car elle m’a appris qu’au milieu du l’obscurité où m’avait plongé le texte erroné dont je disposais, la rigueur de la logique et la précision de l’expérience m’avaient néammoins conduit juste au tracés de petit drame observé par le savant Erasme Darwin.3 De regret, car elle m’a montré en quelle erreur j’etais en suivant l’auteur que je cite, l’entomologiste Lacordaire, qui a designé par le mot Sphex, la Guêpe réellement observée.4 La faute remonte plus haut que votre humble serviteur, aussi j’espère que vous voudriez bien excuser mon inadvertance. On me parle d’une traduction Anglaise. Si cette traduction se fait, le passage erroné sera modifié en conséquence.5 Toutefois la conclusion n’en restera pas moins la même. Il m’est impossible de voir le moindre indice de raison dans le fait d’un insecte qui detourné du travail instinctif qu’il fait pour prèparer le manger de ses larves, effrayé peut-être, dérangé en son oeuvre, remet pied à terre pour achever le travail interrompu.6 Mon impartialité pour l’homme est encore plus vive que pour l’insecte, je négligerai donc rien, soyez en persuadé, pour réparer l’érreur commise. Vous vous étonnez de mon peu de goût pour les théories si réduisantes qu’elles soient. Ce travers d’esprit, si c’en est un, tient un peu à mes longues études mathèmatiques qui m’ont habitué à ne reconnaitre la verité qu’à la lueur d’un irrisistible faisceau de lumière. Ne jurant pas aucun maître, libre d’idées préconçues, pas enclin aux séductions des théories, je cherche avec passion la vérité, prêt à admettre quelle qu’elle soit et de quelque part qu’elle vienne. Et comme moyen de recherche, je ne connais qu’une chose: l’expérience.

100

February 1880

J’ai déjà preparé pour le mois de Mai prochain les matériaux pour l’expérimentation que vous me proposer au sujet du Insectes retournant à leurs nids. L’idée de la boîte qui tourne rapidement dans un sens puis dans l’autre, pour désorienter les insectes, me paraît fort ingénieuse, et je ne saurais trop vous remercier de me l’avoir suggérée. En temps propice, au mois de Mai prochain, je la mettrai en application; et si vous voulez bien me le permettre, je vous tiendrai au courant de mon résultats. Si je peux me procurer les appareils nécessaires, j’essaierai aussi les courants d’induction.7 Parmi la population de paysans de mon village, l’habitude est de faire tourner dans un sac le chat que l’on se propose de porter ailleurs, et dont on voit empêcher le retour. J’ignore si cette pratique obtient du succès. Je l’expérimenterai à mon tour. J’ai été très frappé de voir si bien concorder l’opération que vous me proposez au sujet des insectes et la pratique des gens de la campagne dans mes environs. Cette pratique a-t-elle aussi cours en Angleterre, au sujet du chat bien entendu? Je serais bien désireux de le savoir Je suis avec le plus profond respect | Monsieur | Votre très humble serviteur | J. H. Fabre Sérignan (par Orange) | Vaucluse | 18 Fev. 1880. DAR 164: 2 1 2 3

4

5 6 7

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. See letter to J.-H. Fabre, 31 January 1880. In his letter to Fabre of 31 January 1880, CD had pointed out an error in Fabre’s work, Souvenirs entomologiques (Fabre 1879, p. 124), that stemmed from a mistranslation of a name in Erasmus Darwin’s Zoonomia; Darwin had described a wasp removing the wings of a fly (E. Darwin 1794–6, 1: 183; see also n. 4, below). Sphex is the genus of digger wasps; these wasps, unlike the common wasp that Erasmus Darwin observed (probably Vespula vulgaris), paralyse prey but leave them alive in the nest for larvae to feed on. Common wasps, on the other hand, kill prey and have powerful mandibles for chewing (malaxation); larvae are fed the masticated prey. Jean Théodore Lacordaire had discussed the case in his Introduction à l’entomologie (Lacordaire 1834–8, 2: 460–1. No translation of Fabre 1879 was made during CD’s lifetime; a translation appeared in 1913 (Fabre 1913). The original text was translated, but the error about the wasp was explained in a note (ibid.,p. 123). See letter to J.-H. Fabre, 31 January 1880 and n. 2. See letter to J.-H. Fabre, 31 January 1880 and n. 5.

To J.-H. Fabre   20 February 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Feb 20/80 Dear Sir, I thank you for your kind letter and am delighted that you will try the experiment of rotation.1 It is a very curious that such a belief should be held about cats in your country. I never heard of anything of the kind in England.2 I was led, as I believe, to think of the experiment from having read in Wrangel’s Travels in Siberia of the wonderful power which the Samoyedes possess of keeping their direction in a fog

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whilst travelling in a tortuous line through broken ice.3 With respect to the cats, I have seen an account that in Belgium there is a society which gives prizes to the cat which can soonest find its way home, & for this purpose they are carried to distant parts of the city—4 Here would be a capital opportunity for trying rotation. I am extremely glad to hear that your book will probably be translated into English.5 With much respect | Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Charles Darwin P.S. | I shall be much pleased to hear the result of your experiments LS Muséum national d’histoire naturelle, Bibliothèque centrale, Paris (Ms FAB 32) 1 2 3

4

5

See letter from J.-H. Fabre, 18 February 1880. The experiment was designed to test the homing instinct of insects. Fabre had described a practice common among local people of turning a cat round in a bag to disorient it so it would not return to a previous location (letter from J.-H. Fabre, 18 February 1880). Ferdinand Petrovich Wrangel had written an account of his exploration of Polar regions (Wrangel 1840) that included several accounts of the dense fog and the difficulties of navigating in it. Samoyedes (now more commonly Samoyedic people) are closely related ethnic groups of traditionally nomadic people of northern Siberia. The Belgian practice of cat racing was described in an article in the Pictorial Times, 16 June 1860; the article was reprinted in a book on cats (Weir 1889, p. 218). According to the article the prizes were a ham and a silver spoon to the owner whose cat found its way home soonest. In the event, an English translation of Fabre’s Souvenirs entomologiques (Fabre 1879) appeared in 1913 (Fabre 1913).

To A. S. Wilson   20 February 1880 Down Feb: 20, 1880 My dear Sir I thank you for your letter which has interested me much; though alas! it does not aid me about roots growing in an abnormal direction when growing from a part abnormally developed.1 Your investigation seems to have been made with great care I can throw no light on your problem.2 In such cases I have imagined some such steps as the following. That the parent species laid its eggs in plants belonging to various families, perhaps allied ones, at least with tissues of the proper texture, not poisonous &c,— that a fluid accompanied the deposition of the eggs and that this caused a slight abnormal growth of the tissues in certain families alone, and that such growth was advantageous to the larvæ,— that these larvæ inherited the taste of their parents which led the latter to select the particular plant in question,— and lastly that the fluid accompanying the eggs was increased in quantity or in intensity from being beneficial to the insect, until regular galls were formed. But all this is mere idle speculation. I remain, with many thanks | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin Copy DAR 148: 371

102 1

2

February 1880

See letter from A. S. Wilson, 17 February 1880. Wilson had written in response to CD’s query about whether growths on the roots of Cruciferae caused by a fungus produced rootlets, and if so, in which direction they grew (letter to A. S. Wilson, 13 February 1880). CD had observed that shoots from growths on branches of silver fir grew vertically, in contrast to horizontally growing shoots on normal branches. Wilson had described tubercles on turnips caused by fungi and beetles, and speculated whether the fungi and beetles learned by experience that cruciferous roots had a tendency to tuberculation.

To G. H. Darwin   21 [February 1880] From Mr. C. Darwin, Down, Beckenham See ‘Nature’ p.  382  about the microphone & earthquakes & tremblings in Japan.—1 C. D. 21st— ApcS Postmark: FE 〈  〉 80 DAR 210.1: 91 1

Nature, 19 February 1880, pp. 382–3, reported on a method for detecting seismic trembling in Japan through the use of microphones buried in pits; the method was described by its inventor, John Milne, a professor of mining and geology at the Imperial College of Engineering, Tokyo.

From Anton Dohrn   21 February 1880 Stazione Zoologica | di | Napoli 21. February 1880. Dear Mr. Darwin I hasten to thank you most cordially for your generous offer.1 It is at once the greatest honour that possibly could happen to the Zoological Station, and it will be of very great service to the very ends, the Station has to promote. In accepting your great gift I venture to propose a little change in its employment. Of course there are many, many things still wanting in the Laboratory, Library etc.; but as time goes on, and if I succeed in getting the Subvention of the German Empire a lasting one (an event, which I anticipate to see soon accomplished) I may be in 2 or 3 years quite able to endow the Zoolog. Station with a small chemical and physiological Laboratory, to promote physiological Research on marine Animals, and bring Physiology and Morphology into closer material and personal union.2 But there is another serious want, which might in part be filled up by your gift. The English Naturalists, when coming to work in the Zool. Station do not enjoy the same privileges, which most of the other Naturalists enjoy: to be assisted by either a government—or another travelling fund for paying travelling and other expenses. Of course not all do want such assistance, but I know some Naturalists would have

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asked for either the Cambridge-Table or the one taken by the Brit. Association, if they had had some assistance in the said way.3 Now I believe if you would consent to grant a sum for founding such a fund, it might easily lead to similar gifts; I know even it would, and thus English Naturalists might be enabled to come more frequently to Naples than has hitherto been the case,—an event which would give me the greatest satisfaction, the Zoological Station and I myself owing so much to English help, sympathy and encouragement. Besides there is always one danger to be taken in view: the Zoolog. Station becoming more and more exclusively German;—I wish to do all in my power to prevent that, and it would be of great help towards maintaining the International character of the Institution, if England continued to have a greater share in its working. I venture to submit this proposition to your consideration and approval, adding once more my sincerest thanks for your generosity and asking your permission to speak of your grant publicly, as it will show and prove your acknowledgement of the scientific usefulness of the Zool. Station.— This letter remained a day on my desk. Meanwhile Prof. Allen Thomson has arrived to visit Naples and to see the Station.4 I hope he is satisfied with its general arrangement, he will take the trouble of inspecting it still more; and told me, that it wanted to be made much more known in England. Another good notice I am able to add. Prof. Du Bois-Reymond writes to me about a conversation which he had with one of the chief men in the Foreign Office at Berlin, who told him, that the German Government is ready to ask already now the transfer of the new Subvention upon the ordinary budget of the Empire; thus I shall soon hear about the definite result.5 The Naturalists at the Zool. Station join me in my thanks for your gift, and want me to express their renewed wishes for your good health and welfare. With my own sincerest regards and kindest wishes | I remain | dear Mr. Darwin | Yours most truly | Anton Dohrn DAR 162: 219 1 2

3

4

5

See letter to Anton Dohrn, 15 February 1880. CD had offered to donate £100 for equipment for the Naples Zoological Station. On Dohrn’s attempts to get a regular grant from the Imperial German government, see the letter from Anton Dohrn, 11 February 1880 and n. 2. The next addition to the station was a building housing individual laboratories and a department for collecting and preserving organisms, completed in 1886; a laboratory for comparative physiology was added in 1906 (Edwards 1910, p. 213). In 1879, the British Association for the Advancement of Science had rejected a petition to give money to English scientists for travelling to Naples, due to lack of funds (Heuss 1991, p. 211). The University of Cambridge and the British Association rented tables at the Zoological Station (see letter from Anton Dohrn, 11 February 1880 and n. 6). Allen Thomson was a retired professor of anatomy, known for his anatomical and embryological research (ODNB). He was a former president (1877) and member of the council of the British Association for the Advancement of Science. Emil du Bois-Reymond had signed a petition to the German parliament in March 1879, asking for a subsidy for the Zoological Station; although the government donated money, it did not make the payment a regular part of the budget (Heuss 1991, pp. 196–7).

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February 1880

To A. Gapitche   24 February 1880 Down, Feb. 24th, 1880. I suppose that no one can prove that death is inevitable, but the evidence in favour of this belief is overwhelmingly strong from the evidence of all other living creatures.1 I do not believe that it is by any means invariably true that the higher organisms always live longer than the lower ones. Elephants, parrots, ravens, tortoises and some fish live longer than man. As evolution depends on a long succession of generations, which implies death, it seems to me in the highest degree improbable that man should cease to follow the general law of evolution, and this would follow if he were to be immortal. This is all that I can say. Incomplete ML 2: 444–5 1

According to Francis Darwin (ML 2: 444), this letter was written to the author of a pamphlet, Quelques mots sur l’éternité du corps humaine (A few words on the immortality of the human body; Gapitche 1880). The text was provided by Benjamin Vetter, the editor of Kosmos from October 1882. Francis wrote that the author’s name was a pseudonym; no further information on the identity of the author has been found. When the letter was published in German translation in Kosmos 15 (1884): 80, the author was identified as A. Panchin of Kiev, who has also not been identified. CD’s copy of the pamphlet is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL.

To J. W. C. Fegan   [before 25 February 1880]1 Dear Mr. Fegan, You ought not to have to write to me for permission to use the Reading Room.2 You have far more right to it than we have, for your services have done more for the village in a few months than all our efforts for many years. We have never been able to reclaim a drunkard, but through your services I do not know that there is a drunkard left in the village. Now may I have the pleasure of handing the Reading Room over to you? Perhaps, if we should want it some night for a special purpose, you will be good enough to let us use it. Yours sincerely, | Charles Darwin. Fullerton 1930, p. 30 1

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and letters from Emma Darwin to H. E. Litchfield, 25 February 1880 (DAR 219.9: 222) and [8 March 1880] (DAR 219.9: 225). In the first of these Emma Darwin wrote, ‘The maids went to hear Mr Fegan last night & were delighted with him— The room quite full— There are to be regular meetings every Tuesday interspersed with tea drinkings.’ In the second letter, Emma noted, ‘Tuesday is the day of Mr Fegan’s lecture at the R. room’.

February 1880 2

105

The letter from Fegan has not been found. The Reading Room had been opened in 1875 (Correspondence vol. 23, letter from Emma Darwin to J. B. Innes, 24 December [1875]).

From E. A. Darwin   [26? February 1880]1 Of course Mr. Salt2 knows where the money is to go, but I confess I don’t EAD. [Enclosure] Shrewsbury February 25th. 1880. My dear Sir— I have this morning received a letter saying that the inclosed Road bonds will be paid off on Saturday next.— I shall be much obliged if you will sign the receipt on each across the stamp where your initials are, & then forward them by the next post to Mr. Charles Darwin that he may sign & return them to me by the following post.—3 The notice they have given me is so short that there is only just time to do it.— Please forward this letter with them to Mr. Charles Darwin as it will explain the reason for the hurry.— I enclose a stamped envelope for transmission of the papers to him, & another in which he can return them to me.— I am, respectfully, | Your obliged & faithful serv.t | Geo. M. Salt. E. A. Darwin Esqre P.S. The composition is better than I expected, most of the roads paying much less.— DAR 177: 9 1 2 3

The date is conjectured from the date of the enclosure. George Moultrie Salt was the Darwin family’s solicitor in Shrewsbury. The enclosures have not been found. No record of road bonds has been identified in CD’s Investment book (Down House MS). ‘Saturday next’ was 28 February 1880.

To Anton Dohrn   27 February 1880 Down,| Beckenham, Kent.| Railway Station| Orpington. S.E.R. Feb 27 1880 My dear Dr Dohrn, Your very kind letter has pleased me much.1 You are so incomparably a better judge how best to use my small gift of £100  that I should greatly prefer leaving it entirely to your decision.2 As the sum is small it appears to me that it would be prudent in you not to speak of the use to which you propose to put it until you are

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assured of receiving considerable additions   You are at perfect liberty to use my name on this subject as you may think fit, and I hope that your generous wish to assist poor English naturalists may be successful. I enclose a cheque but should there be any difficulty in cashing it I could find some other means of sending the sum to you & I repeat that I beg you to do whatever you think best with it.3 I remain, with all good wishes | Yours very sincerely | Charles Darwin LS Bayerische Staatsbibliothek München (Ana 525. Ba 705) 1 2

3

See letter from Anton Dohrn, 21 February 1880. CD had suggested using the money to buy a piece of equipment (see letter to Anton Dohrn, 15 February 1880). In his reply Dohrn suggested using the money for travelling expenses for English naturalists (see letter from Anton Dohrn, 21 February 1880 and n. 3). CD recorded a payment of £100 under the heading ‘Dohrn’ on 27 February 1880 in his Account books–banking account (Down House MS).

From H. W. Crosskey   28 February 1880 Birmingham Philosophical Society. | 28 George Road | Birmingham. Febry 28/1880 My dear Sir, I have been instructed to forward to you, on behalf of the President, Council, & members of the Birmingham Philosophical Society, an Address, respectfully offering to you the first Honorary membership which the Society has conferred; & congratulating you on your 71st. Birthday.1 This address was adopted at a meeting of the members held on February 12th.; & has since been in the hands of an Engrosser. It is now reported however to be duly prepared—; & in the course of next week will I trust reach your hands.2 The formal record of the Proceedings runs as follows— At a meeting of the members of this Society, held on February 12th. 1880, the President (Dr. T. P. Heslop) in the chair    It was moved by the Rev. H.  W.  Watson3 m.a (vicar of Berkswell) Seconded by the Rev. H. W. Crosskey V.G.S. (Minister of the Church of the Messiah Birmingham) and unanimously resolved That Dr. Charles Darwin m.a. F.R.S. &c. be elected an Honorary member of this Society. It was further unanimously resolved, on the motion of the President (Dr. T. P. Heslop) seconded by Mr. Lawson Tait That the address to Dr. Darwin, submitted by the Council, be adopted by the meeting. As soon as you have received the address (—which is now daily expected from the Engrosser—) I shall hope to hear that you will comply with the request of the Society—a request made, I am bound to add, with a unanimity & heartiness which cd. not be exceeded. Believe me | very respectfully | Henry W. Crosskey | Sec. To | Charles Darwin Esq | m.a. L.L.D. F.R.S. | &c.

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[Enclosure] Birmingham Philosophical Society. Address to Dr. Darwin; submitted by the | Council for the consideration of the | Meeting, Feb. 12th, 1880 to charles darwin, m.a., ll.d., f.r.s., &c. The President, Council, and Members of the Birmingham Philosophical Society, assembled on this, the 12th day of February, 1880, your 71st birthday, respectfully and unanimously offer to you the first Honorary Membership which the Society has conferred. They desire also to present their hearty congratulations, and to express their earnest hope that you may long be spared to continue those researches which have so widely extended the boundaries of human knowledge, and so profoundly influenced modern scientific thought. Few men are permitted to form by their works Epochs in the history of the world; but the appearance of the “Origin of Species,” followed as it has been by numerous other publications illustrating its doctrines and extending their application, has constituted an Epoch as important as any that has yet marked the intellectual development of our race. Those who may refuse their assent to the philosophical principles enunciated in your works, must admit, equally with those who accept them, that there are few realms of thought into which their influence has not travelled; while there is no branch of Natural History, and hardly a problem connected with the position of man himself upon the earth, which has not had new light cast upon it, by the investigations called forth by your genius. The Members of the Society are conscious that, in offering you this Honorary Membership, they are asking you to confer a distinction upon them; but they feel that such a tribute of respect as they now desire to pay may not inappropriately come from the Town which is the centre of that district with which your family have so long, and with so much honour been associated. Signed on behalf of the Philosophical Society of Birmingham President. Vice-Presidents. Treasurer. Secretaries. Other Members of Council: This address is being engrossed & will be duly forwarded with the signatures attached DAR 160: 187 CD annotation Back of second page: ‘P.S I beg leave to thank you sincerely for your courteous letter of Feb. 28’4 ink 1

2

CD had already received the text of the address with additional comments by the president that appeared in the Birmingham Daily Post, 13 February 1880, p. 5 (see letter to Lawson Tait, 13 February 1880). The president of the society was Thomas Pretious Heslop. An engrosser copied documents in large fair characters or in legal style (OED). Tait delivered the address to CD in person on 4 March 1880 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242); letter to H. W. Crosskey, [4 March 1880]). The presentation copy of the address has not been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL.

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Henry William Watson. CD’s annotation was probably a note for his reply of [4 March 1880], but it was not included in the printed source that is the only existing version of that letter.

From Adolf Ernst   29 February 1880 Caracas, february 29th 1880 Dear Sir, Many thanks for your highly encouraging letters.1 The first I did not answer hitherto, because I expected to find an opportunity to visit once more our plains, where I intended to pay a close attention to the point of your inquiry.2 However this opportunity is not yet come: my professional work at the University keeps me month after month in town, and when holidays come, there are examinations, and special commissions, and I do not know what not. When I first saw the plains (in February 1874), it was at the end of the dry season; and though there are undoubtedly a good many plants with glaucous leaves (especially Cyperaceæ and Eriocaulaceæ),3 I do not recollect that the general appearance of the flora struck me as glaucous. I think it would be best to make observations in the middle of the rainy season, where any difference ought to be more striking. I am very glad that my observation on Melochia was of any interest for you, and shall attend to your indications in further experiment.4 I think heterostyled flowers are far more numerous than is generally believed. I lately noticed that Turnera ulmifolia is in the same case, though there is scarcely any difference in the shape and size of the pollen grains.5 I am preparing to make a series of experiments with this species, and shall later report on them. There is in this Turnera another point, which I think is sufficiently interesting to be studied carefully; unfortunately I am not able to do it. The two glands at the base of the leaves are very remarkable organs. Morphologically I believe them to be either modified teeth of the margin, or atrophied lateral leaflets. A vascular bundle enters each of them. The produce a sugary secretion, which appears on their surface as a clear drop, where it is eagerly sucked by ants. It is next to impossible to find one single plant without half a dozen or more of these insects fairly stationed among the rather densely crowded leaves on the upper end of the stems. Besides this secretion of sugar, there are a great many sphaeraphides of oxalate of lime in the tissue of the gland. This circumstance appears to me of interest, and suggestive of the question whether there can be a certain relation between both substances. But this point I must leave to persons more versed in organic chemistry than I am. I may be allowed to add, that I never saw an ant, nor indeed, any other insect, in the corollas of Turnera.6 Just when I was examining the glands of Turnera, I received Bonnier’s memoir “On Nectaries”, publ. in the Annales de Sciences naturelles. I must confess that I cannot agree with his conclusion that the physiological work of any kind of nectary is “en

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relation directe avec la vie de la plante.7 If the nectaries produce always substances directly useful for the plant, how is it, I ask, that generally so much, if not the whole of these substances flows away, being thus exposed, as really happens, to be stolen by insects? Every physiological work has of course a certain purpose, but this may be either direct or indirect, and if the first is neither apparent nor demonstrable, it is but natural to look for the second. I have made observations on two plants, where the direct usefulness of similar productions appears to me out of any question. We have a species of Marcgravia, it is probably the M. acuminata Miq.8 The flowers (about 30) occupy an inch more or less of the branch, whilst the 6 to 8 pitcher-like bracts grow all from the very end of the branch. These pitchers are somewhat of the shape of a Phrygian cap, and about two inches long, their peduncle included (see the sketch). They hang of course perpendicular, whilst the flowers are so placed that nearly all of them are in the same horizontal plane. Now, there is honey in the pitchers up to the day when the floral envelops drop off, and fragments of them are still adhering. But as soon as these too are falling away, fecundation must be realized, the stamens wither very soon, and the pitchers are honey-less, dry up, and get black, but remain for some time hanging on the branch. Their honey-making function ends therefore with the opening of the flowers and the probably immediate fecundation of the same, so that there remains nothing for further reabsorption. Another case is that of Passiflora biflora.9 There is in the middle of each leaflobe, on its underface, a conspicuous gland, which produces a considerable quantity of sweet honey. The secretion is so energic, that plants which had been one night kept in my vasculum, had on all their leaves drops of this substance. It is sought after by hymenopterous insects, as I had several times occasion to see. Of what direct use can this secretion be to the plant? The leaves certainly would grow without, nor is the secretion as such useful for the plant, because it must lose by it a large quantity of sugar. It is on the contrary very easy to observe, how the insects in their search for the drops of honey, scramble over flowers on every part of the little creeper, and assist thus in fecundating the stigmata. I have planted some specimens in my little garden, and will try to find out whether there is any fecundation without insects, and whether the plants will grow, when the places of the leaves with the glands are punched out. Is it known that the fierce little ants, which inhabit the hollow stems and branches of Triplaris americana, keep scale-insects in their lodgings?10 They are very abundant, and even in the thinnest branches it is easy to discover them among the brown feltlike substance which covers the inside of the wood. Abutilon striatum Dicks. introduced here from Perú, as people say, thrives not any longer, and never set fruit.11 I have seen humming-birds attacking the flowers from outside, perforating the calyx, and thus robbing the honey. I have been told that about 40  years ago, Señor Antonio L.  Guzman, father of our actual President,12

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brought one plant from Peru, and that from this by cuttings all the other specimens were derived. In the last years all have small leaves with many yellow spots, and flower very poorly. The species is evidently dying out with us. Some years ago a friend of mine discovered in the mountains towards the south of Caracas the very handsome Ionidium anomalum HBK (Nov. Gen. et Sp. V, pl. 500), and brought seeds, which were sown in several gardens. The plants grew everywhere, but none produced ripe seeds. It is evident that insect help was wanted, as might have been expected, the large snow white labellum of the flower looking just like a beautiful landing-place for welcome visitors.13 I have lately obtained good seeds by artificial fecundation, but only from two flowers.— I apologize for this long letter, but hope that you will excuse me, as I am desirous to communicate to you some facts which perhaps are not entirely void of interest. Unfortunately this year I am bound to teach mineralogy, a study which is somewhat out of my line, so that it keeps up nearly all my time. We have here the queer old system of a Professorship of Natural History, so that I must lecture one year on botany, one year on Zoology, and another year on Mineralogy: rather hard work in our times! And this the more so, as with respect to Geology, there is no poorer place on God’s earth than the valley of Carácas, entirely built of metamorphic rocks, and showing nothing else but interesting examples of gigantic denudation. Field-work, with me the best thing I use to do with my students, is therefore not very productive. In this connection I take the liberty to make you a request. I have nearly every line you have published, but not your works on Coral Reefs and on the volcanic islands and parts of South America.14 Would you honour me with a copy of each of them? It is needless to say that I would prize both as tokens of your kindness towards an humble, but sincere, fellow-worker in the extensive fields of your scientific researches. Allow me to add that Venezuela belongs now to the postal Union, so that simple lettres pay no more postage than 212 pence, and printed matter a halfpenny for every 50 grammes.15 I think you had a shilling stamp on your last letter. I am, dear Sir, very truly yours | A Ernst DAR 163: 21 CD annotations 1.7 and though … glaucous. 1.9] double scored pencil 2.3 I lately … grains. 2.5] double scored pencil 1 2

3 4

See letters to Adolf Ernst, 16 January 1878 (Correspondence vol. 26), and 5 January 1880. CD had asked whether plants growing on interior dry plains were more likely to be glaucous, that is, protected by a waxy or powdery secretion (see Correspondence vol. 26, letter to Adolf Ernst, 16 January 1878 and n. 2). Cyperaceae is the family of sedges; Eriocaulaceae is the family of pipewort. These families are widely represented in the Venezuelan llanos (plains) and tepuis (flat-topped mountain summits). CD had suggested that Ernst try experiments on the fertility of illegitimate seedlings of Melochia parvifolia, a neotropical species of the subfamily Byttnerioideae of the Malvaceae or mallow family (see letter to Adolf Ernst, 5 January 1880 and n. 2). CD mentioned Ernst’s discovery of heterostyly in this species in Forms of flowers 2d ed., p. v.

Ionidium anomalum. Humboldt et al. 1818–25, 5: pl. 500. By permission of the Syndics of Cambridge University Library.

112 5 6

7

8 9 10

11 12 13

14 15

March 1880

Turnera ulmifolia is ramgoat dashalong or sage-rose, a member of the Passifloraceae (passion-flower family). Most varieties of this species are heterostyled. Turnera ulmifolia bears foliar nectaries on the petiole of the leaf. Oxalate of lime is now usually referred to as calcium oxalate (CaC2O4, the calcium salt of oxalic acid); sphaeraphides are globular clusters of raphides, needle-shaped crystals of calcium oxalate. Gaston Bonnier’s doctoral thesis ‘Les nectaires. Étude critique, anatomique et physiologique’ (Nectaries. A critical anatomical and physiological study; Bonnier 1879b) was published in Annales des sciences naturelles (Botanique) in 1879. For Bonnier’s conclusion that the work of the nectary is directly related to the life of the plant (‘en relation direct avec la vie de la plante’), see ibid., p. 206. Marcgravia acuminata is a synonym of M. coriacea. Passiflora biflora is twoflower passion-flower. Triplaris americana is a species of knotweed (family Polygonaceae) sometimes known as ant-tree. It has a mutualistic relationship with ants, particularly the species Pseudomyrmex triplarinus. Ants of this genus raise scale insects (subfamily Coccoidea) in excavated cavities (domatia) in the stem and branches. Abutilon striatum (a synonym of A. pictum) is painted Indian mallow. Antonio Leocadio Guzmán was a founder of the Liberal party of Venezuela; his son Antonio Guzmán Blanco was president of the country. Ionidium anomalum is a synonym of Hybanthus prunifolius (family Violaceae); Ernst refers to the illustration in Humboldt et al. 1818–25, 5: pl. 500. See plate on p. 111. Its anterior petal (the term labellum is now usually restricted to orchids) is several times larger than its other petals and is used as a landing platform by some insects. For more on its breeding system, see Augspurger 1980. In his letter to Ernst of 5 January 1880, CD had offered to send a copy of Forms of flowers. CD later sent Coral reefs 2d ed. and Geological observations 2d ed. (letter to Adolf Ernst, 4 April 1880). Venezuela entered the Universal Postal Union on 1 January 1880 (Universal Postal Union, http://www.upu.int/en/the-upu/member-countries/americas/venezuela.html (accessed 22 October 2018)). The postal union was set up in 1874; the charges for letters and printed matter were covered in articles 3 and 4 of the treaty (Treaty on postal union, pp. 4–5).

To J. L. Chester   2 March 1880 Down,| Beckenham, Kent.| Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R March 2d. 1880 Dear Sir Your letter & pedigree arrived here on Sunday & the M.S. yesterday.1 I have read it with the greatest interest, & am completely astonished at your success & at the wonderful amount of labour which you have bestowed on the subject. I am sure we have all much cause to be grateful to you. It is surprising that you shd. have been able to find out so much. I well remember my Father2 saying that no one knew or probably cd. ever know anything about W. Darwin of Cleatham.—3 There is a strange interest in reading the old Wills, & this has been increased manyfold by your remarks. My son Leonard has not seen the M.S. as he was forced to return to [Chatham] early on Monday morning.4 I will this day write & tell George in Cambridge.5 Both of them will feel the keenest interest in reading your lucid history of the family. With my sincere thanks, I remain | Dear Sir | Yours very faithfully| Charles R. Darwin— James Innes (private collection) (Sold at Bonhams, 13 March 2002)

March 1880 1

2 3 4 5

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Chester’s letter has not been found; his history and the pedigree of the Darwin family in Lincolnshire, drawn from sixteenth and seventeenth-century wills, many of which are transcribed in full, are in DAR 210.14: 40. Robert Waring Darwin. In 1879, CD had considered employing Chester to research the first William Darwin of Cleatham, Lincolnshire, and his ancestors; see Correspondence vol. 27, letter from J. L. Chester, 11 July 1879. Leonard Darwin was an instructor in chemistry and photography at the School of Military Engineering, Chatham (ODNB). There are extensive notes by George Howard Darwin in DAR 210.14: 41, dated April 1880, clarifying various points in Chester’s history.

From J. L. Chester   3 March 1880 124, Southwark Park Road, | London, | S.E. 3 March 1880 My Dear Sir If anything had been needed to convince me that I have not been wasting my time and energies in devoting myself to the sometimes decried branch of literature known as Family History, your very kind letter of yesterday would have supplied the want.1 The pleasure it gives me is twofold: it is most gratifying to know that my labours are appreciated, but infinitely more so to know that I have been the means of affording you a pleasure which you had despaired of ever enjoying. When I entered upon this pursuit, twenty years ago, in order that I might have some occupation, I started with the theory that the history of individuals is the history of the nation. It is not a nation which makes history, but rather the individuals who compose that nation. I have never yet pursued the history of any family, or even of any person, without finding something of interest or importance in it. Sometimes a single fact in the life of one person has been the turning point of events that have influenced the whole Kingdom, & even the world. I venture to send you, as one of the results of my labours, a volume which occupied me upwards of ten years, and which is my legacy to the nation which has treated me so kindly during the twenty one years it has accepted me as a voluntary resident. It is not, of course, a book to sit down to & read through, but you may perhaps deem it worthy a place in your library, & occasionally find it convenient to consult.2 Believe me, with the highest respect & sincerest regard | Yours faithfully | Jos: L. Chester DAR 161: 140 1 2

See letter to J. L. Chester, 2 March 1880. Chester sent CD The marriage, baptismal, and burial registers of the collegiate church or abbey of St. Peter, Westminster (Chester 1876), which had taken him ten years to complete; a copy is in the Darwin Library–Down. Chester was an American who had lived in London since 1858 (ODNB).

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From R. F. Cooke   3 March 1880 50A, Albemarle Street, London. W. March 3 1880 My dear Sir As you are aware we printed 1000 copies of the Life of Erasmus Darwin.1 By sales & presentations about 700 copies have been disposed of & we have the residue in our Warehouse & I am sorry to there is little or no demand for it, so that the prospect of a reprint is dismal. There is another matter I wish to mention. We have still the type standing of your volume on Forms of Plants & Flowers & Messrs. Clowes write to ask if they make distribute it, as they want some of the type.2 We have about 25 copies remaining. Would you like to send any corrections, have them made & then print off 250 copies & set the type loose? I trust you have been keeping well this winter. Yours faithfully | Rob.t Cooke Cha.s Darwin Esqr DAR 171: 503 1

2

Erasmus Darwin was published in November 1879 (Correspondence vol. 27, letter from Reginald Darwin, 12 November 1879). CD had asked for 1000 copies to be printed but had hoped that more would be required (see ibid., letter to R. F. Cooke, 18 November [1879]). Forms of flowers was published in July 1877 (Freeman 1977). CD had asked for the printers William Clowes & Sons to keep the type up so that he could make corrections (see Correspondence vol. 25, letter to R. F. Cooke, 24 November 1877). A second edition of 1250 copies was published in July 1880, with a few errors corrected in the main text and new material added in a preface (Freeman 1977; Forms of flowers 2d ed., pp. v–xii).

From Anton Dohrn   3 March 1880 Stazione Zoologica | di | Napoli March 3rd. 1880. Dear Mr. Darwin! I got yesterday your kind letter and the enclosed cheque of £.100. I thank you once more most sincerely for your generous present and for the permission to use it in the way I ventured to propose.1 It was urged at the last Meeting of the Brit. Association, that such a fund was necessary, but no money was granted for it. I hope this time it may have a better success, and I have confidentially told about your gift to the Secretary of the Committee for the Table of the Brit. Ass, so that he may report upon it at the next meeting.2 With my kindest regards | I remain | Yours respectfully | and most sincerely | Anton Dohrn DAR 162: 220

Anton Dohrn as a young man in his laboratory. ©Stazione Zoologica Anton Dohrn – Archivio Storico, Lb.2.13.

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See letter to Anton Dohrn, 27 February 1880 and n. 2. In his letter of 21 February 1880, Dohrn had suggested that he could use CD’s gift to start a fund for English naturalists visiting the Zoological Station at Naples. The British Association for the Advancement of Science rented a laboratory table at the station; the secretary of the committee for the table was Albert George Dew-Smith. For the report requesting additional funds for travel, see the Report of the British Association for the Advancement of Science (1879): 165–71. For the subsequent report detailing Dohrn’s new fund for the travelling expenses of English naturalists and requesting additional contributions from the British Association, see ibid. (1880): 161–9.

From James Torbitt   [3 March 1880] Handed in at the Waring St Belfast Office at .m. Received here at 4.50 .m. From James Torbitt | Belfast To Charles Darwin | Down | Beckenham Kent The potatoes are now growing and will be lost millions worth of them unless I have Immediate authority to proceede1 Telegram Date stamp: MR 3 80 DAR 178: 160 1

Torbitt had asked CD for help with securing a loan from the Government to continue developing his varieties of blight-resistant potato; see letter from James Torbitt, 12 February 1880, and letter to T. H. Farrer, 14 February 1880.

To H. W. Crosskey   [4 March 1880]1 Down, Beckenham, Kent. Dear sir, I have this day received, through Mr. Lawson Tait, the address from the Birmingham Philosophical Society congratulating me on my birthday, and communicating to me the fact of my election as honorary member.2 The society has thus conferred on me an honour which I believe to be unprecedented.3 Both the address and my election have gratified me deeply, more especially as coming from Birmingham, the birthplace or residence of so many distinguished men, and where the famous Lunar Club, which included my grandfather as one of its members, used to meet.4 At my age I cannot expect to do much more scientific work, but the society may be assured that so great an honour as it has conferred on me will encourage me to further exertion.— I beg leave to remain, dear sir, yours faithfully and obliged, Charles Darwin. Birmingham Daily Post, 21 April 1882, p. 4 1 2

The date is established by the reference to Lawson Tait’s visit to CD in London to deliver a presentation copy of an address (see n. 2, below). See letter from H. W. Crosskey, 28 February 1880. The Darwins were in London from 4 to 8 March 1880; Tait visited on 4 March (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)).The presentation copy of the address has not been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL; CD had already received the text in an article from

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the Birmingham Daily Post, 13 February 1880, p. 5 (see letter to Lawson Tait, 13 February 1880), and Crosskey enclosed a copy in his letter of 28 February 1880. CD was the society’s first honorary member; see the Birmingham Daily Post, 13 February 1880, p. 5. CD’s grandfather Erasmus Darwin was a member of the Lunar Society of Birmingham, a small club of pioneering natural philosophers, doctors, and manufacturers (for more on the Lunar Society, see Schofield 1963 and Uglow 2002).

From G. H. Darwin   4 March 1880 Trin. Coll Camb. Mar 4. 80 My dear Father, If the M.S be sent registered to me I will begin the copying at once as I can borrow a machine here.1 I have just finished the paper at wh. I am at work & shall have time & ought to get it done in a fortnight or so. Leo.  will have told you that we paid him £50  for which he agreed to exhaust London resources, but he has been outside his contract & has got the wills at Lincoln searched.2 Do you think of giving more; I suspect he wd.  accept if it were done delicately. What a lot of work he must have spent. I have been having a bad cold in my head & somewhat on my chest but have got thro’ so far rather better than usual as I have only been languid & stupid & have continued doing a little work. I fear however the later stages more than the active nose-blowing. As I said above I have just finished off my paper & shall send it to the R. S in the day or two. I am glad to say it will be short eno’ for the Proceedings3 We are getting on with the pendulum but have been delayed by finding the stone pillar is not isolated from the floor & so have been having the paving up & have got bricklayers & carpenters at work4   I hope we shall get to work again in a day or two. Last Sunday I observed a little & thought the thing wobbled when cabs drove along a street 60  yds away— this proves its sensitiveness but does’nt look very hopeful for our doing anything in a town. I can’t remember whether I told you that Sackville Cecil & I propose going down to Glasgow together after Easter. I’m sorry to say he’s got another railway place & is not going to come here after all.5 I enclose a pleasant letter of McLennan’s which gives a better account of things at Davos. I hope they will adhere to the scheme of coming to Hayes.6 I’m sorry to hear that you are knocked up & I hope going to London will do you good7 I find these incessant colds very disheartening, it is now many months that I have had more or less of a break down every 10 days & it never gives one time to get into good order between whiles. I shall be tremendously interested with Col. Chester’s papers. Yours affectionately | G H Darwin DAR 210.2: 82

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6

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March 1880

CD was planning to send Joseph Lemuel Chester’s manuscript of research on William Darwin of Cleatham and his ancestors; see letter to J. L. Chester, 2 March 1880. George’s extensive notes on Chester’s family history are in DAR 14: 41; the ‘machine’ was probably a letter copying press (for examples, see https://www.officemuseum.com/copy_machines.htm (accessed 6 June 2019)). Leonard Darwin took an interest in the Darwin family history; see letter to J. L. Chester, 2 March 1880. The payment was to Chester for his work on the Darwin ancestry; see letter to G. H. Darwin, 5 March [1880] and n. 4. The wills at Lincoln relate to the Darwin family’s ownership of the Cleatham estate in Lincolnshire. George’s paper ‘On the analytical expressions which give the history of a fluid planet of small viscosity, attended by a single satellite’ (G. H. Darwin 1880) was received by the Royal Society of London on 6 March 1880 and published in their Proceedings. George and Horace Darwin were constructing a pendulum to measure the lunar disturbance of gravity (G. H. Darwin 1907–16, 5: l). Sackville Arthur Cecil became general manager of the Metropolitan District Railway in 1880. George was probably planning to visit William Thomson in Glasgow, as he had done in 1879; see Correspondence vol. 27, letter from G. H. Darwin, 10 May 1879. The enclosure has not been found. John Ferguson McLennan was very ill with consumption; George had planned to visit him in Davos, Switzerland, in January (see letter to G. H. Darwin, 29 January [1880]). McLennan died at Hayes Common, Kent, in 1881 (ODNB). CD was in London from 4 to 8 March 1880 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)).

To James Torbitt   4 March 1880 Down, Thursday, | March 4, 1880 Private. My dear Sir Telegram received last night.1 I am starting for London immediately, and will see Mr Farrer this afternoon. Mr. F. was here the other day and told me he could not get Ld. Sandon to do anything.2 He always promises that he will at once attend to the subject and then does nothing! Mr. Farrer spoke of subscription and discussing the subject with Mr. Caird.3 I will now tell Farrer that something must be done at once if ever. As soon as ever I can get anything settled definitely, you shall hear. I suppose you would not plant for a month. I have told Farrer I would subscribe £50.4 Possibly I could influence Ld. Derby.5 But I have not strength for much exertion. Unless Farrer & Caird will take up the subject in earnest the whole affair will be a failure and in my opinion a disgrace to the country. Farrer suspects that Ld. Sandon has lost all my long letters on the subject!6 My address, if you have anything to communicate (it is no use telegraphing) will be till early on next Monday morning “6 Queen Anne St. Cavendish Sq. In Haste | Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin. Copy DAR 148: 111 1 2

See telegram from James Torbitt, [3 March 1880]. CD stayed at his brother Erasmus Alvey Darwin’s house at 6 Queen Anne Street, London, from 4 to 8 March 1880; he called on Thomas Henry Farrer on 4 March (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). An earlier meeting with Farrer is not recorded. Farrer had been communicating with Dudley Francis Stuart Ryder (Viscount Sandon), minister for the Board of Trade, about securing government aid for

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Torbitt to continue his experiments to breed blight-resistant potatoes (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter to James Torbitt, 17 November 1879, and this volume, letter to T. H. Farrer, 14 February 1880). James Caird. See letter to T. H. Farrer, 14 February 1880. Edward Henry Stanley. CD had written several drafts of a long letter of support for Torbitt (see Correspondence vol. 26, letter to T. H. Farrer, 7 March 1878, enclosure. Further materials were communicated to Viscount Sandon through Farrer in November and December 1879; see Correspondence vol. 27, letter from T. H. Farrer, 2 November 1879, and letter to James Torbitt, 17 November 1879.

To G. H. Darwin   5 March [1880]1 6. Q. Anne St. March 5th— My dear George. I am glad that I wrote to the Colonel, for the enclosed shows that he is pleased.—2 I will write to Frank to send the M.S. to you.—3 If you settle to give him more money, I will subscribe or give alone, but you must manage it.—4 I am very sorry my poor dear old fellow to hear so bad an account of you.—5 Letter this morning shows that Jos, as we think, is dying.6 Maclennan must be a good deal better. He seems & all of them much attached to you.—7 Your affect Father | C. Darwin I am going to send Life of Erasmus Darwin8 to the Colonel DAR 210.1.92 1 2 3

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The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from G. H. Darwin, 4 March 1880. See letter to J. L. Chester, 2 March 1880. CD enclosed Joseph Lemuel Chester’s letter of 3 March 1880. Francis Darwin. Chester had sent CD a manuscript containing his research on William Darwin of Cleatham, one of Erasmus Darwin’s ancestors; see letter to J. L. Chester, 2 March 1880 and n. 1. Erasmus Darwin was CD’s grandfather. In his letter of 4 March 1880, George had suggested that they pay Chester more for his family research. CD recorded a payment of £25 under the heading ‘Col Chester pedigree’ on 27 March 1880 (CD’s Account books–banking account (Down House MS)). George had been suffering from a bad cold; see letter from G. H. Darwin, 4 March 1880. Josiah Wedgwood III was gravely ill; see letter from W. E. Darwin, 6 January [1880]. The latest extant report on his health was quoted in a letter from Emma Darwin to H. E. Litchfield, 2 March 1880 (DAR 219.9: 224): ‘I will only send a line to say since Sat. there have been no more of those suffering attacks, but he is weaker & more ill, tho’ he has no pain’. With his letter of 4 March 1880, George had enclosed a letter from John Ferguson McLennan. Erasmus Darwin.

To T. H. Farrer   5 March 1880

[6 Queen Anne Street, London.]

Postscript Mar 5th. 1880.1 I have re-read my letter dated Mar 7 1878 & have nothing to withdraw.2 I may add that I have read two letters published by strangers in a Belfast newspaper, who

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declare, after examining Mr Torbitt’s ten-acre field, that there is the greatest difference between the several varieties in their liability to the disease, & that some seem to have quite escaped.3 Mr Torbitt himself assures me that some of the varieties are entirely free from the fungus, both in their foliage & tubers. But as young varieties seem to resist the disease better than those which have been long cultivated, it is especially desirable that these should be cultivated for several more generations, & that fresh seedlings should be raised from them. Mr Torbitt informs me that his business has been so unprofitable of late that he cannot continue his experiments, which are, & must be, very expensive, by his own means alone, as he had originally hoped to do.4 I may repeat my conviction that no one else is likely to undertake so laborious a task as the selection & cross-fertilization of the plant during many successive generations. As this letter may be seen by strangers, I will add that I have no sort of pecuniary interest in Mr Torbitt’s success. He is personally unknown to me, but his letters have inspired me with so much confidence, & his plan seems so much more hopeful than any which has ever been tried, that I have been glad to aid him to a small extent with funds.5 Unless Mr Torbitt is assisted immediately with a few hundred pounds, he will be compelled, as he informs me, to sell his whole stock of potatoes; & this to the best of my judgment would be a national misfortune & disgrace Charles Darwin LS Linnean Society of London (MS 489) 1

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The letter is a postscript to a letter to T. H. Farrer dated 7 March 1878 that CD had meant Farrer to use to raise support for James Torbitt’s potato-crossing experiments (see Correspondence vol. 26, enclosure to letter to T. H. Farrer, 7 March 1878). Torbitt had asked again for CD’s support (telegram from James Torbitt, [3 March 1880]) and CD had met Farrer in London to discuss the matter (letter to James Torbitt, 4 March 1880). CD wanted Farrer to use the 1878 letter with this postscript to raise support for Torbitt. See Correspondence vol. 26, enclosure to letter to T. H. Farrer, 7 March 1878. The letters were probably those sent to Farrer with CD’s letter of 23 October 1879 (Correspondence vol. 27). They appeared in the Belfast Northern Whig, 15 October 1879, p. 6, and 20 October 1879, p. 6. For Torbitt’s latest report on growing disease-free potatoes from seed, see Correspondence vol. 27, enclosure to letter from James Torbitt, 15 November 1879. Torbitt had reported his need for funds to continue his experiments in his letter of 12 February 1880. In 1878, CD had sent £100 to assist with Torbitt’s research; see Correspondence vol. 26, letter to James Torbitt, 4 March 1878.

To T. H. Huxley   [5 March 1880?]1 6. Queen Anne St | W. Friday night My dear Huxley I want so very much to see you, that you must let me call on you on Sunday morning between 10 & 11. (i.e. if I am well) & stay a half-hour.—2 I have much to do & very little strength to do it & so I propose coming on Sunday morning.— If I do not hear, you may expect me.— Ever yours | C. Darwin Imperial College of Science, Technology and Medicine Archives (Huxley 5: 354)

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The year is conjectured from the year given in Dawson 1946, p. 31, but CD was not staying at 6 Queen Anne Street, London, on the day and month given by Dawson, 3 December. The only date in 1880 on which CD could have written this letter is 5 March (see n. 2, below). In 1880, 5 March fell on a Friday. CD stayed with his brother, Erasmus Alvey Darwin, at 6 Queen Anne Street, London, from 4 to 8 March 1880 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)).

From James Torbitt   5 March 1880 J. Torbitt, | Wine Merchant. | 58, North Street, | Belfast, 5 Mar 1880. Ch Darwin Esqr. | 6 Queen Anne Street | Cavendish Square. My dear Sir, Letter of yesterday received— I have been thinking of Lord Derby myself. If he could be induced to advance the money I think he would not lose it.1 May I consider that if nothing else is done you will advance the £502—it would grow perhaps 500 varieties— The new potatoes to repay the £150 if they are worth that amt I think that in a few years, if not lost, they will be worth some millions per annum to England. For myself—my honor is pleged not to lay out more money on this matter. Most respectfully | my dear Sir | James Torbitt DAR 178: 161 1 2

In his letter to James Torbitt, 4 March 1880, CD said he could possibly influence Edward Henry Stanley to support Torbitt’s scheme to breed blight-resistant potatoes. CD said he would subscribe £50 in his letter to Torbitt of 4 March 1880.

From James Torbitt   5 March 1880 J. Torbitt, | Wine Merchant. | 58, North Street, | Belfast, 5 Mar 1880. Respectfully in continuance of my note by last mail—1 Some two thirds of the potatoes are growing and should be planted as soon as possible, but they can be grown from a second set of buds. The remaining one third are not yet germinating, and I may be able to keep them back for a month, as I can now expose them to the air and light without much risk of frost.2 Speculating on the possibility of some help, I have sown seed twice, and tomorrow propose to sow a third lot. I will also select a tuber from a hundred of the best varieties of ’79, ’78 and ’77 for crossing so as to be prepared for continuance of the work. Most respectfully | J. Torbitt DAR 178: 162

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See first letter from James Torbitt, 5 March 1880. In his letter of 4 March 1880, CD had said that he supposed that Torbitt would not need to plant his varieties of potato for a month.

From G. H. Darwin   6 March 1880 Trin. Coll. Camb. Sat. Mar 6. 80 My dear Father, The enclosed letter has come to me & as I don’t understand what it is about I think it must be meant for you.1 I received a letter yesterday morning from Reginald Darwin enclosing one of Dr. D’s visiting cards, of which a packet was found by one of his sisters. It is a curious looking card & I will send it on shortly. I have written to thank him & to tell him that I shall send on a copy of the pedigree etc. shortly.2 I have sent off my paper to the R.S.3 & have begun trying another point but am sadly afraid it is too hard for me—for it turns on purely mathematical difficulties. I wd. give a great deal to be able to solve it, as I feel convinced that it contains the physical meaning of Bode’s Law—an empirical law concerning the mean distances of the planets from the sun.4 I am afraid the difficulties are of a kind which if insurmountable soon are not to be got over at all. I said that Tait was reporter on my paper, but I now feel certain that it is a mistake for Thomson—for Thomson has reported on all the others & Tait is not an F.R.S & has indeed a sort of quarrel or contempt for the Society. I shall be glad if this is so.5 I expect we shall get to work at our pendulum again next week but there has been more bricklaying &.c than I thought at first there wd. be. Horace & Ida go to Oxford today.6 I suppose I shall be home in about a fortnight. I sent off a tea-service to Jackson at 6 Q.A. yesterday & hope it will have come safe. I’m getting on tol. well with my cold. I hope Mother is standing London well7 Yr. affec son | G H Darwin DAR 210.2: 83 1 2 3 4 5

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The enclosure has not been found. Erasmus Darwin’s visiting card has not been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL. George said he would copy the Darwin pedigree prepared by Joseph Lemuel Chester; see letter from G. H. Darwin, 4 March 1880 and n. 1. G. H. Darwin 1880; see letter from G. H. Darwin, 4 March 1880 and n. 3. For more on Bode’s law, developed by Johann Elert Bode, and George’s use of it, see Nieto 1972, pp. 55–7. Peter Guthrie Tait. For William Thomson’s previous support of George’s work, see Correspondence vol. 27, letter to G. H. Darwin, 31 May [1879]. In fact G. H. Darwin 1880 was not refereed and the paper was voted to be published in abstracted form at a meeting a week before it was read to the fellows of the Royal Society of London (Royal Society archives, GB 117 MS/421). See letter from G. H. Darwin, 4 March 1880 and n. 4; Horace and Ida Darwin. William Jackson was the butler at Down House; on 31 March 1880 he married Sophia Steer at St Mary’s, Down. From 4 to 8 March, CD and Emma stayed at 6 Queen Anne Street, London, the home of CD’s brother Erasmus Alvey Darwin (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)).

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From T. H. Farrer   6 March 1880 M. T. Hotel 6 March/80 My dear Mr Darwin I saw both Caird and Hooker yesterday—1 Both think it useless to approach the Govt—especially as they are buying at great expense “Champion” potatoes to send as seed to Ireland, which Caird says—have proved good.2 Both too think that Mr Torbitt, should now make—or still better—get some one else to make some precise report on what he has done shewing what progress he has made— Further they think that £100 would be enough to give at present— This there would be no difficulty in procuring; for Caird says he will make himself responsible for £75 and I will gladly add £25. Will this enable you to say anything encouraging to Mr Torbitt.— Would not a careful report of what he has done and its success in the form of a letter to Nature or to one of the Agricultural papers be useful. If accompanied by a few lines from you it would be sure to attract attention: and if he has any good potatoes to sell as seed, it would bring them forward. Ever yrs sincerely | T H Farrer DAR 164: 97 1 2

James Caird and Joseph Dalton Hooker. CD was trying to help James Torbitt obtain funding for his blight-resistant potato breeding scheme; see letter to James Torbitt, 4 March 1880. Torbitt remarked that the Champion variety was increasingly susceptible to disease (see letter from James Torbitt, 12 February 1880). Champion’s blight resistance did decline after a few decades (Salaman 1926, pp. 117 and 231–2).

To James Torbitt   6 March 1880 Down, [6 Queen Anne Street, London.] March 6, 1880. My dear Sir Your letter of the 5th received.1 I have been doing all that I can in your affair. Mr Farrer met Mr. Caird and Sir J. Hooker yesterday, and they are all convinced that it will be hopeless to apply to the Government.2 Mr. Caird says he will guarantee £75, and Mr. Farrer £25 and this with the enclosed cheque for £50 will permit you to go on in your experiments on a limited scale, to the amount of £150.3 The gentlemen above named are strongly of opinion, that you ought next autumn to get some one or two agriculturists of independent position and character to examine your experimental ground and the tubers when dug up and make a brief Report on the state and result of your experiments. They think if this were published and it were favourable, you might obtain further assistance. Otherwise I doubt whether you will be able. You know my firm conviction is that you are on the right road whether or not you are as yet fully successful.

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On further reflexion I should not like to apply to Ld. Derby,4 and as far as my advice is worth anything I would recommend you to do the best with £150. I wish I could have helped you more and remain | My dear Sir | Yours very faithfully | Ch. Darwin. Copy DAR 148: 112 1 2

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Letters from James Torbitt, 5 March 1880. Thomas Henry Farrer, James Caird, and Joseph Dalton Hooker; see letter from T.  H.  Farrer, 6 March 1880. CD had been trying to help Torbitt obtain a government grant for his blight-resistant potato breeding scheme; see letter to James Torbitt, 4 March 1880. Under the heading ‘Gifts and annual subscriptions’, CD recorded a payment of £50 to Torbitt on 6 March 1880 (CD’s Classed account books (Down House MS)). Edward Henry Stanley; see first letter from James Torbitt, 5 March 1880 and n. 1.

To James Torbitt   6 March [1880]1 Down [6 Queen Anne Street, London.] March 6th. P.S. to letter written and posted this morning— Here is bad news: Mr. Farrer forwards letter from Mr.  Caird, that he finds his agricultural friends are so poor from low rents that they are little inclined to subscribe; and Mr. Caird cannot pledge himself for £75.2 On the other hand my brother E. A. Darwin of 6 Queen Anne St. will subscribe £25  and my brother-in-law H.  Wedgwood of 31  Queen Anne St.  will subscribe £10—so you are sure of £110  and I cannot doubt something from Mr.  Caird.3 Mr. Wedgwood wants me to write to the Times stating that I believe your scheme is a hopeful one and giving a sketch of it—stating what subscriptions are promised and saying that I would receive others for the object. I dislike the thought of doing this, but should be glad to hear what you think of it. If you approve I will try and screw up my courage, but would first consult Mr. Farrer (who unfortunately has left London to-day) and in this case pray give me a few particulars for how many generations have you in any case selected? Do the later generations appear freer of the disease than the earlier generations? Can you advance any evidence with names and addresses of agriculturalists or market gardeners who saw your plants growing and the tubers? My memory has grown rather uncertain and I dare not trust it. Any report had better be as short as possible. I am very tired and can write no more C. Darwin I do not promise to write to the Times. Copy DAR 148: 113 1

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to James Torbitt, 6 March 1880.

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See letter to James Torbitt, 6 March 1880. The letter from James Caird to Thomas Henry Farrer has not been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL. Erasmus Alvey Darwin and Hensleigh Wedgwood. CD had sent £50 and Farrer had pledged £25; see letter to James Torbitt, 6 March 1880.

To Leopold Würtenberger   6 March 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. [6 Queen Anne Street, London.] March 6th 1880 My dear Sir I am very much obliged to you for your present of your “Studien .... Ammoniten”, & am delighted that you have found time to publish your valuable results.—1 I hope soon to read your book, but German is always slow work with me.— With much respect, I remain | Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Charles Darwin Eidgenössische Technische Hochschule Bibliothek, Zürich (Würtenberger Nachlass Hs 709: 9) 1

Würtenberger had sent his Studien über die Stammesgeschichte der Ammoniten. Ein geologischer Beweis für die Darwin’sche Theorie (Studies on the phylogeny of ammonites: a geological proof of Darwinian theory; Würtenberger 1880); there are copies in the Darwin Library–CUL and Down. In 1879, CD had given Würtenberger £100 to support his research (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter from Leopold Würtenberger, 7 February 1879).

To T. H. Farrer   7 [March 1880]1 6 Queen Anne S.t Sunday 7th. My dear Farrer. I have thought that you would like to see enclosed copy of letter received by Sir J. Lubbock. but I suppose it is vox et præterea nihil.2 I had despatched a letter to Torbitt before receiving Mr Caird’s, but it did not signify as I was able to send another by same post. explaining why Mr. C was obliged to withdraw to a certain extent.3 Hensleigh who was present offered to subscribe 10£ & Erasmus 25£4 so that 110£ is assured with your generous offer of 25£; & I suppose Mr C. will get something Hensleigh & Erasmus strongly advise me to write to Times during Easter recess, describing what Mr. T has done & what is wanted— I am not sanguine of success. & dislike much the thought of writing to any paper; but I would do so if thought advisable.— If I could get 400 or 500£ I would pay 12 per year to Mr T so as to make it last 2 years—& he would then raise several thousand new varieties— Will you tell me at Down what you think.— Hensleigh was strong that if I did write I should insert subscriptions promised; if Mr Caird subscribes anything himself, & would allow me to use his name it would be a tower of strength. & would insure insertion of letter in Times.— I would of course, if you think fit, send any letter which I might write for your approval.— I have written to Mr Torbitt for various particulars

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& asking him whether he would object to my writing to Times—that is if I screwed my courage up. & I told him that I should first consult you.5 I had hoped never to trouble you again. | Yours very sincerely. Ch. Darwin. Mr. T. writes that about 13rd. of his tubers are sprouting & ought to be planted next week & he can now do this.—6 P.S. In case I do write to Times, the letters which I wrote to you & which you sent me might come in of use, so will you send it me to Down.7 [Enclosure] Board of Trade 5th Mar. 1880 Copy of letter from Lord Sandon’s secretary to Sir J Lubbock— Sir, I am directed by Lord Sandon to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of yesterday’s date.8 Lord Sandon wishes me to say that he will carefully consider the subject to which you refer. I am Sir | your obedient servant | T. W. P. Blomefield9 Copy DAR 144: 101; DAR 177: 340 1 2 3

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The year and month are established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from T. H. Farrer, 6 March 1880. John Lubbock. Vox et praeterea nihil: a voice and nothing else (Latin). In his first letter of 6 March 1880 to James Torbitt, CD had said that James Caird would pledge £75 to help Torbitt to continue his blight-resistant potato breeding programme. The letter from Caird to Farrer has not been found. In CD’s second letter to Torbitt, of 6 March [1880], he said that Caird had withdrawn his pledge but would probably give something. Hensleigh Wedgwood and Erasmus Alvey Darwin. See letter to James Torbitt, 6 March [1880]. See second letter from James Torbitt, 5 March 1880. CD is probably referring to the enclosure to his letter to Farrer of 7 March 1878 (Correspondence vol. 26), which went through several drafts. See letter to T. H. Farrer, 14 February 1880; Farrer had asked Dudley Francis Stuart Ryder, Viscount Sandon and minister for the Board of Trade, to seek government aid for Torbitt. Thomas Wilmot Peregrine Blomefield.

From Anthony Rich   7 March 1880 Chappell Croft, | Heene, Worthing. My dear Mr. Darwin, I have been thinking for many a long day that I would write and ask how you and your belongings and surroundings—fauna and flora—had survived the persistent fogs and frosts of the last four months.1 Bravely, I hope, and in that faith I shall steadfastly continue unless, or until, I hear any thing to the contrary. Verily you

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deserve the Victoria Cross, and Mrs. Darwin the Star of India, for taking that plunge into the Cimmerian gloom of London streets at such a season during such a winter.2 My sister,3 who lives in rather an out of the way part of London, Woburn Square, but which is immediately connected with large open spaces, wrote me word that they had passed five consecutive days under gaslight the whole time! You escaped such an infliction as that, I trust; but anyhow I may safely greet your joint resolution, about visiting at mid winter, with the sententious response which Charles Dickens received from a Dublin juvenile, aged six years, upon telling him that he liked talking to little boys—“Yer right”.—4 I heard not very long since from your son William, who has very good naturedly interested himself in my behalf with some importers of cattle from the Channel Islands: He told me that his brother George had passed a wretched time of it on the journey to Davos, being laid up even for a week on the way; and after all found that the place did not agree with him. How often it happens that those localities, which rise into sudden and exaggerated repute, gain an undeserved notoriety only by the puffs of lodging house and hotel keepers, people who have land to sell in the vicinity, and a doctor with a specialité! He will soon; I expect, be homeward bound—perhaps at this moment is resting with you at Down—and, without a perhaps let me trust, thoroughly recovered from previous ailments. When he comes please to give him kind remembrances, and all sorts of good wishes from me. He spent as you know a day with me on his way to Bassett—a very pleasant one to me; We fished out some Epigrams that were current at Cambridge in my day, and which, he told me, were written by a relative of his own.—5 If I had had a proper sense of the convenances I should have taken care before this time to congratulate both Mrs. Darwin and yourself upon the marriage of your son Horace.6 But an “outside barbarian”7 such as I am is sure to make a hole in his manners three hundred and sixty five times in the year at least. It must be a thorough gratification for parents to see their children settling themselves well and comfortably in life; and all without you’re being compelled to, “assist at” the wedding in person! I’m sure they’re a charming couple, And you’re a most fortunate man.— I hope that they never would come into this neighbourhood without giving me an opportunity of making their acquaintance.— The “Cray-fish” I found rather hard of digestion. Not from any fault in the dish itself, nor of the Chef by whom it was prepared; but because the intellectual stomach at the age of 76, is not so able to assimilate such concentrated technical food without some previous educational discipline of which mine is altogether wanting.8 So I merely skimmed over the surface in a half capricious way—like Horace’s town mouse, dente superbo—when I ought to have dived seriously down to the bottom of the plat.9 Professor Huxley’s project for a series of “Biographies of men of Science” will be, I presume, somewhat upon the plan of John Morley’s “Men of Letters”, which report says has been very successful.10 The former, however, will have the more difficult task, both from the nature of his subject and the smaller number of

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persons capable of being interested by it. But H. does everything so well that one cannot but anticipate success for him in all his undertakings. I should look forward with intense interest to any Political writings from such a pen as his. Indeed some robust specimens of that description of literature are much wanted just now if we are not all of us to become Orientalized and adopted into the “higher Jewish caste of the Sephardim”, with our ruling Knight of the Garter.11 Macvey Napier’s Correspondence afforded me as much pleasure as it did you. He must have been a man of wonderful patience and self command to have kept that gibbing Scotch nag from kicking right over the traces.—12 The Memoirs of Madame de Remusat is another interesting book, which I dare say you will have read. It will have rejoiced the Shades of Sir Hudson Lowe if some of our Spiritists would only inform him that the world has been duly informed what a domestic ruffian he had in his keeping.—13 I read the other day in the Life & Letters of Caroline Herschell that at the age of 92, as an instance of her great physical power, she “put her leg behind her back and scratched her ear with it, like a dog”.— You wrote me word that you found it a hard job to know what to believe … Try that.!14 From books to “kitchen stuff” is an awful leap; but I must take it or I shall die of despair; and you, who know so much about every thing, must be called in, if you will, as the doctor who is to save me from myself. It is customary about here to cover the sea cale with sea weed in the winter, and I have done so for many years with complete success. But this spring we have found an immense number of white maggots about the third of an inch long under the weeds; and they have eaten round the stems of the cale close to the ground so that the plant breaks off and rots away. My gardener, who never saw the like before, thinks that these destructive things are engendered in the sea weeds. He says that he had observed a large number of flies, about the size of a house fly, but with longer & darker bodies than them, disporting themselves over the bed during the winter—and these he pronounces to be the fons et origo mali. But the weeds came up dripping wet just out of the sea, just as they were thrown up at the moment, and I do not suppose that the fathers of insects can be produced under the sea—to live and flourish upon dry land. The beds were covered over at least six weeks later than usual, because the times had been so calm that no weeds were to be obtained; but as the frosts were severe and enduring the autumn sweepings of dead leaves from the elm trees were laid over the beds for protection. Did they conceal the germs from which my enemies have sprung.? Aiutatemi, caro Signore!—15 My friend or foe, I don’t know which to call him, the Gulf Stream, seems to have found his way into the Channel at last. I wonder whether there is any chance of his being diverted into the Pacific when Mr Lesseps has made his interoceanic canal?—16 But really—notwithstanding your exceeding courtesy and good nature—I do begin to feel that this long rigmarole exceeds the bounds of discretion. So no more. You can’t see my blushes. Fancy them; scarlet as the wattles of an angry turkey cock. The philadelphus flourishes; so does its present owner; so, I trust, does its donor;

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and so, I hope, does that lady, who keeps a strict hand upon your vagaries, and amongst whose constituents I shall be anxious to be enrolled when the wrongs of animals and the rights of women have been removed to the “field of practical politics”—17 Until then I must be content to sign myself hers and yours | Very sincerely | Anthony Rich March. 7. 1880.— DAR 176: 141 1 2

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11 12

13 14 15 16 17

The period from November 1878 to January 1880 was exceedingly cold (Manley 1974, p. 396). Victoria Cross: British military and naval decoration bestowed for conspicuous bravery in battle; Star of India: order of knighthood (e.g. Knight Companion of the Star of India); Cimmerian: of or belonging to the legendary Cimmerii, who were said to live in perpetual darkness. Proverbially used as a qualification of dense darkness, gloom, or night, or of things or persons shrouded in thick darkness (OED). CD and Emma were in London from 4 to 8 March 1880 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). Rich’s sister, Emma Burnaby, lived at 26 Woburn Square, Bloomsbury, London (Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/320/22/40)). The story appeared in a letter from Charles Dickens (see Dickens 1880–2, 2: 61). George Howard Darwin went to Davos, a well-known spa town, from 21 January to 13 February 1880 to visit John Ferguson McLennan, who was suffering from consumption; George visited Rich and William Erasmus Darwin at Bassett, Southampton, before setting off (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242), letter from Elizabeth Darwin to Ida Darwin, 15 January [1880] (DAR 258: 564), and letter from Elizabeth Darwin to G. H. Darwin, 3 February 1880 (DAR 251: 1412)). The Cambridge epigrams were possibly those of Harry Wedgwood; see Emma Darwin (1904) 1: 74 and 266. Horace Darwin married Ida Farrer on 3 January 1880 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242). The Chinese often referred to foreigners as ‘outside barbarians’ (Gützlaff 1838, 2: 542). In December 1879, Rich had procured Thomas Henry Huxley’s The crayfish (T. H. Huxley 1880a); see Correspondence vol. 27, letter from Anthony Rich, 28 December 1879. A reference to Horace, Satires 2.6.85–7 (the town mouse and the country mouse). Dente superbo: with haughty tooth (Latin), i.e. disdainfully. Huxley had recently written a biography of David Hume (T. H. Huxley 1879) for a series edited by John Morley on English men of letters; he contemplated editing a similar series on men of science but the project never materialised (see A. Desmond 1994–7, 2: 118). Benjamin Disraeli, prime minister of Great Britain, was from a Sephardic Jewish background but was baptised an Anglican in 1817. He became a knight of the garter in 1878. (ODNB.) Macvey Napier’s correspondence was published in 1879 (Napier 1879). Napier was editor of the Edinburgh Review from 1829 to 1847, but his predecessor Francis Jeffrey continued to influence editorial policy (ODNB). Thomas Carlyle also criticised Napier’s editorship. Memoirs of Madame de Rémusat (Vergennes 1880) was an account of a dame du palais (lady-in-waiting) to the wife of Napoleon I. Hudson Lowe was governor of St Helena and gaoler to Napoleon I. Caroline Lucretia Herschel was reported to have performed this feat at the age of 88 or 89 in Herschel 1876, p. 295. The letter from CD has not been found. Rich’s gardener has not been identified. Fons et origo mali: the source and origin of the evil (Latin). Aiutatemi, caro Signore: help me, dear Sir (Italian). After his successful construction of the Suez canal, Ferdinand de Lesseps embarked on a similar project in Panama from 1879 but the project failed. In Rich’s letter of 28 December 1879 (Correspondence vol. 27), he reported on the health of a plant of Philadelphus (the genus of mock-orange) that CD had sent him. Debates over animal protection and women’s rights were sometimes conjoined by writers such as Frances Power Cobbe (see Mitchell 2004 and L. Williamson 2005).

130

March 1880

From T. H. Farrer   8 March 1880 Board of Trade, | Whitehall Gardens. | S.W. 8–3–80 My dear Mr Darwin I inclose some copies of your letter: and will write again after seeing Caird. I quite agree with the suggestion that you should write to the Times.1 We had a very pleasant visit at Oxford—infinite chatter2 Ever yrs | T H Farrer If you want more copies please say so DAR 164: 99 1

2

In his letter to Farrer of 7 [March  1880], CD had asked for copies of his earlier letters to Farrer (probably including the enclosure to his letter to Farrer of 7 March 1878 (Correspondence vol. 26)) to assist him in writing a letter to The Times to invite subscriptions to enable James Torbitt to continue his blight-resistant potato research. James Caird was collecting subscriptions; see second letter from T. H. Farrer, 8 March 1880. In Oxford, Farrer met with his daughter, Ida Darwin, and her husband, CD’s son Horace (letter from G. H. Darwin, 6 March 1880 and n. 6, and letter from Emma Darwin to Ida Darwin, 26 February 1880 (DAR 258: 627)).

From T. H. Farrer   8 March 1880 Board of Trade S.W. 8–3–80 Dear Mr Darwin I inclose you a note from Caird: and a cheque for £85 including his subscriptions & my own £25—1 I have also written to him about the use of his name, & told him that—if you do use it you or I will shew him the letter first2 Ever yrs | T H Farrer [Enclosure] Board of Trade S.W. March 8. 80 Dear Farrer I bring you the produce of my labours—£25. each from Mr. Charles & Mr. Alfred Morrison— £5. from Sir Julian Goldsmid & £5. from myself. £60. altogether. I dont think more than £100. should be given to the Experimenter unless he can show good reason. It is his own time only that has to be paid for. Mess Morrison wd like to know result—& if you have anything written that I could show them on that point I should be glad. What is his name & address? Believe me | Very truly Yours | James Caird DAR 161: 2; DAR 164: 98

March 1880 1 2

131

James Caird was collecting subscriptions to enable James Torbitt to continue his development of blight-resistant potato varieties; see enclosure and letter from T. H. Farrer, 6 March 1880. CD was thinking about writing a letter to The Times to invite subscriptions to Torbitt’s fund and wanted to use Caird’s name; see letter to T. H. Farrer, 7 [March 1880].

To T. H. Farrer   9 March 1880 [Down.] My dear Farrer— Once again I thank you heartily & I hope that you will give my true thanks to Mr Caird.1 It seems to me that Hooker & Mr Caird hardly understand the scale on which r M Torbitt works when they say that 100 wd be sufficient; in which success of his scheme depends on his raising annually many thousand [illeg] seedlings: I have been informed not by Mr T. only that he has 10 acres of land full of varieties, & that he devotes the whole of a greenhouse to propag forward the best seedlings which are first started in flower-pots.— The labour of harvesting separating labelling examining &c [illeg], saving the seed &c & keeping an account of all the varieties must be immense. I 〈have〉 now got with your cheque for £85  170£, which I think will be ample.2 Though it appears to me useless to write to the Times,. [nevertheless], as soon as I receive an answer to some queries sent to Mr Torbitt, I will draw up a letter, such as I had thought of writing to the Times, & will send 2 or more copies to you & Mr Caird so that his [generous] coadjutor may understand Mr Torbitts plan & see what he has done & why I think favourably of the scheme.— I can keep the letter to the Times in reserve, if next year it shd still appear to me desirable that Mr T.  shd continue his work.3 Anyhow neither you nor Mr Caird shall be again troubled with the subject.— I am, however, perplexed, as Mr Caird’s writes “I dont think the 100£ shd be given to the experimenter unless he can show good reason.” I will not now not send your cheque of £85 until Mr Caird & you have read what I will write to the Times & you can then decide whether I shall return the cheque to you I have from yourself brother & Huxley 85 £.—4 Yours sincerely March 9th 1880 | To T. H. Farrer ADraft DAR 202: 46 1

2

See first letter from T. H. Farrer, 8 March 1880, and second letter from T. H. Farrer, 8 March 1880. James Caird had been collecting subscriptions to enable James Torbitt to continue his blight-resistant potato research. Joseph Dalton Hooker and Caird thought that £100 would be enough for Torbitt’s research and wanted Torbitt to write a precise progress report before he received more; see letter from T. H. Farrer, 6 March 1880. CD had raised an additional £85 making a total of £170 (see letters to James Torbitt, 6 March 1880 and 6 March [1880]).

132 3 4

March 1880

In his letter to Farrer of 7 [March 1880], CD had suggested writing to The Times to invite further subscriptions to Torbitt’s fund. For CD’s queries to Torbitt, see the letter to James Torbitt, 6 March [1880]. Erasmus Alvey Darwin and Thomas Henry Huxley. See enclosure to second letter from T. H. Farrer, 8 March 1880.

To T. L. Brunton   10 March 1880 Down | Beckenham. Kent— Mar. 10/80 My dear Sir I am very much obliged for your kind present of your Pharmacology, which I am sure that I shall read with interest. All medical subjects fascinate me, owing I suppose to so much doctorial blood flowing in my veins—1 yours very sincerely | Charles Darwin Copy DAR 143: 169 1

Brunton sent his Pharmacology and therapeutics, or, Medicine past and present (Brunton 1880); a copy is in the Darwin Library–Down. CD’s father, Robert Waring Darwin, and his grandfather Erasmus Darwin were physicians.

To James Torbitt   10 March 1880 Down, March 10, 1880. My dear Sir Your letter of the 8th received.1 I enclose cheque for £25 and shall certainly be able to send you £110 and hope £150. But I shall not know the amount with certainty until I have written a statement for Mr. Caird, showing why I think favorably of your scheme, what you have done, &c. I am now pledged in honour to do this.2 The letter to the Times can be kept in reserve till next year.3 Be so kind as to answer as soon as ever your work permits you all my queries; especially which year you commenced work and what you have expended. I will then write a statement, making it as brief as possible, and have copies sent to Messrs. Farrer,4 Caird &c. My dear Sir | Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin. Copy DAR 148: 114 1 2

3 4

The letter from Torbitt has not been found. For the latest funds that CD had raised for Torbitt to continue his research developing blight-resistant potatoes and for James Caird’s reservations about sending the money to Torbitt, see the draft letter to T. H. Farrer, 9 March 1880 and n. 2. See draft letter to T. H. Farrer, 9 March 1880 and n. 3. For CD’s earlier queries to Torbitt, see the letter to James Torbitt, 6 March [1880]. Thomas Henry Farrer.

March 1880

133

From Asa Gray   11 March 1880 Herbarium of Harvard University, | Botanic Garden, Cambridge, Mass. March 11 1880. Dear Darwin I send you “one more” of the flat seeds, which has been about 10 days in damp sand. There are 3 others, perhaps not sound, we will watch1 How could the plumule of Delphinium nudicaule get out, but through the united petioles.?2 I sent you—to laugh at a notice in The Nation., of a Philadelphia lawyer’s Refutation of Darwinism. The adage is that “a Philadelphia Lawyer is a match for the Devil”. But a mere imp is a match for this one.3 As to the names of the species by the seeds, it is not clear— But, according to Watson, who has done his best with them, the one with large ovate turgid seeds rather pointed at one end, the germination of which is figured in Amer. Jour. Sci. & in Text-Book is Megarrhiza Californica, I suppose.4 The M. Oregana has flattish seeds;5 I have stopped & looked into this matter. There are two species clear. 1. A Californian one (M. Californica, with obovoid seeds & hilum at the small end—well figured by Naudin in Ann. Sci. Nat. ser. 4, 12, t. 9. The last seeds sent you must be of this, & it must include at least Watson’s M. Californica & M. muricata.6 2. M. Oregana, with oblate and flatter seeds, the hilum at middle of a long side, seed sent. And these seeds, supplied by a florist—must have come from Oregon. The particular source of the seeds I germinated is uncertain, but surely Californian. If from San Francisco then probably M. Marah, a 3rd species. We will try to get them in cultivation. But tho’ they will grow here, we have not been able to flower them! Yours ever | A. Gray DAR 209.6: 202 1 2 3

4

5 6

In his letter to Gray of 17 February 1880, CD had reported that none of the flattened seeds of Megarrhiza that Gray had sent had germinated. Delphinium nudicaule is red larkspur; for CD’s description of the emergence of the plumule through a split base of confluent petioles, see the letter to Asa Gray, 20 January [1880] and n. 3. Gray’s anonymous review of The refutation of Darwinism (O’Neill 1880) appeared in the Nation, 4 March 1880, p. 182; see letter to Asa Gray, 24 March [1880]. CD’s copy is in DAR 226.1: 104. The author was T. Warren O’Neill. For more on the adage ‘three Philadelphia lawyers are a match for the very devil himself ’, see Rawson and Miner eds. 2006, p. 376. Sereno Watson illustrated Megarrhiza californica (a synonym of Marah fabacea, California manroot) in Gray’s article in the American Journal of Science and Arts (A. Gray 1877, pp. 23–4), and in Gray’s botanical text-book (A. Gray 1879, p. 21). See also letter from Asa Gray, 3 February 1880 and n. 2. Megarrhiza oregana, a synonym of Marah oregana, is western wild cucumber or coastal manroot. Charles Victor Naudin had described and figured this species under the name Echinocystis fabacea in Naudin 1859, pp. 154–6 and tab. 9. For the complex synonymy given by Gray of these species, see A. Gray 1877; Sereno Watson had identified five species of Megarrhiza in Brewer et al. 1876–80, 1: 240–2, including M. californica, M. oregana, M. marah, and M. muricata (the last two are synonyms of Marah watsonii, taw manroot).

134

March 1880

From Charles Layton   11 March 1880 16 Little Britain (City) March 11th./80 Dear Sir I enclose cheque on Union Bank for £57.11.2 in payment a/c. of Sales from New York—1 a receipt will oblige, Yours Respectfully | for D. Appleton & Co | Charles Layton—Agent To Charles Darwin Esq— Sales by by D. Appleton & Co for a/c Chas Darwin to Feby 1/80 Climbing plants Aug 1/79 On hand 378 Feby 1/80 366 " Sold 12 10% of $125 Orchids Aug 1/79 On hand 508 Feby 1/80 476 " Sold 32 10% of $175 Different forms of Flowers  Cross Fertilization Aug 1/79 On hand Feby 1/80 " Sold Origin of Species Aug 1/79 On hand Oct Printed Feby 1/80 On hand Sold

5.60

No sales 279 258 21

10% of $2

4.20

230 500 523 213

5% of $2

21.30

Forwd Expression of Emotions Aug 1/79 On hand Feby 1/80 " Sold

$1.50

1038 944 94

10% of $350

$32.60

32.90

March 1880 Descent of Man Aug 1/79 Feby 1/80

On hand " Sold

523 292 231

135

10% of $3

add copyright on 1466 copies sold since Feby 1/76. 1 Vol Ed price $3 instead of $2 10% of $1.

69.30 146.60

Stg value exch 4[.]88 £57. 11. 2 DAR 159: 105 1

An entry dated 15 March 1880 in CD’s Account book–banking account (Down House MS) records the receipt of £57 11s. 2d. for ‘Appleton sale of books for 1/2 year’.

To James Torbitt   11 March [1880]1 From Mr. Darwin, Down, Beckenham. When you answer my queries be so good as to state how much land has been used in cultivating the varieties.—2 I shd like to at least allude to this point. How many seedlings have you raised in any one year? C. D. March 11th. ApcS Bonhams (dealers) (9 November 2016) 1 2

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to James Torbitt, 10 March 1880. See letters to James Torbitt, 6 March [1880] and 10 March 1880.

From T. H. Farrer   12 March 1880 Please Read & burn or keep THF 1 12.3.80

Copyhold Inclosure & Tithe Commision | 3, S.t James’ Square. S.W. Mar 12.80

My dear Farrer Pray say to Mr. Darwin that we have entire confidence in his appropriation of the money. I had no idea that Mr. Torbitts experiments were on so large a scale.2

136

March 1880

I keep Mr. D’s letter to show it to Mr. Morrison.3 Great enjoyment attend you on your going over to Rome.4 | Yours sincerely | James Caird DAR 161: 3 1 2

3

4

Farrer wrote the comments at the top of letter before forwarding it to CD. In his draft letter to Farrer of 9 March 1880, CD had expressed doubt whether Caird had understood the scale of James Torbitt’s breeding experiments on blight-resistant potatoes. Caird had been collecting subscriptions to enable Torbitt to continue his work. See draft letter to T. H. Farrer, 9 March 1880. Charles and Alfred Morrison had given £25 each to support Torbitt’s scheme; they had asked to know the results (see enclosure to second letter from T. H. Farrer, 8 March 1880. ‘Going over to Rome’: a joking allusion to converting to Catholicism. Farrer planned to visit Rome for six weeks with his wife Katherine Euphemia Farrer; see letter to James Torbitt, 20 March 1880 and n. 2.

From James Torbitt   12 March 1880 J. Torbitt, | Wine Merchant | 58, North Street, | Belfast, 12 Mar 1880 Charles Darwin Esqr | Down My dear Sir, I have your valued letter of 10th.  and post card of yesterday with check from Mr E A, Darwin for £25 enclosed and for which I should like him to have my best thanks—please do not send any more money till the autumn.1 I am sorry my report is so long but hope to finish tomorrow, I have to stop now to look up accounts &c to reply to your queries.2 I have just finished pricking out 2000 seedlings, they are the same as last years seedlings second cross— The crossing attempted last year was a failure, none of the plants operated on having produced fruit. I remain my dear Sir | most respectfully and faithfully yours | James Torbitt DAR 178: 163 1

2

See letter to James Torbitt, 10 March 1880, and postcard to James Torbitt, 11 March [1880]. CD’s brother, Erasmus Alvey Darwin, had subscribed £25 to enable Torbitt to continue his blight-resistant potato experiments; see letter to James Torbitt, 6 March [1880] and n. 3. CD wanted Torbitt to write a report in response to his queries; see letter to James Torbitt, 10 March 1880 and n. 4.

To James Torbitt   12 March [1880]1 Down, March 12, My dear Sir Your MS. just received.2 I have had a couple of sentences copied just for the sake of asking you whether the figure “75’s.” (scored with red) is not an erratum

March 1880

137

for 77’s., for on the next and last page you describe how much more luxuriantly the 77’s appeared than the 75’s. When you speak of the 75’s having undergone 4 years selection and the 77’s only 2 years selection, I suppose that you refer to selection of the tubers and not to successive generations by seeds. My dear Sir | Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin Copy DAR 148: 115 1 2

The copyist wrote the date as ‘March 12, 1880’, but someone, probably Francis Darwin, bracketed ‘1880’ in pencil; this probably means that 1880 was not in the original text but is nevertheless correct. Torbitt was preparing a report on his potato-breeding experiments in response to CD’s queries (see letter from James Torbitt, 12 March 1880). Torbitt evidently sent part of the report before completing it; see letter to James Torbitt, 17 March [1880]. For CD’s queries, see the letter to James Torbitt, 6 March [1880], and the postcard to James Torbitt, 11 March [1880]. Torbitt had been carrying out his experiments since 1873 and corresponding with CD about them from 1876 (see Torbitt 1876 and Correspondence vol. 24). Torbitt’s manuscript was returned to him; see letter to James Torbitt, 28 March 1880.

From Arthur Nicols   15 March 1880 11. Church Row | Hampstead— | N.W. March 15th 1880 Dr Chas: Darwin, Dear Sir, Although that which is a new observation to me is likely to be quite familiar to you, I venture to send you some of the tail coverts of a male pheasant, which simulate, especially in the small pseudo “ocelli”, the corresponding feathers of the peacock. The bird was killed just at the end of the season, and was in magnificent nuptial plumage, having the white ring on the neck and being, as I should judge from his spurs, three years old. Comparing him with examples of P. Colchicus, P. versicolor, and P. torquatus, he seems to share the blood of all, but the characters of the latter prevail. On the other hand he is (unlike the pure P. torquatus) a very large individual.1 The point that struck me in this bird was the (to me unusual) distinctness of the pseudo “ocelli” of the tail coverts. Whether this has any significance I must leave you to decide. Perhaps these markings should not be termed ocelli at all, but the semi-lunar green mark incloses an irregular spot differently coloured, and the barbs are separated as in the peacock’s feathers. Looking down the back of this bird I was much struck by the general resemblance of the tail coverts to those of the peacock, when not spread out. yours faithfully | Arthur Nicols. DAR 172: 67 1

The feathers have not been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL. Phasianus colchicus is the common pheasant; P. versicolor, the green pheasant; P. colchicus torquatus, the Chinese ring-necked pheasant. CD had discussed the variation of ocelli in pheasants and peacocks in Descent 2: 132–51.

138

March 1880

To [William Whitaker?]1   16 March 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. March 16th 1880 Dear Sir I must send one line to thank you for thinking to send me the article on inheritance, which is a subject which always interests me.2 Dear Sir | Yours faithfully & obliged | Ch. Darwin Smithsonian Libraries (Dibner Library of the History of Science and Technology MSS 405 A. Gift of the Burndy Library) 1 2

The correspondent is conjectured from a note in an unknown hand at the foot of the letter (‘W. Whitaker’). The article has not been identified.

From Williams & Norgate   16 March 1880 14, Henrietta Street, Covent Garden, | London, W.C. 16/3 1880 Messrs. Williams & Norgate present their compliments and beg to inform you, that they have just received copies of the undermentioned Work, to which they take the liberty of calling your atte〈nti〉on. Netter, A., De l’Intuition dans les découvertes et inventions, ses rapports avec le positivisme et le Darwinisme. pp 8vo. Strasbourg 1880 3/61 pc Sotheby’s (dealers) (11 July 2017) CD annotation 2.1 Netter … Darwinisme 2.2] ‘Please send me’2 blue crayon circled blue crayon 1

2

De l’intuition dans les découvertes et inventions: ses rapports avec le positivisme et le Darwinisme (On intuition in discoveries and inventions: its relation to positivism and Darwinism; Netter 1879) was published in 1879. CD’s copy is in the Darwin Library–Down. CD probably returned this card to Williams & Norgate.

To James Torbitt   17 March [1880]1 Down, March 17, My dear Sir I write now only one word to acknowledge receipt of letter of 15  and end of MS.2 But you have not yet returned the page with some words not clearly legible and about “berries”. Can you tell me more definitely what your experiments have cost you?

March 1880

139

Did the Bishop of Down, or any of the others, write anything which I could quote.3 As soon as I get your answer I will draw up my statement which, however, I must somehow make brief. In the autumn you can have more money advanced certainly up to £100 and almost certainly up to £150.4 In Haste | Yours — — | C. Darwin. Copy DAR 148: 116 1 2

3

4

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to James Torbitt, 12 March [1880]. Torbitt’s letter has not been found; his manuscript was returned to him (see letter to James Torbitt, 28 March 1880). In his letter of 12 March [1880], CD had sent comments on the earlier part of Torbitt’s manuscript, a report on his potato breeding experiments. Robert Bent Knox, bishop of Down, Connor, and Dromore, had grown a disease-free, red, round variety of potato from seeds Torbitt had sent him; see Correspondence vol. 27, enclosure to letter from James Torbitt, 15 November 1879. CD had sent Torbitt cheques for £50 and £25 and had further donations to Torbitt’s scheme in hand; see letters to James Torbitt, 6 March 1880 and 10 March 1880.

From James Torbitt   [18 March 1880]1 [Enclosure] many varieties of the potato which are so prolific and so free from the disease, that they leave, after separating the few diseased tubers, a larger crop of sound tubers than the common old varieties give of sound and diseased tubers taken together. Knight found (1)34  tons potatoes per statute acre.2 I have found as much as (2)24 tons tubers, and (3)13 tons berries, while the average for Ireland last season according to statistics just published was 26(4) cwt. And no berries at all— now what would be thought of a crop of strawberries which was all roots and foliage and no berries?(5) And yet the capacity of sexual reproduction, is as well developed in the potato during the second and third years of life, as it is in the strawberry. Why does it fail in the 17th. year of life as with the Champion?3 1 2 } at the rate of 3 4 hundred weight 5 fruit of the plant AL incomplete DAR 52: E15 CD annotations 1.1 many … together. 1.3] scored red crayon

140

March 1880

2.1 Knight ] double underl pencil; ‘Knight’ added pencil 2.2 berries ] underl pencil 2.3 was ] double underl pencil 2.3 cwt ] underl pencil; ‘cwt’ added pencil 2.3 no berries ] double underl pencil; ‘?’ in margin pencil; ‘tons ?? | cwt’ interl pencil after ‘no’ Top of letter: ‘has been recopied’4 pencil 1 2 3 4

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letters to James Torbitt, 17 March [1880] and 20 March 1880; see also n. 4, below. Torbitt had previously referred to the potato experiments of Thomas Andrew Knight in the enclosure to his letter of 24 February 1878 (Correspondence vol. 26). On the Champion potato, see the letter from James Torbitt, 12 February 1880, and the letter from T. H. Farrer, 6 March 1880. CD had asked Torbitt to return a page of manuscript about ‘berries’ (see letter to James Torbitt, 17 March [1880]). Torbitt added the last two sentences and the footnotes before enclosing the page in a letter of 18 March 1880 that is now missing (see letter to James Torbitt, 20 March 1880). The page is numbered ‘9’ and is part of a larger manuscript, the rest of which has not been found. Torbitt's footnote numbering is reproduced here in bold and his footnote markers, interlined in the original, are enclosed in parentheses.

From G. S. Ffinden   19 March 1880 Downe. March 19.1880. C. R. Darwin Esqre. Sir, I beg hereby to tender my resignation as a Member of the Downe Schools’ Committee as from the 2 [0] inst.1 I will forward a cheque for the balance in hand, with the Books &c, if you will let me know to whom they should be sent. I am, Sir, | Your obedient Servant, | G. S. Ffinden Bromley Central Library, Local Studies Library and Archives (P123/25/2) 1

Ffinden was vicar of Down and had been chairman of the Down School Committee. The Darwins had previously been involved in a series of disputes with Ffinden, including one over Ffinden’s objection to the use of the Down schoolroom as a reading room for working men in the evenings; see Correspondence vol. 23, letter to J. B. Innes, 10 May [1875] and n. 6. Ffinden’s resignation from the committee had been prompted by Francis Darwin, now serving on the committee, seeking the election of a new chairman, to whom Ffinden refused to be subordinate; see Moore 1985, p. 472.

To Asa Gray   20 March [1880] Down Beckenham | Kent March 20th Will you be so kind as to tell me whether Mr. Thompson of Ipswich is right that Ipomœa leptophylla makes a great tuber as big as a manget-wurzel.—1 A word on post-card wd suffice. Petioles of Cotyledons behave partly like those of Megarrhiza.2 C. Darwin

March 1880

141

ApcS Postmark: MA 20 80 Archives of the Gray Herbarium, Harvard University (Walter Deane Autograph Collection) 1

2

In his letter of 6 November 1879 (Correspondence vol. 27), Gray had recommended that CD try to obtain Ipomoea seeds from William Thompson (1823–1903). CD later reported that the seeds he had of Ipomoea leptophylla (bush morning-glory) had not germinated (letter to Asa Gray, 19 January 1880). The mangelwurzel or mangold wurzel is a variety of Beta vulgaris. In his letter 19 January 1880, CD described the early growth of Megarrhiza from seeds that Gray had sent him. For CD’s discussion of the movement and growth of seedling plants of Megarrhiza californica and Ipomoea leptophylla, see Movement in plants, pp. 81–5.

To James Torbitt   20 March 1880 Down, March 20, 1880. My dear Sir I have received your letter of the 18th and all the documents. All the papers shall in a week or so be carefully returned to you.1 I have sent my letter of 5 folio pages. (giving an abstract of your results and of my reasons for thinking favourably of your plan) to be copied, and it shall then be sent to Mr. Caird to be shown to those who are inclined to aid your work, and afterwards to Mr. Farrer who has gone with my niece for 6 weeks to Rome.2 I can easily add to the copy a few words about the Testimonials just received. Also if I can hear in time, about the cost of your experiments; I have said at present nearly £1000 from the commencement.3 The potatoes received: they seem very fine, but I am no judge. I have too much work in hand to undertake growing them. I will however show them to my Gardener,4 but nothing really succeeds without the master’s eye, and I have no strength to undertake anything new. I trust I shall give no more trouble. | My dear Sir | Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin Copy DAR 148: 117 1

2

3 4

Torbitt’s letter has not been found, but for the copied page sent with it, see the enclosure to the letter from James Torbitt, [18 March 1880]. CD acknowledged receipt of the end of Torbitt’s manuscript in his letter of 17 March [1880]. Torbitt’s manuscript and documents were returned to him; see letter to James Torbitt, 28 March 1880. CD had written a statement in support of Torbitt’s experiments to develop blight-resistant potato varieties using the report and testimonials that Torbitt had sent him; see letter to James Caird, 24 March 1880. James Caird and Thomas Henry Farrer had been raising money for Torbitt’s research and CD had promised them copies of the statement (draft letter to T. H. Farrer, 9 March 1880). Farrer had married CD’s niece Katherine Euphemia Farrer in 1873. In his letter of 17 March [1880], CD had asked Torbitt about testimonials he could quote from and how much Torbitt’s potato experiments had cost him. CD’s new gardener was William Duguid.

James Torbitt, c. 1860. PRONI D3562/13 By permission of the Deputy Keeper of the Records, Public Record Office of Northern Ireland.

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From Alfred Tylor   20 March 1880 22a Queen Annes Gate | Westminster Mar 20 80 Dear Mr Darwin If one of your sons would come to the Anthropological Institute on Mar  23rd next Tuesday my paper on what I believe is a new law directing change of Species I should be very glad to see him.1 I hope you have passed a good winter A R Wallace complains of cold and the East Wind Is it not possible that some small appointment should be found for him? He feels the labour of working for the Booksellers rather trying I fear when he is not very strong    He is 57 years of age and has been much discouraged since he was unsuccessful in his application for the manager of Epping Forest in November last—2 Believe me to remain | Yours very truly | Alfred Tylor | of Carshalton DAR 178: 200 1

2

CD’s sons were William Erasmus, George Howard, Francis, Leonard, and Horace Darwin. Tylor read his paper ‘On a new method of expressing degree of changes of specific form in the organic world, especially referring to the development of the mind and body of man’ at an ordinary meeting of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland ( Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland 10 (1881): 436); it was not published. Alfred Russel Wallace had told CD that he was seeking ‘some easy occupation for [his] declining years with not too much confinement or desk-work’. Wallace regularly wrote reviews and articles for periodicals. CD had supported his unsuccessful application to become superintendent of Epping Forest (see Correspondence vol. 26, letter to A. R. Wallace, 16 September 1878, and this volume, letter from A. R. Wallace, 9 January 1880).

From Ernst Krause1   22 March 1880 Berlin N.O. Friedenstrasse 10. II. den 22.3.80. Hochverehrter Herr! Sie werden sich gewiss darüber sehr wundern, dass Sie die deutsche Ausgabe von Erasmus Darwin immer noch nicht erhalten haben. Die Schuld liegt aber lediglich an Herrn Murray’ in London, welcher meinem Verleger die Phototÿpie und die Galvanos vorenthält, trotzdem derselbe, wie er mir versichert, bereits vor langer Zeit den Preis für Beides eingesendet hat. Das Buch liegt seit sechs Wochen fertig gedruckt da, kann aber nicht brochirt oder versandfähig gemacht werden, weil die auf dem Titel und im Texte erwähnten Beilagen fehlen. Wenn auch Herr Alberts zu dieser Handlungsweise des Herrn Murray einige Anlass gegeben haben mag, so kann man doch diese gegenseitige Hinderung der beiden Buchhändler der Sache wegen nicht anders als bedauern.2 Im Aprilhefte des Kosmos habe ich die beiden Artikel, welche Sie jüngst in der Nature veröffentlicht haben, und die mir leider sehr spät zu Gesicht gekommen waren, zum Abdruck gebracht. Ich bitte Sie, freundlichst entschuldigen zu wollen, dass dies ohne Quellenangabe und so geschehen ist, als ob Sie uns diese Aufsätze

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direct zugesandt hätten. Da Sie uns gütigst erlaubt haben, Ihren Namen auf unsern Titel zu setzen, war es mir kaum möglich, anders zu verfahren, und ich hoffe, Sie werden mir diese kleine Entstellung wegen des guten Zweckes, diese wichtigen Beobachtungen zur Kenntniss unserer Leser zu bringen verzeihen.3 In demselben Hefte beginnt Moritz Wagner eine Reihe gegen die ZuchtwahlTheorie gerichteter Artikel   Er ist neuerdings zu der Ueberzeugung gelangt, dass sich seine Migrations- oder wie er sie jetzt nennt,—Absonderungs-Theorie gar nicht mit der Zuchtwahl-Theorie vereinigen lasse; eine von beiden könne nur richtig sein.4 Mit dem Wunsche dass diese Zeilen Sie in gutem Wohlsein treffen, zeichne ich hochverehrter Herr, | Ihr | ergebenster | Ernst Krause DAR 92: B57 1 2

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For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. John Murray had published the English edition of Erasmus Darwin in November 1879 (Correspondence vol. 27, letter from Reginald Darwin, 12 November 1879); Karl Alberts’s company, Ernst Günther, was publishing Krause’s extended German edition (Krause 1880). In 1879, CD thought he had been treated unfairly when he paid in advance for photographs of the frontispiece for the German edition of Erasmus Darwin, and Alberts then cancelled the order to reduce costs; see Correspondence vol. 27, letter to Ernst Krause, 4 November 1879, and letter from Ernst Krause, 6 November 1879. German translations of CD’s short letters ‘Fertility of hybrids from the common and Chinese goose’ and ‘The sexual colours of certain butterflies’ (Nature, 1 January 1880, p. 207, and 8 January 1880, p. 237) appeared in Kosmos 7 (1880): 72–74, 77–8. The full title of the journal was Kosmos: Zeitschrift für einheitliche Weltanschauung auf Grund der Entwickelungslehre in Verbindung mit Charles Darwin und Ernst Haeckel (Kosmos: journal for uniform worldview based on the theory of development as proposed by Charles Darwin and Ernst Haeckel). See also Correspondence vol. 27, letters to Nature, 15 December [1879] and 16 December 1879. Wagner argued that different species evolved as a result of geographical segregation (Wagner 1880). CD had previously discussed his objections to Wagner’s theory; see, for example, Correspondence vol. 16, letter to August Weismann, 22 October 1868, Correspondence vol. 24, letter to Moritz Wagner, 13 October 1876, and Correspondence vol. 26, letter to C. G. Semper, 30 November 1878.

To Ernst Krause   23 March 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Mar 23 1880 My dear Sir, I am exceedingly sorry to hear about the delay & have written by this post to Mr Murray. I feel sure that it has not been through any wilful neglect. Perhaps it may be due to the whole photographic establishment having been lately burnt to the ground.1 As soon as I hear I will write again. It never crossed my mind that you would care about my two short letters to Nature; otherwise you may rely on it that I would gladly have sent you copies when they were published.2 I fear that you will hate the name of Erasmus you have had so much trouble with the whole subject.3 My dear Sir, | Yours sincerely | Charles Darwin LS The Huntington Library (HM 36204)

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See letter from Ernst Krause, 22 March 1880 and n. 2. Krause had reported that John Murray was withholding a phototype and electrotypes and holding up the publication of the German edition of Erasmus Darwin (Krause 1880). CD’s letter to Murray has not been found. The London premises of the Autotype Company, which produced the images for Erasmus Darwin, were totally destroyed by fire on 8 December 1879 (The Times, 17 January 1880, p. 3). ‘Fertility of hybrids from the common and Chinese goose’ and ‘The sexual colours of certain butterflies’ (Nature, 1 January 1880, p. 207, and 8 January 1880, p. 237); see letter from Ernst Krause, 22 March 1880 and n. 3. Krause had written the second part of Erasmus Darwin and expanded it for the German edition (Krause 1880).

From E. S. Morse   23 March 1880 Salem Mass. Mar 23rd 80 My dear Sir. I have been much annoyed by a review of my Omori Mound Memoir in the pages of Nature March 12th by a Mr. Dickins. I had hoped that the Editors of that journal would have at least done me the simple justice of placing my Memoir in the hands of some Archaeologist. I am sure that Mr Dickins has never made a contribution either on Archaeology, Zoology or Ceramic studies.1 I do desire above all things a fair review from one competent to judge the leading points of the work. I dislike to defend my work against such an ill spirited and untruthful review as this one of Mr Dickins   I write fully aware of your precious time, yet thinking that possibly you might induce some one to notice the leading features of the memoir, namely the full illustration of the pottery tablets etc. the evidences of Cannabilism: which none dispute. the remarkable change in fauna which you so kindly wrote to me about.2 I desire such a review especially for those kind japanese friends who take “Nature” and who published the memoir for me at great trouble and expense. I take the liberty of sending you my Review of Mr Dickin’s article thinking that if you sent it to Nature it might more promptly or likely appear.3 Asking you to excuse this intrusion | I remain | with profound respect | Very faithfully yrs | Edwd S. Morse. [Enclosure] IN NATURE, vol. xxi. p. 350, is a review of my memoir on “The Omori Shell Mounds” by Fredk. V. Dickins.4 I do not now heed the spirit in which it is written, nor would I deem it worthy of notice did it not occur in the pages of your widelyread magazine. One expects in a reviewer some knowledge of the subject he reviews. Mr. Dickins, by a series of mistakes, betrays his ignorance of the whole matter. The extraordinary blunder he makes regarding the Ainos has already been promptly corrected by a Japanese gentleman residing in London.5 It is charitable to assume that Mr. Dickins has not lived in Japan, otherwise he would not, in common with

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so many of his countrymen, commit the wilful blunder of calling the principal city of the empire by its wrong name.6 On the other hand, it is impossible he could have seen the Omori deposits, otherwise he would not make another blunder by expressing his belief that they have been completely swept away, when in truth but a small portion of them have been removed. He says: “These mounds consist for the most part of shells, little, if at all, distinguishable from what are still found in abundance along the shores of the Gulf of Yedo”. Had he taken the trouble to read the memoir he attempted to review he would have seen that all the species occurring in the mounds vary in size, proportion of parts, and relative abundance of individuals from similar species living along the shores to-day. That some species extremely abundant in the mounds are scarcely met within the vicinity, while one species has never been found within 400 miles of Omori; indeed, it belongs to a different zoological province! His complaint at the large number of plates given to the illustration of pottery, tablets, &c., shows how incapabIe he is of appreciating that part of the work which has received the highest commendation from archæologists, namely, the presenting as far as possible an exhaustive illustration of every form of vessel and variety of ornamentation. He laments the absence of a plate giving figures of the bones and shells, especially of the latter, which are stated to belong to extinct species. Had he looked at the last plate (a copper plate, by the way, and not a lithographic one, as he calls it) he would have seen every species, with one exception, figured, when similar forms from the neighbouring shores could be got for comparison.7 I did not feel justified in comparing shell-mound forms with similar forms from Niigata, Kobe, or Nagasaki, and the reason will be obvious to anyone having the slightest familiarity with the variations that species show in widely separated localities. As to figuring fragments of bones, I did all that my limited knowledge of mammalian osteology would permit in identifying the common mammals, and in giving a list of them as other writers have done in similar investigations. Possibly Mr. Dickins may here find a fruitful field for investigation, in which he may establish the recent nature of the deposits. I cheerfully proffer to him a large accumulation of fragments of bones in Tokio waiting to be put together! His comparison of the Omori pottery with Banko will greatly amuse anyone at all familiar with Banko, or its associate forms, Hansuki, Otagukuan, Miki, Bashodo, Tokonabe, or their imitators either ancient or modem. His review being thus occupied with a series of misstatements, he naturally finds no room to discuss my evidences of cannibalism or platycnemic tibiæ. Finally, his ungenerous complaint of my well-merited compliment to the Japanese printers and binders who made the pamphlet, illustrates a lamentable but too common trait of the ordinary Briton in Japan, namely, that which manifests itself in a childish delight at the failures of the Japanese and in sneers at their successes. Edward S. Morse Salem, Mass., U.S., March 25 DAR 171: 247; Nature, 15 April 1880, pp. 561–2

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Frederick Victor Dickins’s review of Morse’s Shell mounds of Omori (Morse 1879) was published in Nature, 12 February 1880, p. 350. The editor of Nature was Joseph Norman Lockyer. Dickins was a naval surgeon who collected plants and translated Japanese works (ODNB). See Morse 1879, plates 1–15, and pp. 17–19. CD had commented on a proof-copy of Morse 1879 (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter to E. S. Morse, 21 October 1879). The original enclosure has not been found; the text has been transcribed from the published version in Nature, 15 April 1880, pp. 561–2. For CD’s covering letter, see letter to Nature, 9 April [1880]. See n. 1, above. In a note in Nature, 19 February 1880, p. 371, Shigetake Sugiura said that Dickins was incorrect in arguing that Omori heaps found Eastern region of the main island were works by an Aino race dating to the thirteenth or fourteenth century because Ainos were expelled from the area long before. In Nature, 12 February 1880, p. 350, Dickins had used ‘Yedo’, a romanised form of the former name for Tokyo. See Morse 1879, plate 18.

To James Caird   24 March 1880 To J. Caird Esq C.B. My dear Sir I enclose a statement for those who have generously subscribed in aid of Mr Torbitts experiments, giving an account of what he has already done & the reasons which make me think favourably of the plan. The statement is as much condensed as I cd make it & has been drawn from various documents sent me by Mr Torbitt, & confirmed by articles in the Belfast newspaper., not written by him.1 Anyone who will read the statement will be able to form as good a judgment as I can do how far the experiments are worth carrying on.— I have not thought it worth while to enclose a bundle of letters & testimonials from farmers & others with respect to the varieties of the potato given to them by Mr T. as they possess but little interest. If however, you or anyone wd like, to see them, they shall be forwarded (I am extremely sorry to trouble you, on one point which perplexes. I have sent Mr T 75£ (50 from self & 25 from my brother) & he now writes that he has just made an arrangement with some farmer who will grow his older varieties free of charge & give him 12 the product; & this arrangement will save him some expense.2 Therefore he writes [peremptorily] that he shall not want any more money, until the autumn. I hold 25.  from Mr Farrer & 60£ collected by me (viz.  25£ from Ch. Morrison— 25£ from Mr A. M— 5£ from you & 5 from Sir J. Goldsmid) Now what I do with this 60£?— shall I send you a cheque for the amount, or retain it until the autumn (sending you a receipt [3 words illeg]) when a part or the whole shall be returned? Mr T. now thinks that 150£ will be ample, & I have collected 180, but this includes a promise of 10£ from my brother-in-law, Mr W. from whom I shd like to take only 5£.3 Will you be so kind as to send me your instructions whenever convenient in regard to the 60£.— I will beg one other favour, viz to let Mr Farrer see this letter & the Statement on his return from Rome;4 it will save me some time, as I am occupied with [illeg] work

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Thanking you cordially for all your kindness, I remain my dear Sir | yours sincerely | C. D. J. Caird Esq | Mar 24th 1880 [Enclosure] (Statement with respect to Mr Torbitt’s experiments on the Potato.) Mr Torbitt of Belfast asked me in 1875, whether I thought favourably of a plan which he had already commenced for combating the potato disease.5 His plan was to raise many thousand seedlings, to destroy all which were tainted, to preserve the varieties which seemed to resist best, to raise fresh seedlings from them, & so onwards for successive generations. In fact he intended to apply to the potato the principle of Selection which has yielded such wonderful results with animals in the hands of British agriculturists. This plan appeared to me hopeful, because with plants long cultivated every or almost every character becomes more or less variable; & there seemed no extreme improbability in a variety arising which from the structure of its tissues or nature of its juices might successfully resist the fungus. We have analogous cases in certain species & varieties of the American vine having naturally arisen which can resist the Phylloxera; in certain varieties of the apple not being attacked by the Coccus both in England & Australia; & in some varieties of the Peach resisting mildew better than others. Sir J.  Hooker informs me that the Liberian coffee withstands the White fly better than the other kinds, & he has urged cultivators of Coffee & Tea not to rely on any single variety.6 We see something of the same kind even with man, in different individuals being more or less liable to certain infectious germs; & this liability is said to run in families. It may, however, be justly opposed that as the fungus of the potato attacks at least one other distinct species of the genus, namely the Tomato, it is very unlikely that a fungus-proof variety of the potato should arise. On the other hand the probability of such a variety arising is greatly strengthened by the notorious fact that the already existing varieties differ much in their liability to be attacked; & this has held good in a conspicuous manner with the many new varieties raised by Mr Torbitt. In my first letter to Mr. Torbitt, I suggested to him the advantage of crossfertilising his seedlings in each generation, as I knew by experience that this would largely increase their fertility & constitutional vigour; the latter being shown by such seedlings resisting sudden changes of temperature & obtaining food from soil clogged with the roots of other plants.7 Mr Torbitt has acted on this suggestion, with, as he believes favourable results.) Mr Torbitt has worked on a large scale, & this alone offered a fair chance of success; for he has raised each year about 5000 seedlings, & latterly has had ten acres of land under cultivation for his varieties. He has raised two successive generations from selected & cross-fertilised plants, & this year intends to raise a third generation. He informs me that the cross-fertilised seedlings of 1877 were “unquestionably more

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free from the disease than those raised in 1875.”8 The difference between the same two sets of plants in 1879 was so great, that it could be perceived at the distance of nearly a mile; as the leaves of the 1875 plants were of a paler colour & had not grown sufficiently to conceal the ground. The leaves of the twice-crossed young seedlings of 1879 suffered much from the disease; & this is a bad feature in the case, but as far as Mr Torbitt can judge the tubers of some of the varieties are quite sound. Looking to all the varieties which he has raised, he states positively that many of them “are so prolific & so free from the disease, that they leave, after separating the few diseased tubers, a larger crop of sound tubers than the common old varieties of sound & diseased tubers taken together”.9 I append a statement by Mr Torbitt dated Novr. 1879, & printed for private circulation. He has sent me several letters & testimonials, all more or less favourable, with respect to the earlier varieties; & 8 additional ones are dated 1878 & 1879.10 In some of these it is stated that certain vars.  are quite free of the disease    He endeavoured last autumn to get two well-known agriculturists to report on his crops; but they could not spare the time. He hopes to succeed in getting authenticated reports this autumn. Finally Mr Torbitt estimates as nearly as he can, that his experiments have cost him, since their commencement, nearly 1000£. He has given away new varieties largely, & has realised only a few pounds by the sale of superfluous tubers. He has received no pecuniary aid (before the present spring) except 100£ which I sent him in March 1878, & I here mention this as evidence that to the best of my judgment his plan is hopeful.11 No one who has not carried on analogous experiments can be aware of the time & labour requisite for selecting, keeping separate & labelling numerous varieties,—for cross-fertilising the flowers, saving the seed, raising seedlings & potting them in a greenhouse &c. Mr Torbitt cannot afford to continue his experiments any longer without some aid; & it appears to me that it would be a great misfortune should the labour already taken be almost thrown away. According to all analogy the chance of raising sound varieties will be stronger in each successive selected generation. It is more especially desirable that the experiments should be continued, because there is reason to believe that lately raised varieties resist the disease better than those which have been long cultivated; so that until some of Mr Torbitts new varieties have been tested for a few more years, it is impossible to rely on them with confidence. Charles Darwin March. 24th 1880 | Down Beckenham Kent P.S. It may be well to add that I am not personally acquainted with Mr Torbitt, but from our correspondence I have formed a high opinion of his probity.— My letter←Mr Caird ADraftS DAR 52: E7a, E9–14, E16v

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In his letter to James Torbitt, 20 March 1880, CD said that he was having his statement in support of Torbitt’s experiments to grow blight-resistant potatoes copied before sending it to Caird and that he had received all the documents in support of the scheme from Torbitt. For Torbitt’s recent reports, see Correspondence vol. 27, enclosures to letters from James Torbitt, 4 November 1879 and 15 November 1879. For the Belfast newspaper articles, see the letter to T. H. Farrer, 5 March 1880 and n. 3. CD’s brother was Erasmus Alvey Darwin. See letter to James Torbitt, 6 March 1880, and letter from James Torbitt, 12 March 1880. The letter from Torbitt about his arrangement with the farmer has not been found. Thomas Henry Farrer had given £25 to Torbitt’s scheme, Charles and Alfred Morrison £25 each, Caird £5 and Julian Goldsmid £5; see letter from T. H. Farrer, 8 March 1880 and enclosure. CD’s brother-in-law was Hensleigh Wedgwood; see letter to T. H. Farrer, 7 [March 1880]. Farrer was in Rome for six weeks; see letter to James Torbitt, 20 March 1880 and n. 2. The first extant letter from Torbitt to CD is dated 24 January 1876 (Correspondence vol. 24); it referred to an article on potato cultivation that Torbitt had published in 1875 (Torbitt 1875). This sentence is taken almost verbatim from CD’s earlier letter of support (Correspondence vol. 26, enclosure to letter to T. H. Farrer, 7 March 1878). Vitis is the genus of grapevines; phylloxera (Daktulosphaira vitifoliae) is a small sap-sucking insect native to North America, accidentally introduced in the mid nineteenth century to Europe, where it devastated native grapevines because it attacked the roots. In American vines, the insect usually only affected the leaves. Coccus viridis is a soft scale insect that is hosted by apples and other fruits and vegetables. Podosphaera is a genus of fungi that causes powdery mildew in peaches and other rosaceous plants. For Joseph Dalton Hooker’s statements about coffee varieties resisting woolly whitefly (Aleurothrixus floccosus), see Correspondence vol. 26, letters from J. D. Hooker, 2 March 1878 and 12 March 1878. CD’s first known letter to Torbitt was about what constitutes an individual; see Correspondence vol. 24, letter to James Torbitt, 26 January 1876. For CD’s advice on cross-fertilising plants, see ibid., letter to James Torbitt, 14 April 1876. For a report of Torbitt’s improvements since 1875, see Correspondence vol. 26, enclosure to letter from James Torbitt, 24 February 1878. See enclosure to letter from James Torbitt, [18 March 1880]. For Torbitt’s printed statement, see Correspondence vol. 27, enclosure to letter from James Torbitt, 15 November 1879. The statement included a testimonial from one grower; CD had received more testimonials but he returned them to Torbitt; see letters to James Torbitt, 20 March 1880 and 28 March 1880. The letter from Torbitt about his costs to date has not been found. CD sent a cheque for £100 with his letter to James Torbitt, 4 March 1878 (Correspondence vol. 26).

To Asa Gray   24 March [1880]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. March 24th My dear Gray I thank you much for the 2 seeds of Megarrhiza: I hope that they may germinate for I shd. very much like to see a longitudinal section & the proportion of the parts, when the (apparent) root is only 12 or 13 of inch out of the seed-coats.2 You must not suppose that what is obvious to you is so to me; for as the confluent petioles of the Cots. of the Delphinium are not tubular at first, I was astonished to see the young leaves coming out of a hole or slit at their base.3 Very many thanks for all your information about the Megarrhiza, the germination of which has interested me greatly.—4 I was much amused by your little article on the Philadelphia lawyer. You are a first-rate hand in touching up a fool.—5 The lawyer is a cool man in trying to make me out a rogue; but this seems the fashion & according to Mr S.  Butler in

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the Athenæum I am a rogue of the deepest dye, because I forgot to state that Dr Krause had altered his article on Erasmus Darwin before sending it to England for translation.6 Ever yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin Archives of the Gray Herbarium, Harvard University (130) 1 2 3 4 5 6

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from Asa Gray, 11 March 1880. Gray had sent seeds of Megarrhiza with his letter of 11 March 1880. Delphinium nudicaule (red larkspur); see letter from Asa Gray, 11 March 1880 and n. 2. See letter from Asa Gray, 11 March 1880 and nn. 4 and 5. Gray’s anonymous review of T. Warren O’Neill’s Refutation of Darwinism (O’Neill 1880) appeared in the Nation, 4 March 1880, p. 182; see letter from Asa Gray, 11 March 1880 and n. 3. Samuel Butler published a letter in the Athenæum, 31 January 1880, p. 185 (see letter to H. E. Litchfield, 1 February [1880], enclosure 1), comparing Ernst Krause’s original German essay on Erasmus Darwin (Krause 1879a) with the translated version for Erasmus Darwin. Butler suggested that some of the new material made critical reference to Butler 1879 and blamed CD for not acknowledging its target.

From James Caird   25 March 1880 8, Queen’s Gate Gardens. | S.W. Mar 25. 80 My dear Sir I am extremely obliged to you for sending me such full particulars of Mr. Torbitts experiments.1 I hope soon to be able to explain to the several gentlemen interested all that you have so kindly communicated. The scale on which the experiment is carried on is much larger than I imagined—and one can more easily understand the need of pecuniary help. As to the £60– sent by me. (which you may count as £50–from the Messrs Morrison & £10– from me— Sir Julian Goldsmid not having paid his—we shall keep him in reserve for a future application if need be:) pray retain, till you think proper to make use of it for the object in view. You need not send any other receipt than the mention you make of it in your letter.2 If Mr. Torbitt suceeds in getting a plant more than commonly capable of resisting the fungus we shall be all well repaid—& my friends & myself are perfectly satisfied to follow your lead in the matter. Mr. Mulholland, M.P., a friend of mine, who lives near Belfast, has kindly undertaken as soon as his election is over, to visit Mr. Torbitts experimental fields, and report the result.3 This I shall communicate to you. I notice that Mr. Torbitt promises that his vigorous potatoes will enable the British farmers to compete sucessfully with America in all agricultural live stock! If he can give us a potato that will supply a sound vegetable for our people we shall be quite content.4 Believe me Dear Sir | Very sincerely yours | James Caird Charles Darwin Esq DAR 161: 4

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James Torbitt; see letter to James Caird, 24 March 1880. Charles and Alfred Morrison and Julian Goldsmid; see letter to James Caird, 24 March 1880 and n. 3. John Mulholland was MP for Downpatrick. For Torbitt’s hope about competing successfully with the United States ‘in the production of beef, pork, butter, and cheese’, see Correspondence vol. 27, enclosure to letter from James Torbitt, 15 November 1879.

From C. C. Graham   28 March 1880 Respected Sir, Your letter to me acknowledging the reception of the little book I sent you has been beautifully framed and hangs in the fire proof gallery of the Kentucky State House at Frankfort where it may be read for centuries after we are gone to that unknown land.1 We have all your writings in our great Public Library at Louisville of which I am a trustee. No answer requested. Kindly and sincerely, | C. C. Graham, M.D. Louisville, Ky. | March 28th., 1880. DAR 201: 12 1

Graham had sent a book (possibly Graham 1869) with his letter of 30 January 1877 (Correspondence vol. 25). No letter from CD to Graham has been found.

To James Torbitt   28 March 1880 Down, March 28, 1880. My dear Sir I am obliged for the correction of sum expended and have asked Mr. Caird to correct the figures in my Statement.1 Mr. Caird has written and seems satisfied with what I have said of your method and the results hitherto attained. He says “If Mr. Torbitt succeeds in getting a plant more than commonly capable of resisting the fungus we shall all be well repaid, and my friends and myself are perfectly satisfied to follow your lead in the matter”.2 I can now positively promise to send in the autumn £90 besides the £75 already sent; but I shall be very glad if you can manage to draw rather less, as I have told Mr. Caird’s friends that I believed you could do with less.3 Good fortune attend your efforts. Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin. P.S. I now return all the documents together with your MS. which you had better preserve, as it may come in useful.4 Copy DAR 148: 118 1

CD had estimated Torbitt’s expenses on potato experiments at nearly £1000 (see enclosure to letter to James Caird, 24 March 1880. The letter from Torbitt amending this amount has not been found.

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See letter from James Caird, 25 March 1880. See letter to James Caird, 24 March 1880 and n. 3. Torbitt had sent CD a report and testimonials on his breeding experiments.

To C. W. Fox   29 March 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. March 29th 1880 r My dear M. Fox I had heard that your Father was out of health, but had not the least idea that he was seriously ill. Your letter grieves me much & you all have my deep sympathy.1 It has touched & gratified me much that your Father should have thought of me at such a time, but he was always full of sympathy? I saw a great deal of him in old days at Cambridge, & we used to breakfast together daily.2 In the course of my life, now a long one, I can truly say that I have never known a kinder or better man.— I can therefore feel what a loss he will be to you all. I gather from your letter that he does not now suffer much, & this is some comfort. Believe me my dear Cousin, for we are cousins though in a remote degree, that I am grateful to you for having written & I remain | Yours very truly | Charles Darwin University of British Columbia Library, Rare Books and Special Collections (Pearce/Darwin Fox collection RBSC-ARC-1721-1-12) 1 2

Fox’s letter has not been found; his father, William Darwin Fox, was CD’s second cousin. CD and Fox had been undergraduates at Christ’s College, Cambridge; see Correspondence vol. 1.

To James Torbitt   30 March 1880 Down, March 30, 1880. My dear Sir I send rough copy of my letter, which please return, as I have no other.1 I do not think it would be worth your keeping a copy, but of course you can if you like. I have      a copy by this post to Mr. Farrer.2 Sir J. Hooker writes to me that he has sent letter to Mr. Farrer, telling him that he thinks your plan deserves      as the best, but I have not seen the actual letter.3 I have told Farrer that we will agree to whatever he or Mr. Caird thinks best.4 With all good wishes and in haste | Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin. Copy DAR 148: 119 1 2 3

CD probably sent a copy of his statement of support for Torbitt’s potato experiments (see enclosure to letter to James Caird, 24 March 1880). For Thomas Henry Farrer’s earlier support for Torbitt’s scheme, see the letter to T. H. Farrer, 9 March 1880. The letter from Joseph Dalton Hooker has not been found.

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For James Caird’s positive assessment of Torbitt’s experiments, see the letter from James Caird, 25 March 1880. The two gaps indicate where the copyist could not read the text of the original letter.

From Asa Gray   [1 April 1880]1 Yes, Ipomœa leptophylla makes a root as big as a man. So does Ipomœa pandurata,—which, I believe—but dont know—germinates normally,2 That must be looked to. If it has the same trick it would well confirm your notion of the meaning of the thing.3 A Gray Postcard Postmark: APR 1 DAR 209.6: 203 CD annotation 1.1 pandurata 1.2] ‘pandurata’ above ink 1 2

3

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to Asa Gray, 20 March [1880]. See letter to Asa Gray, 20 March [1880]. CD’s own seeds of Ipomoea leptophylla (bush morning-glory) had not germinated (letter to Asa Gray, 19 January 1880). Like Ipomoea pandurata (man-of-the-earth or wild potato vine), it is native to North America; both species, which are perennial, have large tuberous roots. Gray’s comment about the manner of germination refers to earlier correspondence about Megarrhiza californica (a synonym of Marah fabacea, California manroot). CD had described his observations of the germination of plants of this species, noting that soon after germination the growth of the radicle was 1 arrested and the tubular petioles penetrated the ground to a depth of 22 inches beneath the surface (letter to Asa Gray, 19 January 1880). CD had hypothesised that the tubular petioles of Megarrhiza acted functionally like a root in order to hide the (true) enlarged root from predators during the early stage of its development (letter to Asa Gray, 19 January 1880).

From James Torbitt   1 April 1880 J. Torbitt, | Wine Merchant. | 58, North Street, | Belfast 1st. April 1880. Charles Darwin Esqr.| Down My dear Sir I have received back all the documents together with your letter of 28th ulto. and can only repeat my thanks.1 I am flattered by Mr Caird’s opinion, and hope to show, next autumn, some varieties absolutely fungus-proof in the foliage as well as in the tubers.2 I have to day induced Sir Richard Wallace to grow to the extent of an acre, I to have placed at my disposal one half the produce.3 He is about the fifteenth landowner who is growing the potato for me on those terms. I am growing six acres, and about 2,500 seedlings twice crossed, and a few seeds of twice crossed seedlings, themselves possibly thrice crossed.

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I shall keep the expenditure under £150 or less if you wish, and hope to report again in a few days.4 Most respectfully & faithfully | James Torbitt DAR 178: 164 1 2

3 4

See letter to James Torbitt, 28 March 1880. On the documents, see letter to James Caird, 24 March 1880 and n. 1. James Caird had told CD: ‘If Mr. Torbitt succeeds in getting a plant more than commonly capable of resisting the fungus we shall all be well repaid’ (see letter from James Caird, 25 March 1880, and letter to James Torbitt, 28 March 1880). Wallace’s Irish estate was at Lisburn, near Belfast. CD had told Caird’s friends that Torbitt could conduct his experiments without using all of the money that was subscribed (see letter to James Torbitt, 28 March 1880 and n. 3).

From S. M. Herzfeld   2 April 1880 51. S.t Thomas’ Road, | Finsbury Park. | London April 2. 1880. Professor Darwin, I applied to you two years ago. A stranger and a foreigner, I then had no other reason for doing so, than the high opinion such greatest men, both in France and in Germany, as are best able to appreciate the immense step forward your genius caused science to make, have conceived of you. I have devoted my whole life to the natural sciences, but I must only revere you as a pupil would a greatest and most beloved teacher; a pupil too humble to allow himself to bear a judgment on a man of your description. Well the opinion of those greatest men made me think, that your heart must be as good as your mind is vast and noble. I was not mistaken.1 And now after having done all a gentleman can do to help himself, I apply again to you, under the following circumstances. The subscription two years ago was to help me, but the letter of Professor J. H. Gladstone will tell you that it left me where I was, for when one month after you had put your name to it, I stopped it myself, and wanted to go to France, I was in such distress that I had to apply to him for the means to leave this country.2 I am a German Doctor but having also a highest degree of the French University I went to France to apply for a professorship. The noble-minded and best-hearted senator once Minister of public instruction “Jules Simon” did all he could but I, unfortunately could not wait.3 I lectured on different natural-scientific subjects, returned again to England, and left it again with my library and apparatus, twentytwo large boxes, weighing more than two tons.  17  of these boxes, are still in the custom-house at Amsterdam, for I could not pay the charges on them about £35, and they will be sold, if in the shortest possible time, I do not redeem them. If they are sold, I shall lose my apparatus, without which I could not lecture, or work, and also the greater part of my library. I should lose what would cost me more than £200 if I had to buy it again. Besides these 17 boxes, I had five boxes containing the botanical part of my library. These five boxes I had with me for I intended to

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lecture on exotic botany at Cologne. I send you the prospectus, because there is a very beautiful recommendation of myself and the lectures, Professor Dr. Schellen wrote on the second page of my prospectus.4 Cologne, where I wished to deliver these lectures, is unfortunately not a town, which encourages scientific pursuits, and I did not succeed. I was compelled to return again to England. These five boxes, are in London with Sutton & Co, 17 Aldersgate Str. City, only £5 are the charges, but I have not been able to redeem them and they have been there the last five months; and all that time, I have again been in very great distress and without a book, and even without the greatest part of my clothes and linen etc. These boxes too are in danger, the warehousing will eat them up. The money-lender has my watch and all I could pledge, for I do not apply to others, if I can help. I want £12 and I applied to a friend, Gathorne Hardy (now Viscount Cranbrook)5 I send you his letter. Professor Darwin, these circumstances of bitter distress and danger must excuse me, if I apply again to you. I know I have not the slightest claim nor right but I love you as a most grateful pupil can love a best teacher. I may also say that all your works, and it was with great difficulty I bought them are; at least, the botanical ones, in the five boxes I have here in London at Sutton’s & Co. If I had £50  I could save my 17 boxes at Amsterdam, and also all I have in London, but I cannot ask so large a sum, though it would save as it were, my future, for I naturally want my chemical and other apparatus and books; but for the present, it would already be a great benefit, if I had £12 or £15, to redeem the botanical part of my library and my clothes which are at Sutton & Co here in London, and other things which are with the money-lenders and without which I cannot do.6 Mr. Jules Simon has recommended me to one of his once Inspectors of public instruction. I hope, I shall soon have occupation till then I must continue in distress, but it would be very bitter if I lost all I have, and so put in danger my future, as then I could hardly accept occupation even if I found it. It is only such deepest distress which can excuse my applying to you, I know that, but, what can I do? Professor Darwin, whatever your decision might be, I pray you would be as kind as to return the papers I enclose.7 Time must be of immense importance to me. Is it not so? I might say that as soon as God helps, I should be happy to return any money I might be helped with; but, of course, I do not ask you to lend me money; for I know if you help, you help. I have the honor to be | Professor Darwin | your most thankful servant | and pupil | S. M. Herzfeld | Doctor etc 51. S.t Thomas’ Road | Finsbury Park. London. DAR 166: 191 1 2

No earlier correspondence with Herzfeld has been found, but on 18 January 1878, CD recorded the payment of £5 to Herzfeld under ‘Charities’ in his Classed account books (Down House MS). John Hall Gladstone, who had studied chemistry in Germany, was known for his philanthropic endeavours, especially his work with the Young Men’s Christian Association (ODNB).

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5 6 7

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Jules François Simon had been minister of instruction in the government of national defence of the Third Republic of France in 1870 (EB). The prospectus has not been found; Thomas Joseph Heinrich Schellen was the director of the higher Bürgerschule (a city school focused on more practical education for students going into business or technical trades), Cologne (ADB). Gathorne Gathorne-Hardy. On 9 April 1880, CD recorded the payment of £12 to Herzfeld under ‘Charities’ in his Classed account books. Sutton & Co. was a firm of general carriers in London (ODNB s.v. Sutton, William Richard). The papers, presumably the letters from Gladstone and Gathorne-Hardy, were evidently returned by CD (see letter from S. M. Herzfeld, 4 April 1880).

From Jules Rouquette1   2 April 1880 Montpellier | Rue des Balances, 25. (Hérault) 2 Avril 1880, Illustre et honoré maître, Etudiant en médecine à la Faculté de Montpellier, ardent à l’étude des sciences naturelles, j’ai dévoré votre oeuvre, et malgré moi, j’ai jeté sur le papier quelques vers, sous les auspices de votre grand nom. Je vous les adresse; c’est un faible, mais sincère témoignage de mon admiration pour un si profond et si puissant observateur de la nature! Je suis avec le plus grand respect, illustre M. Darwin, votre très humble serviteur | J Rouquette S.t Geniez Poésie— La Lutte pour la vie. A. M. C. Darwin.2 Salut à toi, Darwin, salut à ton génie Qui, longtemps, a fouillé les secrets de la vie, Dévoilés hardiment par l’Evolution Du Globe se pliant à la Sélection!.— Dès le jour où ta voix expliqua la nature, Ses transformations, sa marche lente et sûre, Et toujours progressive, un effrayant éclat Resplendit sur ces mots: “La Vie est un combat!” Indigne vérité pour l’homme et pour la brute! Ah! malheur aux chétifs, car sanglante est la lutte! Le Monde entier s’écrie: “Il faut vaincre ou périr!” Regardez cet arbuste, on le voit se flétrir, Car ce chêne l’étreint … Tout tremble et fait silence, Quand le Roi des forêts, de son antre s’élance! La Lionne l’attend … Mais un rugisse〈m〉ent Annonce son rival! … Alors, le〈s crins au〉 vent, Tous deux, vont au combat; et le plus fort se rue Sur le faible, et bientôt le terrasse et le tue! Au Vainqueur la Lionne accord son amour,

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April 1880 Voulant que ses petits quand ils naîtront au jour, Soient vigoureux et beaux! Vae victis!3 C’est la Guerre Qui, sans trève et merci, court, dépeuplant la Terre Et qui grave partout: “Force prime le Droit!” Inéluctable Loi qui vous saisit d’effroi; Loi terrible, ici-bas, de l’injuste Nature! Les faibles sont toujours des puissants la pâture! Comme l’homme est fragile! et comme il se débat! Tantôt contre l’été, contre un mortel climat, Tantôt contre l’hiver, contre une maladie, Contre l’Hérédité, contre une épidémie!! Quelle lutte acharnée! . . À ce prix seulement On a droit à la vie! Et bien plus, oh! tourment! Le faible ne doit pas multiplier sa race, S’il ne veut point laisser l’ineffaçable trace De sa débilité! Qu’il périsse plutôt! Sinon, qu’il soit maudit, s’il crée un idiot, Un strumeux ne pouvant qu’être un traî〈n〉e-misère, Au milieu de ce monde, hélas! qui dégénère, Et va, se dégradant, grâce aux affreux excès D’un siècle jouisseur, excitant les progrès De la Corruption, et de l’Alcoolisme Ce père d’une époque en proie au Nervosisme!4 Mais la Grande Coupable, ah! crions-le bien fort, Est celle qui veut trop parer les coups du sort, Cette noble science et toujours secourable, Mais dont la Charité parfois est déplorablé, La Médecine enfin arrachant un enfant Souffreteux à la mort! Laissons dans le néant, Les étres maladifs dont la progéniture Ne saurait être, un jour, qu’infecte pourriture; Honte à Celui qui peut avoir l’iniquité De procréer s’il est dénué de santé! Nul ne doit engendrer, quand il n’est pas de taille À mettre au monde un être armé pour la bataille!!!

J Rouquette S.t Geniez5 Montpellier (Hérault) Rue des Balances, 25. DAR 201: 33 1

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I.

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Rouquette’s poem was published in a collection, Joies et misères ( Joys and woes; Rouquette 1880, pp. 84–6). Vae victis: woe to the vanquished (Latin). Nervosisme: a rare term for a nervous disorder, especially neurasthenia (OED). St or Saint Geniez was one of the pseudonyms Rouquette used in his writing (Bibliothèque nationale de France, http://data.bnf.fr/12443252/jules_rouquette/ (accessed 26 October 2018)).

From G. H. Schneider1   2 April 1880 Leipzig, d. 2. April 1880. Hochzuverehrender | Hochgeehrtester Herr! Als ich im Jahre  1870  in Jena Naturwissenschaften, insbesondere Zoologie bei Herrn Professor Haeckel2 studirte, erweckte die Descendenz- und Selectionstheorie ein ungemeines Interesse in mir. Ich sah sofort, dass diese Entwickelungsprinzipien für die psychischen Erscheinungen mindestens dieselbe Bedeutung haben müssten als für die morphologischen und beschloss sofort dem Studium der psychischen Phänomene vom Standpuncte der Descendenz- und Selectionstheorie aus mein Leben zu widmen. Mein lebhaftes Interesse insbesondere für das von Ihnen entdeckte allgewaltige Lebensprinzip der natürlichen Auswahl im Kampfe ums Dasein gewann mir das Wohlwollen und die Sympathie des grossen Jenenser Zoologen, der nun meine Bestrebungen allseitig freundlichst unterstützte. Leider haben mich Nahrungssorgen jahrelang vielfach von meinen Arbeiten abgehalten. Nachdem ich nun aber fünf Jahre in Neapel gelebt und theils in dem Aquarium der zoologischen Station, theils in meinem kleinen Privataquarium Beobachtungen über die Willensäusserungen der niederen Thiere gemacht und mehrere kleinere Arbeiten theils als Broschüren, theils in wissenschaftlichen und populären Journalen veröffentlicht habe, bin ich nun endlich so glücklich Ihnen ein Exemplar meiner ersten grösseren Arbeit: “Der thierische Wille” ergebenst einschicken zu können.3 Damit ich einen Verleger dafür gewinnen konnte, musste ich freilich den Stoff zum grössten Theile in populärer Form bringen und die allgemeinen Erörterungen, in welchen der wissenschaftliche Werth liegt, auf ein geringes Maass beschränken. Beurtheilen Sie also gütigst das Buch mit Nachsicht. Ich denke, ich habe das Problem des thierischen Willens ganz in Ihrem Sinne aufgefasst, indem ich, gestützt auf Ihre grossartigen und klassischen Untersuchungen, alle instinctiven Triebe wie alles zweckbewusste Wollen, resp. die Entstehung und Entwickelung desselben aus der Selection und aus successiven und simultanen Associationen erkläre. Das Material über thierische Willensäusserungen habe ich systematisch geordnet, die Gewohnheiten zum Nahrungserwerb, zum Schutze, zur Begattung und zur Pflege der Nachkommenschaft zusammengestellt und sie nach ihrer psychologischen Werthigkeit eingetheilt: 1; in solche, welche auf Grund eines subjectiven oder durch unmittelbare Berührung hervorgerufenen objectiven Zustandes (Bewegungen auf Grund von Empfindungstrieben) erfolgen, 2, in solche, welche durch Wahrnehmungen der Objecte aus der Entfernung beruhen (Wahrnehmungstriebe) und 3, in solche, die auf einfachen

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Reproductionen der Wahrnehmungen oder auf Vorstellungsverbindungen beruhen (Vorstellungs- und Gedankentriebe); und von diesen Erkenntnisstrieben habe ich noch zwei allein auf Bewegungsassociationen beruhende Hilfstriebe (Folgetrieb und Associationstrieb) unterschieden. Um eine scharfe Grenze zwischen rein physiologischen und rein psychologischen Vorgängen zu haben, habe ich das Gebiet der Reflexe ganz in die Physiologie verwiesen und als reine Reflexe nur diejenigen Bewegungen bezeichnet, mit denen gar keine Bewusstseinserscheinungen, auch keine einfachen Empfindungen (d.h. das Bewusstwerden einer Nervenerregung) verbunden und die also rein physiologischer Natur sind; denn dadurch, dass man bisher so mannigfache Bewegungen, die eine ganz verschiedene psychologische Werthigkeit haben, als Reflexe bezeichnet hat, ist die Unklarheit sehr begünstigt worden. Alles Triebleben, aller Instinct wie alles zweckbewusste Wollen beruht nach meiner Darlegung darauf, dass sich im Laufe der genetischen Entwickelung ganz bestimmte zweckmässige (d.h. der Arterhaltung günstige) Beziehungen zwischen gewissen Erkenntnissacten und bestimmten Gefühlen und Trieben ausbilden, so dass, wenn ein gewisser Erkenntnissact entsteht, durch dessen Associationsbeziehung auch der entsprechende Trieb hervorgerufen wird, so dass also z. B.  eine bestimmte Wahrnehmung einen zweckentsprechenden Trieb und die zweckmässige Bewegung nothwendig zur Folge hat, auch wenn ein Bewusstsein des Zweckes fehlt. Auf diese Weise finden zunächst alle Instincte ihre naturgemässe Erklärung aus der Descendenz- und Selectionstheorie. Aber auch die zweckbewussten Willensäusserungen, welche sich aus den instinctiven entwickeln, sind damit auf ihre Ursachen zurückgeführt. Die ersten Associationsbeziehungen zwischen Erkenntnissacten und zweckentsprechenden Trieben sind solche zwischen Empfindungen und Empfindungstrieben z. B. zwischen dem Bewusstwerden einer angenehmen Berührung mit einem Nahrungskörper und dem Trieb zum Einschliessen desselben, oder zwischen dem Bewusstwerden einer unangenehmen Berührung und dem Trieb zur Contraction des ganzen Körpers etc. Die Frage nach der ersten Entstehung solcher zweckmässiger Beziehungen fällt mit der Frage nach der Entstehung der ersten Organismen zusammen. Wird nun mit einem Empfindungstriebe die Wahrnehmung des Objectes associirt, wird z. B.  mit dem Nahrungsgenusse und dem Fresstriebe, der ja auf einer unmittelbaren Berührung beruht, etwa die Gesichtswahrnehmung des Nährkörpers (sobald ein Sehorgan entwickelt ist) associirt, so vermag dann auch diese Wahrnehmung allein schon einen Trieb zum Fressen resp. zum Annähern an das Object zu erwecken; und so gehen die Wahrnehmungstriebe auf Grund von Associationen aus den Empfindungstrieben hervor. etc. etc. Ich bilde mir ein mit dieser Arbeit ebenfalls einen nicht unwichtigen Beitrag zur Ausbauung ihres grossen Gedankens über die Entwickelung der Organismen, welcher Gedanke sicher die ganze zukünftige Philosophie beherrschen wird, geliefert zu haben. Die specielle Entwickelung und Differenzirung der einzelnen Thiergewohnheiten (mit den Stammbäumen) werde ich in einem besonderen Buche bringen und

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diesem eine grössere Arbeit über den menschlichen Willen, sowie eine solche über die thierische und menschliche Erkenntniss folgen lassen.4 Erlauben Sie mir, Hochgeehrtester Herr Darwin, gütigst an diese Mittheilungen eine Bitte anschliessen zu dürfen? Da ich, wie gesagt, nur durch Ihre epochemachenden grossartigen Werke zu meinen Arbeiten angeregt worden bin und der Überzeugung lebe das Willensproblem ganz in Ihrem Geiste aufgefasst zu haben, so würde ich mich unendlich glücklich schätzen, wenn ich erfahren könnte, wie gerade Sie über meine Arbeit denken, wie Sie dieselbe beurtheilen; und durch eine auch noch so kurze Mittheilung würden Sie mich zu unendlichem Danke verpflichten. Hoffentlich haben Sie mein Buch: “Der thierische Wille” sowie auch die früher an Sie abgeschickte kleine Schrift gegen Prof. Jaegers vermeintlicher Entdeckung der Seele von mir erhalten.5 Genehmigen Sie, Hochgeehrtester Herr, den Ausdruck der wärmsten Verehrung, mit der ich bin | Ihr | ganz ergebenster | G. H. Schneider (Weststrasse 80 II in Leipzig) DAR 177: 59 CD annotation Top of letter: ‘Jäger’ pencil 1 2 3

4 5

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. Ernst Haeckel was professor of zoology at Jena. Schneider studied philosophy at Jena but attended Haeckel’s lectures (Lucidi 2009, p. 21). Schneider was a teacher at the German school in Naples. ‘The cares of life’ is probably an allusion to his conflict with the director of the Zoological Station at Naples, Anton Dohrn, who had refused to grant him a place at the German table, ostensibly because of his lack of qualifications (Groeben ed. 1985, p. 298). CD’s copy of Der thierische Wille (Animal will; Schneider [1880]) is in the Darwin Library– Down. In his introduction to the book, Schneider laid out his case against Dohrn and the funding practices of the station (ibid., pp. vii–xv). The only follow-up book to appear was Der menschliche Wille (Human will; Schneider 1882). CD’s copy of Jäger’s vermeintliche Entdeckung der Seele: eine Widerlegung ( Jäger’s supposed discovery of the soul: a refutation; Schneider 1879) is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. Gustav Jäger had published an article in Kosmos, ‘Die Entdeckung der Seele’ (The discovery of the soul; Jäger 1878), in which he equated the specific smells emanating from an animal with its soul, and further, postulated that each individual possessed a unique odour.

To G. H. Schneider   3 April 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S. E. R. April 3rd 1880 Dear Sir I am very much obliged to you for your great kindness in having sent me a copy of your “Der Thierische Wille”—. Everything about the minds of animals interests me greatly.—1 I remain | Dear Sir | Yours faithfully & obliged | Charles Darwin Alfred S. Posamentier (private collection)

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Schneider had sent CD a copy of Der thierische Wille (Animal will; Schneider 1880) and later sent a letter discussing his theories (letter from G. H. Schneider, 2 April 1880).

To Adolf Ernst   4 April 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S. E. R. April 4 | 1880 Dear Sir Your excellent letter has interested me much.1 I have had much pleasure in ordering the two books to be sent to you.2 It grieves me that you have so little time for observing, as I feel sure that you would make many interesting discoveries. That seems to me a good idea about punching out the glands of Passiflora.3 I wish you could get pollen of Abutilona Striatum from some other country or district as I should expect that with its aid you could raise vigorous seedlings from the weak plants long cultivated near Caracas.4 I still think, that if you can find the requisite time that it would be well worth while to test the fertility of illegitimate offspring from heterostyled plants. Should you hereafter be able to make any observations on the frequency of bloom-covered leaves on the dry plains I should be particularly glad to hear.5 I entirely agree with what you say about M. Bonnier’s work which has now been published separately.6 I know nothing about Triplaris.7 Pray forgive brevity, as I have many letters to write My dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Charles Darwin P.S.  Is not the Turnera defended by its ants against leaf-cutting ants or other enemies?8 LS(A) State Darwin Museum, Moscow (GDM KP OF 8973) 1 2 3 4 5

6

7 8

See letter from Adolf Ernst, 29 February 1880. See letter from Adolf Ernst, 29 February 1880 and n. 14. CD sent copies of Coral reefs 2d ed. and Geological observations 2d ed. In his letter of 29 February 1880, Ernst had proposed removing the extrafloral nectaries on leaves of Passiflora biflora (twoflower passion-flower) to test whether fertilisation without insect aid was possible. Abutilon striatum (a synonym of A. pictum) is painted Indian mallow. Ernst reported that the plant, which had been introduced as a single specimen from Peru, never produced fruit and seemed to be dying out. Ernst wrote that he had not recently visited the interior plains of Venezuela, where CD hoped he would find plants with leaves covered in bloom, a waxy secretion (see letter from Adolf Ernst, 29 February 1880 and nn. 2 and 3). Bonnier 1879b (see letter from Adolf Ernst, 29 February 1880 and n. 7); the separately published version was Bonnier 1879a. CD had earlier commented that Gaston Bonnier seemed to deny that nectaries were ever modified to encourage the visits of insects (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter to W. J. Behrens, 10 November 1879). Ernst had described the relationship between ants inhabiting Triplaris americana, a species of knotweed, and scale insects (see letter from Adolf Ernst, 29 February 1880 and n. 10). Ernst had described the extra-floral nectaries at the base of leaves of Turnera ulmifolia and observed large numbers of ants on the leaves (see letter from Adolf Ernst, 29 February 1880 and nn. 5 and 6). Fritz Müller had informed CD that ants that lived in plants of the genus Cecropia (embauba or trumpet tree) prevented herbivorous insects from attacking these trees (see Correspondence vol. 22, letter from Fritz Müller, 20 April [1874]).

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From Asa Gray   4 April 1880 Herbarium of Harvard University, | Botanic Garden, Cambridge, Mass. April 4 1880. Dear Darwin This just received1 I fear that the elevation of the two seeds of my Megarhiza figured was unusual.2 They were placed in a pot, the bottom filled with crocks, then common potting soil: and the seeds near an inch underground. The pot 6 or 7 inches high. Yours ever | A. Gray [Enclosure] San Francisco, Cal., March 29, 1880. Dear Doctor Gray,— I received your letter of the 17th. inst Saturday afternoon (the 27th.) and went immediately out to Lone Mountain where, on a sandy hill side, I found blossoming Megarrhiza climbing over shrubby Quercus agrifolia.3 Under the vines were germinating seeds growing in almost pure sand. I put a few of the flowers and seeds into a cigar box which is now on its way across the continent. Having just returned from botanizing near Niles, twenty five miles south of here, I happened to have in my plant case Brodiæa with forming bulbs, as well as bits of Pellæa &c. which I thought might be more interesting packing than moss.4 The two long racemes came from vines on which I could find no fertile flowers. The stem with fertile flowers must have grown from a root whose last year’s growth produced, at least, two of the accompanying seeds. The seeds which have not begun to grow were found in a drift of oak leaves. The germinating seeds were covered to a depth of from one to three inches in sand as is shown by the appearance of the stems. In a few instances the seed was one or two inches to one side of the place where the sprout appeared above ground; but generally the plumule, preceded by the radicle, seems to have been pushed directly downward four to six inches by the elongation of the united cotyledon petioles, and these were split apart by the subsequent upward growth of the plumule.5 During the Christmas vacation I observed the germination of the same species(?) of Megarrhiza in the Live Oaks of the Mokelumne River on the line of the Central Pacific R.R.6 None of the dozen or more seeds examined had sprouts more than four inches in length. All the seeds were lying on the surface of the ground (a sandy loam), and were lightly covered with leaves. In every case the sprout went directly down into the ground, and the plumule was found undeveloped near the end of the sprout which showed no signs of splitting. One seed, not so well covered as the rest, had its sprout blackened and wilted by the frost at the surface of the ground, but the underground portion seemed fresh and I doubt not the plumule would have lived. The seeds begin to grow soon after the first heavy rains; and if the plumule appeared as soon as the radicle had obtained a two or three inch hold upon the soil, as is the way with acorns, it would surely be killed by the frosts.

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Some seeds which I planted a year ago in a crayon box and another shallow box invariably grew as represented in my botany; i.e., the growth was horizontal and the plumules came up four or five inches away from where the seeds were planted. Possibly the nearness of the bottom of the box—though they did not touch it— caused the sidewise growth. Possibly, too, a downward growing sprout might, when stopped by an obstacle, by its elongation push the cotyledons above ground. I cannot say certainly that the seeds I experimented with last year were of the same species as those I send you, but I think they were. Last summer, for the first I made a little effort to clear up my uncertainties regarding the several species of Megarrhiza but I was not successful. I then determined to begin early this season and study thoroughly. I shall secure seeds from many different localities from vines which shall have previously furnished blossoms and leaves. I shall send you specimens of all I collect. I shall try to find a bit of root in condition to grow and send it to you. With this I send a package of Lepidium which puzzles me.7 I collected it in San José a week ago. It seems to grow only on alkaline or salt flats. I found the same last year near Antioch. By-the-way I sent you in 1878  a package of Lepidium oxycarpum, Var. Strictum, Wat. of the Cal. Bot. collected in San Francisco. You did not acknowledge its receipt. I had previously sent specimens collected in San Joaquin Co. (Live Oaks) which were considered to be a possible variety of L. Menziesii. Isn’t it a well marked species?8 Yours truly | V. Rattan. Volney Rattan, | Girls’ High School, | San Francisco, | Cal.9

Surface of sand in a box 4 inches deep.

Germination of Megarrhiza as observed February, 1879. (Cotyledon petioles united growing horizontally.)

April 1880

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Germination of Megarrhiza seed when covered with leaves. Jan 2, 1880.

Surface of the ground.

Location of the undeveloped and inclosed plumule United petioles of the cotyledons growing vertically downward.

DAR 209.6: 204–6 CD annotations End of letter: ‘Roots of | Ipomœa | I. pandurata’10 pencil Enclosure: 2.7 a depth … stems. 2.8] double scored pencil 2.11 four … petioles, 2.12] double scored pencil 2.12 split … germination 2.13] scored pencil 2.15 seeds … length. 2.16] triple scored pencil 2.17 In … ground, 2.18] double scored pencil 2.20 had … ground, 2.21] double scored pencil 2.23 as the … frosts. 2.24] scored pencil 3.1 I … shallow box] triple scored pencil 3.4 Possibly … growth. 3.5] double scored pencil 1

2 3

4 5

CD had disagreed with Gray’s description of the germination of Megarrhiza californica (a synonym of Marah fabacea, California manroot; see letter to Asa Gray, 19 January 1880 and nn. 1 and 2). Gray evidently requested seeds and information on the germination of the plant in its native habitat from Volney Rattan, whose response is enclosed. Gray had based the illustration and description in his Botanical text-book on Megarrhiza grown in pots (A. Gray 1879, pp. 20–1). See n. 1, above. Lone Mountain is in west-central San Francisco. Quercus agrifolia is the California live oak, a species associated with both Marah fabacea and M. oregana (western wild cucumber or coastal manroot; see Stocking 1955, p. 118). Gray had been unsure about the identity of seeds sent to CD (see letter from Asa Gray, 11 March 1880). Brodiaea is the genus of cluster-lilies; Pellaea is the genus of cliff-brake, a type of fern. Rattan’s description of germination agrees with that of CD (see letter to Asa Gray, 19 January 1880).

166 6 7 8 9 10

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The Mokelumne river is in northern California. The trees referred to are canyon live oaks (Quercus chrysolepis). RR.: railroad. Lepidium is the genus of pepperweed. Lepidium oxycarpum is forked pepperweed; L. menziesii is a synonym of L. virginicum ssp. menziesii, Menzies’ pepperweed. The diagrams are reproduced here at 60 per cent of their original size. CD’s annotation is a note for his reply to Gray (see letter to Asa Gray, 19 April 1880). Ipomoea pandurata is man-of-the-earth or wild potato vine (see letter from Asa Gray, [1 April 1880] and n. 2).

From S. M. Herzfeld   4 April 1880 51. S.t Thomas’ Road | Finsbury Park. | London April. 4. 1880. Dearest Professor Darwin, I have received your letter, cheque, and papers.1 My heart felt thanks. I should be so very happy to see you. What would it be, if again I had to return to the Continent, and if I, who lecture on natural sciences, could not say that I have most reverently kissed the hands of the great professor—not even seen him. I do not want you to give me money but I should be so very happy to see you.2 Could you name a day? It would be most noble-minded man a fresh benefit you would confer upon me. I have the honor to be, | Dearest Professor Darwin, | your most humble and thankful pupil, | S. M. Herzfeld | Doctor, | etc. To Professor | Charles Darwin. DAR 166: 192 1 2

See letter from S. M. Herzfeld, 2 April 1880 and n. 6. CD sent Herzfeld £12. CD’s letter to Herzfeld has not been found. No visit by Herzfeld has been recorded.

To W. E. Darwin   5 [April 1880] March 5th.1 My dear W. I have finished book on Laccolites, but doubt much whether it is worth your reading. It consists entirely of evidence on the Laccolites, & a good, but very longwinded discussion on terrestrial waste or denudation.—2 I will send it if you like.— What splendid news about the elections.— I have not been so much pleased for years. I was glad to see that you succeeded at Southampton.—3 Give my best love to dear Sarah..— It was a bad job that I was able to enjoy your visit so little.4 Yours affect | C. Darwin Postmark: AP 5 80 DAR 210.6: 156 1

The month and year are established by the postmark. CD wrote March in error.

April 1880 2

3

4

167

No book on laccolites has been found in the Darwin Libraries at CUL and Down, but CD probably refers to a report made by Grove Karl Gilbert on the geology of the Henry Mountains, Utah (G. K. Gilbert 1877). Gilbert devoted a chapter of this work to the analysis of formations he termed laccolites (now more usually referred to as laccoliths), which were masses of igneous rock intruded between rock strata causing uplift in the shape of a dome (ibid., pp. 51–98). The following sections of the book focused on various types of erosion and land sculpture (ibid., pp. 99–150). A general election was held from 31 March to 27 April 1880 in which the Liberal party won by one of their largest majorities. Both Southampton parliamentary seats were won by Liberal candidates (Craig ed. 1989, p. 280). Sara Darwin and William visited Down from 25 March until early April 1880; Emma’s diary entry for 27 March reads, ‘poorly as colds for a week’ (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242); letter from Emma Darwin to H. E. Litchfield, 4 April 1880 (DAR 219.9: 229)).

From W. E. Darwin   6 April [1880]1 Basset, | Southampton. April 6 My dear Father, I think I had better not have the book sent, as I have several geological books in hand that refer to places nearer home, and especially I am just beginning Geikie’s ice age.2 I forgot to say that they have just found some more flint tools on the common at about 7 ft deep, and the men talked as if they had found considerable numbers altogether at depths varying from 4 to 7 ft. How on earth did the flint tools get among this surface gravel without any relics of any kind being also found, as the flints have not been rolled enough to destroy all bones or teeth. The only other things that they ever find are “shepherds crowns”.3 It is splendid about the election, and we are all triumphant here, I hear Gladstone is in all right, but I have not seen papers yet.4 This is the only really exciting election since I have come to years of discretion. S. has had a long letter from Hen. which is rather bitter, but she hopes you had your champagne.5 Goodbye dear Father, I hope you are better now. They are just beginning the verandah, & it will ready for you in the summer. S. sends you & Mother her best love your affect son | W E Darwin Cornford Family Papers (DAR 275: 81) 1 2

3

4 5

The year is established by the reference to the general election (see n. 4, below). CD had offered to send a book on the geology of the Henry Mountains, Utah (G. K. Gilbert 1877; see letter to W. E. Darwin, 5 [April 1880] and n. 2). James Geikie was the author of The great ice age (Geikie 1877). ‘Shepherd’s crowns’ was an old name for the fossils of some Cretaceous echinoids, resembling the ribs of a crown, on the downlands of southern England, where they may have first been found by shepherds (see Bassett 1982, pp. 15–16). The Liberal party had been victorious in the general election (see letter to W. E. Darwin, 5 [April 1880] and n. 3). William Ewart Gladstone became prime minister for the second time (ODNB). Southampton, where William and Sara Darwin lived, returned two Liberal candidates, while the electoral district in which Henrietta Emma Litchfield lived, Westminster (London), returned two Conservatives (Craig ed. 1989, pp. 21, 280).

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To Henry Faulds   7 April 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent, | Railway Station, Orpington, S.E.R. April 7th, 1880. Via Brindisi. Dear Sir, The subject to which you refer in your letter of February  15th seems to me a curious one, which may turn out interesting; but I am sorry to say that I am most unfortunately situated for offering you any assistance. I live in the country, and from weak health seldom see anyone. I will, however, forward your letter to Mr. F. Galton, who is the most likely man that I can think of to take up the subject to make further enquiries.1 Wishing you success, | I remain, dear Sir, | Yours faithfully, Charles Darwin. Faulds [1912?], pp. 22–3 1

See letter from Henry Faulds, 16 February 1880 and n. 1. Faulds had discussed the merits of keeping a record of fingerprints, focusing particularly on their possible use in identifying criminals. See letter to Francis Galton, 7 April 1880.

To Francis Galton   7 April 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Ap 7 1880 My dear Galton, The enclosed letter and circular may perhaps interest you, as it relates to a queer subject.1 You will perhaps say hang his impudence. But seriously the letter might possibly be worth taking some day to the Anthropolog Inst for the chance of someone caring about it. I have written to Mr. Faulds telling him I could give no help, but had forwarded the letter to you on the chance of its interesting you.2 My dear Galton, | Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin P.S.  The more I think of your visualising enquiries, the more interesting they seem to me.3 Copy UCL Library Services, Special Collections (GALTON/3/2/1/24) 1 2 3

CD enclosed the letter from Henry Faulds, 16 February 1880, and the sample form with hand prints that Faulds had included with his letter. See letter to Henry Faulds, 7 April 1880. Galton was a fellow of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland ( Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland 30 (1900): 8). In late 1879, Galton had sent CD a questionnaire on the faculty of visualising, which CD filled in and returned (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter from Francis Galton, 12 November 1879, and letter to Francis Galton, 14 November [1879]). Galton published the results of his survey in ‘Statistics of mental imagery’ in the July 1880 issue of Mind (Galton 1880a).

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From Valentine Ball   8 April 1880 37 Northumberland Road | Dublin 8th. April 1880 Dear Sir I have just received from Messrs De La Rue a letter enclosing one from you acknowledging the receipt of a copy of “Jungle Life” which was forwarded to you by my direction1 I have been encouraged to offer the copy for your acceptance in consequence of the favourable notice which the work has received from over twenty Reviewers both in England & India; and at the same time in recognition of the benefits I have received from the study of your works2 The particular branch of Zoology to which I have given most attention is Geographical Distribution and my collections are extensive including about 1000 species of birds—besides mammals, insects & shells &c Should I return to India as I expect to be obliged to do in about six months, I shall ever be ready to conduct any line of inquiry or investigation, so far as I am able, with which you may think fit to entrust me. I am anxious however to leave India in consequence of the Government refusing to relax the harsh rules under which Geologists have to serve namely thirty years active field work are required to secure a very small pension3 Yours faithfully | V. Ball DAR 160: 37 1 2 3

CD’s letter has not been found; Thomas De La Rue & Co. had published Ball’s Jungle life in India (Ball 1880). CD’s copy is in the Darwin Library–Down. Ball’s book was favourably reviewed in the Athenæum, 13 March 1880, pp. 337–8. No other reviews have been found. Ball gave up his position at the Geological Survey of India in 1881, when he became professor of geology and mineralogy at the University of Dublin (Geological Magazine 2 (1895): 382).

From C. W. Fox   8 April 1880 Broadlands | Sandown Thursday, April 8. 1880. Dear Mr. Darwin, You will hardly be surprised to hear that my dear Father’s sufferings are ended.1 He died this morning, apparently in no pain, and conscious almost to the very last. I had only returned home last night; and during the night he suffered twice from a sort of spasm of the heart— then the breathing became somewhat laboured, and after a while it simply ceased. Those who were present scarcely knew when the last moment came— It is a great comfort to us all to think that he suffered less in the latter part of his illness, and that his death was so mercifully painless and free from conscious discomfort. I can frame no better wish for myself, or for any one that loved him, than that they and I may be like him in life and in death. My poor Mother2 still bears up

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wonderfully—and was with my dear Father to the last. Almost his last words were expressions of affection and gratitude to her— I believe the very last words he uttered were “I am sorry to give you all so much trouble”—words which are so characteristic of him that I do not hesitate to quote them to you. I must thank you sincerely for the kind letter which you sent in reply to my former letter.3 Your name has always been an honoured one in my Father’s house; and we shall always associate you with his memory— You will pardon a somewhat incoherent letter, I trust; the pressure of details today is very great. Believe me to remain | Yours most sincerely, | Charles W. Fox DAR 164: 172 1 2 3

William Darwin Fox was CD’s second cousin. Ellen Sophia Fox. See letter to C. W. Fox, 29 March 1880; Fox’s former letter to CD has not been found.

From Francis Galton   8 April 1880 42 Rutland Gate April 8/80 My dear Darwin I will take Faulds’ letter to the Anthro: & see what can be done.1 indeed I myself got several thumb impresses a couple of years ago, having heard of the Chinese plan with criminals but failed, perhaps from want of sufficiently minute observation, to make out any large number of differences.2 It would I think be feasable in one or two public schools where the system is established of annually taking heights weights &c also to take thumb marks. by which one would in time learn if the markings were as persistent as is said.3 Anyhow I will do what I can to help Mr Faulds in getting these sort of facts & in having an extract from his letter printed4 I am so glad that my “visuality” enquiries seem interesting to you. I get letters from all directions & the metaphysicians & mad-doctors have been very helpful.5 Very sincerely yours | Francis Galton Our united kindest remembrances to you all. DAR 105: A103 1

2 3 4 5

CD had forwarded a letter from Henry Faulds discussing the use of hand- and fingerprints (see letter to Francis Galton, 7 April 1880 and n. 1). CD had suggested that Galton might take Faulds’s letter to the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland. In his letter to CD of 16 February 1880, Faulds had mentioned the Chinese practice of taking fingerprints of criminals. Faulds had argued that while a person’s face changed over time, finger rugae (ridges) remained the same (letter from Henry Faulds, 16 February 1880). No article mentioning Faulds’s work, or extract from his letter, was published in the Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland. Galton had sent questionnaires on the power of visualising to various people including CD (see letter to Francis Galton, 7 April 1880 and n. 3).

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From Henry Woodward   8 April 1880 129. LATE 117 Beaufort Street, | Chelsea, | London. S.W. 8 April 1880. Dear Mr Darwin, My chief Mr Waterhouse, under whom I have served in the Department of Geology & Palæontology for 22 years, has just tendered his resignation & in so doing has expressed his conviction of my fitness as his successor, & in this Prof. Owen concurs heartily.1 Nevertheless the matter has to be referred first to the Treasury & then to the three Principal Trustees with whom the Appointment rests: (The Archbishop of Canterbury, The Lord Chancellor & the Speaker.)2 I shall have presently to apply to these august persons, & to accompany my letter by suitable Testimonials. May I venture to ask the great favor of a few lines of commendation from you? Since my Brother’s death, in 1865, the management of the Department has mainly rested upon me, & I have tried hard to carry out my official duties, & to contribute also my share to the Scientific work of the day. My Mon: on the Merostomata in the Pal. Soc. my numerous papers in the Quart. Journ. Geol. Soc. in the Geol. Mag., & elsewhere show what I have done.3 I was elected to the Royl. Socy in 1873., & made an Hon. LL.D. of St Andrews in 1878., If I am appointed I shall aim to make the Palæontological Collections in the New Museum the best arranged & most instructive series to be seen anywhere. With kindest regards, | Believe me, Dear Mr Darwin | yours very sincerely | Henry Woodward DAR 181: 151 1 2 3

George Robert Waterhouse was keeper of the geology department of the British Museum from 1857; Richard Owen was the superintendent of the natural history departments of the museum. Archibald Campbell Tait, Roundell Palmer (from 28 April 1880), and Henry Brand. Woodward’s brother, Samuel Pickworth Woodward, had been an assistant in the department of geology and mineralogy at the British Museum from 1848. Henry Woodward’s monograph on the crustacean order Merostomata (Woodward 1866–78) was published by the Palaeontographical Society; Merostomata is now considered to be a class of the subphylum Chelicerata. Woodward was a co-founder and the editor of the Geological Magazine as well as a frequent contributor to it and to the Quarterly Journal of the Geological Society of London.

To E. S. Morse   9 [April] 18801 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station| Orpington. S.E.R.) [Abinger Hall, Surrey.] March 9th 1880 My dear Sir I have forwarded your letter to ‘Nature’ with a private one to the Editor & another which he can publish if he thinks fit.2 Your letter, though I believe quite just, is rather

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fierce, & whether the Editor will publish it, I do not at all know.— I hope that he may.— It is most wonderful & interesting that native Japanese gentlemen shd. have aided you in your very interesting researches.—3 In Haste— Yours very faithfully | Ch. Darwin. Peabody Essex Museum: Phillips Library (E. S. Morse Papers, E 2, Box 3, Folder 11) 1 2

3

The month is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from E. S. Morse, 23 March 1880. CD evidently wrote March in error. With his letter to CD of 23 March 1880, Morse had enclosed a rebuttal of an unfavourable review of his monograph on the Omori shell mounds in Japan (Morse 1879). CD’s private letter to Joseph Norman Lockyer, the editor of Nature, has not been found. His other letter, dated 9 April [1880], was published in Nature, 15 April 1880, p. 561, along with the letter sent by Morse. In his preface, Morse had cited several Japanese scholars by name and paid tribute to the work done by Japanese artists in producing the plates for the volume (Morse 1879, pp. iii–iv).

To Nature   9 April [1880]1 [Abinger Hall, Surrey.] The Omori Shell Mounds I have received the enclosed letter from Prof. Morse, with a request that I should forward it to you.2 I hope that it may be published, for the article in Nature to which it refers seemed to me to do very scant justice to Prof. Morse’s work.3 I refer more especially to the evidence adduced by him on cannibali[s]m4 by the ancient inhabitants of Japan—on their platycnemic tibiæ—on their degree of skill in ceramic art—and beyond all other points, on the changes in the molluscan fauna of the islands since the period in question.5 It is a remarkable fact, which incidentally appears in Prof. Morse’s memoir, that several Japanese gentlemen have already formed large collections of the shells of the Archipelago, and have zealously aided him in the investigation of the prehistoric mounds.6 This is a most encouraging omen of the future progress of science in Japan. Charles Darwin Down, Beckenham, Kent, April 9 Nature, 15 April 1880, p. 561 1 2 3 4 5

6

The year is established by the publication date of the letter in Nature. Edward Sylvester Morse had enclosed a letter responding to a negative review of Morse 1879 with his letter to CD of 23 March 1880. Frederick Victor Dickins’s review of Morse 1879 was published in Nature, 12 February 1880, p. 350. The ‘s’ is missing in the printed text. On the evidence of cannibalism, see Morse 1879, pp. 17–19. Morse discussed the platycnemic or flattened tibiae characteristic of prehistoric humans and compared the Omori bones with those found at other sites (ibid., pp. 19–21). On changes in the molluscs of the area, see ibid., pp. 23–36. Morse paid tribute to members of the Japanese Archaeological Society and mentioned some of the Japanese collections to which he was given access in Morse 1879, pp. iv, 3.

April 1880 To C. W. Fox   10 [April] 1880

173

Abinger Hall | Dorking March 10th 18801

My dear Mr Fox I write only a word to thank you for your second most kind letter. I am glad that your poor dear Father’s sufferings are over, & that his end was so tranquil.2 I have now before my eyes his bright face as a young man, so full of intelligence & I hear his voice as clearly as if he were present. Your mother3 must have gone through terrible suffering during his long illness. My wife joins me in saying how deeply we sympathise with her. Pray believe me | Yours very sincerely | Charles Darwin Postmark: AP 10 | 80 University of British Columbia Library, Rare Books and Special Collections (Pearce/Darwin Fox collection RBSC-ARC-1721-1-13) 1 2 3

The month is established by the postmark. CD wrote March in error. See letter from C. W. Fox, 8 April 1880; William Darwin Fox had died on 8 April 1880. Ellen Sophia Fox.

From Henry Woodward   10 April 1880

British Museum Apl 10— 1880.

Dear Mr Darwin, Pray accept my very sincere thanks for the friendly testimony you have been kind enough to bear to my fitness for the Keepership of Geology. It will, I feel sure, have great weight with the three principal Trustees, with whom the appointment rests.1 Let me congratulate you on “the coming of age of the Origin of Species” on which Prof. Huxley so ably lectured on Friday night at the Royal Institution.2 The crowded and overflowing theatre well expressed the earnest interest which all take in this great & fundamental principle which you were occupied in enunciating when I commenced my labours in the Museum (in 1858)—& which I have had the pleasure to see developed into a vast & universal law, applicable to every line of research on which the naturalist may enter. I have reason to be greatly rejoiced that I shall have the opportunity, when our collections are removed to the New Building, to set forth, by the aid of actual fossil remains, all that can be shown of the evolution of living forms, both Vertebrate & Invertebrate, as evidenced by the Geological Record; & I hope to do it thoroughly & well. It will be a labor of love.3 I can only earnestly express the desire that you may be able—as I am sure you will be willing—to look upon us in our New Residence, & to express your kindly approval of our labors. This will indeed be the Crown of rejoicing to my life. With every earnest wish for your continued health & renown and with kindest regards, Believe me, | Yours very sincerely, | Henry Woodward. Charles Darwin, Esq. F.R.S. | &c., &c., &c. DAR 181: 152

174 1 2 3

April 1880

See letter from Henry Woodward, 8 April 1880 and n. 2. CD’s letter of recommendation has not been found. Thomas Henry Huxley delivered the lecture at the Royal Institution of Great Britain on 9 April 1880; the text was published in Nature, 6 May 1880 (T. H. Huxley 1880c). When the collection of fossils was moved to the new Natural History Museum in 1881, Woodward, as the keeper of geology, planned and supervised its rearrangement according to Darwinian principles (Geological Magazine 58 (1921): 481).

To T. H. Huxley   11 [April] 18801 Abinger Hall | Dorking Sunday March 11th 80 My dear Huxley I wished much to attend your lecture, but I have had a bad cough & we have come here to see whether a change wd. do me good, as it has done.2 What a magnificent success your lecture seems to have been, as I judge from the reports in the Standard & D. News, & more especially from the accounts given me by 3 of my children.3 I suppose that you have not written out your lecture so fear there is no chance of its being published in extenso.4 You appear to have piled, as on so many other occasions, honours high & thick on my old head. But I well know how great a part you have played in establishing & spreading the belief in the descent-theory, ever since the grand review in the Times & the battle Royal at Oxford up to the present day.5 Ever my dear Huxley | Yours sincerely & gratefully | Charles Darwin It was absurdly stupid in me, but I had read the announcement of your Lecture & thought that you meant the maturity of the subject, until my wife one day remarked, “yes it is about 21 years since the Origin appeared”, & then for the first time the meaning of your words flashed on me!6 Imperial College of Science, Technology and Medicine Archives (Huxley 5: 340) 1 2

3 4 5

6

The month is established by the reference to Huxley’s lecture (see n. 2, below). CD wrote March in error. Huxley delivered a lecture, ‘The coming of age of the Origin of species’, at the Royal Institution of Great Britain on 9 April 1880. The Darwins visited Abinger, Surrey, from 8 to 13 April 1880 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). Articles on Huxley’s lecture appeared in the Standard, 10 April 1880, p. 3, and the Daily News, 10 April 1880, p. 2. The lecture was published in Nature, 6 May 1880 (T. H. Huxley 1880c). An unsigned review of Origin by Huxley had appeared in The Times, 26 December 1859, pp. 8–9 ([T. H. Huxley] 1859). On the events that took place at the Oxford meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, particularly the verbal encounter between Samuel Wilberforce, the bishop of Oxford, and Huxley on 30 June 1860, see Correspondence vol. 8, Appendix VI. At this time the age of majority in Britain was 21.

To G. B. Ercolani   14 April 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. April 14th 1880 Dear Sir I am much obliged for the honour which you have done me by presenting me with great work on the Placenta. The relations of its structure to the classification

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of the mammalia has always seemed to me a very interesting subject, & I see that it is discussed by you.—1 With the greatest respect, | I remain Dear Sir | Yours faithfully & obliged | Charles Darwin Biblioteca Comunale dell’Archiginnasio, Bologna (Collezione degli autografi, XXIII, 6543) 1

Ercolani had sent a copy of his work comparing the mammalian placenta with that of cartilaginous fishes and applying the results to taxonomy (Ercolani 1880). CD’s copy is in the Darwin Library–CUL.

To F. E. Abbot   15 April 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. April 15th 1880 My dear Sir I believe that I owe to you a copy of the Literary World with a capital review of a Lawyers book on evolution, & which I imagine is written by you.—1 I had seen something about this book in a little article by Asa Gray, but did not know how abusive it was.2 It appears to be a production worthy of an ignorant lawyer.— For some time I have been intending to write & thank you for sending me the Index, & which I gratefully accept. But I now enclose a cheque for 5£ which will pay for copies for some little time.3 I always read a large part of your excellent Journal & shd certainly read every word had I time & strength sufficient. But reading much more than the papers &c which are necessary for my scientific work now-a-days tires me greatly.— Most heartily wishing you success in your admirable endeavours in the good cause of truth & wishing you prosperity in all ways, I remain | My dear Sir | Yours sincerely | Charles Darwin P.S. | Will you kindly send me a Post-card acknowledging receipt of the small cheque.— Harvard University Archives (Papers of F. E. Abbot, 1841–1904. Named Correspondence, 1857–1903. Letter, C. R. Darwin to F. E. Abbot (15 April 1880), in folder Darwin, Charles and W. E. Darwin (son), 1871–1883, box 44. HUG 1101) 1

2 3

Abbot sent CD a copy of an unsigned review titled ‘A Philadelphia lawyer’s views of Darwinism’ (Literary World, 27 March 1880, pp. 104–5); the book reviewed was The refutation of Darwinism (O’Neill 1880). CD’s annotated copy of the review is in DAR 226.1: 79–80. Asa Gray had sent CD his unsigned review of O’Neill 1880, which appeared in the Nation, 4 March 1880, p. 182 (see letter from Asa Gray, 11 March 1880). CD’s copy is in DAR 226.1: 104. Abbot was the editor of the Index, a weekly paper devoted to promoting ‘free religion’; according to Abbot’s letterhead, the annual subscription was $2.

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   15 April 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Ap. 15th 80 My dear Dyer If you chance to have seeds of Impomœa pandurata, a few would be of inestimable value to me.1 Or indeed of any kind (except I. leptophylla which I have) which forms a great tuber-like root.2

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Do not answer this.— I know that it is only a forlorn hope.— Ever yours | C. Darwin Asa Gray has told me of I. pandurata & admits that if its seeds germinate like those of I. leptophylla, a pet little theory of mine wd. be well confirmed.— He was, I think, at first inclined to treat my little theory with sovereign contempt.3 Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Darwin: Letters to Thiselton-Dyer, 1873–81: ff. 205–6) 1 2

3

Ipomoea pandurata (man-of-the-earth or wild potato vine) is a species native to North America, notable for its large tuberous roots. CD recorded the germination of plants of Ipomoea leptophylla (bush morning-glory), another species with large tuberous roots, on 14 April 1880, noting that the petioles were buried about a half inch below the ground (DAR 209.6: 95). See letter from Asa Gray, [1 April 1880] and n. 3. See also enclosure to letter from Asa Gray, 4 April 1880, in which a correspondent of Gray’s confirmed CD’s observations about the burying of petioles in another plant with tuberous roots. CD hypothesised that the buried petioles acted functionally like a root to hide the tuberous root from predators.

From William Tearle   [before 16] April 18801 Cambridge Street | St Neots | Hunts. Ap 1880 Sir Having taken great interest in your work “The Origin of Species” and regretting, that its doctrine, as far as man is concerned, is antagonistic to the strict reading of the Bible; I have been trying if some solution to the two first chapters of Genesis cannot be found, which might bring those chapters in accord with your Theory.2 Whether my theory has been made before, or whether great minds will think it tenable, I leave you to judge. Briefly then I will explain. 1st. “Let us make man in our image” May man not have been previously created, as an animal of a superior order, and God seeing that all living creatures required a head, and earthly master, he marked man as the most suitable, and then fashioned him after his own image. Had the text stood “Let us make man, and let us make him in our image” we could hardly argue that man had been previously created among the animals; but as the text now stands, and considering that the higher order of animals were created on the same day as man was I think my theory is not far fetched. It does not say that woman was made after gods own image, and the fact that she was not made as woman until afterwards, and then out of a man, helps to make my theory good, and to reconcile what has been considered two distinct creations. Man, male and female created he them, man after his own image afterwards, then he required a superior female and one was accordingly made. If any fossil remains have been found of the highest order of Mammalia, of which the male is wanting, such might have been the female to man in his primeval condition. For it is possible that the male being elevated from his original state would not be replaced but be entirely destroyed, leaving the females to die natural deaths. From what I have now said you may see the drift of my argument, which, after all may be

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worthless, but in the space of a letter I am afraid that I have not made it so clear as I intended. I must apologise for trespassing on your time, but I hope the interest that I have taken in reading your works may be some excuse for the liberty that I have taken in addressing you. I am sir | Your humble servant | William Tearle. Professor C Darwin LLD FRS, Etc DAR 201: 38 1 2

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to William Tearle, 16 April 1880. CD did not discuss human evolution in Origin, but his work implied that humans, like other animals, were a product of evolution by natural selection.

To William Tearle   16 April 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. April 16th 1880 Private Dear Sir I am sorry to say that I can be of no assistance to you.—1 Any remarks which I might make on your letter would as far as they had any influence, add to your doubts on subjects which you consider sacred. In my opinion every man ought to weigh for himself impartially & anxiously all the arguments for & against any revelation ever having been made to man.— Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin American Philosophical Society (Mss.B.D25.572) 1

See letter from William Tearle, [before 16] April 1880.

From C. C. Graham   17 April 1880 Louisville, April 17th., 1880. No answer requested Dear Sir, My letter was published without my knowledge or consent and I send you the paper to show you our backwoods style of Journalism on the “Dark & Bloody Ground” now called Kentucky; which in my early days was a howling wilderness of Savages and wild beasts.1 There is a fire proof gallery in our State House at Frankfort now being finished where your handsomely framed letter may hang for ages after you are gone.2 I am now near ninety six (96) but can and do walk my twenty miles a day. Christopher Columbus Graham, M.D. written by granddaugh.3 pc DAR 165: 82

178 1

2 3

April 1880

The newspaper in which Graham’s letter appeared has not been identified and no clipping has been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL. Graham probably refers to his letter to CD of 28 March 1880. In the last quarter of the eighteenth century, the Ohio River was often called ‘that dark and bloody river’ and the territory of the Ohio River Valley ‘that dark and bloody land’, an allusion to conflicts between settlers and indigenous people of the area (see Eckert 1995). CD’s letter has not been found. Graham’s granddaughter has not been identified.

To [William Newton]   17 April 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Ap. 17th 1880 Private Dear Sir I can only repeat that I have never been able to follow easily abstract reasoning & of late years the labour is intolerable to me.1 Therefore I cannot judge of the value of Mr Lloyds work.— I do not remember distinctly what Mr L. says against Mr Galton’s book on Hereditary Genius, which I have always esteemed highly.—2 I am extremely sorry that you cannot give a better account of Mr Lloyd’s health: your friendship must be a great support to him in his suffering state.3 I have received the ‘Brigands Home’, but have not yet had time to read it.4 Thanking you for your courteous expressions in regard to myself, I remain | Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin I know that I am hated & abused by many; but I do not care much about this or about fame. It is the one advantage of advanced age.— Archives of the New York Botanical Garden 1 2

3 4

The letter to which this is a reply has not been found. The correspondent was probably William Newton, who had worked with Francis Lloyd (see n. 2, below). Lloyd had evidently sent CD a copy of his critique of Francis Galton’s book on hereditary genius (Galton 1869, Lloyd 1876a); a copy is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL (see also Correspondence vol. 25, letter to [Francis Lloyd], 1 May [1877]). Newton had written an introduction to Lloyd 1876a. In the event, Lloyd died in Smyrna, Turkey, on 17 April 1880 (Standard, 22 April 1880, p. 1). CD had sent Lloyd £10 on 1 May 1877 (CD’s Classed account books (Down House MS)). No copy of The Brigands’ Cave on Salamis; tales and legends (Lloyd 1876b) has been found in the Darwin Libraries at CUL or Down.

To Asa Gray   19 April 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. April 19th. 1880 My dear Gray It was very good of you to send me Mr. Rattan’s letter which has interested me extremely.1 I suppose that I may give some of his statements. It seems almost certain that the protection of the plumule from frost has determined the curious mode

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of germination; & this agrees well with the drawing down in winter of so many seedlings by the contraction of their radicles. But I still think the protection of the enlarged roots from being devoured is probably a secondary advantage thus gained.2 The “crocks” explain the behaviour in your first case.3 What a curious fact of Mr. Rattan’s,—that of the confluent petioles growing out horizontally without coming into contact with the bottom of the shallow box. From what I have observed with other seedlings I believe I understand the cause, but it is too long a story.4 I wish I had a score of germinating seeds to experimentise on.— Very many thanks for P. Card about roots of Ipomœa leptophylla: I have tried in vain to get seeds of I. pandurata from Kew.5 Ever yours very truly | Ch. Darwin Mr Rattan seems to be a real good observer, & that is a rare species of animal.— University of California Berkeley, Bancroft Library (BANC MSS 74/78 z) 1 2

3 4

5

With his letter to CD of 4 April 1880, Gray had enclosed a letter from Volney Rattan with observations on the germination of Megarrhiza californica (a synonym of Marah fabacea, California manroot). CD had hypothesised that the tubular petioles of Megarrhiza californica acted functionally like a root to protect the (true) enlarged root against predators (see letter to Asa Gray, 19 January 1880). Rattan had observed that an unburied portion of one sprout was blackened by frost, but the buried part was fresh, leading him to conclude that the plumule would have survived (see letter from Asa Gray, 4 April 1880, enclosure). CD mentioned Rattan’s observation on the mode of germination in Movement in plants, pp. 82–3. Gray had initially doubted CD’s description of the movement of the petioles to penetrate the ground in the germination of Megarrhiza californica (see letter from Asa Gray, 3 February 1880 and n. 2). In his letter to Gray, Rattan had included drawings of the manner of growth of the petioles during the germination of seeds that he had planted in a shallow box (see letter from Asa Gray, 4 April 1880, enclosure). See postcard from Asa Gray, [1 April 1880]. CD requested seeds of Ipomoea pandurata in his letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 15 April 1880.

From Ernst Krause1   19 April 1880 Berlin N.O. Friedenstrasse 10. II den 19.4.80. Hochverehrter Herr! Endlich bin ich im Stande, Ihnen die deutsche Ausgabe des Erasmus Darwin vorzulegen.x)2 Ich fürchte sehr, dass Ihnen die Ausdehnung des Stoffes nicht ganz gefallen wird, namentlich was die zahlreichen Anmerkungen betrifft. Ich habe dabei einerseits die Bedürfnisse und Gewohnheiten des deutschen Publikums im Auge gehabt und andrerseits den Wunsch des Verlegers, nicht unter einer gewissen Seitenzahl zu bleiben, da Bücher zwischen 100–200  Seiten sich notorisch in Deutschland am schlechtesten verkaufen pflegen. Unter den Anmerkungen möchte ich Ihre Aufmerksamkeit auf No. 92 (p.  231) zu richten mir erlauben, in welcher nachgewiesen wird, dass eine Theorie der Pangenesis von Hippocrates beinahe mit denselben Worten aufgestellt worden ist, wie von Ihnen.3

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Indem ich Sie bitte, die Arbeit mit nachsichtigen Augen aufzunehmen, zeichne ich, hochverehrter Herr | In herzlicher Verehrung | Ihr dankbar ergebenster | Ernst Krause x) Ich sende sie hierneben unter Kreuzband. DAR 92: B58 CD annotation Verso of letter: ‘In conclusion let me thank you [‘most’ del] cordially for your uniform & most k. consideration for every one of my wishes, & still more so for placing my grandfathers merit [‘on a [illeg]’ interl & del] on a sure & lasting foundation.’4 ink 1 2 3

4

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. Krause 1880; CD’s copy has not been found in the Darwin Archive. Krause referred to the Greek physician Hippocrates (Krause 1880, p. 231). CD had been informed about similarities between his theory and that of Hippocrates by William Ogle (see Correspondence vol. 16, letter to William Ogle, 6 March [1868]). For a discussion of the theories of heredity of Hippocrates and CD, see Dictionary of the history of ideas 2: 622–4. CD’s annotation is a note for his reply to Krause of 21 April 1880.

To Horace Darwin   20 April [1880]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Ap. 20th My dear old Horace The advantage of a garden, if you have children & even without these appendages is so great, combined with the house itself suiting you & having a good landlord, that I if I were in your place, I wd. wait for the chance of getting it.2 For such advantages it wd be worth while to economise in some other way; though this is a wicked line of argument & could not have been expected from your honoured & stingy old father.— Perhaps the Belvoir House may not be let.3 My best of loves to Ida. Your affect. Father | Ch. Darwin DAR 185: 8 1 2 3

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from G. H. Darwin, 28 May 1880. Horace Darwin was looking for a house in Cambridge; he and his wife, Ida, were married on 3 January 1880 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). The house being discussed has not been identified. CD evidently refers to a house in Belvoir Road, Cambridge.

From John Fiske   20 April 1880 Cambridge, April 20, 1880. My dear Mr. Darwin: I am about to sail for England, to give some lectures at the Royal Institution, and shall be in London from May 16th until June 1st.1 I am going to bring my wife with me

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this time, for after 15 years with the children I think she ought to have a vacation.2 While we are in London, I hope to get a chance to look at you again for a moment and shake hands.3 After finishing in London, I go to Edinburgh to give some lectures at the Philosophical Institution,—and shall be coming home again early in July.4 I hope you are still well and prospering in your great work. I am unable to follow you in detail quite so closely as I used to, for year by year I find myself studying more and more nothing but history. But Huxley5 told me last year that he thought I could do more for the “doctrine of evolution” in history than in any other line. To say that all my studies to-day owe their life to you, would be to utter a superfluous compliment; for now it goes without saying that the discovery of “natural selection” has put the whole future thought of mankind on a new basis. When I see you I shall feel a youthful pleasure in telling what I would like to do, if I can. I shall stay at Prof. Huxley’s, while in London (4  Marlborough Place, Abbey Road, N.W.); and any word from you will reach me there. Ever, my dear Mr. Darwin, | Most sincerely yours, | John Fiske. DAR 164: 127 1

2 3 4 5

On 18 May 1880, Fiske delivered the first of three lectures at the Royal Institution of Great Britain on the topic of American political ideas viewed from the standpoint of universal history (The Times, 18 May 1880, p. 8). John and Abby Morgan Fiske had six children (ANB). Fiske had spent a year in Britain in 1873 and visited CD at that time (see Correspondence vol. 21, letter to John Fiske, 3 November [1873]; see also J. S. Clark 1917, 1: 478–9, for a description of the meeting). Fiske gave four lectures at the Philosophical Institute in Edinburgh on America’s place in history (Edinburgh Evening News, 19 June 1880, p. 2). Thomas Henry Huxley.

To Edward Frankland   20 April 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Ap 20/80 My dear Dr. Frankland Some time ago you were so good as to help me by analysing some water in which Pelargonium leaves had been immersed, & in which you found a considerable quantity of potassium.1 You were at the same time so kind as to offer further assistance in the matter.2 Would you allow my son to send one or two bottles of water for analysis? In order that the experiments may be of more value, an estimation of the potassium or of the soluble ash in the leaves used, ought to be made. This would of course considerably increase the work of analysis, but if it could be managed it would certainly add to the interest of the results.3 My son will make a considerable number of experiments of this kind during the spring & summer, which would entail more analysis than I could possibly ask you to undertake, & it would therefore be convenient to know of some trustworthy analyst who would professionally undertake such work. If you can recommend any one to

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me I shall be grateful; & we could employ him at once without troubling you if your assistants are especially busy just now, or if it is in any way in the least inconvenient to you to untake any analysis for us at present. Pray excuse me for troubling you again & believe me | Yours very sincerely | Charles Darwin LS(A) The John Rylands Library, The University of Manchester (Frankland Collection) 1

2 3

In 1879, CD had asked Frankland to analyse water samples to identify the alkaline substance present after soaking leaves of various species of plants (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter to Edward Frankland, 8 February 1879). CD had hypothesised that the exudate was potash (potassium permanganate, KMnO4); Frankland evidently confirmed the presence of potassium, but no letter from him on the subject has been found. No reply has been found to CD’s letter to Frankland of 8 February 1879. Francis Darwin’s experiments related to his continuing research on the function of bloom, the waxy or pruinose coating on some leaves and fruit. One aspect of this work involved determining the nature of substances exuded by leaves soaked in water (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter to Edward Frankland, 8 February 1879 and n. 3).

To Ernst Krause   21 April 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. April 21st 1880 My dear Sir I have been very glad to receive the German Translation. It is excellently got up & looks a good deal better than the English edition.1 I rejoice that all your labour is now over, & I wish most sincerely for your sake & for that of the Publisher that the sale may be fairly good; but from the poor sale of the English Edit. I am fearful.2 From what I can see by turning over the pages I do not doubt that you have added much to the value of the little book by your Addenda.—3 That is a very curious passage about Hippocrates.4 A very favourable review has just appeared in the U. States in the Nation, one of the best of the Literary Journals; but I have heard nothing about the sale there.5 In conclusion allow me to thank you cordially for your uniform & most kind consideration for every one of my wishes, & in a still higher degree for having placed my grandfather’s merits on a sure & lasting foundation. Believe me my dear Sir, yours ever | Very sincerely | Charles Darwin The Huntington Library (HM 36205) 1 2 3

Krause had sent CD the German edition of Erasmus Darwin (Krause 1880; see letter from Ernst Krause, 19 April 1880 and n. 2). On sales of Erasmus Darwin, see the letter to Ernst Krause, 9 February 1880 and n. 7. For the German edition, Krause reinstated parts of his text not included in the English edition as well as adding over one hundred pages of notes (see Krause 1880, pp. 75–124, 180–286).

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Krause pointed out similarities to CD’s theory in the work of the Greek physician Hippocrates (Krause 1880, p. 231; see letter from Ernst Krause, 19 April 1880 and n. 3). The review appeared in the Nation, 1 April 1880, pp. 253–4.

From G. J. Romanes   22 April 1880 April 22, 1880. As soon as I received your first intimation about Schneider’s book I wrote over for it, and received a copy some weeks ago.1 I then lent it to Sully,2 who wanted to read it, so do not yet know what it is worth. I, together with my wife—who reads French much more quickly than I can—am now engaged upon all the French books on animal intelligence which you kindly lent me.3 I am also preparing for my Royal Institution lecture on the 7th of May. I will afterwards publish it in some of the magazines, and, last of all, in an expanded and more detailed form, it will go into my book on Animal Intelligence.4 I went to see [Wallace] the other day on Spiritualism. He answered privately a letter that I wrote to ‘Nature,’ signed ‘F.R.S.,’ which was a feeler for some material to investigate.5 I had never spoken to [Wallace] before, but although I passed a very pleasant afternoon with him, I did not learn anything new about Spiritualism. He seemed to me to have the faculty of deglutition too well developed. Thus, for instance, he seemed rather queer on the subject of astrology! and when I asked whether he thought it worthy of common sense to imagine that, spirits or no spirits, the conjunctions of planets could exercise any causative influence on the destinies of children born under them, he answered that having already ‘swallowed so much,’ he did not know where to stop!! My wife and baby6 are both flourishing. I noticed that the latter, at four days old, could always tell which hand I touched, inclining its head towards that hand. E. D. Romanes 1896, p. 96 1 2 3 4

5

6

CD had been sent a copy of Georg Heinrich Schneider’s Der thierische Wille (Animal will; Schneider [1880]) by the author (see letter from G. H. Schneider, 2 April 1880). James Sully. Romanes’s wife was Ethel Romanes. The books have not been identified. Romanes’s lecture, delivered at the Royal Institution of Great Britain on 30 April 1880, was on mental evolution; the lecture given on 7 May was by William Henry Flower on fashion in deformity (Morning Post, 4 May 1880, p. 2, and 11 May 1880, p. 2). No magazine article based on the lecture has been identified; Romanes’s book, Animal intelligence, was published in 1882 (G. J. Romanes 1882). Alfred Russel Wallace’s name is replaced with a dash in the printed source of this letter. Romanes’s letter to Nature was a reply to a letter in the previous issue headed ‘A speculation regarding the senses’ and signed ‘M.’ (the author was St George Jackson Mivart; see Slotten 2004, p. 402); this letter suggested the possibility that one person could simultaneously experience another person’s thoughts, and referred to the ‘ascertained facts of clairvoyance and mesmerism’ as examples (Nature, 5 February 1880, pp. 323–4). In his reply, Romanes invited any clairvoyant or spiritualist to allow him to investigate such phenomena (Nature, 12 February 1880, p. 348). Romanes was elected a fellow of the Royal Society of London in 1879. Ethel Georgina Romanes.

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To R. F. Cooke   23 April [1880]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Ap. 23rd My dear Sir I shall send my M.S to Printers in about a month’s time, so I must settle about title.— My family shake their heads in the same dismal manner as you & Mr. Murray did, when I told them my proposed title of “The Circumnutating Movements of Plants.”2 Now will you kindly consider the following point. My book with title of “The Movements & Habits of Climbing Plants” is generally known, as merely “Climbing Plants” & is so lettered outside. Would it not be permissible under these circumstances to entitle the new book simply as “The Movements of Plants”.— This would be a quite correct title.— Or I might put “The Nature of the Movements of Plants” but I do not like this so well. One of my sons suggested “A contribution to the Physiology of Plants: Movements of Plants.”3 Do kindly give me your aid & believe me | Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin National Library of Scotland ( John Murray Archive) (Ms. 42152 ff. 366–7) 1 2 3

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from R. F. Cooke, 27 April 1880. John Murray was CD’s publisher; Movement in plants was published on 6 November 1880 (Freeman 1977). CD refers to the title as it appears on the spine of Climbing plants 2d ed. The son mentioned was probably Francis Darwin, who had assisted CD in the research for Movement in plants.

From Henry Pitman   24 April 1880 41, John Dalton Street, | Manchester. Apl 24 1880. From | Henry Pitman. To Charles Darwin Esq I am writing a series of papers on “Shorthand Writers of Renown”, specimens of which I send; & desiring to include your illustrious grandfather, Dr. Erasmus Darwin.1 I venture to ask if you can afford me more information than I find on page 17 of your Notice in the book by Ernst Krause.2 You will see by the enclosed letter that I have tried elsewhere before troubling you.3 Can you oblige me with the loan of the letters, (or copies) written by Erasmus Darwin to Reimarus respecting shorthand?4 Yours truly | Henry Pitman. DAR 99: 195

April 1880 1

2

3 4

185

The specimens have not been found, and the papers have not been identified. Pitman later included a section titled ‘Shorthand writers of renown’ in his essay ‘Spelling reform and phonography’; the first writer mentioned in this section was Erasmus Darwin (see Pitman 1890, pp. 252–5). In Erasmus Darwin, p. 17, CD mentioned that, based on a passage in a letter from Erasmus Darwin to Johann Albert Heinrich Reimarus, it appeared that Darwin had corresponded about shorthand writing with Thomas Gurney. Darwin had taken notes as a student in Gurney’s ‘brachygraphy’ course, and wrote a poem to Gurney that was published in the second and later editions of Gurney’s Brachygraphy: or short-writing (Gurney 1750); see Ritterbush 1962 for more on Darwin’s use of Gurney’s system). CD did not mention the poem to Gurney, but he may have received a later edition of Gurney 1750 from Reginald Darwin (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter from Reginald Darwin, 17 November 1879 and n. 1). The enclosure has not been found. CD possessed copies of six letters from Darwin to Reimarus (DAR 227.1: 12–13; see Correspondence vol. 25, letter to E. H. Sieveking, 11 December 1877 and n. 2). No mention of shorthand occurs, except for that which CD had already mentioned.

From R. F. Cooke   27 April 1880 50A, Albemarle Street, London. W. April 27 1880 My dear Sir We are as much puzzled as yourself, as to a Title for your new work.1 I have set up the enclosed for you to alter, correct, revise, add to, or curtail as you think best & then send it back & I will let you have a fresh proof to consider.2 Yours faithfully | Rob.t Cooke Cha.s Darwin Esq DAR 171: 504 1 2

See letter to R. F. Cooke, 23 April [1880]. CD had not settled on a title for Movement in plants. The enclosure has not been found, but was probably a proof-sheet of the title page of Movement in plants.

From Hermann Müller   27 April 1880 Lippstadt April 27th 1880. My dear Sir I thank you very heartily for your kind letter and for the Preface of the second edition of your “Forms of Flowers”, which indeed contains many notes new to me.1 I myself am very well, but my Brother Fritz has had a hard grief about 10 months ago and is as yet very depressed. One of his daughters, the most endowed of all, in Berlin in a paroxysm of melancholy has precipitated herself out of the window and immediately found her death.2 I am now preparing my work on alpine flowers which will contain numerous illustrations and wich, I hope, before the end of this year will be published.3

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Some days ago I have read with the greatest interest and with sincere admiration for your grandfather your and Ernst Krauses “Erasmus Darwin” (second edition)4 With the best wishes for your further health, my dear Sir, | yours very sincerely | H. Müller. DAR 171: 314 1

2

3

4

CD’s letter has not been found. Forms of flowers 2d ed. was published in July 1880 (Freeman 1977); the preface to the second edition contained eight pages of new material based on information CD had received in correspondence, as well as on work published after the first edition. CD had mentioned articles by Müller on gynodioecy and androdioecy (species having both hermaphrodite and female or hermaphrodite and male flowers on different plants; see Forms of flowers 2d ed., pp. ix–x). Fritz Müller’s daughter Rosa had travelled to Germany in 1876 and studied at the high school for girls in Regensburg. Although she did well in examinations, she failed to get a teaching position in Berlin, and on 12 June 1879, died in a fall from the window of her third-floor room (for more on her death and Fritz Müller’s reaction, see West 2016, pp. 153–4). Müller’s work, Alpenblumen, ihre Befruchtung durch Insekten: und ihre Anpassungen an dieselben (Alpine flowers, their fertilisation through insect agency and adaptations for this; H. Müller 1881) was published in January 1881 (Möller ed. 1915–21, 2: 404). The German version of Erasmus Darwin had just been published (Krause 1880; see letter from Ernst Krause, 19 April 1880).

To ?   27 April 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. April 27. 1880 Dear Sir I am very much obliged to you for your kindness in writing, but such malconformations, as you mention, are not very rare & therefore do not possess much novelty.1 I remain | Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin John Wilson (dealer) ( July 1986) 1

The correspondent and the precise subject of the letter have not been identified, but CD was interested in cases where a malformation caused by an injury appeared to have been inherited (see, for example, Correspondence vol. 26, letter to W. H. Flower, [4 March 1878]).

To J. V. Carus   28 April 1880 Down, | Beckenham , Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Ap. 28th 1880 My dear Sir I shall be right well pleased if you will translate my new book, & shd. certainly have communicated with you in due time.1 I am now going over the m.s for last time,

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& the whole will be sent to Printers in 2 or 3 weeks.— I grieve to say that it is a big book with nearly 200 woodcuts. The type will be of 2 sizes: the larger for conclusions & the smaller with an account of the observations & experiments.2 The work is the result of much labour, that I fear will displease many of your justly renowed physiologists in Germany.3 Mr. Murray inserted the announcement in Nature without my knowledge & used a term which I have had to employ largely in the book, but which is not fitted for the Title.4 I enclose Title, as at present seems to me best. The work is an attempt to bring all the diversified movements of Plants under one general law or system. I will send Proofs when ready, but this will not be for some month or two, for I must have a few weeks rest. Of course if you & Herr Koch5 shd. think the book not worth translating you can draw back. I hope & believe that it contains a fair amount of new matter. Believe me my dear Sir, Yours very sincerely | Charles Darwin. [Enclosure] The Power of Movement in Plants with woodcuts by Charles Darwin LLD. F.R.S. assisted by Francis Darwin 1880 John Murray Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin – Preußischer Kulturbesitz (Slg. Darmstaedter Lc 1859: Darwin, Charles, Bl. 176–178) 1

2

3

4 5

Carus had become CD’s German translator when he translated Origin 4th ed. (Bronn and Carus trans. 1867); he was translating all of CD’s works for a collected edition in German (Carus trans. 1875–87). Movement in plants was published on 6 November 1880 (Freeman 1977). CD had first used print of different sizes in Variation (see Correspondence vol. 15, letter to John Murray, 8 January [1867]); he also used this feature in Movement in plants. A large number of the woodcuts were diagrams of patterns of circumnutation. CD’s son Francis Darwin had spent two summers in the laboratory of Julius Sachs at the Botanical Institute, Würzburg. CD was aware that Sachs had different views on several aspects of plant movement, notably the function of the root tip (see, for example, Correspondence vol. 27, letter to Francis Darwin, 28 June [1879]). John Murray announced the forthcoming ‘Circumnutation of plants’ in Nature, 22 April 1880, p. 596. A similar announcement appeared in the Athenæum, 10 April 1880, p. 475. Eduard Koch was Carus’s publisher.

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From Thomas Meehan   28 April 1880 Commonwealth of Pennsylvania | Board of Agriculture | Harrisburg | Germantown April 28th. 1880 Botanical Department. | Thos. Meehan, Botanist. Dear Mr. Darwin, There has been much talk in our papers lately about Mr. Darwin owning himself wrong about sterility in hybrids,—and I have taken occasion to set your position right, as I understand your position to be, in my department of the New York Independent.1 You may also be interested in the succeeding item on hybrids in Nature. My friend Isaac C. Martindale has gone closely over the Bartram oak question—long supposed to be a hybrid—and I have asked him to send you a copy.2 I think in some cases hybrids may be more fertile than their parents. We get here considerable seed (and raise seedlings) from Magnolia Soulangeana, while I cannot remember ever to have seen any seed on M. conspicua, which I suppose to be one of its parents.3 I hope time is behaving leniently with you. It seems I have occasionally to “propose an amendment” to some proposition of yours,—but I think there is no one here who more thouroughly appreciates the great value of your labors, or who more sincerely prays that you may live long to continue your good work.4 Very Sincerely yours | Thomas Meehan DAR 171: 113 1

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3 4

Meehan wrote the ‘Science’ column in the weekly New York newspaper; his item on CD’s position on the fertility of hybrids appeared in the Independent, 29 April 1880, p. 7. No copy of the column has been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL. The next item in the same column discussed differing opinions on the occurrence and fertility of natural hybrids. George Clinton Swallow was cited as having stated that the Bartram oak (Quercus × heterophylla, Bartram’s oak or oddleaf oak) reverted to its parent species (Q. rubra, red oak, and Q. phellos, willow oak), while George Engelmann argued that many oaks hybridised naturally and produced fertile offspring. Martindale’s pamphlet Notes on the Bartram oak (Martindale 1880) has not been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL. Magnolia × soulangeana (saucer magnolia) is a hybrid of M. conspicua (a synonym of M. denudata, lily tree or Yulan magnolia) and M. liliiflora (purple or Mulan magnolia). Meehan probably alludes to his belief that insects played a limited role in plant fertilisation and that self-fertilised plants were as vigorous as and more productive than those dependent on insect aid (see, for example, Correspondence vol. 25, letter from Thomas Meehan, 1 July 1877).

To Williams & Norgate   28 April [1880] From Mr. C. Darwin, Down, Beckenham. I am very sorry to have troubled you but I had quite forgotten that I possessed Vol. I.1 Kindly send me whenever convenient the 2d Vol.— C. D. Ap. 28th—

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ApcS Endorsement: ‘1880 | Chas. Darwin Esq | May 1st.’ eBay (22 August 2019) 1

A note in the same hand as the endorsement reads ‘Nathusius Vortrage II’, a reference to Vorträge über Viehzucht und Raßenkenntniß (Lectures on cattle breeding and breed information; Nathusius 1872–80) by Hermann Engelhard von Nathusius. CD’s annotated copy of Nathusius 1872–80 is in the Darwin Library–CUL (see Marginalia 1: 636). CD had bought a copy of the first volume in late 1871 (see Correspondence vol. 19, letter to Hermann Settegast, 20 October 1871).

To H. D. Garrison   29 April 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Ap. 29th 1880 Dear Sir I thank you for your very kind note & for sending me the interesting case of inheritance, which I have been glad to see, though it is not likely that I shall again write on the subject1 Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Charles Darwin Spike Tyson (private collection) 1

Garrison’s letter has not been found; the case of inheritance has not been identified. CD had collected reports of cases of inheritance of acquired characters when he was working on Variation, Descent, and Expression.

From H. N. Moseley   30 April 1880 University of London, | Burlington Gardens. W. April 30. 80 Dear Mr Darwin My friend Mr F V Dickins who is an enthusiastic student of science is much discomposed at having fallen more or less under your censure in Nature with regard to the Japanese shells heaps.1 I hope you will not mind my troubling you with a short account of him. He is a MB and BSc of this University having taken both degrees in the same year a feat I fancy never performed here by anyone else. He took a Medal in Physiology. He served some time as a Surgeon in the Navy but gave up the Medical profession and was called to the Bar. After practising in London some time he went to Japan in consequence of ill health and practised many years at Yokohama as a barrister, taking up especially cases in which Japanese interests and laws were at conflict with those of Europeans. He is a Chinese and Japanese scholar, speaking Japanese fluently and reading it also. He has translated several Japanese books and has one now in the press. He was for some time Editor and proprietor of the Japan Mail and wrote the greater part of it himself. He is an expert systematic botanist and well versed in the Flora of Japan. He has given valuable collections of plants to Kew. I travelled with him for a month in Japan

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and have constantly corresponded with him till he came to live in England. He is well read in all branches of science and reads most European languages. I have always regarded him as a man of most remarkable ability. Profr Morses theories as to the refuse-heaps were discussed in the Japan Mail when he first enunciated them and I read the discussion.2 It seemed to be the general opinion in Japan that Morse was a charlatan   I have spoken to Mr A Agassiz and others about him and I gather that he is not thought much of.3 Amongst scientific men in the U.S. Mr Dickins has told me in conversation that he believes he was even at fault in identifying human bones and certain that he was wrong about the identification of bones of mammalia. I think his conclusions ought at all events to be taken cum grano.4 Two points in Morses letter to you published in Nature strike me as singular. Firstly he professes ignorance as to whether Mr Dickins has ever been in Japan. I do not think it possible that he cannot have known Dickins name and something of his doings in Japan. Moreover when Morse first went to Japan he sent me a circular asking for copies of monographs for Yedo library and promising to send publications in exchange. In writing to him I advised him to make the acquaintance of Dickins as a man who would sympathize with him in all scientific matters. Secondly the sneer at Dickins because he does not adopt the newfangled term for Yedo. “Tokio” shows that Morse can have learnt very little of the language or history of Japan.5 I should certainly take Dickins estimate of the Japanese ardour for antiquarian science in Yedo as far more likely to come near the truth than Morses. The Japanese are absolutely ignorant of their own early history and even I believe of that of the last few centuries in great measure. Dickins has had many law pupils and it is highly improbable that Morse has anything like the facility in conversing with the Japanese in their own language that he has. I hope you will excuse this long letter. Dickins has studied your books with care and though he does not mind what Morse says about him feels hurt at having fallen under your displeasure   I promised to write and explain to you that he is a man of considerable and varied information. Yours truly H N Moseley DAR 171: 259 1

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See letter to Nature, 9 April [1880] and n. 2. Edward Sylvester Morse had written to CD, enclosing a letter to Nature responding to a review of his work by Frederick Victor Dickins (letter from E. S. Morse, 23 March 1880). CD forwarded Morse’s letter along with his own letter to the journal. The Japan Mail was a fortnightly English-language newspaper, partly subsidised by the Japanese government (Perez 1999, p. 81). The review of Morse’s memoir on the Omori shell mounds (Morse 1879) praised the author’s ability and also noted that the production of the work had been done entirely locally ( Japan Mail, 20 September 1879, pp. 496–7). Alexander Agassiz was curator of the Harvard Museum of Comparative Zoology. Cum grano salis: with a grain of salt (Latin). ‘Edo’ or ‘Yedo’ was the name of the city of Tokyo during the Tokugawa Shogunate (1603–1868); the city was renamed Tokyo (sometimes transliterated as Tokio, meaning ‘eastern capital’) in 1868 with the restoration of imperial power (Meiji Restoration); for more on the effects of the restoration on the city, see Iwatake 2003.

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To H. N. Moseley   2 May 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. May 2d. 1880 r My dear M Moseley If you are disengaged will you give us the pleasure of seeing you here on Sunday the 9th— The Galtons1 & Andrew Clark will be here.— Your best plan will be, if you can come, will be to start from Charing X by the 5°. 2′ Train on Saturday evening, which reaches Orpington a little before 6° & I will endeavour to send a carriage to meet you. If you do not object to going on Box there will almost certainly be a place. Or you can take a fly.2 Believe me | Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin Christie’s, London (dealers) (online 31 October – 8 November 2018, lot 14) 1 2

Francis Galton and Louisa Jane Galton. The box was the elevated seat of a carriage on which the coachman sat; a fly was a light, covered carriage. The station at Orpington was about four miles from CD’s home at Down.

To Williams & Norgate   3 May [1880]1 From Mr. C. Darwin, Down, Beckenham. Please to send me Ray Lankester’s Lecture or Essay on Degeneration.2 C. D. May 3d. ApcS Sotheby’s (dealers) (11 July 2017) 1 2

The year is established by the publication date of Edwin Ray Lankester’s essay (see n. 2, below). Lankester’s essay Degeneration: a chapter in Darwinism had been announced in the Athenæum, 17 April 1880, p. 502; the text had first been delivered at a general meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science in Sheffield in August 1879 (Lankester 1880, p. 1; Report of the 49th meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, held at Sheffield (1879): lxxxvi).

To F. J. Hughes   5 May 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) May 5th—1880 My dear Cousin It is indeed a long time since we met, & I suppose if we now did so we shd. not know one another; but your former image is perfectly clear to me.—1 With respect to your Essay I feel bound to express my conviction that no good Scientific Journal would publish it.2 Science progresses only by the discovery of

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new facts & direct deductions from them. There have, moreover, been so many attempts to reconcile Genesis & Science, that every editor wd. look askance at any new attempt.— The death of your brother, my dear & very old friend, has been a grievous loss to every one who knew him; for I do not believe that there ever existed a man with a sweeter disposition.3 Pray believe me | My dear Cousin | Yours sincerely | Charles Darwin American Philosophical Society (Mss.B.D25.573) 1 2

3

CD had seen Frances Jane Hughes, William Darwin Fox’s sister, on visits to the Fox family home when he was a student (see Correspondence vol. 5, letter to W. D. Fox, 24 [October 1852] and n. 7). A scrap of paper with this letter reads, ‘What C.D. alludes to was only a bit I sent him, to ask him if he did believe Genesis & Science were both true & divine in their origin’. Frances later published Harmonies of tones and colours developed by evolution, in which she attempted to show that the vibrations of sound (musical notes) and light (colours) were regulated by the same scientific laws in agreement with religious dogma from the Bible (Hughes 1883, p. 9). The book was condemned as valueless and ridiculous in the Athenæum, 22 September 1883, p. 378. The publisher’s marked copy of the Athenæum records the reviewer as ‘Frost’ (City University, London); this was Henry Frederick Frost, a frequent reviewer for the periodical. William Darwin Fox had died on 8 April (see letter from C. W. Fox, 8 April 1880).

To E. R. Lankester   6 May [1880]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S. E. R. May 6th My dear Dr Lankester If you happen to be disengaged will you give us the pleasure of seeing you here next Sunday.— It is a very short notice, but we thought until this morning that every bed wd be occupied.— Dr. Andrew Clark, F. Galton & we hope Moseley2 will be here.— If you can come, your best plan will be to leave Charing Cross on Saturday by the 5o 2ʹ train, & we will have some vehicle at Orpington Station.— Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin Private collection 1 2

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to H. N. Moseley, 2 May 1880. Henry Nottidge Moseley.

From James Dixon   7 May 1880 Harrow Lands, | Dorking. May 7. 1880. Sir,— May I take the liberty of drawing your attention to a trifling—very trifling— inaccuracy which occurs in your Descent of Man? (1871, i, 19)— You say “the

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platysma myoides … cannot be voluntarily brought into action.” In my own case this muscle is as much under control as any other in my body.1 I can use either lateral portion separately, or both portions together. The contraction influences the skin as far upwards as the angles of the mouth, both of which become slightly depressed; and in a downward direction the action extends far enough to move the nipples very slightly. I have known several persons who had the platysma under control, but I never met with anyone in whom this was the case to so great an extent as in myself. I may observe that I know something about muscles inasmuch as I was Demonstrator of Anatomy at St Thomas’s Hospital during ten years.2 I was a standing wonder to my pupils, who were highly amused at my ability to use many muscles over which they had not the slightest control. I could—and can—move everyone of my facial muscles; and my palmaris brevis is as active now, when I am past 60, as it was 40 years ago.3 I hope these confessions will not cause you to regard me as the “missing link.” Excuse my thus addressing you, and believe me to be very faithfully yrs. | James Dixon Charles Darwin Esq. F.R.S. | &c &c DAR 162: 185 1

2 3

See Descent 1: 19. The platysma myoides is a sheet of muscle in the neck extending from the collar bone to the lower part of the cheek. CD did not change this passage in Descent 2d ed., but had noted in Expression, p. 298, that most people could voluntarily contract the muscle. Dixon had trained at St Thomas’s Hospital, London, and served as assistant surgeon there from 1847 to 1851 (Plarr 1930). The palmaris brevis is the muscle on the inner side of the palm below the little finger; it strengthens the grip of the hand on an object.

To T. H. Huxley   [7 May] 18801 Down, Beckenham, Kent Friday 1880. My dear Huxley I have just read your “Coming of age” in Nature.2 I am quite delighted with it. Like everything which you write it seems to contain the whole subject in a few words, and is unanswerable.— Ever yours with admiration | Ch. Darwin Copy, ALS3 DAR 145: 289; Janet Huxley (private collection) 1

2 3

The day and month are established by the publication date of Huxley’s article (see n. 2, below), and the relationship between this letter and the letter from T. H. Huxley, 10 May 1880. In 1880, 7 May was a Friday. The opening article of the issue of Nature for 6 May 1880 was Huxley’s ‘The coming of age of the Origin of Species’ (T. H. Huxley 1880c). The text from ‘everything’ has been transcribed from the original; the rest is from a copy.

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To James Dixon   8 May 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) May 8th. 1880 Dear Sir I am very much obliged to you for your kind note.1 Should I ever bring out a new Edit. of my Descent of Man or Expression of the Emotions, which is not probable, your information will be useful to me.—2 Dear Sir | Yours faithfully & obliged | Ch. Darwin Cambridge University Library (MS Add 6604: 17) 1 2

See letter from James Dixon, 7 May 1880. No new editions of Descent or Expression were published in CD’s lifetime.

To W. E. Darwin   [9 May 1880]1 Down Sunday My dear W.— Read this note & observe that it is private.2 If you can find out these 2 mean & can anyhow by direct or indirect means, influence them, I hope that you will for the sake of Science & on public grounds.3 Could you venture to call on them if strangers to you. We have a tremendous party here, which has gone off very pleasantly & St. Andrew has been extremely agreeable, but I am pretty well tired, though less than usual.4 your affect Father | C. Darwin Postmark: 10 MY 80 DAR 210.6: 157 1 2 3

4

The Sunday before 10 May 1880, the date of the postmark, was 9 May. This letter was written on the blank pages of the letter from John Lubbock, 9 May 1880. See letter from John Lubbock, 9 May 1880. John Lubbock was standing for election as MP for the University of London, and, evidently to drum up support for his campaign, had asked whether William Erasmus Darwin would contact Edwin Hearne and Henry Hermann Carlisle, two graduates of the university, who lived in Southampton (see letter from John Lubbock, 9 May 1880). ‘2 mean’ is a mistake for ‘2 men’. Andrew Clark, Francis Galton, Henry Nottidge Moseley, and Edwin Ray Lankester had been invited to Down on 9 May 1880 (see letter to E. R. Lankester, 6 May [1880].

From John Lubbock   9 May 1880 High Elms 9 May 80 Private Dear Mr Darwin All is going well as far as we can judge at the University, but Jessel is no doubt a very formidable opponent.1

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There is a Dr Hearne at Southampton Also Rev. H. H. Carlisle LLB2 Do you think your son could say a word to them?3 Ever | Yours very truly | John Lubbock DAR 210.6: 157 1 2 3

Lubbock was standing for election as MP for the University of London; George Jessel, master of the rolls and a graduate of the University of London, was one of his opponents (Finestein 1953–5, p. 278). Edwin Hearne and Henry Hermann Carlisle were graduates of the University of London (Historical record of the University of London 1: 343, 425). William Erasmus Darwin was a banker in Southampton.

To James Torbitt   9 May 1880 Down, May 9, 1880. My dear Sir If I were a minister of the Crown I should think it my duty to adopt some such plan as that which you suggest. But as far as I can see political men care only about their party quarrels, and I could not ask Mr. Farrer to undertake such a task as to interest the Government in your scheme.1 He has often remarked to me on the extreme difficulty of getting anything new undertaken. I should think your best chance would be through Mr. Forster, who has I believe unbounded energy;2 but I would suggest that you should simplify your scheme. You could state if you thought fit that I had aided you, and got others including Mr. Farrer and Mr. Caird to aid you in your valuable labours.3 I think that this would influence Mr. Forster. I doubt whether the Agricult. Socs in England would take any trouble about growing your vars. Mr. Carruthers reported to the R. Agricult Soc., to which he is Botanist, that in his opinion your attempt to raise a fungus-proof var. was hopeless.4 I am sure that you will believe that I regret that I cannot offer any assistance in urging the Government to take an active share in your work. Believe me, my dear Sir | Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin. DAR 148: 120 1

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CD had asked Thomas Henry Farrer to try to get government support for Torbitt’s experiments to develop blight-resistant potatoes (see letter to James Torbitt, 30 March 1880). Torbitt had sent CD a report on the experiments he proposed to make (see letter to James Torbitt, 20 March 1880). Torbitt’s report has not been found, but his plans for raising blight-resistant potatoes were outlined by CD in the enclosure to his letter to James Caird, 24 March 1880. William Edward Forster was chief secretary for Ireland. James Caird had collected subscriptions to enable Torbitt to continue his experiments (letter to T. H. Farrer, 9 March 1880). William Carruthers was botanist to the Royal Agricultural Society (R. Desmond 1994). Potato blight was caused by the fungus Phytophthora infestans. Carruthers had long dismissed Torbitt’s work, claiming that disease would affect potato plants regardless of the method used for the tuber’s reproduction (DeArce 2008, p. 211).

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From T. H. Huxley   10 May 1880 4 Marlborough Place | N.W May 10th 1880 My dear Darwin You are the cheeriest letter writer I know & always help a man to think the best of his doings1 I hope you do not imagine because I had nothing to say about ‘Natural Selection’ that I am at all weak of faith on that article2 On the contrary I live in hope that as paleontologists work more & more in the manner of that ‘second Daniel come to judgment’ that wise young man Mr.  Filhol we shall arrive at a crushing accumulation of evidence in that direction also3 But the first thing seems to me to be to drive the fact of evolution into peoples heads—when that is once safe the rest will come easy I hear that ce cher Elam is yelping about again—but in spite of your provocative messages (which Rachel retailed with great glee) I am not going to attack him nor anybody else—4 I wish it were not such a long story—that I could tell you all about the dogs—they will make such a case for ‘Darwinismus’ as never was5 From the South American dogs at the bottom (C. vetulus cancrivorus &c) to the wolves at the top there is a regular gradual progression the range of variation of each ‘species’ overlapping the ranges of those below & above    Moreover as to the domestic dogs I think I can prove that the small dogs are modified jackals & the big dogs ditto wolves  I have been getting capital material from India and working the whole affair out on the basis of measurements of skulls & teeth6 However my paper for the Zoological Society is finished & I hope soon to send you a copy of it7 We were at Balliol yesterday on a visit to the Master & of inspection of our boy who seems as happy as need be & is getting on very well8 With kindest remembrances to Mrs Darwin | Ever | Yours very truly | T H Huxley DAR 166: 352 1 2 3

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See letter to T. H. Huxley, [7 May] 1880. Huxley had published an article titled ‘The coming of age of the Origin of Species’ in Nature, 6 May 1880 (T. H. Huxley 1880c). The Biblical character Daniel was renowned as a wise judge, but the phrase used here is from William Shakespeare’s Merchant of Venice, 4.1.335. According to Huxley, Henri Filhol’s fossil discovery of the common progenitor of cats, dogs, bears, civets, hyenas, and raccoons was among the evidence that contributed to making animal evolution ‘no longer a speculation, but a statement of historical fact’ (T. H. Huxley 1880c, p. 4). Ce cher: that dear (French). Charles Elam published ‘The gospel of evolution’ in the Contemporary Review in response to Huxley’s lecture ‘On the coming of age of the Origin of Species’; Elam expressed his doubts about CD’s ‘doctrines’, especially the theory of natural selection, criticised Huxley for claiming that evolution was now established as a fact, and concluded that organic evolution was a mere figment of the intellect (Elam 1880; T. H. Huxley 1880c). Rachel Huxley was Huxley’s daughter. On 6 and 13 April, at the Royal Institution of Great Britain, Huxley had delivered two lectures, ‘On dogs and the problems connected with them’, in which he gave a complete survey of the dog family,

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both wild and domestic (L. Huxley ed. 1900, 2: 10). The lectures were never published, but a short report on the first one appeared in The Times, 7 April 1880, p. 7. Huxley had been sent skulls from India by Joseph Fayrer (L. Huxley ed. 1900, 2: 11). Canis vetulus is a synonym of Lycalopex vetulus (the hoary fox); C. cancrivorus is a synonym of Cerdocyon thous (the crab-eating fox). Neither species is closely related to true foxes; they are more closely related to dogs. Huxley refers to his paper ‘On the cranial and dental characters of the Canidae’ (T. H. Huxley 1880d). Huxley’s son Leonard Huxley had matriculated at Balliol College, Oxford, on 21 January 1880 (Alum. Oxon.). The master of the college was Edward Caird.

To T. H. Huxley   11 May 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. May 11th 1880 My dear Huxley I had no intention to make you to write to me, or expectation of your doing so; but your note has been so far “cheerier” to me than mine could have been to you, that I must & will write again.—1 I saw your motive for not alluding to natural selection & quite agreed in my mind in its wisdom.2 But at the same time it occurred to me that you might be giving it up, & that anyhow you could not safely allude to it, without various ‘providos’ too long to give in a Lecture. If I think continuously on some half-dozen structures of which we can at present see no uses, I can persuade myself that natural selection is of quite subordinate importance. On the other hand when I reflect on the innumerable structures, especially in plants, which 20 years ago would have been called simply ‘morphological’ & useless, & which are now known to be highly important, I can persuade myself that every structure may have been developed through natural selection.— It is really curious how many out of a list of Structures which Bronn enumerated, as not possibly due to natural selection because of no functional importance, can now be shown to be highly important.3 Lobed leaves was, I believe, one case & only 2 or 3 days ago, Frank showed me how they act in a manner quite sufficiently important to account for the lobing of any large leaf.—4 I am particularly delighted at what you say 〈13 of page〉 arrived in ‘Var. of Dom animals’ at exactly the same conclusion with respect to the domestic dogs of Europe & N. America.—5 See how important in another way this conclusion is; for no one can doubt that 〈13 of page〉 & how well this supports the Paflasian doctrine that domestication eliminates the sterility almost universal between forms slowly developed in a state of Nature.—6 〈13 of page〉 but 〈rest of line missing〉 own fault. Ever yours | Ch. Darwin Plants are splendid for making one believe in natural selection, as will & consciousness are excluded. I 〈13 of page〉 〈mi〉ght as will say that a pair of scissors or nutcrackers had been developed through external conditions as the structure in question.7 Incomplete Imperial College of Science, Technology and Medicine Archives (Huxley 5: 342); Janet Huxley (private collection)8

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See letter from T. H. Huxley, 10 May 1880. Huxley had not referred to natural selection in his article on ‘The coming of age of the Origin of Species’ (T. H. Huxley 1880c). He had initially had reservations about the mechanism of natural selection, but consistently defended CD’s evolutionary views (see, for example, [T. H. Huxley] 1860). Heinrich Georg Bronn’s objections had appeared in an additional chapter appended to his translation of Origin (Bronn trans. 1860, ch. 15). The list of structures has not been located in Bronn’s work. It is possible this was a list sent by Bronn at the time he was translating Origin into German. Francis Darwin was CD’s botanical assistant. Huxley had recently given two lectures on the genus of dogs, arguing that small domestic dogs were modified from jackals and large dogs from wolves (see letter from T. H. Huxley, 10 May 1880). CD had made the same point in Variation 2d ed., 1: 34. In Variation 2d ed., 1: 32, CD agreed with Pyotr Simon Pallas’s assumption that a long course of domestication eliminated the sterility exhibited by recently confined wild animals. Pallas had made this claim in his ‘Mémoire sur la variation des animaux’ (Pallas 1780). ‘Paflasian’ is a mistake for ‘Pallasian’. CD was possibly responding to criticisms of the theory of natural selection made by Charles Elam (see letter from T. H. Huxley, 10 May 1880 and n. 4). The letter as far as ‘I am delighted at what you say’ is at Imperial College; the rest is in a private collection. The top of the last sheet of the letter has been torn off.

From James Torbitt   13 May 1880 J. Torbitt, | Wine Merchant. | 58, North Street, | Belfast, 13 May 1880. Charles Darwin Esqr. | Down. My dear Sir, I have now the honour and pleasure to report progress.1 I have planted six acres new twice-crossed varieties of the potato, in place of eleven acres planted last year: this decrease will keep the expenditure within the limit. For the purpose of crossing, I have planted some of the best tubers of some of the best and most dissimilar twice crossed varieties of 1878 and 1879, and in regard to this, I would wish to ask, may I rely on the pollen living a few days or a few weeks after having been collected, or must I use it immediately after collection? Also, I have coming forward 5.000 seedlings grown from seeds of twice crossed varieties, and 1,000  seedlings grown from seeds of seedlings obtained from twice crossed varieties (perhaps thrice crossed, as they are grown in close proximity) Having all the means for growing these seedlings on hand, it would have saved but little restricting their number. They are growing vigorously and I am protecting them against enemies much better than ever before. They are beautiful, almost all I have looked at, as round as billiard balls—but they are only the size of peas as yet. In a few days I hope to commence planting them out into the field. Beyond this I have induced some 14 Landowners to grow in the aggregate some 14 acres for me, the conditions being that they charge me nothing, and return to me one half the crop, and if this process of dissemination can be carried out on those terms for three or four years, we may be all repaid, as Mr Caird says, for our expenditure of time and money.2 I am my dear Sir, as always, most respectfully and faithfully yours | James Torbitt

May 1880

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DAR 178: 165 1

2

Torbitt had sent CD his plans for producing blight-resistant potatoes (see letter to James Caird, 24 March 1880). He had been unable to secure government funding for his experiments, and was dependent on CD and other supporters for private donations (see letter to James Torbitt, 9 May 1880). He had emphasised that he would keep the expenditure within the limit of £150 if CD wished (see letter from James Torbitt, 1 April 1880 and n. 4). See letter from James Caird, 25 March 1880.

To John Fiske   14 May [1880]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. May 14th My dear Mr Fiske I suppose that you have reached England.2 I did not write before, because we have had a succession of visitors & I absolutely require a day or two rest after any one has been here.— Some persons now in the house leave tomorrow evening & others are coming on Tuesday morning.3 If you & Mrs Fiske happen to be disengaged on Friday (21st) evening, would you come here to dinner & to sleep?4 There is a good train which leaves Charing Cross at 4o 12ʹ P.M.— On Monday the 24th we leave home for a fortnight for me to rest.5 If it would be more convenient to you to come here, after June 8th or thereabouts it would suit us equally well, & we shd. be very glad to see you & Mrs Fiske then. In Haste to catch Post | Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin Very many thanks for all the kind expressions in your note.6 The Huntington Library (HM 8269) 1 2 3

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The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from John Fiske, 20 April 1880. John Fiske had travelled from Cambridge, Massachusetts, to England in order to give lectures at the Royal Institution of Great Britain (see letter from John Fiske, 20 April 1880). On 14 May, Mabel Wedgwood and Constance Rose Wedgwood and their fiancés Arthur George Parson and Johannes Hermann Franke were at Down House (letter from Emma Darwin to H. E. Litchfield, 14 May [1880] (DAR 219.9: 233)). It is unclear who the next set of visitors were on 18 May. John and Abby Morgan Fiske visited Down from 21 to 22 May 1880 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242), letter from Emma Darwin to H. E. Litchfield, [22 May 1880] (DAR 219.9: 234)). CD was in Bassett, Southampton, from 25 May to 8 June (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). See letter from John Fiske, 20 April 1880.

From F. E. Abbot   15 May 1880 Office of The Index Association, | 231 Washington Street. | Boston, Mass., May 15, 1880 Dr. Charles Darwin, | Down, Beckenham, Kent: Dear Sir, Permit me to thank you very gratefully for your generous letter of April 15, with its enclosed bank-cheque of £5, for the Index.1 To know that the paper possesses any

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value in the eyes of one of whom the whole world is proud is a great honor, which I am keenly sensible of. As the issue of this week will inform you, I am to leave the editorial chair in a few weeks; but it is one of the precious memories of my long service to know that it has secured me the sympathy of one for whom my reverence is so great. The article in the Literary World, which I took the liberty of mailing to you was not written by me, nor do I know the writer; but I imagined it might amuse you to see one of the fools so handsomely exposed.2 But your reputation in America cannot be eclipsed by any Philadelphia lawyer. Every rising man of science is a Darwinian here. Indeed, I know nothing in the history of opinion more remarkable than the revolution you have made in so short a time. For myself, I am not a competent judge of the scientific aspect of the argument; what has excited my boundless sympathy and admiration is the splendid example of the love of truth for its own sake which you have set to mankind. The intellectual and moral quality of your work I can and do appreciate; and my soul’s deepest desire is to do what I can to make that quality universal in the world. I am, dear sir, | Yours gratefully, F. E. Abbot. DAR 159: 6 1 2

See letter to F. E. Abbot, 15 April 1880; CD had sent the money to cover the costs of receiving the Index, a radical religious periodical founded and edited by Abbot. Abbot had sent CD a copy of the Literary World, 27 March 1880, containing a review titled ‘A Philadelphia lawyer’s views of Darwinism’ (see letter to F. E. Abbot, 15 April 1880). The book reviewed was The refutation of Darwinism by T. Warren O’Neill, a Philadelphia lawyer (O’Neill 1880).

From J. Harris1   16 May 1880 16 5 1880 Sir I hope you will look upon the liberty I have taken in sending this note as a secondary matter, being prompted to respectfully ask if you can inform me of the reasons that explain the existence of “apes” in our day, or that material, out of which the writer as a member of the human family has emerged—why the mould, as it were, still remains. Can we look upon those living ancestral types as the residuum of developement, at one period, they have I presume been supreme, and that process that has thinned their ranks will if I have patience eventually obliterate them. A Friend who takes advantage of my interest in your writings put the question to me—“why have not the apes been swallowed up in victory”; (or anything lower than anthropoid apes.), perhaps the reason I was vague, is that much of what has emanted from your pen, is as yet, untrodden ground. I hope Sir you will not think me inquisitive, in the generally understood manner by this letter, but I shall be xtremely thankful & obliged to receive an answer if it is not inconvenient. I shall probably be made aware of an unsuspected weakness on my part considering the simplicity of my request.

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Incomplete Copy DAR 198: 87 1

J. Harris, who has not been further identified, sent this copy of a letter he had sent to CD to Francis Darwin in 1882. See also letter to J. Harris, 21 May 1880.

To B. J. Sulivan   16 May [1880]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. May 16th My dear Sulivan I have received from the U. States a book, giving an account of the adventures of 2 Missionaries in Patagonia, at the time when the Beagle was surveying. One of the missionaries was the Rev Titus Coan, who has done grand work in the Sandwich Islds.—2 The book has us, & therefore I send it by this Post to you, for the chance of your liking to read it.—3 Will you kindly return it some time, as some of our relations want to read it.— Many thanks to you for sending me several numbers of the Missionary Journal.— I sincerely hope poor Mr Bridges will recover his health in this country.—4 Bishop Sterling is a relation of my son-in-law, Mr Litchfield.—5 Ever yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin Sulivan family (private collection) 1 2

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The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from B.  J.  Sulivan, 20 May 1880. Titus Coan’s Adventures in Patagonia details his and William Arms’s efforts as missionaries in Patagonia from 14 November 1833 to 25 January 1834 (Coan 1880). Coan was a missionary in the Sandwich Islands (Hawaii) from 1835 to 1882. Coan had referred to CD’s and Robert FitzRoy’s observations in Patagonia, Tierra del Fuego, and the Falkland Islands, giving emphasis to the attempt to establish the missionary Richard Matthews in Tierra del Fuego in 1833 (Coan 1880, pp. 269–86). Thomas Bridges’s ill health, and his departure for England with his family on 17 October 1879, was reported in the South American Missionary Magazine, 2 February 1880, pp. 34, 37–8; improvements to his health were reported the following month (ibid., 1 March 1880, p. 52). Waite Hockin Stirling, bishop of the Falkland Islands, was Richard Buckley Litchfield’s cousin by marriage; Stirling was married to Louisa Jane Phinn, daughter of Litchfield’s aunt Jane Phinn.

To Giovanni Canestrini   17 May 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) May 17th 1880 Dear Sir I am very much obliged to you for your great kindness in having sent me your ‘Teoria &c’, which seems beautifully got up & very well illustrated by figures.—1 With much respect | I remain Dear Sir | Yours faithfully & obliged | Charles Darwin The estate of Sandro Onestinghel (private collection)

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Canestrini’s La teoria di Darwin criticamente esposta (Darwin’s theory critically explained; Canestrini 1880) contains twenty-five figures. CD’s copy is in the Darwin Library–Down.

From E. A. Darwin   20 May [1880]1 May 20 Dear Charles— Thanks for the two pamphlets. That by Zöckler is I think entirely worthless   Just got up for a lecture out of you & Krause.2 Being Prof of Theology he winds up by saying that he does not enter into the question whether your theories are true—or only castles in the air & a Fata Morgana.3 Poor Price must have a bad time coming & I will do what you suggest.4 Yours affec | EAD DAR 105: B112 1 2

3 4

The year is established by the publication date of Otto Zöckler’s pamphlet (see n. 2, below). Otto Zöckler had published a pamphlet on Erasmus Darwin as a forerunner of Darwinism (Zöckler 1880); he evidently drew on Erasmus Darwin, which contained a translation of Ernst Krause’s essay on Erasmus Darwin, and CD’s biography of his grandfather. The second pamphlet was possibly the review of Erasmus Darwin that was published in Revue scientifique de la France et de l'étranger on 15 May 1880 (Ferrari 1880). ‘Fata Morgana’: a mirage, due to a thermal inversion, that makes distant objects, such as ships, appear to be floating in the sky. Possibly John Price, who was friends with both CD and Erasmus Alvey Darwin. A year later, in September 1881, CD wrote that he hoped that Price was suffering ‘less than formerly’ (Correspondence vol. 29, letter to John Price, 3 September [1881]).

From S. T. Preston   20 May 1880 25 Reedworth Street | Kennington SE. London May 20th. 1880 Dear Sir I thank you much for your letter and kindness in expressing opinions on my paper.1 There is however one point I should like to allude to, & which appears not to have conveyed quite the meaning I had intended—and which is from fault of inadequacy of expression on my part. I had meant the words “bound” in intelligence, “rapid” advance &c to possess a relative signification: i.e. in reference to the great length of period corresponding to man’s antiquity. My main object was to call more particular attention to certain causes, which, if they alone acted, would seem to conduce to a progressive rise in the development of brain structure. No doubt secondary causes (such as change of climate, of geological conditions, conquest of a people &c &c) are also in action;2 sometimes in favour of progress, sometimes the reverse—and it would appear to me possible that the effects of these secondary causes would be those most noticed within so relatively short a period as 3 to 4000 years (say some 60 to 80 generations), and that therefore no reliable idea could probably be got of the average rate of progress of man by contemplating

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that period (i.e.  the historical period). The remarks in your letter have however shown me that a still closer study of the subject (which appears an interesting one) would be desirable; and also an additional perusal of works relating thereto, which circumstances have not permitted me to do so much as I should have liked. In reading recently again your work on “The Descent of Man”, I have been much interested in the part relating to the Evolution of morality.3 Having made this subject a special study for the last 2 or 3 years, I should like to make a few remarks, which I need not say have been very carefully considered, and which in view of the interest of the subject, might not perhaps be thought unworthy of attention. It has appeared to me that the supposed undesirability of making Self or Self Interest the standard of morality is in reality questionable: and that the natural striving to avoid this seemingly undesirable conclusion has unconsciously (as it were) somewhat biassed the judgment in the careful search after truth—though one would of course wish to avoid any bias. To me it seems quite impossible to conceive a motive for an action which does not affect Self in some way: or in the form of an axiom (and most fundamental truths, it may be observed, are founded on axioms) it may be said that ‘a man cannot be affected by anything which does not affect himself (or touch his own individuality)’. It will probably be admitted so far, that man has few instincts now (for external actions) which he cannot at least test by the light of his reason, so as to see whether they are desirable or not— at any rate it would not be a thing to be wished that man should be dominated by instinct (i.e. without rational motive). Now (as I venture to submit) the only rational—and even only possible—motive for an action (which is not instinctive or random) is Self or Self-Interest. A man asks himself before taking any course (i.e.  if he is rational and weighs his actions)—“how does this course affect my interests”? I would even maintain (as it is known that some able minds have done) that he could not act without this (i.e. not rationally). For that which does not affect him (or touch his individuality) cannot make him act (or is not a motive). “Sympathy”—which it will be admitted is a mere phrase (or effect)—only can affect a man because it affects Self: and I would even venture to contend that it is desirable that this should be so. For where would friendship (or love) be without Self on each side? (I think the meaning of this will be gathered, though mode of expression on subjects of this kind is not always easy). Self Interest is (in my contention) the very essence of love or friendship. Is it not because of the pleasure felt (self-interest) on each side that friendship is a desirable thing? Remove the element of Self (the pleasure enjoyed) from each side, and where is the friendship (or the love)? Could there be friendship without interest? In the same line of argument—could a really “disinterested” action be said to be worthy of praise? (meaning by this a mere instinctive or random action). Is it not rather because of the self-interest (or the element of Self in the action) that praise is deserved? A man helps another because he takes pleasure in the esteem of that man (or of mankind generally). Because that was his object, he deserved the praise and esteem all the more: for he thus deliberately earned it. On the other hand, if that had not been his object, he would have deserved nothing—or (in other words), a

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person who acted without any motive of Self, could not deserve any praise, because he acted by mere instinct or at random; and consequently could have undergone no sacrifice. The more strongly the value of the praise and esteem of others is weighed beforehand, and balanced against the disadvantage of the sacrifice, the greater will the sacrifice be, and consequently the more will the reward be deserved. To sum up therefore, I would contend that Self-Interest as a motive for conduct is a thing to be commended—and it certainly is I think (at least I may conscientiously say that this is very clear to my mind) the only conceivable rational motive of conduct: and always is the tacitly recognised motive in all rational actions. The effect “sympathy” or sociability then shows itself to be the highest form of Self-Interest. Perhaps it may not be thought out of place if I state here that in my own experience on the subject of Morality, some errors have been so perseveringly drilled (as it were) or impressed on the brain for centuries that it becomes far more difficult to unlearn than to learn, and it is only after the most persistent thought that errors are discovered, which one afterwards wonders could have escaped detection so long. I think it admits of being clearly proved that that desirable consummation, the greatest happiness (or interest) of the greatest number, can only be attained by each one consulting his own happiness (or interests)—and that consequently Morality is not in any way opposed to perfect individual Liberty.4 One of the points which has tended to prevent the general adoption of a common standard of Morality is (as it seems to me probable) the supposed idea that SelfInterest and Selfishness are synonymous. Whereas it may become clearly apparent on analysis, that Selfishness (or the attempt to advance oneself at the expense of others) is the very opposite of Self-Interest—from the fact that Sociability is one of the highest forms of Self-Interest (on account of the immense advantages gained therefrom). The apparent ease with which the Evolution of Morality would take place on the basis of Self-Interest, is perhaps too obvious to need special comment. I cannot avoid the conclusion that the extraordinary circumstance of no universally recognised standard of conduct existing—in spite of the immense advance of the other sciences—has been greatly due to the supposed bugbear attaching to SelfInterest (or to the mistaking of this for Selfishness). In fact it is notorious that many great minds have felt themselves inevitably gravitating towards Self Interest as the natural standard of morality, but its fitness has apparently escaped them; or they have been frightened at the result—and the very ingenuity (sometimes almost desperate) of the efforts made to evade this deduction, are themselves surely among the best illustrations of its truth. It has been thought that if everyone were to follow his own interests, he would be in continual strife with his neighbours—forgetting that Sociability may be one of the strongest elements in Self-Interest. Hobbes (as Lange well relates in his “Geschichte des Materialismus”)5 was unable to contend against the logical conclusion that Self Interest was the motive of conduct: and he designed a scheme (as is known) by which the State was to have the dogmatic control over Morality—so as to prevent Self-Interest from causing people to “tear each other in pieces”.

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In examining the question carefully, it will become apparent, I think, that the neglect to identify Morality with Self-Interest has caused great evils. It has acted as the greatest discouragement to Virtue by making it appear against ones interests, and has given rise to the invention of those dogmas (such as that evident injustice eternal punishment) as supposed checks—and the inculcation of which may do so much harm to the young (especially when of inquiring minds). If it were invariably taught that the path of virtue, or strict integrity, was absolutely in accordance with Self-Interest, (in fact that virtue is its own reward), and that thieving or deceit were to be avoided because they were against ones interests: instead of the absurd statement that they are “wicked” (which only makes them more attractive, from the intangible nature of the reason)—I am convinced that immense good would result. In fact it would be doing no more than making morality stand upon Reason—its only sure basis. I have ventured to go into these points, on account of the time and attention I have devoted to the subject (with the former valuable co-operation of a friend). As the matter is an interesting one, I need not say that if the conclusions carefully thought out, should be deemed worthy of consideration, I should much esteem anything you might like to remark on the subject—though quite at your leisure and wish: as I should not like this letter to have any appearance of presuming on your kindness in commenting upon my last paper. I am | Your’s truly | S Tolver Preston Charles Darwin Esqre F R S &c— DAR 174: 61 1 2

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CD’s letter to Preston has not been found; Preston’s paper ‘On a point relating to brain dynamics’ was published in Nature, 13 May 1880, pp. 29–30. In the preface of Descent 2d ed., p. v, CD emphasised that changes in corporeal structure and mental power could not be attributed to natural selection alone, but to some degree depended upon the direct and prolonged action of changed conditions of life. In his paper, Preston had argued that the brain directed corporeal actions and was the physical site of reasoning processes as well as being the physical basis of individuality or identity. CD had discussed the development of moral faculties in Descent 2d ed., pp. 127–45, arguing that they originated in the social instincts (p. 132). Preston appears to be responding to CD’s statements in Descent 2d ed., pp. 120–1, where CD argued that the foundations of morals did not lie in a form of selfishness based on pleasure or happiness, but in a deeply planted social instinct motivated by sympathy; most actions were directed towards the general good of the species rather than the general happiness. Friedrich Albert Lange’s Geschichte des Materialismus (History of materialism), first published in 1866 and translated into English in 1877, included a discussion of the views of Thomas Hobbes (Lange 1866, ch. 14).

From B. J. Sulivan   20 May 1880

Bournemouth May 20/80

My dear Darwin Thank you very much for sending me the book, which I now return.1 It was indeed interesting. It is singular that we never heard of their visit to the Patagonians,

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and especially so that at Port Louis, where they had seen them, we heard nothing of them. It must have been before our last visit there as they saw our tender, evidently, at the West Island, though they call her by her old name “Unicorn”.2 I shall pick out from the magazines of the last year a few pages showing the progress made with our Mission and send them to the publishers at New York for Mr. Field who may be able to forward them to Mr. Coan if still alive3 I have not been so well lately as I feel sometimes the old weakness in right leg and foot and frequent slight headaches. We hope this summer to spend two months at the old Hydropathic Establishment at Blarney, hoping it may us all some good   My wife walking more stiffly than ever & my eldest daughter not allowed to go out of house except in a carriage or chair as her weak knee gets no better.4 Hamond & his wife have been with us lately.5 he had spent the Spring at Falmouth with much benefit to a weak chest, & Cough. Our kind regards to Mrs. Darwin, and all your party. | Believe me | yours very sincerely | B. J. Sulivan DAR 177: 311 1 2

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Coan 1880 (see letter to B. J. Sulivan, 16 May [1880] and n. 2). Titus Coan and William Arms had been in Patagonia from 14 November 1833 to 25 January 1834 to assess whether a mission might be established there; they were in Port Louis, Falkland Islands, from 5 to 12 February 1834, and on 15 February 1834 they saw the Unicorn, a vessel that Robert FitzRoy had purchased and renamed the Adventure, which was engaged in surveying the islands (Coan 1880, pp. 234–41). The South American Missionary Magazine regularly reported on the mission station in Ushuaia, Tierra del Fuego. Henry Martyn Field had written the introduction to Coan 1880. St Ann’s Hill Hydropathic Establishment, near Blarney, Ireland, was established in 1843; it is described in Parratt 1889, pp. 149–51. Sulivan had described his own lameness as well as that of his wife, Sophia Sulivan, and his eldest daughter, Sophia Henrietta Sulivan, in his letter of 9 June 1879 (see Correspondence vol. 27). Robert Nicholas Hamond and Sophia Caroline Hamond.

To J. Harris   21 May 1880 Down Beckenham Kent May 21. 1880 Dear Sir No one could answer your question.1 I do not believe one organism can be named, of which we know precisely the conditions of its existence. We cannot explain why one species is common and another rare in the same district, or why one is wholly absent from another district; we can give no explanation why certain species have increased in number during the last 12 century in this country. Until we can explain such comparatively simple cases, it is not likely that we should be able to say why one form has been modified and not another; or why one species has become extinct and not another. Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin DAR 145: 5

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See letter from J. Harris, 16 May 1880. Harris has not been identified.

From William Spottiswoode   21 May 1880 Her Majesty’s Printing Office, | East Harding Street, Fetter Lane, E.C. 21 May 80 Dear Mr Darwin, one “S. M. Hersfeld, Doctor (Bonn & Berlin) &c”, having been ineffectually to Mundella, comes to me begging help.1 He says he has a quantity of apparatus & books which he has not funds to get out of the carriers’ hands.2 I wd. help if the man be deserving, & if I could see my way to doing him any good; but the case seems to be as hopeless as can be. The only thing which (as it appears to me) remains for him to do is to return to his home, & look to any relatives that he may have to help him. He showed me a note from you giving him some assistance, but telling him not to expect more.3 This is my apology for asking if you have any suggestion to make about him.  vy sincerely yrs | W Spottiswoode DAR 177: 238 1 2 3

S. M. Herzfeld had appealed for help from Anthony John Mundella. See also letter from S. M. Herzfeld, 2 April 1880. CD’s letter has not been found, but see the letter from S. M. Herzfeld, 4 April 1880.

To S. T. Preston   22 May 1880 Down, May 22nd, 1880. Dear Sir Your letter appears to me an interesting and valuable one;1 but I have now been working for some years exclusively on the physiology of plants and all other subjects have gone out of my head, and it fatigues me much to try and bring them back again into my head. I am, moreover, at present very busy as I leave home for a fortnight’s rest at the beginning of next week.2 My conviction as yet remains unchanged, that a man who (for instance) jumps into a river to save a life without a second’s reflexion (either from an innate tendency or from one gained by habit) is deservedly more honoured than a man who acts deliberately and is conscious for however short a time that the risk and sacrifice give him some inward satisfaction.3 Wishing you success in your studies, I remain, Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin You are of course familiar with Herbert Spencer’s writings on Ethics.4 DAR 147: 250 1

See letter from S. T. Preston, 20 May 1880.

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CD was in Southampton from 25 May to 8 June (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). Preston had argued that morality originated in self-interest; CD believed that morality had originated in the social instincts (see letter from S. T. Preston, 20 May 1880 and n. 3). CD had given the drowning man example in Descent 2d ed., p. 110. CD probably referred to Herbert Spencer’s The data of ethics (Spencer 1879). His copy is in the Darwin Library–Down.

From William Spottiswoode   24 May 1880 41, Grosvenor Place. | S.W. 24 May 1880. Dear Mr. Darwin, Many thanks for your note.1 I thought it likely that you had furnished Dr. Hertzfeld with money for getting his goods out of the carriers’ hands; but he does not appear to have used it for that purpose. I also was grieved to see the man in his present plight; and this must be my apology for troubling you about him.2 But I fear that his case is one of those in which it is impossible to do any real good; in fact, since he will not use any help given him, in a way calculated to enable him to help himself, I fear that any small donation would only draw him deeper in to slough of despond from which he can only be extri cated by being sent home through his consul as “a distressed Austrian subject”. I fear that there is no chance of seeing you at our Conversazione at the R.S. on June 2nd.3 Yours very sincerely, | W Spottiswoode TLS DAR 177: 239 1 2 3

CD’s letter has not been found. See letter from William Spottiswoode, 21 May 1880, and letters from S. M. Herzfeld, 2 April 1880 and 4 April 1880, for S. M. Herzfeld’s appeals for help. William Spottiswoode was president of the Royal Society of London; CD did not attend the conversazione on 2 June 1880. The conversazioni were exhibitions of scientific discoveries, artefacts, and art works held at the society’s premises in Burlington House.

From Francis Darwin   [25–7 May 1880]1 My dear Father, I hope you got a telegram about Convulvulus.2 The thing I found on working out the measurements is that they told nothing at all. A day is too long a period—the bits of stem which are growing well grow at a tremendous rate for a couple of days & then almost stop so that I could never get any fair comparisons3 Today I am measuring 4 plants every 4 hrs 7 am—11—3—7 pm   I can measure to 1 1 2 mm & I think with the rapid growth of 1 to 22 mm pr hour I ought to make out. They have alternate 4 hr periods of light & dark— If I see no good results today I shall shut up.

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Please give my love to Sara & say I hope it will not matter my coming later instead of when I ought to   I think I must go to Brittany by a boat leaving S’hampton Monday night4   I wonder if Ubbadub remembers S’hampton at all.5 | Yrs affec F. D. I shall certainly come on Friday6 DAR 274.1: 65 1

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The date is established by the references to CD’s and Francis Darwin’s visits to Southampton; Francis must have written after Emma and CD’s departure for Southampton on 25 May and before his arrival there on 28 May (see nn. 4 and 6, below). The telegram has not been found. Convolvulus is the genus of bindweed. On 4 May 1880, CD recorded that he was working on sleep in cotyledons of C. major (a synonym of Ipomoea purpurea, common morning-glory; DAR 209.9: 12). Another undated note, about the growth of C. major in sand, records a task for Francis: ‘Get Frank to give prescription about the nutritive fluids—’ (DAR 68: 21). Francis Darwin appears to have been trying to measure the rate of growth of plants relative to the amount of light present; he was possibly using the auxanometer (a self-recording instrument for measuring growth) built by Horace Darwin in 1876 (F. Darwin and Acton 1894, p. 140 n. 2). See plate on p. 210. CD stayed with Sara and William Erasmus Darwin in Southampton from 25 May to 8 June 1880 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). Emma Darwin’s diary records that Francis Darwin left for Brittany on Monday 31 May 1880 (DAR 242). Ubbadub was a pet name for Francis’s 3-year-old son, Bernard Darwin; Bernard and Francis lived with CD and Emma Darwin, and had accompanied them to Southampton on their previous annual visit (letter from Emma Darwin to H. E. Litchfield, [10 May 1879] (DAR 219.9: 196)). Emma Darwin’s diary records that Francis Darwin arrived in Southampton on Friday 28 May 1880 (DAR 242).

To Alphonse de Candolle   28 May 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) [Bassett, Southampton.] May 28th 1880 My dear Sir I am particularly obliged to you for having so kindly sent me your Phytographie; for if I had merely seen it advertised, I should not have supposed that it could have concerned me.1 As it is, I have read with very great interest about a quarter, but will not delay longer thanking you. All that you say seems to me very clear & convincing, & as in all your writings I find a large number of philosophical remarks new to me, & no doubt shall find many more. They have recalled many a puzzle through which I passed when monographing the Cirripedia; & your book in those days would have been quite invaluable to me.2 It has pleased me to find that I have always followed your plan of making notes on separate pieces of paper: I keep several scores of large portfolios, arranged on very thin shelves about 2 inches apart, fastened to the walls of my study, & each shelf has its proper name or title, & I can thus put at once every memorandum into its proper place.— Your book will, I am sure, be very useful to many young students, & I shall beg my son Francis, (who intends to devote himself to the physiology of plants) to read it carefully.3

Auxanometer built by Horace Darwin in 1876. © Whipple Museum (Wh.2766).

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As for myself I am taking a fortnight’s rest after sending a pile of M.S. to the Printers, & it was a piece of good fortune that your book arrived as I was getting into my Carriage, for I wanted something to read whilst away from home.4 My M.S. relates to the movement of Plants, & I think that I have succeeded in showing that all the more important great classes of movements are due to the modification of a kind of movement common to all parts of all plants from their earliest youth. Pray give my kind remembrances to your son5 & with my highest respect & best thanks, believe me | My dear Sir | Yours very sincerely | Charles Darwin P.S. It always pleases me to exalt Plants in the organic scale, & if you will take the trouble to read my last Chapter, when my book (which will be sadly too big) is published & sent to you, I hope & think that you also will admire some of the beautiful adaptations by which seedling plants are enabled to perform their proper functions6 Archives de la famille de Candolle (private collection) 1 2 3 4 5 6

Candolle’s Phytographie laid out the general principles and traditions of nomenclature from a practical point of view (A. de Candolle 1880). CD’s copy is in the Darwin Library–CUL. CD had produced monographs on both living and fossil species of barnacles (Living Cirripedia (1851) and (1854); Fossil Cirripedia (1851) and (1854)). Francis Darwin had worked as CD’s botanical assistant and secretary since 1874 (Emma Darwin (1904), 2: 269). CD was in Southampton from 25 May to 8 June 1880 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). He had just finished writing the manuscript of Movement in plants (see letter to J. V. Carus, 28 April 1880). Casimir de Candolle. Candolle received a copy of Movement in plants in November 1880 (see letter from Alphonse de Candolle, 23 November 1880).

From G. H. Darwin   28 May 1880 Trin. Coll. Camb. May 28. 80 My dear Father, I received the enclosed wonderful rigmarole a few days ago from Mrs. Noel, & think it wd. amuse you to see it.1 Tho’ it borders on the silly, yet there is something I like about it. I answered back at almost equal length, in great part in an endeavour to explain away yr. treatment of W.A.D., with which she is obviously hurt.2 I said that your information was almost wholly taken from E.D’s correspondence & that W.A.D’s name hardly occurred there, showing that there was but little intercourse between the brothers, & accordingly that you were literally correct in saying “of whom I know nothing”, but I believed you regretted the form & implication thereof & wd. probably modify in a future edit. wh. however wd. probably not be called for. I also said you were anxious not to overburden the book with family details for which sort of statement the public do not care. I hope this will have expressed yr. views fairly well & will have smoothed her down a little. It is strange that she shd.  have

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thought it worth while to send the catalogue of pictures sold, which must have been astonishing rubbish.3 The copies of the poems have come too & are as far as I can judge rather good.4 I have promised to send her copies of the M.S. when I go home & have begun by sending her the printed copy of the Waring Inventory.5 This I also sent to Regd. D. & received the enclosed letter back6   I have her two account books which do not possess much interest; they appear however to contain the original memo. as to the receipts for medical practice wh. you have given in the book.7 I am rather sorry Leo. did’nt ask young Noel over from Chatham once even tho’ he is a beast.8 I seem to have got rather in to the thick of all these cousins & think I must pay a round of visits. When I was at Glasgow Sir W. introduced me to a man in his Laboratory & said in his impulsive way that I shd. be delighted to show him our laby. here, to which I cd’nt but agree.9 I only saw the man for a minute & shd’nt have known him again. However he inflicted himself on me today. I gave him luncheon & walked him to the laboratory & after I had gone about a little, left him with the demonstrator. I have been so ill today that I had to explain that I cd.’nt go about at all. In fact I have been dosing in an armchair almost all afternoon & am dining in my room. I really did think yesterday I was better as I did some work for a wonder, but it was only a case of “reculer pour mieux sauter” & I caught it worse than ever at night.10 Last night in hall I sat next a Mr. Gildersleeve Prof. of Greek at the Johns Hopkins University, a pleasant man and (you had better read altho’ to Sara) a Southerner.11 I am almost interested in hearing about America from the S. point of view. This man had been badly wounded & he said he suffered much more from deprivation in private life than he did with the army, showing the straits they were put to.12 After dinner I came across a little Frenchman, a friend of Colvin’s,13 who was rather amusing but somehow my French had run out of the heels of my boots. I’ve since heard that he is one of Gambetta’s14 private secretaries. Remember me to Miss Ashburner if she is with you.15 I shd. think Sara must enjoy having her here   I hope Southampton is suiting you & mother. I’ve not heard whether Frank is going to Brittany or not.16 I suppose H. & Ida will be back tomorrow. They will have to decide on the great house question then.17 Your affectionate Son | G H Darwin Please return the letters. DAR 210.2: 84 1 2 3 4 5

The enclosure has not been found. Sarah Gay Forbes Noel was CD’s cousin. William Alvey Darwin, Erasmus Darwin’s brother, was Sarah Noel’s grandfather. The catalogue has not been found; it probably listed paintings at Elston Hall, Erasmus Darwin’s birthplace. The poems have not been identified. George Howard Darwin had helped CD with the family history for Erasmus Darwin; his manuscript notes on Joseph Lemuel Chester’s genealogy of the Darwin family are in DAR 14: 41. The Waring inventory has not been identified. Anne Waring was Erasmus Darwin’s grandmother.

May 1880 6 7 8 9 10 11

12

13 14 15 16 17

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Reginald Darwin’s letter to George has not been found. In Erasmus Darwin, p. 25, CD gave details of a memorandum in Erasmus Darwin’s hand listing the profits from his early medical practice in Lichfield. Leonard Darwin was instructor in chemistry and photography at the School of Military Engineering, Chatham; ‘young Noel’ was possibly James Wriothesley Noel, Sarah Noel’s youngest son. George had probably visited William Thomson in Glasgow in May 1879 (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter from G. H. Darwin, 10 May 1879 and n. 5). The man in Thomson’s laboratory has not been identified. The phrase ‘reculer pour mieux sauter’ (French) literally means to draw back to make a better jump. Basil Lanneau Gildersleeve, first professor of Greek at Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, was born in Charleston, South Carolina. Gildersleeve had served in the Confederate army during the American Civil War; George’s American sister-in-law, Sara Darwin, came from Massachusetts, which was a centre for progressivist and abolitionist activity in the years leading up to the war. Gildersleeve was wounded in a skirmish in the Shenandoah Valley in 1864, when a bullet broke his thigh bone and gave him a life-long limp; he later said of the summer 1864 campaign: ‘I lost my pocket Homer, I lost my pistol, I lost one of my horses, and finally I came very near losing my life’ (Briggs ed. 1998, pp. 48–9). Gildersleeve had written about hunger in the midst of luxury, the exclusion of civilians from banquets, the ‘starvation parties’, the rationing of meat in the Confederacy, and his own experience of deprivation during the war (ibid., pp. 167–8, 222–6, 230–4, 410, 413). Sidney Colvin. Léon Michel Gambetta was a French politician. Probably Anne Ashburner, Sara Darwin’s aunt. Francis Darwin left for Brittany on 31 May 1880 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). Ida and Horace Darwin, who had married in January 1880, intended to live in Cambridge, where Horace designed scientific instruments (Cattermole and Wolfe 1987). CD had sent advice about the sort of house that would suit them best in his letter to Horace of 20 April [1880].

To G. H. Darwin   30 May [1880]1

Southampton Sunday May 30th

My dear old George. I am glad that you said what you did to Mrs Noel, about her grandfather; it is all strictly true & you might have added, though this would not have been complementary, that I had utterly forgotten that he was her grandfather or anybody’s grandfather.—2 There is something nice about her note; it is so simple though rather foolish.— What a strange thing it was to sell the old portrait &c &c.;3 I have often heard my father4 speak with indignation about it.— You have had such luck in your genealogical researches, that I believe you will find something wonderful at Lincoln or Marton or the other village with very old registers.—5 I am so very sorry my poor dear old fellow to hear so bad an account of yourself.— You have indeed much to endure; but I always go on hoping that you will be better some day. It is not as if your lungs were affected. Private We were tremendously interested by your letter about the Farrers’ visit.6 Horace gave a rather better account of Effie than you did, but Ida gave to Henrietta as bad a one as yours.7 I am convinced that she is insane. She has been extra cordial & confidential with Leonard!8 We are enjoying ourselves here & to my surprise I find complete idleness not only endurable but very pleasant.9 The weather, however, has been dry & pleasant, though until to day extremely cold.— Mr Lowell is coming here today & he will be first-rate fun.—10 We like Miss Ashburne very much.—11

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The more I think of Sir Thompson, the more I am charmed with him; & it is a real pleasure to have seen so great a man.—12 Be sure tell me whenever you have any luck or no luck with the pendulum.—13 I have subcribed 2.2.0 for the enclosed14 Farewell my dear old fellow; I do hope that you will get somewhat better soon.— | Your affectionate Father | C. Darwin Frank starts tomorrow or Tuesday for Brittany: he has been having good luck with his Potash experiments lately, & the fact is an extraordinary one.—15 P.S. If you shd. find an Edit. of Botanic Garden about 1800, please look & see if there is a kind of Preface, headed Apology with some good philosophical remarks on use of Hypotoses.—16 DAR 210.1: 93 1 2

3

4 5

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7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14

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The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from G. H. Darwin, 28 May 1880. Sarah Gay Forbes Noel was upset that her grandfather William Alvey Darwin had not received more attention in Erasmus Darwin (see letter from G. H. Darwin, 28 May 1880). She had a interest in the genealogy of the Darwin family (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter from E. S. Galton, 31 March 1879). ‘(Wm Alvey Darwin)’ was added in purple crayon in an unknown hand above ‘grandfather’. ‘(at Elston)’ was added in purple crayon in an unknown hand above ‘portrait’. Sarah Noel had sent George a catalogue of paintings sold, probably from Elston Hall (see letter from G. H. Darwin, 28 May 1880 and n. 3). Robert Waring Darwin. Manton is a village in Lincolnshire and the location of the Darwin family seat Cleatham Hall; Lincoln is the cathedral city of the county. George had long had an interest in the genealogy of the Darwin family (see Correspondence vol. 14, letter from E. A. Darwin, [before 20 February 1866?] and n. 2). George’s letter has not been found. Thomas Henry Farrer had opposed his daughter Ida’s marriage to Horace Darwin. Emma Darwin thought this was because Farrer worried that all his family would be against it on either ‘worldly’ or religious grounds; she thought this placed Effie Farrer, Farrer’s second wife, Ida’s stepmother, and Horace Darwin’s cousin, in an awkward position, and that Effie, while disappointed by the match, was mainly concerned about losing Ida (letter from Emma Darwin to W. E. Darwin, [4 August 1879] (DAR 219.1: 125), and letter from Emma Darwin to Ida Farrer, [September 1879?] (DAR 258: 653)). Horace’s account and Ida’s view expressed to Henrietta Emma Litchfield have not been found; they evidently concerned Effie Farrer’s health. Leonard Darwin. CD and Emma Darwin were visiting Sara and William Erasmus Darwin in Southampton from 25 May to 8 June 1880 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). James Russell Lowell, the poet, visited on 30 May 1880 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). Probably Anne Ashburner, Sara Darwin’s aunt. William and Frances Anna Thomson had lunched with the Darwins on 11 May 1880 (letter from Emma Darwin to H. E. Litchfield, [11 May 1880] (DAR 219.9: 236)). George and Horace Darwin were constructing a pendulum to measure the lunar disturbance of gravity (G. H. Darwin 1907–16, 5: l). The enclosure was probably a request for contributions from fellows of the Royal Society of London for a portrait of Joseph Dalton Hooker, who had served as president of the society from 1873 to 1878. CD recorded a payment of £2 2s. on 31 May 1880 for ‘Hooker Portrait’ (CD’s Classed account books (Down House MS)). Hooker’s portrait was painted by John Collier in 1880. Francis Darwin left for Brittany on 31 May 1880 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). Francis’s potash experiments probably related to his work on the bloom on leaves; in 1878, while Francis was working

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in Julius Sachs’s laboratory in Würzburg, Sachs had suggested that potash was exuded from leaves (as indicated by alkaline dew) and thus could provide a way of comparing leaves with bloom with those cleaned of bloom to see whether the function of bloom was to prevent water dissolving anything out of the leaves (see Correspondence vol. 26, letter from Francis Darwin, [4–7 August 1878], and Correspondence vol. 27, letter to Edward Frankland, 8 February 1879). Hypotoses: hypotheses. The 1799 edition of Erasmus Darwin’s two part poem The botanic garden (E. Darwin 1799, pp. xvii–xviii) contained an ‘Apology’ on the use of ‘conjectures’ and ‘extravagant theories … in those parts of philosophy, where knowledge is yet imperfect … as they encourage the execution of laborious experiments, or the investigation of ingenious deductions’.

To W. E. Gladstone   June 1880 TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE W. E. GLADSTONE, M.P., FIRST LORD OF THE TREASURY, ETC. We the undersigned beg to express an earnest hope that Her Majesty’s Government will afford their support to the following Resolution, which will be submitted to the House of Commons by Mr. Roundell, on the 9th of July:—1 “That this House, while fully recognising the obligation to make provision for the due fulfilment of the requisitions of Sections 5 and 6 of ‘The Universities Tests Act, 1871’ (relating to religious instruction, and to morning and evening prayer in Colleges), deems it inexpedient that, save in the case of the Deanery of Christchurch, any clerical restriction shall remain, or be attached to, any Headship or Fellowship in any College of the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge.” And that they will also support the following addition to such Resolution, to be proposed by Mr. Bryce:—2 “Or to the professorships of Hebrew and Ecclesiastical History in the University of Oxford, and the professorship of Hebrew in the University of Cambridge.” When the Universities Tests Abolition Bill of 1871 was before Parliament, it was only by small majorities that proposals for the abolition of clerical Headships and Fellowships were rejected; one reason assigned for the opposition of the then Government to the proposal being that a Commission would probably be appointed to examine the whole question of the tenure of Fellowship and College offices.3 When, in 1877, the Bill for the appointment of Commissioners, with power to make Statutes for the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge, and the Colleges therein, was brought in (by the Conservative Government), clauses providing for the abolition of clerical restrictions were rejected by the small majorities of nine, and twenty-two; notwithstanding the opposition of the Government, with its normally large majority. At the present time, it is believed that in some of the Colleges the strong representations of the College authorities have induced the Commissioners to virtually assent to the abolition of the restriction, in the case of both the Headship and the fellowships. It is, however, understood that in other Colleges the clerical Headship will be retained, and that there will be a reduction only in the number of the clerical Fellowhips. The Statutes have not yet been settled for the whole of the Colleges, and none of the Statutes will have force until they have been laid before Parliament. We

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are therefore desirous that, while the negotiations between the Colleges and the Commissioners are still in progress, there should be an expression of opinion on the part of the newly elected House of Commons that the principle of the Universities Tests Act of 1871 should be fully recognized by the Commissioners. We are also of opinion that no sufficient reason can be advanced why the Chairs of Hebrew and of Ecclesiastical History at Oxford, and of Hebrew at Cambridge, should be filled only by clergymen of the Church of England, or ministers of any religious body, and that, in the interest of learning, and even of religion, as well as on the ground of justice, these Professorships should be thrown open to laymen. We desire to call your special attention to the fact that Mr. Roundell’s Motion fully respects the compromise, in regard to religious instruction and worship in the Colleges, upon which the Universities Tests Abolition Act was based; it being understood to be practicable to make provision for such instruction and worship without the retention of the existing system of clerical Fellowships. June, 1880.4 Roundell 1880, pp. 10–11 1 2 3 4

William Ewart Gladstone was prime minister; Charles Savile Roundell was MP for Grantham. James Bryce. For the progress of the University Tests Act from 1871, see https://api.parliament.uk/historic-hansard/ acts/university-tests-act (accessed 27 March 2019). Nature, 15 July 1880, pp. 250–1, reported that the memorial was presented to Gladstone with 800 signatories, including CD, George Jessel, Henry Thompson, James Risdon Bennett, Thomas Henry Huxley, William Morris, Alfred Russel Wallace, William Benjamin Carpenter, Alfred John Carpenter, and Edwin Abbott Abbott.

From J. H. Comstock   4 June 1880 J. Henry Comstock. | Entomologist to the | U.S. Department of Agriculture. Washington, D. C., 4 June 1880. PERSONAL Mr. Charles Darwin, | Farnborough Hants, Kent Co., England. Sir: I have requested that a copy of my Report on Cotton Insects, recently published by this Department, be sent to you.1 Knowing that your time is fully occupied I take the liberty of indicating the parts of the Report which I think will be of interest to you. The cotton worm (Aletia argillacea) is doubtless a tropical insect which has been introduced into our territory; as yet however, it is not fully naturalized and but very few are able to survive our winter.2 Thus the first brood in the spring is so small that it is seldom noticed (see p.97). In the course of the season the insect passes through several generations, frequently increasing in numbers to such an extent as to sweep away the entire cotton crop of large sections of country. But of the

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immense numbers thus produced only a few individuals ever survive the following winter (see pp.90, 91). Is not this a remarkable instance of the action of natural selection where hardly one insect in five hundred thousand is preserved? Another point which I think will be of interest to you is the structure of the maxillae of the adult Aletia (see pp.86,87).3 I think you will also be interested in the extra floral nectar glands to which I have referred on pp.84,85 and which are discussed more at length by Mr. Trelease pp.319–333.4 Yours very respectfully | J. Henry Comstock. TLS DAR 161: 217 1 2 3

4

An annotated copy of Report upon cotton insects (Comstock 1879) is in the Darwin Library–CUL. Aletia argillacea is a synonym of Alabama argillacea (cotton leafworm or cotton worm). It is a moth of the family Erebidae (the same family as the moth described in F. Darwin 1875; see n. 3, below). In Comstock 1879, p. 87, Comstock cited F. Darwin 1875 and Orchids. Comstock had noted that in the adult moth, the maxillae possessed spines on the dorsal surface, enabling the organs to be used to pierce fruit. Francis Darwin had discussed similar adaptations in a related moth, Ophideres fullonica (a synonym of Eudocima phalonia, the Pacific fruit-piercing moth). Comstock 1879, pp. 319–33, was a chapter by William Trelease, ‘Nectar; what it is, and some of its uses’. It was followed by an extensive bibliography, including Cross and self fertilisation and Variation. Passages on these pages are scored in CD’s copy (see Marginalia rev. ed.).

From Anthony Rich   4 June 1880 Chappell Croft, | Heene, Worthing. June 4. 1880 My dear Mr. Darwin, The sight of your hand-writing was an agreeable surprise to me yesterday,—for it is always an honour for me to receive a letter from you, and a pleasure to read your friendly talk and hear the news about all your family.1 With a single exception all seems at present to be marked with a note of white chalk, and so far you may fairly be congratulated by all well wishers; and I can truly regret, because I well know what ill health means, that your son George should be the exception. If he is not a bad sailor, I should think that a summer’s cruise in a fine yatch with so kind and distinguished a friend as Sir W. Thompson would be the very best prescription that he could have made up for him.2 It is doubtless hard for a man of great ability to be forced against his will into a state of mental inactivity; but is it not best to yield willingly when resistance would be useless, or possibly prejudicial? Please to give him my salutations and cordial good wishes when you see or write to him.— This morning’s Paper brings me the announcement that Sir J. Lubbock has been elected Member for the University of London. That will give you pleasure I feel certain; as he is a neighbour of yours, and probably a personal friend. When I heard that he had lost his seat for Maidstone it at once struck me that the result would be

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received with grief at Down.—3 À propos of election gossip I may mention that the new member for Mary-lebone is an old tenant of No. 24. on our Sacred Mount—the Hill of Corn—4 He does not occupy the premises himself, and never did, but sublets them in flats for a consideration which ought to be considerable to make such a transaction worth any body’s while! The title of your new book sounds as if it would come within the comprehension of such an ignoramus as myself, and I shall watch the announcement of its forthcoming with assiduous attention.5 I find that I get duller of intellect from year to year; and less and less able to fix my mind closely down upon any subject so as to retain a consecutive understanding of the matter I am reading about, if that happens to be greatly specialized or involves close or subtle argument. For this advancing years are, no doubt, partly to blame—but a dull torpid liver must add largely to that grievance, so that I find myself shirking books which require thoughtful reading, and looking out; much more than I used to do, for amusement than for instruction. But I anticipate both the one and the others in that book about the Movement of Plants. Ah! that reminds me that I shall see before long several strings of blossom bursting forth on the Philadelphus you gave me last autumn.6 Both of the plants survived the cold winter and dry spring—quite bravely. I see that the Critics speak in flattering terms of your portrait at the Exhibition— the one I conclude for which you were sitting at this time last year.7 It must be a satisfaction for yourself as well as for your people to know that you have not been deformed nor caricatured by the artist who will hand down your features to the knowledge of coming generations.— Those Wilberforces must have been, more or less, every one of them men of mark, to have sprouted out of the Clapham Sect into what they became. I used to meet one of them in Italy in my youth who afterwards joined the R.C. persuasion. He was then what we used to call “a Saint”—as was the lady whose house he frequented, a very great friend of mine, a most agreeable, and very worldly lady. She had small feet of which she was exceedingly proud, and I won her heart offhand at the tomb of Cecilia Metella on the Appian Way by offering her my lemon coloured kid gloves to put over her boots when she complained that she could not pass over the grass because it was too wet.8 When any of her pious lady friends wanted to convert me she used to say “its of no use your talking to Mr. Rich— I never can get him to be serious on the subject— he’s hardened in sin”!— Oh! if my kid glove days had not been dead and buried long, long ago, I should not want nor wait for two invitations to Down!9 Nothing could give me greater pleasure than to go and visit you at home; but the years that I have spent in a sort of monastic seclusion from social intercourse, if they do not render me unfit for its enjoyment, do make it increasingly difficult, I had almost said impossible, for me to resume the ordinary duties of life. I find too that my hearing is becoming somewhat defective; which renders me unable to follow the conversation going on when several people are talking together— It is now a year and a half since I have been in London; I get shy and nervous at having to go alone and mind my own

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business; and scarcely anything short of compulsion can get me to move away from my own domicile. If I only had a thorough good body servant to travel with me and take all the trouble off my hands, I should go about much more than I now do. But then, such a man, if found at my time of life, would probably become, or try to become, himself the master—and might get to be a very domineering one.— I do not suppose that there is any chance of your passing this way on your return from Basset.10 Indeed I am far from sure that the very thought of such a thing may not appear to be somewhat conceited on my part—. Pardon! One half of my household has been disabled of late, but appears now to be convalescent. She goes to town on Wednesday next to see doctor, and as I hope for the last time—11 That attack on you in the Athenaeum I did not see. You & the prime Minister may boast of having been in your day the best abused men in England—and both can look down with the pride of nobly earned triumphs upon the utter discomfiture of their opponents.12 What satisfaction can be greater either intellectually or morally?— Please to pass round my regards and respects to all your circle, and especially to the ladies, and believe me to be | Dear Mr. Darwin | Very sincerely yours | Anthony Rich DAR 176: 142 1 2

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5 6 7

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9

CD’s letter to Rich has not been found. George Howard Darwin had been ill; see letter from G. H. Darwin, 28 May 1880 and n. 10. He had planned to visit William Thomson in Glasgow in May 1879 (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter from G. H. Darwin, 10 May 1879 and n. 5). Evidently, George did not go on the cruise in June 1880 (letter from James Thomson to G. H. Darwin, 25 June 1880 (University of Glasgow Special Collections, MS Kelvin T135)). John Lubbock lived in Down and was Liberal MP for Maidstone, Kent, from 1870 to 1880, and for London University from 1880 to 1900 (ODNB; see also The Times, 3 June 1880, p. 11). Daniel Grant was the newly elected Liberal MP for Marylebone in 1880 (Craig ed. 1989). Twenty-four Cornhill, London was one of the properties that Rich left to CD in his will; see Correspondence vol. 26, letter from Anthony Rich, 10 December 1878. CD published Movement in plants on 6 November 1880 (Freeman 1977). CD had sent Rich a plant of Philadelphus (the genus of mock-orange), which flowers from June to July and is very frost hardy; see Correspondence vol. 27, letter from Anthony Rich, 28 December 1879. In June 1879, CD sat for his portrait painted by William Blake Richmond and commissioned by the Cambridge Philosophical Society to commemorate the honorary doctorate of laws (LLD) awarded to him by the University of Cambridge in 1877; see Correspondence vol. 27, letter to John Fiske, 10 June 1879, and Browne 2002, p. 451. It was exhibited at the Grosvenor Gallery, London; see also The Times, 1 May 1880, p. 8. The portrait now hangs in the Department of Zoology, University of Cambridge. See Correspondence vol. 27, frontispiece. In the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, William Wilberforce (1759–1833) was at the centre of the Clapham Sect, a circle of friends that provided emotional and practical support for an anti-slave-trade campaign and various religious initiatives (ODNB). His sons William, Robert Isaac, and Henry William Wilberforce converted to Roman Catholicism. The lady has not been identified. The tomb of Cecilia Metella is on the Via Appia Antica, three miles outside Rome (Imperium Romanum, Mausoleo di Cecilia Metella, https://www.romanoimpero.com/2010/01/mausoleo-di-cecilia-metella. html (accessed 15 March 2019)). Rich had visited Down on 18 June 1879 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)).

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June 1880

CD’s eldest son, William Erasmus Darwin, lived in Bassett, near Southampton, with his wife, Sara. In 1881, Rich lived with a cook and housekeeper, Harriet Hardwick, and a parlourmaid, Hannah Bagley (Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/1118/20/31)). CD was attacked in a letter by Samuel Butler published in the Athenæum, 31 January 1880; see letter to H. E. Litchfield, 1 February [1880], enclosure 1. The prime minister was William Ewart Gladstone.

From James Torbitt   7 June 1880 Belfast 7th. June 1880 Charles Darwin Esq. | Down. My dear Sir, Please to accept of my best thanks for your information regarding pollen, and for your advice, which shall be acted on.1 The work is good, but in a national point of view, it is quite too slow, and besides, I want to repay everyone as well as myself, for what has been and shall be done. I wish therefore, if you Sir, and Mr Farrer approve of it, to make the following specific propositions to the Government,2 First.  for a consideration of one pound per variety, I would propose to grow during the coming season (1881) one hundred thousand thrice crossed varieties of the potato, and hand them over to the Agricultural societies of the Kingdom for distribution. Second. I would undertake that all these varieties should be of marketable appearance, of excellent qualities, and so prolific and so free from “the disease” that, after separating all unsound tubers, they would give a larger yield, than the old varieties give, of sound and diseased tubers taken together. Third. I would propose that the Government send a Commissioner to inspect the twice-crossed varieties now growing, when they are in bloom, and when they are being dug up, and also to see the principles of cross-breeding and selection as applied to this years seedlings, in order to judge whether it is probable I should be able to carry out last proposition. Fourth. I would propose that, under a vote of the House of Commons, one twentieth of the money (one shilling per variety) be paid in advance, the remaining nineteen twentieths to be held in reserve, as a guarantee fund against any failures in the varieties—that is, that all varieties which might fail to conform to fore going description should not be paid for. And should these propositions seem to be practical, perhaps Mr Farrer would speak to Mr Chamberlain on the subject?3 Curiously enough, Mr Forster’s (secretary for Ireland) father was a friend and guest of the father of the gentleman who is now growing these new crossed potatoes for us.4 I remain | my dear Sir | most respectfully & faithfully yours | James Torbitt

June 1880

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DAR 178: 166 1

2

3 4

CD’s letter has not been found, but in his letter of 13 May 1880, Torbitt had asked CD whether the pollen used in crossing potatoes would live for a few days, or weeks, or whether it had to be used immediately. CD had asked Thomas Henry Farrer, permanent secretary of the Board of Trade, to try to get government support for Torbitt’s experiments to develop blight-resistant potatoes (see letter to James Torbitt, 30 March 1880). Joseph Chamberlain was president of the Board of Trade. William Edward Forster was chief secretary for Ireland; he had visited Ireland with his father, William Forster, in 1846 (ODNB). The man who was growing potatoes for Torbitt, and his father, have not been identified.

To H. B. Baildon   9 June 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) June 9th 1880 Dear Sir I am much obliged to you for your courteous note & for the gift of your ‘Spirit of Nature’.1 I will read your work as soon as I have finished a book in hand, & I remain | Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Charles Darwin Cleveland Health Sciences Library (Robert M. Stecher collection) 1

A copy of Baildon’s book The spirit of nature: being a series of interpretative essays on the history of matter from the atom to the flower (Baildon 1880) is in the Darwin Library–Down. Baildon’s note has not been found.

From R. F. Charles   9 June 1880 City of London School | Milk S.t | Cheapside | E.C. June 9th. 1880 Dear Sir, I venture to ask your permission to use some extracts from the book “a Naturalist’s Voyage round the World” in a series of English reading-books for schools that I am now bringing out. I ought to say that my publishers some time since asked Mr. Murray for permission to print these extracts and others by other writers and he refused to allow extracts from any book published by him.1 As I have no reason to suppose that he referred the matter to you I venture to ask if you will help me. The books are merely school “Readers” and are to be called “The Model Reading-books.”— (Publishers—Messrs. Relfe & Co)2 The extracts I have marked are 1. pp. 450–51. “a Corrobery or native dance”.— 2. p.p. 204–209. “Tierra del Fuego”.— 3. p.p. 151–154. “Horsemanship of the Gauchos.”—3

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Should you be able to grant my request I shall feel very much obliged, and of course will take care to see that the extracts are properly printed and acknowleged.4 Trusting that you will excuse the liberty I am taking Believe me | Yours faithfully | R. F. Charles. Charles Darwin Esq. DAR 161: 133 CD annotation Top of letter: ‘answered’ pencil 1 2 3 4

John Murray was CD’s publisher; ‘Naturalist’s voyage round the world’ is the spine title of Journal of researches (1860). The model reading books (Charles ed. 1880–3) were published by Relfe Brothers. The extracts appeared in Charles ed. 1880–3, 5: 10–11; 6: 228–35 (‘Narrative passages’ section), and 72–7 (‘Passages chiefly descriptive’ section), respectively. In Charles ed. 1880–3, 5: 7 and 6: 8, ‘Mr Darwin’ was thanked for his permission to use the extracts.

To W. E. Darwin   9 [ June 1880]1 Down— 9th My dear W.— I send by this post Asa Gray’s Lectures on Nat. Science & Religion.—2 I have heard from Baxter of Bromley that he can supply me (at whole-sale price) with Permanganate of Potash at 3s per lb—; the best kind is advertised at 4s per lb, whole sale price.—3 We enjoyed our visit greatly with you, & it has done me a world of good. Give my best of loves to my dear Sara: it makes me happy to think how happy you seem at Bassett my two dear children.4 Ever yours affect. | C. Darwin Your mother did not feel up to go to concert this morning.—5 Apples arrived, very good, you good Boy— mind that I repay you.— P.S. | By an odd chance I came across this morning a list of all the property or shares which my Father made over to me as my share of my mothers property, & which I suppose wd. be the same as was made over to Caroline, & which must have included a share from Uncle Thomas Wedgwood.— I daresay Caroline may have her own list.—6 DAR 210.6: 159 1 2 3

The month and year are established by the reference to CD’s visit to Bassett, Southampton; see n. 4, below. A lightly scored copy of Asa Gray’s Natural science and religion (A. Gray 1880) is in the Darwin Library–CUL. William Walmisley Baxter owned a chemist shop at 40 High Street, Bromley, Kent. CD was using permanganate of potash (potassium permanganate, KMnO4) in his experiments for Movement in plants; see letter to Asa Gray, 17 February 1880.

June 1880 4 5 6

223

CD and Emma Darwin visited William and Sara Darwin at Bassett, Southampton, from 25 May to 8 June 1880 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). In her letter to Sara Darwin, 9 June [1880] (DAR 219.1: 136), Emma Darwin wrote ‘all my courage gave way about my early concert’. The list of property and shares is in DAR 227.5: 100; a similar list for Caroline Sarah Wedgwood (CD’s sister) is in DAR 227.5: 96. CD’s father was Robert Waring Darwin and his mother, Susannah Darwin. Thomas Wedgwood was CD’s mother’s brother.

To Henry Johnson   9 June 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) June 9th 1880 My dear Johnson. Many thanks for your notes & enclosures.1 I remember Mr Vivian perfectly & the interest which he took in prehistoric archæology.2 I am glad to hear of the flint tool so low in the deposit. These old implements have a fascination for me, & I shd. think that there was much probability in Mr Vivians suggestion about breaking the ice. As for the contours of the head they surpass my powers of belief in their accuracy.— I have just returned home after a fortnights holiday & have a multitude of letters to write, so will say no more, except to send my very kind remembrance & thanks to your daughter.3 Good Heavens how many years it is since we used to walk together at Edinburgh.—4 with all good wishes | Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin Torquay Museum Society (AR471) 1

2 3 4

The notes and enclosures have not been found. Johnson had previously mentioned being present at excavations of caves at Longbury Bank, Penally, near Tenby; see Correspondence vol. 27, letter from Henry Johnson, 22 September [1879]. Edward Vivian had worked on the excavations of Kent’s cavern, near Torquay. He had sent CD information in 1872; see Correspondence vol. 20, letter to Edward Vivian, 23 August [1872]. CD visited his son William Erasmus Darwin at Bassett, Southampton, from 25 May to 8 June 1880 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). Johnson’s daughter was Mary Elisabeth Johnson. In the 1820s, CD and Johnson had been contemporaries at Shrewsbury School and at the University of Edinburgh; see Correspondence vol. 1, letter from Caroline & Susan Darwin, 2 [ January 1826].

To John Murray   9 June 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) June 9th. 1880 My dear Sir My son is going to publish a Lecture, compiled from my ‘Climbing Plants’ in the Q. J. of Science. Mr. Dallas, the editor, had intended giving a Plate, but has now to give another & wants much 5 woodcuts.1 Should you object to lend him 5 of them; for I doubt whether there is time to make cliches of them. My son’s paper is in type & the number appears on July 1st.— I want much to oblige Mr. Dallas & the drawings

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are almost necessary for my son’s article. Therefore I beg you to do what you can for me at once; & the originals or the cliches had better be sent to Mr. Dallas, Geolog. Soc. Burlington House.—2 My son’s article will, also, serve as an advertisement. The numbers of the Blocks,, as given in my book, are 1, 2, 5, 11, 13.—3 I suppose the new Edit: of “The Different Forms of Flowers” is now completed, & I shd. like to have a copy for myself; & if you do not object (on account of old copies not yet sold) I shd. like a copy to be sent to ‘Nature’ & another to Linnean Soc. Burlington House.4 I have not yet received any proofs of my new Book.5 My dear Sir | Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin P.S. If original blocks from Climbing Plants are sent to Mr. Dallas, you had better enclose memorandum, asking for their prompt return, & if cliches, an account of their cost. My absence from home has caused several day’s delay.6 National Library of Scotland ( John Murray Archive) (Ms. 42152 ff. 368–9) 1

2

3 4 5 6

Francis Darwin was publishing his lecture on climbing plants, given to the Sunday Lecture Society at St George’s Hall, London, on 25 January 1880 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242). CD wrote Quarterly Journal of Science in error. Francis’s article appeared in the July 1880 issue of the Popular Science Review, edited by William Sweetland Dallas (F. Darwin 1880c). Clichés were stereotype plates of the woodcuts. Murray had published the second edition of Climbing plants and CD had received permission from the Linnean Society to allow Murray to use the thirteen woodblocks made when the work originally appeared in the Journal of the Linnean Society (Botany); see Correspondence vol. 23, letter to Linnean Society, 1 January [1875]. Dallas was assistant secretary to the Geological Society of London. The illustrations required were in Climbing plants 2d ed., pp. 47, 54, 86, 148, and 165. Forms of flowers 2d ed. was published in July 1880 (Freeman 1977); a presentation list for this work has not been found. CD was expecting proofs for Movement in plants; see letter to J. V. Carus, 28 April 1880. CD visited his son William Erasmus Darwin at Bassett, Southampton, from 25 May to 8 June 1880 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)).

To G. H. Darwin   11 June [1880?]1 A bundle of Essays in German & Dutch & French on Astronomical & Physical subjects by Oudemans has arrived here—for you marked from Author, too large for Post2 C. D. June 11th. DAR 210.1: 94 1 2

The year is suggested by ‘’80’added in purple ink. Jean Abraham Chrétien Oudemans was a Dutch astronomer; the essays he sent have not been identified.

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To John Murray   11 June 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. June 11th 1880 r My dear M. Murray Mr Charles of the City of London School has asked me to permit him to give some extracts in his “Model Reading Books” from my Naturalists Voyage.1 I should very much like to grant permission & shd. feel proud that any passage in any book of mine shd. be used for educational purposes; but I cannot of course grant permission without your consent, as the book is your property. I hope, however, that you will oblige. me.— | Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin The desired extracts are (1) p. 450–451—the corrobery dance of the Australians (2) p. 204–209 Tierra del Fuego, account of.— (3) p. 151–154—Horsemanship of the Gauchos.2 Private collection 1

2

See letter from R. F. Charles, 9 June 1880. Robert Fletcher Charles, an assistant master at the City of London School, had asked CD for permission to publish extracts from Journal of researches (1860) in his textbooks (Charles ed. 1880–3). For the extracts, see the letter from R. F. Charles, 9 June 1880 and n. 3.

To Edward Vivian   11 June 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) June 11th 1880 r Dear M. Vivian The enclosed, evidently intended for you, has by a mistake been addressed to me.1 Pray believe me | Yours very faithfully | Charles Darwin Torquay Museum Society (AR472) 1

The enclosure has not been identified, but see the letter to Henry Johnson, 9 June 1880, in which Vivian is mentioned by CD when thanking Henry Johnson for his enclosures.

From R. F. Charles   12 June [1880]1 City of London School | Milk S.t | E.C. June 12. Dear Sir, I write to thank you for the exceedingly kind letter you have written me about the extracts from your book.2 I am sorry that I have been the cause of giving you so much trouble, but I am very much obliged to you for writing to Mr. Murray.3

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June 1880

I am endeavouring to make these Readers more interesting than such books often are, and, as far as is possible in a great number of selections, to give the children a taste of books only that are really valuable— With many thanks | Believe me | Yours faithfully | R. F. Charles Chas: Darwin Esq. DAR 161: 134 1 2

3

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from R. F. Charles, 9 June 1880. The letter from CD to Charles has not been found. However, see the letter from R.  F.  Charles, 9 June 1880, in which Charles had asked CD for permission to publish extracts from Journal of researches (1860) in his textbooks (Charles ed. 1880–3). John Murray; see letter to John Murray, 11 June 1880.

From R. F. Cooke   12 June 1880

50A, Albemarle S.t | W. June 12. 1880

My dear Sir Mr Murray gives his consent with much pleasure to Mr Charles in regard to the Extracts he wishes to make from The Naturalists Voyage.1 The Electros from “Climbing Plants” were sent to Mr Dallas on Thursday.2 We will do up a few copies of the reprint of “Forms of Flowers” & send you a copy, but it wd. be unwise to send one to Nature at present if they were to notice it, because we should have to take back any copies remaining in the hands of the booksellers.3 Yours faithfully | Rob.t Cooke Cha.s Darwin Esq DAR 171: 505 1 2

3

In his letter to John Murray, 11 June 1880, CD asked for permission for Robert Fletcher Charles to publish extracts from Journal of researches (1860) in his textbooks (Charles ed. 1880–3). See letter to John Murray, 9 June 1880 and n. 2. CD had asked Murray to provide illustrations from Climbing plants 2d ed. for an article by Francis Darwin on climbing plants (F. Darwin 1880c) in the Popular Science Review, which was edited by William Sweetland Dallas. In the letter to John Murray, 9 June 1880, CD had asked for copies of Forms of flowers 2d ed. to be sent to himself, the journal Nature and the Linnean Society. It was an accepted practice for publishers to replace existing editions when a new edition appeared; see, for example, the Bookseller, 28 October 1861, p. 575.

From W. E. Darwin to F. E. Abbot   13 June [1880]1 Basset | Southampton June 13th Private My Dear Sir, My Father wished me to acknowledge with sincere thanks your letter, and the most kind expression of your feelings as regards his labours contained in it.2

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He feels that there can be no higher tribute than the heartfelt appreciation of his work coming from one whose life he feels like his own to have been devoted to the search for truth. I wished at the same time to express to you my very deep regret to learn that the Index is losing your superintendence; the paper has been a source of pleasure & instruction to me for years, and the high fearless tone of all your essays has always impressed deeply. When I had the pleasure of seeing you in the autumn of 1878 I feared that your connection with the paper was coming to an end.3 My Father desired me to say that it would be a considerable satisfaction to him, if you would kindly put a stop to the weekly advertizement of his appreciation of the Index tracts. He had no intention that his words should be used for this purpose, and he wishes now that they should be omitted.4 With sincere respect, I am dear Sir | Yours very faithfully | W. E. Darwin F. E. Abbot Eqre5 Harvard University Archives (Papers of F. E. Abbot, 1841–1904. Named Correspondence, 1857–1903. Letter, W. E. Darwin to F. E. Abbot (13 June [1880]), in folder Darwin, Charles and W. E. Darwin (son), 1871–1883, box 44. HUG 1101) 1 2 3

4

5

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from F. E. Abbot, 15 May 1880. See letter from F. E. Abbot, 15 May 1880. Abbot had been editor of the Index since 1870. William evidently met Abbot when he and his wife Sara Darwin visited her family in Massachusetts (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242) and Correspondence vol. 26, letter to B. J. Sulivan, 5 November [1878]). The advertisement contained a modified version of a statement CD had made about a tract associated with the Index (Abbot [1870]) in his letter to Abbot of 27 May [1871] (Correspondence vol. 19): ‘I have now read, Truths for the Times, & I admire them from my inmost heart, & I believe that I agree to every word’. For more on CD’s dealings with the Index, see Browne 2002, pp. 391–2. Abbot added a note to the bottom of the letter: ‘Mr. Darwin forgets that he expressly authorized me to print his “endorsement”, in his letter of Nov. 16, 1871. F.E.A.’ For CD’s permission, see Correspondence vol. 19, letter to F. E. Abbot, 16 November [1871].

To John Murray   13 June [1880]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station, | Orpington. S.E.R. June 13th r My dear M Murray The Bearer of this note is my son-in-law, Mr Litchfield of the Ecclesiastical Commission, who wishes to speak to you about a map to interest some working men, whom he is going to take down to Cambridge for a day’s excursion.—2 Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin National Library of Scotland ( John Murray Archive) (Ms. 42153 ff. 60–1) 1 2

The year is established by the date of the Working Men’s College summer excursion to Cambridge (see n. 2, below). Richard Buckley Litchfield was a clerk to the Ecclesiastical Commissioners, and also taught at the Working Men’s College in London. The college summer excursion for 1880 took place on 11 July and was to Cambridge, where Litchfield arranged a dinner at Trinity College (R. B. Litchfield, Record, personal and domestic, vol. 1 (DAR 248/1), p. 136).

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From Thomas Meehan   14 June 1880 The Germantown Nurseries, | Chewstreet, below Gorgas, | Germantown, Philadelphia. June 14th. 1880 r Dear M. Darwin I am glad you are investigating the movements of plants. It will be worth while to look into the movements of the Stamens in Portulaca Splendens. The fact of the movement formed the subject of my first scientific paper in 1841—Marnock’s Gardener’s Journal,—but I have never been able to get any explanation of the movement.1 The movement of a leaf of the sensitive plant when touched is always in one and the same direction; but when the stamen of the Portulaca is touched it may go to the right or to the left, upwards or downwards,—and one which you touch now and find moves to the left may move to the right when it is touched again the same day. The power of movement seems to last only one day. There is a similar movement in the stamens of Opuntia Rafinesqui, and Opuntia vulgaris, but so far as I can find always slowly upwards. Portulaca oleracea, a common weed here also has this movement of the Stamens; but the flower is so small that one has to lie flat on the ground with a large magnifier to see it, as the flowers remain open but a very short time.2 A very large number of Scrophulariaceous and Bignoniaceous plants here, which have cloven stigmatic plates, close these lobes when touched. I rarely see any of these but I expect at once to find the motion; but it is remarkable that some species of Orobanchaceae, with similar stigmas, have no motion,— Aphyllon uniflorum, is particularly in mind while writing.3 Sincerely yours as ever | Thomas Meehan DAR 171: 114 1

2

3

CD had finished his manuscript for Movement in plants; see letter to Alphonse de Candolle, 28 May 1880. Portulaca splendens is a synonym of Portulaca grandiflora (rose moss). Robert Marnock edited the Floricultural Magazine, and Miscellany of Gardening from 1836 to 1842; Meehan’s paper has not been identified. Opuntia rafinesquii is a synonym of Opuntia humifusa (devil’s-tongue); Opuntia vulgaris is a synonym of O. ficus-indica (Indian fig). Portulaca oleracea is common purslane; CD cited Meehan’s work on the plant in Movement in plants, p. 189. Scrophulariaceae is the family of figworts; Bignoniaceae is the family of bignonias. Many flowers in these families have two-lobed or bilamellate stigmas that close together after being touched by a pollinator, preventing further pollen reception. For a more detailed description of the action of the stigma in the Scrophulariaceae, see Correspondence vol. 25, letter from T. F. Cheeseman, 23 October 1877. Orobanchaceae is the family of broomrapes, which included Aphyllon uniflorum (a synonym of Orobanche uniflora, naked or one-flowered broomrape).

From James Torbitt   14 June 1880 58 North Street | Belfast 14th. June 1880 Charles Darwin Esqr. | Down. My dear Sir, I would not dream of asking you to ask Mr Farrer to take any step which he did not himself wish to take.1

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In writing to Mr Forster, and explaining to him the interest you take in the work, and your kindness in assisting me, and in inducing Mr Farrer and Mr Caird and others to assist me, could you confer the further great favour of permitting me to quote that part of your letter to Mr Farrer on this subject (and of which you permitted me to take a copy) in which you state that “Mr Torbitt’s plan of resisting the potato disease seems to me by far the best that has ever been suggested”— consisting as it does in—“raising a vast number of seedlings from cross-fertilized parents, subjecting them to infection, destroying those which suffer, saving those which resist best, and repeating the process in successive seminal generations” and could you also permit me to quote your letters to myself wherein you state that “I have remarked to Mr Farrer what a national misfortune it would be if you were compelled to throw up the work” and the last in which you say “if I were a minister of the Crown, I would think it my duty to adopt some such plan as you suggest”— that plan being Governmental assistance in the production and distribution of cross-bred varieties of the plant—2 I do not at all know if you can permit me to quote you thus, or in some modified form, but if you can, I should think the matter must be investigated and then let it stand on its own merits. I should be quite ready to simplify my scheme and work on, on almost any terms which would secure an advance of cash next spring, sufficient to grow new varieties upon an extended scale. I imagine that some of the Agricultural societies might be induced to receive the new varieties and distribute them amongst their subscribers, but I would not again attempt to interest the society with which Mr Carruthers is connected.3 This years seedlings are now planted out and are growing healthily, as are the plants for crossing, and the 6 acres new vars. The 14 acres which are being grown, one half the produce to be mine, or ours rather, free of cost, I have not yet heard about.4 I am distressed by trespassing so far on your invaluable time but there seems no help for it. I remain my dear Sir | most respectfully and faithfully | James Torbitt I see Major Nolan’s committee on the potato Disease has been reappointed, but I have not heard from him, although last session Mr Cave late M.P. for Barnstaple wrote to him, strongly advising him to have my evidence.5 DAR 178: 167 CD annotation 2.12 were … Crown 2.13] underl pencil 1

2

CD’s letter has not been found, but in his letter of 7 June 1880, Torbitt sent for CD and Thomas Henry Farrer’s approval four propositions he wanted to make to the government about his scheme to grow blight-resistant potatoes. William Edward Forster was chief secretary for Ireland. In March 1880, CD had raised a subscription for Torbitt’s potato work with the help of Farrer and James Caird; see letter to James Caird, 24 March 1880. The quotations are from the enclosure to the letter to T. H. Farrer, 7 March 1878 (Correspondence vol. 26), the letter to James Torbitt, 1 November 1879 (Correspondence vol. 27), and the letter to James Torbitt, 9 May 1880.

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In his letter of 9 May 1880, CD had told Torbitt that William Carruthers, botanist to the Royal Agricultural Society, thought Torbitt’s attempt to raise fungus-proof varieties of potato was hopeless. For details of Torbitt’s growing plan for the year, see the letter from James Torbitt, 13 May 1880. John Philip Nolan was MP for Galway and served on the seed potatoes (Ireland) committee (Hansard Parliamentary Debates 3d ser. 250 (1880): 651–8). In his letter of 20 November 1879 (Correspondence vol. 27), Torbitt wrote that Thomas Cave, Liberal MP for Barnstaple until the April 1880 election, had seen his potato varieties and would urge the government to assist in his work.

From C.-F. Reinwald1   16 June 1880 Paris 16 Juin 1880 Cher Monsieur Ma dernière lettre était de 17 Avril 1879. J’ai été favorise depuis de vos honorées lettres de 20 et 27 Avril 1879.2 Nos réimpressions de vos ouvrages ont été retardées par une grave maladie de Mr. E. Barbier, votre traducteur; mais qui heureusement n’a pas eu des suites plus graves pour lui qu’une suspension de son travail de plusieurs mois. Malgré cela nous avons enfin pu terminer la nouvelle édition de lOrigine des Espèces et la nouvelle Traduction des Variations des Animaux et des Plantes. Je vous envoie aujourdhui deux exemplaires de chacun de ces deux ouvrages, en un paquet que je remets aux Messageries franc de port.3 Il va sans dire que je suis a votre disposition pour d’autres exemplaires dont vous pourrez avoir besoin pour des amis en France ou ailleurs. La Descendance de lHomme est encore sous presse; la moitié en est imprimée et l’autre moitié se terminera tout doucement, vu l’état de santé de M Barbier d’ici au mois dOctobre. C’est réellement une toute nouvelle traduction d’après votre dernière édition anglaise et elle se formera comme celle-ci qu’un seul volume, dont le prix sera moindre que celui des deux premières éditions.4 Nos traductions de vos divers traités botaniques ne peuvent se vendre aussi régulièrement que les volumes susdits. Je regrette donc que je ne puisse pas dès aujourdhui vous annoncer la réalisation d’un bénéfice, dont je vous devrais le percentage. Cependant les nouvelles éditions de lOrigine des Espèces et de Variation des Animaux et des Plantes m’engagent a vous remettre ci inclus un chèque de quarante livres Sterling pour la part des bénéfices à venir et possibles dans ces deux entreprises.5 La nouvelle édition de Variation a été assez couteuse pour l’éditeur et la vente de cette nouvelle traduction ne pourra probablement s’effectuer avec plus de promptitude que celle de la première édition que nous avons publiée, comme vous le savez en 1868.6 Je pense donc que le percentage que je vous remets avec la présente répondra à la situation presente de léditeur et de lédition. Depuis l’année dernière j’ai eu la malheur de perdre mon neveu, jeune homme de 38 ans qui était associé a mes affaires.7 Je vous prie d’excuser le retard de la présente lettre en consideration des troubles et des travaux supplémentaires qui étaient la suite de cette perte déplorable. Aussitôt que la nouvelle traduction de la Descendence

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sera achevée j’aurai lhonneur de vous envoyer quelques exemplaires. Quant a le Vie de votre aïeul Erasme Darwin, je n’en ai plus entendu parler pas M. Barbier à cause de sa récente maladie.8 Veuillez bon agréer, cher Monsieur, l’expression de mes sentiments les plus distingués de reconnaissance et de dévouement avec lesquels je suis | yours truely | C Reinwald A Charles Darwin Esq Down DAR 176: 110 1 2 3

4 5

6 7 8

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. See Correspondence vol. 27, letter from C.-F. Reinwald, 17 April 1879. CD’s letters to Reinwald of 20 and 27 April have not been found; his last known letter to Reinwald is that of 29 October 1879 (ibid.). The third edition of the French translation of Origin by Edmond Barbier was published in 1880 (Barbier trans. 1880). The first volume of Barbier’s French translation of Variation was published in 1879, the second in 1880 (Barbier trans. 1879–80); the translation was from Variation 2d ed. A third French edition of Descent, translated by Barbier from Murray’s 1879 issue of the revised second English edition, was published in 1881 (Barbier trans. 1881). The following of CD’s books dealing with botanical topics had been translated into French and published by Reinwald: Orchids (Rérolle trans. 1870), Climbing plants 2d ed. (Gordon trans. 1877), Insectivorous plants (Barbier trans. 1877), Cross and self fertilisation (Heckel trans. 1877), and Forms of flowers (Heckel trans. 1878). CD recorded the receipt of £40 under the heading ‘Reinwald profits on French translation’ on 22 June 1880 (CD’s Account books–banking account (Down House MS)). The first French translation of Variation was Moulinié trans. 1868. Reinwald’s nephew Frédéric Buhlmeyer died in June 1879 (Bulletins et mémoires de la Société d’anthropologie de Paris 3d ser. 2 (1879): 430). CD had sent the sheets of Erasmus Darwin to Reinwald for Barbier to consider translating; see Correspondence vol. 27, letter to C.-F. Reinwald, 11 September 1879. CD also wrote about a French translation in his letter to Reinwald of 29 October 1879 (Correspondence vol. 27), but no French edition was published.

To James Torbitt   16 June 1880 Down, June 16, 1880. My dear Sir I have no objection to your quoting the sentences referred to; but I should like you to alter one, viz., where I wrote “if I were a minister of the crown” write “if I had the power”; for anyone might smile and say “a pretty fellow to be a minister of the crown”. If I were in your place I would endeavour to make my letter to Mr. Forster as short as possible (for I have been told he is much overworked), and copied in clearest writing. On these grounds I would shorten the extracts from my letters.1 I am not very sanguine of success, but I most truly wish you all the success which you amply deserve in your application to Government. How would it be simply to ask for assistance and leave Mr. Forster or his assistants to suggest some plan? I am sure I do not know which would be best. Believe me. | Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin.

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June 1880

P.S.  Would it not be better to say that you had been assisted by Mr.  Caird, C.B., and Mr. Farrer of the Board of Trade, without saying that this was through my intervention.2 Their names would thus perhaps have greater weight. I do not think that this would be dishonourable. On the other hand if Mr.  F.  applied to these gentlemen, no doubt he would hear that they had acted on my advice. Copy DAR 148: 121 1

2

Torbitt was planning to ask for support for his scheme to grow blight-resistant potatoes from William Edward Forster, chief secretary for Ireland; he asked CD for permission to quote from several of CD’s letters praising the scheme (see letter from James Torbitt, 14 June 1880 and n. 2). CD had sought the assistance on Torbitt’s behalf of James Caird (Companion of the Order of the Bath and member of the inclosure commission (ODNB)), and Thomas Henry Farrer (permanent secretary of the Board of Trade). They had recently helped CD raise a subscription for Torbitt to continue his potato work; see letter to James Caird, 24 March 1880.

[Williams & Norgate]   16 June [1880]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) June 16 Dear Sir Be so good as to endeavour to get a book or pamphlet (I know not which) by W. Hofmeister, which I see referred to under following title “Die bis jetz bekannten Arten aus der Familie der Regenwürmer; Braunschweig 1845.”2 Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin Photocopy British Library (Surrogate RP 09897) 1

2

The correspondent is conjectured from the fact that Williams & Norgate usually supplied foreign books to CD. The year is established by CD’s work on earthworms around this date in 1880; see letter to A. C. Ramsay, 17 June 1880, and letter to W. E. Darwin, 18 June 1880. CD’s annotated copy of Werner Hoffmeister’s Die bis jetzt bekannten Arten aus der Familie der Regenwürmer. Als Grundlage zu einer Monographie dieser Familie (The presently known species from the family of earthworms. As the basis for a monograph of this family; Hoffmeister 1845) is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL, with a separate page of notes by CD. Earthworms was published on 10 October 1881 (Freeman 1977).

To A. C. Ramsay   17 June 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. June 17th 1880 My dear Ramsay Will you have the kindness to glance at your 2 enclosed notes (which for the love of Heaven return to me carefully) & answer me one simple question, viz whether any plants

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or weeds grew in the interstices of the stones, & secondly whether trees were near so that leaves often or ever were blown into the court.—1 I am putting together some notes on the action of worms & I find that naturalists differ much whether worms can live without obtaining dead vegetable matter from the surface,— indeed some deny that they get any nutriment out of the humus.— Your case of the little court interests me in other ways.— I have not been lately in London, but during my two last visits I was so unlucky as to miss you in Jermyn St, & thus missed some pleasant talk2 Believe me | Yours very sincerely | Charles Darwin I forget whether you have ever seen many worm castings in the court-yard, which I suppose is occasionally swept out. DAR 261.9: 11 (EH 88205984) 1

2

CD evidently enclosed Ramsay’s letters of 27 December 1871 and 3 January 1872 (Correspondence vols. 19 and 20) describing a pavement running from his house to his garden that had subsided apparently as a result of the action of earthworms. The case appeared in Earthworms, pp. 192–3. CD was in London from 3 to 11 December 1879 and from 4 to 8 March 1880 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). Ramsay was director-general of the Geological Survey of Great Britain, based at 28 Jermyn Street, London.

To W. E. Darwin   18 June 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. June 18th 1880. My dear William As the Printers have not sent me proof-sheets, I have been arranging my notes about worms, & I want your help on one point.— Possibly before the autumn you may wish to take some one to Beaulieu Abbey, or if not wd you be so good as to go there in the early autumn, when the worms work most.1 What I want is a packet of castings from above the tiles in the square cleared hole; for I find in my notes the clearest statement that the minute fragments of brick in the castings were rounded, as if by attrition in the muscular gizzard of the worms.2 Now I very much wish to examine under the microscope more of such particles of brick, tile, slate or any other artificial object, which could hardly have been worn except in the worm’s gizzard. Will you help me & keep this in mind. Love to Sara3 | Your affect. Father | C. Darwin DAR 210.6: 160 1

2 3

CD was awaiting the proof-sheets of Movement in plants; see letter to J. V. Carus, 28 April 1880. William had examined the buried pavement at Beaulieu Abbey in Hampshire on 5 January 1872 and CD had visited on 22 June 1877 (Earthworms, pp. 193–7); see also Correspondence vol. 24, Supplement, letter from W. E. Darwin, [4 January 1872], and Correspondence vol. 25, letter to Francis Darwin, [10 June 1877]. William’s notes on furrows on a slope at Beaulieu, made in January 1872, are in DAR 63: 77–8. CD’s notes on the concretions in castings from Beaulieu, dated 20 January 1881, are in DAR 64.1: 81. Sara Darwin.

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June 1880

To W. C. McIntosh   18 June 1880 Down. | Beckenham Kent June 18th 1880. My dear Sir I hope that you will forgive me for troubling you with a simple question. Can you refer me to any monograph on British worms (Lumbricidæ.) by which I could find out, how many endemic species there are, and how many burrow in the earth.—1 I want further to know whether there exist any burrowing species on the grassy slopes of mountains of some considerable elevation. I have attended a little to some of the habits of worms & intend this autumn or winter to publish an essay on the subject; & it is in this relation that I want information. My essay will be barely scientific, but the subject has amused me.— I should like to give a copy on a woodblock of the whole intestinal canal of Lumbricus:— Can you refer me to any simple figure?— Perrier in Archives. Zoolog: Exp: gives an admirable one of Urocheta, but it would be better to give (if I do give any) a drawing of Lumbricus.2 I hope that you will excuse all this trouble & I remain | My dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Charles Darwin. Copy DAR 146: 351 1 2

Lumbricidae is the family of earthworms that contains most European species. Earthworms was not published until October 1881 (Freeman 1977). A diagram of the alimentary canal of Lumbricus appeared in Earthworms, p. 18, copied from the Quarterly Journal of Microscopical Science n.s. 4 (1864): pl. 7. For Edmond Perrier’s diagram of Urochaeta (a genus of earthworms native to South America), see Archives de zoologie expérimentale et générale 3 (1874): pl. 13. CD discussed worm-castings probably from a species of Urochaeta in Earthworms, p. 121.

To E. B. Tylor   19 June [1880] Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) June 19th. My dear Sir I have come across more than one statement that animals learn to know poisonous herbs, & one case referred to Australia. I fancy that another was by Linnæus.1 I have no doubt that I have references, but it would take me a week of labour to find them. I believed in them because there seems to be good evidence that animals learn by seeing their comrades suffer. It is notorious that you cannot long continue poisoning rats with the same kind of poison. I have received 2 or 3 accounts from trustworthy persons (besides some published notices) that when telegraph wires are first set up in any district, many birds, especially partridges, are killed by flying against them; but that after 2  or 3  years such deaths cease. On the other hand when no harm follows animals get accustomed to what is terrific: the late W. Thompson of Belfast (an excellent observer) told me that when a Ry was first made there, which passed

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through some swamps, the wild birds were terrified at the trains, but that after a few months even herons remained stationary close to the train.—2 I wish that I could have aided you better & remain | Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin. P.S. I have just thought of a place to look for references on cattle or sheep learning to avoid poisonous herbs (1) Annals & Mag. of Nat. Hist 2d series, Vol. 2. p. 364. (2) Amœnitates Academicæ Vol. 7 p. 409. (I suppose Linnæus) (3) Stillingfleet Tracts p. 350 (4) Youatt on Sheep p. 404.3 I do not now knows details, but these works were consulted by me, Postmark: JU 20 | 80 British Library (Add MS 50254 ff. 96–8) 1

2 3

Carl von Linné (Carolus Linnaeus). CD had discussed domestic animals learning to avoid poisonous herbs in Descent 1: 36 and in his letter to George Harris, 27 April 1875 (Correspondence vol. 23). No letter from Tylor requesting information on the ability of animals to learn about poisonous substances has been found but see the letter from E. B. Tylor, 21 June 1880. CD corresponded with William Thompson (1805–52) in the late 1840s (see Correspondence vols. 3 and 4); no letter from Thompson detailing this behaviour of birds has been found. The references are to: ‘Extracts from a letter to Thomas Bell, Esq., F.R.S., from George Clark, Esq., of Mauritius’, Annals and Magazine of Natural History (1848); Linnaeus 1749–90; Stillingfleet et al. 1762; and Youatt 1837.

From E. B. Tylor   21 June 1880 Linden | Wellington Som. June 21 | 80 My dear Sir It fits with your remarks about birds and telegraph wires, that a New Zealand colonist whom I asked about sheep and poison-plants offered me as more satisfactory for my purpose his experience of the first setting up of a telegraph, when at first numbers of birds were killed against the wires, but from the second year none.1 This will answer my purpose as an illustration, and I will not trouble you further about sheep & poisonous plants. But so far as I learn from my friend Mr W. A. Sanford the geologist, who was in Australia, the sheep there (in the West) rush on the bright green poison-pea, and in a few minutes the whole flock begin to whirl round & then fall dead, so that there are really no survivors to benefit by the experience.2 With many thanks for your kindly looking into your evidence for me I am | Yours very sincerely | Edward B. Tylor Charles Darwin Esq DAR 178: 206 1 2

See letter to E. B. Tylor, [19 June 1880]; the colonist has not been identified. William Ayshford Sanford was colonial secretary of Western Australia from 1851 to 1855 (Dictionary of Australian artists).

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June 1880

From W. E. Darwin   24 June [1880]1 Basset, | Southampton. June 24 My dear Father, Should you have any objection to forwarding the enclosed to Lord Derby, perhaps also the enclosed letter to Sara, would explain the case more fully.2 It seems to me that Ld Derby can quite decline to ask any question not withstanding his note if he thinks it better. If you do send it, it might be well to say that in case he did not receive the copy of the New York state survey mentioned by Mr Olmstead a copy can be sent him; I have one sent me by Mr. O. which I would send if necessary.3 I have taken a memorandum about Beaulieu & will go there in the early autumn and get you a good parcel of castings.4 An acquaintance of mine told that he hatched 7 gallenes under a hen and two days ago when running about with about 100 little chickens the little gallenes being about a month old were attacked by a male & female gallene   3 were killed and 4 were saved by the son who was attacked by the gallenes. The female gallene had no chickens, why on earth should she & her husband hate the ones brought up by a hen.5 Please tell Bessy I will send a cheque book & that there is no need to settle about Buxton.6 Your affect son | W. E. Darwin Cornford Family Papers (DAR 275: 82) 1 2 3 4 5 6

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to W. E. Darwin, 18 June 1880. Edward Henry Stanley and Sara Darwin. For the enclosures, see the enclosures to the letter to E. H. Stanley, 25 June 1880. Frederick Law Olmsted had sent copies of Special report of New York state survey of the preservation of the scenery of Niagara Falls (Gardiner ed. 1880). CD had asked William to visit Beaulieu Abbey, Hampshire, to collect worm-castings; see letter to W. E. Darwin, 18 June 1880 and n. 1. Gallene: a variant spelling of galeeny, guinea fowl (OED). William was a banker in Southampton. Elizabeth Darwin went to Buxton with William and Sara in July 1880; see letter to W. E. Darwin, [19 July 1880] and letter from W. E. Darwin to Charles and Emma Darwin, 22 July 1880. See also letter to the Darwin children, 10 January 1880.

To E. H. Stanley   25 June 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. June 25th 1880 Dear Lord Derby You will perhaps recollect that I formerly applied to your Lordship with respect to a petition about Niagara, and that you were so kind as to say that you would not object to ask in the House of Lords any question on the subject.1 I now inclose a

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letter from Mr Olmsted to your Lordship, & a copy of one to my sons wife,2 which latter will perhaps aid in explaining matters. My son informs me that a map of the district, published by the New York State Survey, was sent to you; but if not received, or lost, my son would send another copy if you would like to see it.3 Apologising for troubling your Lordship, I beg leave to remain | Yours very faithfully | Charles Darwin [Enclosure 1] 209 W. 46th. St., New York, 11th. June, 1880. My Lord; Mr. Darwin having kindly sent me a copy of your lordship’s note to him of last November, expressing interest in the movement to restore the natural scenery of Niagara Falls, I sometime since sent you a copy of the report of the New York Commission on the subject.4 I am sorry to say that though advocated by a great number of the more eminent men of letters and other esteemed citizens both of Canada and of the United States and received with considerable official favor, the legislative bodies of the Dominion, of the Province of Ontario and of the State of New York have all adjourned without taking favorable action upon the project. A cautious policy with reference to the present presidential canvass had to do with the failure in New York.5 In Canada I am advised that the chief obstacle lay in the difficulty of gaining a serious interest among members of Parliament in a subject so far without the field of their ordinary political discussions. The agitation will be revived in the autumn, and I beg to say that an inquiry upon the subject in the House of Lords as kindly proposed in your lordship’s note to Mr. Darwin, would, as an indication of the interest of the subject to the world beyond Canada and the United States, have a valuable influence and be gratefully regarded by those who have here led the movement; writing in whose behalf, | I have the honour to be | Your lordship’s | Very obedient servant | Frederick Law Olmsted. The Right Honorable, | The Earl of Derby. [Enclosure 2] 209 W 46th. St., New York, 11th. June, 1880. Dear Mrs. Darwin; I have left your note of 8th. March so long unanswered in hopes of being able to give you something definite and agreeable about the Niagara project.6 But I must confess at last that we have not only failed at every point legislatively, but that in an effort to keep afloat we are swamped by the Presidential tempest.7

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I sent you some time since a copy of our report, which, if it should be possible to revive interest in the matter next year, will be a good magazine to draw upon. I do not mean that this shall be the end if I can help it. I enclose a letter to Lord Derby, which I wish that you would submit to Mr. Darwin, and if approved, send it to him. A little talk in Parliament would undoubtedly have a good effect, especially in Canada, where, although the Governor General and the Princess8 showed as much interest as could be expected of them and the ministry was civil and made good promises, the subject seems to have had no serious consideration. Anything tending to show that the leading men of England really care for it and think it worthy of their earnest attention will help to overcome this provincial indifference. Your friend Mr. Wardell9 called while I was in Boston whence I had to go immediately to Washington. On my return, when I called at his hotel, he had gone to Philadelphia. I left a note requesting him to let me know when he should be in town again, but am sorry to say I have had no reply. With kindest regards and thanks to Mr. Darwin, I am | Very sincerely yours, | Fredk. Law Olmsted. LS Liverpool Record Office, Liverpool Central Library (920 DER (15) 43/89/21/2) 1 2 3 4

5 6 7 8

9

For the petition, see Correspondence vol. 27, letter from W. E. Darwin, [9 November 1879]. Frederick Law Olmsted and William Erasmus Darwin’s wife, Sara Darwin. In his letter of 24 June [1880], William had told CD that he could send Stanley a copy of Special report of New York state survey of the preservation of the scenery of Niagara Falls (Gardiner ed. 1880). In 1879, Emma Darwin wrote to Stanley’s wife, Mary Catherine Stanley, about the Niagara project; see Correspondence vol. 27, letter from Emma Darwin to M. C. Stanley, 12 November [1879]. Emma received a reply from Stanley declining to sign the petition but expressing sympathy with its aims (letter from E. H. Stanley to Emma Darwin, 13 November 1879 (F. L. Olmsted Papers: 1857–1952, Library of Congress, mss 35121, box 40; reel 36)). For the report, see n. 3, above. Canvassing was under way for the United States presidential election, which took place on 2 November 1880. The note from Sara Darwin has not been found. See n. 5, above. John George Edward Henry Douglas Sutherland Campbell (marquess of Lorne) was the governorgeneral of Canada from 1878 to 1883; he married Queen Victoria’s fourth daughter, Louise Caroline Alberta, in 1871 (ODNB). George Young Wardle, manager of Morris & Co., was travelling in the US on the firm’s business (letter from Jane Morris to Sara Darwin, 28 March [1880] (Sharp and Marsh 2012, pp. 108–9 and n. 2)).

From the Spallanzani Monument Committee1   30 June 1880 Comitato Promotore | pel | Monumento | a | Lazzaro Spallanzani | in | Scandiano Illustrissimo Signore, Alcuni Scandianesi nell’intento di tributare un omaggio ben dovuto alla memoria del sommo naturalista lazzaro spallanzani loro concittadino, fin dal decorso anno si costituirono in

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Comitato provvisorio, e in un primo programma sotto la data 1o Maggio 1879 fu proposto di erigere al grande scienziato un monumento statuario nel suo paese nativo.2 Il favor grande che incontrò la proposta in Scandiano, in Reggio, in Modena, luoghi dove soltanto fino ad ora si cercarono e si ottennero adesioni ed offerte, incoraggiò la presa iniziativa, per guisa che ritenendosi pressochè assicurato il buon esito del progetto, vennero convocati il 30 Maggio decorso i Signori soscrittori di quel programma per stabilire in una seduta preliminare le massime principali che meglio possono condurre alla meta desiderata. In tale circost〈an〉za costituitisi i suddetti in Comitato promotore, vennero creati tre uffici direttivi nei tre centri summentovati nello scopo principalmente di procacciare nuove adesioni e allargare così la base del Comitato stesso coll’ aggiunta di persone che per ingegno e coltura siano in grado di apprezzare i meriti sovrani del gran fisiologo che vuolsi onorare, procedere in seguito alla raccolta di offerte, e disporre infine a norma, dell’ esito di queste, per esaurire le ulteriori incombenze che riflettono la esecuzione del monumento progettato. Ciò premesso ad opportuna norma, per espresso incarico del Comitato suddetto, si fa invito alla S. V. Ill.ma perchè si compiaccia abilitare i sottoscritti ad aggiungere il rispettato di Lei nome nell’ elenco dei tanti altri illustri di cui il Comitato altamente si onora. Le si acclude la scheda relativa che ci lusinghiamo voglia ritornarci sollecitamente firmata in segno di adesione dirigendola all’ Uffcio del Comitato Promotore del Monumento Spallanzani in Scandiano e ci pregiamo attestarle il nostro profondo ossequio. Scandiano il 30 Giugno 1880. PEL COMITATO PROMOTORE nella sezione di modena Cav. Prof. Luigi Vaccà | Cav. Prof. Antonio Caruccio | Dott. Gisberto Ferretti nella sezione di reggio Prof. Giacomo Prandi | Prof. Alfredo Jona | Prof. Naborre Campanini nella sezione di scandiano Avv. Cav. Guiseppi Basini | Dott. Vincenzo Mattioli | Dott. Pietro Prampolini3 Document DAR 177: 222 CD annotation Foot of letter: ‘Aug 4th 2.2.0 Promised’4 ink 1 2

3 4

For a translation of this document, see Appendix I. Scandiano is a town, and Reggio Emilia and Modena are cities, in the Emilia-Romagna region of Northern Italy. Spallanzani was born in Scandiano, taught at the ancient college, and later the university, of Reggio Emilia from 1755 to 1762, and was professor in Modena from 1763 to 1769 (Complete dictionary of scientific biography). The monument was inaugurated in the town square of Scandiano on 21 October 1888 (History of medicine topographical database, Lazzaro Spallanzani’s monument, http://himetop. wikidot.com/lazzaro-spallanzani-s-monument, accessed 22 March 2019). Giacomo Prandi, Vincenzo Mattioli, and Pietro Prampolini have not been identified. Under the heading ‘Gifts and annual subscriptions’, CD recorded a payment of £2 2s. for ‘Spallanzani monument’ on 18 October 1880 (CD’s Classed account books (Down House MS)).

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To Theodor von Heldreich   1 July 1880 Down | etc. etc. July 1. 1880. Dear Sir I am much obliged to you for your kindness in having sent me your Essay & Poem with notes.—1 I beg you also to give my best thanks to Dr. Meliarakis for the honour which he has done me by publishing the account of my life & works—2 I remain, Dear Sir | Yours very faithfully | Charles Darwin. Copy DAR 145: 10 1

2

Heldreich sent an offprint of his article ‘Beiträge zur Kentniss des Vaterlandes und der geographischen Verbreitung der Rosskastanie, des Nussbaums und der Buche’ (Contributions to the understanding of the native range and geographical distribution of the horse chestnut, walnut and beech; Heldreich 1879). CD’s copy is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. The poem was probably Musinitza: eine Idylle vom Korax (Heldreich 1880); no copy has been found in the Darwin Library–CUL or Down. Spyridon Miliarakis had translated into Greek William Preyer’s biographical sketch of CD which had appeared in the special issue of Kosmos celebrating CD’s seventieth birthday (Preyer 1879; Miliarakis trans. 1880).

From Asa Gray   3 July 1880 July 3, 1880 Here is a confirmation of your idea, illustrating how well you hit.1 I got a few seeds of Ipomœa pandurata, the species of Atlantic U.S. with a huge root. One seed only has yet come up. Its germination is same as of I. leptophylla, viz. caulicle remains shut and petioles of cotyledons lengthen & bring up the cotyledons.2 The caulicle lengthens a little—is 14 inch, the petioles are 2 inches long. A. Gray ApcS DAR 186: 52 1

2

See letter to Asa Gray, 19 January 1880. CD had described his observations on the germination of Megarrhiza californica (a synonym of Marah fabacea, California manroot), noting that the growth of the radicle or embryonic root seemed to be arrested, while the tubular petiole penetrated the ground and grew to a depth of more than two inches. Ipomoea pandurata (man-of-the-earth or wild potato vine) and I. leptophylla (bush morning-glory) are North American species with large tuberous roots. Gray had earlier told CD he thought germination occurred normally in these species, but would investigate further (letter from Asa Gray, [1 April 1880]). In Gray’s usage, the caulicle was the initial stem in an embryo (A. Gray 1879, p. 401).

From Francis Galton   5 July 1880

42 Rutland Gate July 5/80

My dear Darwin Best thanks for sending me Révue Scientifique with Vogt’s curious paper, which I return with many thanks— The passage you marked for me makes me sure that

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he would give help of the kind I now want & I will write to him.1 (De Candolle & another Genevese, Achard by name, have already kindly done much.)2 I send an advance copy of those “Visualised Numerals” of mine, not to trouble you to re read what you know the pith of already, but because of the illustrations at the end and also for the chance of your caring to see there the confirmations from other sources of what Vogt says about the left hand executing with facility in reverse what is done by the right hand.3 I find that the Editor has cut out all Bidders remarks on this point—which I much regret.4 I made Bidder scribble flourishes with pencils held in both hands simultaneously & the reflexion of the one scrawl in a mirror was just like the other picture seen directly. I have just published in “Mind” something more about mental imagery, & when I get my reprints I will send one, in case you care to glance at it.5 Enclosed is a reference that might be put among your Dr. Erasmus Darwin papers, in the event of having again to revise the ‘Life’. I had not a notion until I began to hunt up for the reference, how much he had considered the subject of mental imagery, or the very striking experiment in part 1. Sect xviii b (which in my edition of 1801 is in vol 1. p. 291.) which shews that he himself possessed the faculty in a very marked manner.6 We came back after a very successful Vichy visit; my wife improved at once on getting there, but for my part I have since been unlucky, & alas only just out of bed after a week’s illness of the same kind as Litchfield’s long affair—this partly accounts for bad handwriting.7 With kindest remembrances to you all from us both & from my sister Emma8 who is now with us for a few days | Ever sincerely yrs. | Francis Galton DAR 105: A104–5 1

2

3

4 5 6

Carl Vogt’s article ‘L’écriture considérée au point de vue physiologique’ (Writing considered from a physiological perspective; Vogt 1880) appeared in La Revue scientifique de la France et de l’étranger, 26 June 1880. CD’s copy has not been found, but Galton’s notes on the article are in GALTON/2/12/39, UCL Library Services, Special Collections. In Nature, 15 January 1880, Galton had published his initial research on the ability of some people to see numbers in their mind’s eye; at the end of the article, he solicited further information from readers (Galton 1880b, p. 256). Among the responses to the Nature article, Galton received two letters from Arthur Achard (letters dated 30 March and 10 April 1880; GALTON/2/7/2/6/3, UCL Library Services, Special Collections) and one from Alphonse de Candolle (letter dated 9 April 1880; GALTON/2/7/2/6/5, UCL Library Services, Special Collections). Galton’s paper ‘Visualised numerals’ had been read and discussed at a meeting of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland on 9 March 1880; the published version appeared in the Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland in January 1881 (Galton 1880c). An appendix with two plates of diagrams illustrated how several respondents visualised numbers (ibid., pp. 96–7). CD’s offprint of Galton 1880c is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. For George Parker Bidder’s comments in the published version, see Galton 1880c, pp. 97–8. Galton’s paper ‘Statistics of mental imagery’ appeared in the July issue of Mind (Galton 1880a). CD’s copy has not been found. The enclosure has not been found. CD had consulted Galton and other members of Galton’s family when writing the ‘Preliminary notice’ to Erasmus Darwin (see Correspondence vol. 27); no second edition was published in CD’s lifetime. Erasmus Darwin had discussed the imagination in sleep and in

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8

July 1880

contemplation in a section of Zoonomia on sleep (E. Darwin 1794–6, 1: 198–219; see pp. 203–3 for the section Galton cites in his edition). Galton’s wife was Louisa Jane Galton. CD’s son-in-law Richard Buckley Litchfield had suffered from acute appendicitis while travelling in Switzerland in September 1877 (Correspondence vol. 25, letter to H. E. Litchfield, 4 October [1877] and n. 2). Vichy was a popular mineral spa town in Auvergne, France. Emma Sophia Galton.

From W. S. Dallas   8 July 1880 Geological Society, Burlington House, W. 8th. July 1880 My dear Mr. Darwin You will see that your son’s article is printed in the Pop. Sci. Review, & I think it makes a very nice paper.—1 I read it carefully & made a few alterations which seemed necessary, but it did not require so much touching up as he seemed to expect when he returned the proof— I have to thank you for the loan of the woodcuts also, which shall be returned to Mess. Clowes,—& I have suggested to Mr. Bogue that as you kindly gave us the MS. your son should have some separate copies of the article—2 I have not heard from him (which is no novelty) & so do not know what he will do in the matter.— I have yet another matter to write about— A friend of mine, Mr. John Wise, told me the other day that he was in London to see about the publication of some poems, which he proposed to dedicate to you, his proclivities being all in favour of the theory of evolution, & his poems being written with a view to the demonstration of the fact that, contrary to the opinion frequently entertained by Artists (using the term in the broadest sense) there is no necessary antagonism between Science & poetry.— I have not seen his poems, but have no doubt they will be of respectable quality.— Of his literary powers I have a very high opinion,— in fact as he has been for some 20 years connected with the Westminster Review, & for a considerable part of that time as writer of the “Belles Lettres” section, there need be little doubt about his qualifications.— I hope, therefore, that if he should write to you you will kindly take his request into favourable consideration.3 Yours very truly | W. S. Dallas. DAR 162: 30 1 2 3

Francis Darwin’s article ‘Climbing plants’ (F. Darwin 1880c) was based on a lecture given to the Sunday Lecture Society on 25 January 1880. William Clowes & Sons were printers to John Murray. David Bogue was the publisher of the Popular Science Review. John Richard de Capel Wise dedicated his book The first of May: a fairy masque ([Wise] 1881) to CD; the dedication reads: ‘To Charles Darwin | From the author & the artist’ and features a quotation in Greek from Marcus Aurelius, Meditations 4.3, that translates as ‘The cosmos is change, life opinion’. The illustrator was Walter Crane. No correspondence between Wise and CD has been found.

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243

From E. A. Darwin   8 July [1880]1 July 8 Dear Charles— I was rather puzzled about C.P.’s tithes, but that must be Mariannes share as what I pay to G H D is Catherines share & to the Parker Trust Susan’s share, which with yours & mine make up 4 shares I receive.2 yours affec | Eras D DAR 105: B113 1

2

The year is established by the reference to tithes; an entry for ‘Castle Morton Tithes’, dated 28 June 1880, in CD’s Account books–banking account (Down House MS) records the receipt of £17 11s. ‘per Erasmus’, and, under the same heading, the receipt of £8 3s. 6d. ‘for Frank’ (Francis Darwin). The only year in which tithes were paid in June was 1880. The payment was for tithes for CD’s property at Castle Morton, Worcestershire. CD and each of his five siblings had inherited one sixth of a ‘Castle Morton trust’ from their father, Robert Waring Darwin, in 1837 (Robert Waring Darwin’s Investment book, Down House MS). The share of CD’s sister Marianne Parker evidently went to her son Charles Parker after her death. George Howard Darwin inherited the share of Catherine Langton and Susan Elizabeth Darwin’s share was apparently left to the Parker Trust.

To E. H. Stanley   8 July 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) July 8th 1880 Dear Lord Derby I am very much obliged for your Lordships great kindness in having taken the trouble to inform me about the Niagara affair, & for all that you have done.1 I hope that the Governments of the U. States & Canada may be induced to take some active steps.— I beg leave to remain | your Lordship’s very faithfully | Charles Darwin Liverpool Record Office, Liverpool Central Library (920 DER (15) 43/9/21/3) 1

No letter from Stanley regarding the Niagara affair has been found, but see the letter to E. H. Stanley, 25 June 1880. According to notes attached to that letter, Stanley replied to CD on 27 June 1880 and again on 7 July 1880. The first note reads: ‘Darwin, C. June 26/80 Ansd. June 27. Will ascertain how the matter stands. Ready to put question if of use, but no use if the answer is that nothing has been heard of the matter Such would only show failure. The Cans. & Amers must take the initiative—we can only back them up. Wrote again July 7.’ The second note reads: ‘Ansd that nothing known of the matter here, they must make the first move. July 7.’ In November 1879, CD had signed a memorial for the protection of Niagara Falls from commercial and industrial development (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter from W. E. Darwin, [9 November 1879]). For more on the campaign to preserve Niagara Falls, see Runte 1973.

To H. W. Jackson   9 [ July 1880]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Friday 9th My dear Sir I shall be happy to see the members of the Association here tomorrow, & I heartily wish that the place was more attractive than it is.—2 Perhaps I cd. make a few

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remarks to the members on the Natural History of the district, which might interest them slightly,— anything of much interest I could not say. As the party will be rather large I think the best plan will be to receive them in the drawing room, which opens into a rather large verandah & I will have benches in the garden close in front, & by these together everybody will, I hope, be able to rest a little.3 My dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Charles Darwin Copy DAR 185: 26(ii) 1 2 3

The month and year are established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to H. W. Jackson, 15 July 1880. Jackson was an honorary secretary of the Lewisham and Blackheath Scientific Association. CD had invited members and their friends to visit Down on the afternoon of 10 July 1880. According to a report of the visit in the Proceedings of the Lewisham and Blackheath Scientific Association 2 (1880): 19–20, forty-three members and friends of the society visited Down. CD showed them the albums he received from German and Dutch naturalists on his 70th birthday and also showed some recent research on earthworms in his study. The visit was also described in a letter from Emma Darwin to Henrietta Emma Litchfield, [11 July 1880] (DAR 219.9: 242).

To John Murray   10 July 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) July 10 1880 My dear Sir I have received Revises of the 2 first sheets of my book, & I now want to beg a little advice. The book, I believe to possess some value, & I shd. expect for some years a few copies would be sold.— I shall give away about 40 or 50 copies.— Now had 750 or 1000 copies better be printed off? The book will cost me a good deal & I do not want to waste more money than can be avoided. It would, however, be a pity if in the course of a year or two or three copies could not be bought.— Can you give me an idea of cost of paper & printing off of 250 copies?1 Secondly, before long an Index, (& I shd. wish a good one to be made) must be thought of— Can you find an Index-maker & arrange about fair remuneration for me?2 I will order a set of sheets for Index-maker, & 2 other sets for German & perhaps French Translations.3 I enclose a few instructions about making Index.— Pray believe me | My dear Sir | yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin National Library of Scotland ( John Murray Archive) (Ms. 42152 ff. 370–1) 1 2

3

CD was correcting proof-sheets of Movement in plants; he expected to pay the initial cost of publication (see letter to R. F. Cooke, 16 July 1880). The indexer was Matilda Smith; an entry in the John Murray copies ledger (National Library of Scotland, John Murray Archive & Publishers’ Collections, MS.42733) recorded £8 paid to ‘Mrs Smith for indexing The power of movement in plants’. The German translation of Movement in plants was made by Julius Victor Carus (Carus trans. 1881); the French translation was made by Édouard Heckel (Heckel trans. 1882).

July 1880

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From C. L. van der Burg and H. Cretier1   15 July 1880 Kon. Natuurk. Vereeniging | in | Nederl. Indië. S. D. Viro Egregio Ch R Darwin | Down Beckingham—Kent Societatis Regiae Scientiarum in India Batava Orientali Praefecti Te, Vir Egregie, propter merita Tua in Scientiam Naturae Socium (Correspondeerend Lid) corporis sui creavere.2 Si id effecissemus ut, Tu Vir Egregie, diploma Societatis nostrae, quod his letteris adjungimus, acceptares et tanquam specimen venerationis nostrae erga Te haberes, existimabamus optandum quiddam nos esse assecutos.3 Dr van der Burg | Praeses | Dr H Cretier | Scriba Scripsimus Bataviae | Idibus Juliis 1880 DAR 202: 107 1 2 3

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I CD was nominated as a corresponding member of the society at the meeting of 20 May 1880; his election was confirmed on 17 June (Natuurkundig tijdschrift voor Nederlandsch Indië 40 (1881): 378–9). For the diploma, see Appendix III.

From R. F. Cooke   15 July 1880 50A, Albemarle S.t | W. July 15, 1880 My dear Sir Your new work is calculated to run to 600 pages, which is a good deal more than any of yr previous ones.1 Do you wish to publish this at your own expense or do you wish Mr Murray to undertake it on the usual terms? I think you may fairly print off 1000 copies as we shall be able to dispose of those sooner or later.2 I calculate that the expenses of 1000 copies will be about £300. & if these are sold (& the retail price is fixed at 12/) they may produce from £75 to £100. But 12/- is a less price than we have generally fixed on your works. It might be 15/-3 Do you wish a set of stereotype plates to be sent to Messrs. Appleton;?4 Have you returned any sheets to Messrs. Clowes5 for press? We might print off 1250 No instead of 1000 No & then distribute the type. Let me know your views & wishes.| Yours faithfully | Rob.t Cooke Cha.s Darwin Esq We must not use quite so thick a paper this time DAR 171: 506

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CD annotation6 Top of letter: May 28th Cooper Feb. 3d

1 2 3 4 5 6

3.

11.

137.

18.

£141:

1".9.

0

0

ink

The previous longest physical volume of CD’s works was the second volume of Variation 2d ed.; it was 499 pages. In the event, 1500 copies of Movement in plants were printed (Freeman 1977). John Murray was CD’s publisher. The eventual price was 15s. (Freeman 1977). CD’s US publisher, D. Appleton & Co., usually printed CD’s works from stereotypes made by John Murray. William Clowes & Sons were printers to John Murray. CD’s annotation is a note for his reply; see letter to R. F. Cooke, 16 July 1880. James Davis Cooper made the woodblocks for Movement in plants.

From James Geikie   15 July 1880 Balbraith, Perth 15th. July 1880 My dear Sir Some years ago you did me the honour to send me a most interesting letter containing an account of some observations made by you on the gravelly drift near Southampton—and which had led you to suggest an explanation of the verticallyplaced stones in that accumulation.1 You may remember that you attributed the peculiar position of those stones to differential movements in the drift itself arising from the slow melting of beds of frozen snow interstratified with the gravels. Your view explained also in a very satisfactory manner the wide distribution of the gravels over the flattish platforms or plateaus between the valleys. I have found this explanation of great service even in Scotland, and from what I have seen of the drift gravels in various parts of Southern England and Northern France I am inclined to think that it has a wide application. I write now to ask whether you will permit me to publish your view in your own words in a forthcoming volume of mine in which I treat of the climatic and geographical changes which have taken place in Europe since the commencement of the pleistocene period.2 Should you think fit to grant my request I need not say that I will be extremely obliged. You will at the same time I am sure confer a favour on many other glacialists who have long been puzzled with the phenomena which your explanation so satisfactorily accounts for. Do not trouble to write in reply unless you would rather that I did not use the letter which you were so kind as to send me. A post-card with the single word “No” will suffice if you do not approve. With highest regards | Yours faithfully | James Geikie DAR 165: 30

July 1880 1 2

247

See Correspondence vol. 24, letter to James Geikie, 16 November 1876. Geikie quoted a large section of CD’s letter of 16 November 1876 in Prehistoric Europe: a geological sketch (Geikie 1881, pp. 141–2).

To H. W. Jackson   15 July 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) July 15. 1880 My dear Sir, I must write a line to thank you sincerely for the official & for your private note, both of them extremely kind.1 I much wish that the weather had been better, & then perhaps I could have made the visit more agreeable to your members. I was very tired in the evening, but none the worse next day. My dear Sir | Yours very faithfully | Charles Darwin. Copy DAR 146: 3 1

Neither of the notes has been found, but they were evidently written to thank CD for having welcomed members and friends of the Lewisham and Blackheath Scientific Association to Down on 10 July 1880 (see letter to H. W. Jackson, 9 [ July 1880] and n. 3). According to Emma Darwin, there were ‘violent showers every hour’ (letter to H. E. Litchfield, [11 July 1880] (DAR 219.9: 242)).

From Lawson Tait   15 July [1880]1 7, Great Charles S.t | Birmingham. July 15 [1880] My Dear Sir, You must think me a nuisance, but I have so much at heart that you are intimately concerned with that you must forgive me. You get the “Midland Naturalist” so that I know you are familiar with our “Union”. We (Management Committee have just decided to establish a prize for local observations in every of our departments of an original character and we want to call it the “Charles Darwin Prize”.2 Mr E. W. Badger our Secretary will write you formally and I hope you will consent.3 A Medal will be struck with your portrait. We are further encouraging original research by running a fund from which we have already granted £150 a year to Dr. George Gore F.R.S. for the continuance of his researches.4 This is by the Bmgham Philosoph. Soc. Knowing that you are interested in such a work, that a contribution from you would have its value multiplied tenfold by its source, guessing that you may be able to give and would like to do it, will you forgive me for begging. My own donation is £2.2 a year for 10 years & they go up to hundreds5 Yours truly, | Lawson Tait. Please in your reply to Mr. Badger do not mention my having written to you DAR 99: 215–216

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3 4

5

July 1880

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from E. W. Badger, 17 July 1880. The Midland Naturalist was the journal of the Midland Union of Scientific and Literary Societies. The scheme for the prize was adopted on 15 July 1880 (Midland Naturalist 3 (1880): 181–2). A copy of these pages from the journal is in DAR 226.2: 46. See letter from E. W. Badger, 17 July 1880. The Birmingham Philosophical Society gave George Gore a grant in aid of research at his Institute of Scientific Research at Easy Row, Birmingham; the institute was founded in 1880 (see ODNB s.v. Gore, George, and Midland Naturalist 4 (1881): 270; see also Nature, 1 July 1880, p. 203). CD recorded a payment of £25 on 19 July 1880 to ‘Birm Sc Fund’ under ‘Gifts [and] Annual Subscriptions’ in his Classed account books (Down House MS); a payment of £2 2s. to ‘Birm Nat Hist Soc’ is recorded under the same heading on 23 September 1880.

To C. L. van der Burg   [after 15 July 1880]1 Sir I beg leave to acknowledge the receipt of your courteous letter in which you announce that the Kon. Natuurkund. Vereeniging in N.-I. has conferred on to me the distinguished honour of being a corresponding m; & for this h. I return my very sincere thanks2 I have the hr. to remain | Sir | Your obliged & obed sevt | Charles Darwin To the | President Draft DAR 202: 107v 1 2

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from C. L. van der Burg and H. Cretier, 15 July 1880. See letter from C. L. van der Burg and H. Cretier, 15 July 1880 and n. 2. CD had been elected a corresponding member of the Koninklijke Natuurkundige Vereeniging in Nederlandsch-Indië (Royal Scientific Society in the Dutch East Indies).

To R. F. Cooke   16 July 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) July 16th 1880 My dear Sir I am much obliged for your note.1 I intended (& had as I thought so clearly expressed myself) to publish the book at my own cost & risk; but I did so merely because I did not think it fair that Mr Murray & you shd. have the risk of publishing a purely scientific work. I shd. certainly prefer to publish on the old or former terms, if, on full consideration, you decide to do so.2 But I believe that you have omitted in your calculations that I have paid to Mr Cooper, for 199 or 200 woodcuts £ s. Feb. 3 137. 18. 0 th May 28 3. 11. 0 £141: 9: 0

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The cuts were rendered more expensive, as several had to be photographed on wood.—3 In favour of the book, I think I can truly say that it contains much new & curious matter; but then there are very few persons who care for physiological Botany in this country.—4 With respect to price I shd be rather sorry at cost being 15s, & if I publish at my own cost, I will fix 14.s & have printed off 1000 copies.—5 As soon as you have decided let me hear the result.— I hope & think corrections will not be quite so heavy as on some former occasions; yet they will be considerable, notwithstanding I went thrice carefully over the completed M.S. The paper certainly must be thinner than usual.—6 Only 2 sheets have been returned to Mess Clowes for Press.— I do not yet know about stereotyped Plates for Mrs. Appleton: I have told them I could not judge whether it was worth their while to reprint the book.—7 There will be a German Edition & perhaps a French one.8 With many thanks for your uniform kind attention to my wishes I remain, My dear Sir | Yours sincerely Ch. Darwin P.S. Please remember about Index-maker9 National Library of Scotland ( John Murray Archive) (Ms. 42152 ff. 372–3) 1 2 3

4

5 6 7 8 9

See letter from R. F. Cooke, 15 July 1880. CD had asked about publication costs in his letter to John Murray, 10 July 1880. John Murray usually published CD’s books at his own expense and paid CD a percentage of the profits on publication. Cooke had calculated the expenses for 1000 copies at £300 (letter from R. F. Cooke, 15 July 1880). James Davis Cooper produced woodcuts for the illustrations. For more on the process of using photography on wood, see Beegan 1995, pp. 266–9. CD alludes to the fact that most British universities and botanic gardens focused on systematic rather than physiological botany. For more on the rise of physiological botany in Britain around this time, see N. Morgan 1980, pp. 142–55. Cooke had calculated profits if the book were sold for 12s., but then suggested 15s. as the price (see letter from R. F. Cooke, 15 July 1880 and n. 3). Cooke suggested thinner paper as the book would be about 600 pages (letter from R. F. Cooke, 15 July 1880). D. Appleton & Co.; see letter from R. F. Cooke, 15 July 1880 and n. 4. See letter to John Murray, 10 July 1880 and n. 3. See letter to John Murray, 10 July 1880 and n. 2.

To Lawson Tait   16 July [1880]1 My dear Sir I shd be the most ungracious of men if I hesitated to accept the honour of the intended prize-medal, & will answer accordingly when I receive the official letter.—2 I saw something in the newspaper about the Fund, & admired greatly the noble spirit of Birmingham. I supposed that it was confined to the place; otherwise I hope & believe that it wd have occurred to me spontaneously to have subscribed.— As it is, I shall be most happy to do so. I do not, however, understand whether it is an annual subscription; or a donation for a fund, the interest of which alone is employed.— I

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July 1880

shd be glad to subscribe 2.2.0 annually or what I shd prefer wd be to give 25£ the interest of which wd be about 1£ annually, & as I am an old man, this wd be best plan for the Fund. Will you kindly take the trouble to advise me.3 I wd give more, but in truth the claims on my purse are many.— Pray Believe me | my dear Sir | yours very f. C. D. P.S. You sent 2 surgical papers to my son F. (who at present is away from home) and I have read them with interest.4 Your success in ovariotomy is truly wonderful. I had a sister who many years ago died from this cause, and now she might have been saved!5 Surgery is indeed a grand scientific art.— L. Tait Esqre— July 16th Draft DAR 202: 86 1 2

3

4

5

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from E. W.  Badger, 17 July 1880. Letter from E. W. Badger, 17 July 1880. The Midland Union of Scientific and Literary Societies had resolved to offer a ‘Darwin prize’ or medal for original work on local topics (see letter from Lawson Tait, 15 July [1880] and n. 2). An article in Nature, 1 July 1880, p. 203, reported on the fund established by the Birmingham Philosophical Society for the endowment of original research and on the first recipient of a grant, George Gore (see letter from Lawson Tait, 15 July [1880] and n. 4). For CD’s contributions, see the letter from Lawson Tait, 15 July [1880] and n. 5. Francis Darwin was probably in Wales at this time (see letter from Francis Darwin, [1 August 1880]); he went to Coniston in the Lake District from about 7 to 17 August (letter from Emma Darwin to W. E. Darwin, [18 August 1880] (DAR 219.1: 137). The papers sent by Tait have not been found, but were probably two recently published papers from the Medico-Chirurgical Transactions on surgical procedures (Tait 1880a and 1880b). Tait was a pioneer in ovariotomy (surgical removal of ovaries) and performed one hundred procedures with the loss of only three patients (ODNB, Tait 1880a). CD’s sister Marianne Parker died in 1858 of ‘chronic disease of the ovarium’ (Certificate of death, Marian Parker, 1858, Overton (General Register Office, England)).

From E. W. Badger   17 July 1880 Midland Union of Natural History Societies. | Midland Counties Herald Office | Birmingham. July 17th 1880 Sir, At a recent meeting of one of the Committees of this Union a resolution was passed requesting me to prefer a request to you, but before doing so I desire as briefly as I can to say a few words about the Union.1 The first number of the Midland Naturalist gave an account of the origin & formation of the Union: the enclosed paper is a copy of that account.2 The Union now consists of 23 Natural History Societies in various parts of the Midland Counties. The Council (consisting of two delegates from each of the societies) has had under consideration for some time past how best to foster original work among the 3000 members of the Union; and at the last meeting (at Northampton) they submitted

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a proposal for the establishment of an annual Prize. The idea was warmly approved of & the Management Committee were directed to consider the subject & were empowered to carry the proposal into effect if they should think it desirable to do so. At a meeting of this Committee held at Birmingham on Thursday last Dr. T. Wright FRS (Cheltenham)3 in the chair, on the motion of Mr Lawson Tait FRCS it was unanimously resolved to offer a Medal or Prize of the value of £10 annually for the best local observations upon any subject within the Scope of the Societies in the Union, & the Subjects to which contributions shall be limited for the next three years were fixed to be 1881 Geology, 1882 Biology, 1883 Archæology.— It is desired to afford as much liberty as possible & hence it was settled that the Prize may be awarded to any paper contributed by a member of the Union which shall during the year have been printed in the journal of the Union (the Midland Naturalist) or which before a day to be fixed shall have been sent in for publication. The following resolution was then unanimously passed:—That the Hon Sec be requested to ask Mr Charles Darwin for permission to use his name for the Prize and in the event of consent being given that the Prize be called “The Darwin Prize”. It is for the purpose of making this request that I have troubled you with this letter; and I can assure you it will be a source of much gratification & encouragement to my Committee if you will yield your consent. In the event of your doing so it is our intention to have a Medal struck bearing your portrait for presentation to those who prefer a gold medal to the amount of the prize in money.4 I have the honour to subscribe myself | Sir Your obed. Servant | Edward W Badger | Hon Sec Charles Darwin Esq., FRS &c DAR 160: 14 1 2 3 4

See letter from Lawson Tait, 15 July [1880] and n. 2. The enclosure has not been found, but see Midland Naturalist 1 (1878): 1–4 for the account of the formation of the Midland Union of Natural History Societies. Thomas Wright. The die for the medal was cut by Joseph Moore; one side showed a bust of CD and the other showed a branch of coral (Midland Naturalist 5 (1882):159).

To Hermann Müller   18 July 1880 Down, Beckenham, Kent July 18. 1880. My dear Sir … I likewise enjoyed your well-merited castigation of M.  Bonnier.1 The book appeared to me a most unsatisfactory one; but I was interested by his evidence of at least the occasional reabsorption of nectar.—2 … Yours very faithfully | Ch. Darwin Copy DAR 146: 441

252 1

2

July 1880

In the July 1880 issue of Kosmos, Müller had written an essay review of Gaston Bonnier’s Les nectaires: étude critique, anatomique et physiologique (Nectaries: a critical anatomical and physiological study; Bonnier 1879a) titled ‘Gaston Bonniers angebliche Widerlegung der modernen Blumentheorie’ (Gaston Bonnier’s supposed refutation of modern floral theory; H. Müller 1880b). In the highly critical article, Müller dismissed Bonnier’s study as mere teleological speculation and a chain of logical errors. Bonnier had observed that in Reseda odorata (mignonette), nectar produced on the underside of the disc, which was abundant when the flower opened, was reabsorbed after fertilisation (Bonnier 1879a, pp. 108–9).

To E. W. Badger   [19 July 1880]1 I request that you will be so good as to inform the members of the Committee that their wish to name the medal after me is a very great honour, which I gladly accept. It is particularly pleasing to me to have my name connected, in however indirect a manner, with a scheme for advancing science, the study of which has been my chief source of happiness throughout life.2 Manchester Guardian, 2 May 1882, p. 6 1 2

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to W. E. Darwin, [19 July 1880]. See letter from E. W. Badger, 17 July 1880.

To W. E. Darwin   [19 July 1880] My dear old W.— As you helped me at Southampton about the gravel, I have thought that you wd. like to see the enclosed, which has pleased me.1 I have told G. about the celts at Southampton, & about the musk ox & woolly elephant remains in angular gravel at Greenstreet Green, which must have been deposited during an almost arctic climate & which I do not doubt was washed down from about Knockholt Beeches over frozen snow, accumulated in the large valleys.—2 We are very quiet here, & I hope it is not very dull for your mother. But I am tired with long letter to Geikie & another difficult one about a prize-medal bearing my name & face, which has been founded at Birmingham.—3 Please return Geikie’s letter— My best of loves to my dear “dutiful & affectionate daughter”, whom I do hope Buxton may do good to.—4 Love to Bessy & to Miss Ashburner, if I may presume so far5 | Your affectionate Father | C. Darwin Postmark: JY 19 80 DAR 210.6: 161 1

CD enclosed the letter from James Geikie, 15 July 1880. CD and William had discussed CD’s ideas about upright pebbles and interstratified gravel at Southampton in 1876 (see Correspondence vol. 24, letter to W. E. Darwin, [after 20 November 1876], and Correspondence vol. 30, Supplement, letter from W. E. Darwin, 30 November [1876].

July 1880 2 3 4 5

253

See letter to James Geikie, 19 July 1880 and n. 4. Knockholt Beeches was a woodland near Sevenoaks, Kent; Greenstreet Green was about six miles to the north, and about three miles north-east of Down. See letter from E. W. Badger, 17 July 1880, and letter to E. W. Badger, [19 July 1880]. Sara Darwin was consulting a physician and taking the waters at Buxton (see letter from W. E. Darwin to Charles and Emma Darwin, 22 July 1880). Elizabeth Darwin and Anne Ashburner.

To James Geikie   19 July 1880 Down | Beckenham Kent. &c. July 19th. 1880— My dear Sir. Your letter has pleased me very much. & I truly feel it an honour that any thing which I wrote on the drift &c. should have been of the least use or interest to you.— Pray make any use of my letter; I forget whether it was written carefully or clearly, so pray touch up any passages that you may think fit to quote—1 All that I have seen since near Southampton & elsewhere has strengthened my notion— Here I live on a Chalk platform gently sloping down from the edge of the escarpment to the S. (which is about 800 ft in height.) to beneath the tertiary beds to the north— The beds of the large & broad valleys (& only of these) are covered with an immense mass of closely packed broken & angular flints; in which mass the skull of the Musk Ox & wooly elephant have been found—2 This great accumulation of unworn flints must therefore have been made when the climate was cold, & I believe it can be accounted for by the larger valleys having been filled up to a great depth during a large part of the year with drifted frozen snow—over which rubbish from the upper parts of the platforms was washed by the summer rains—sometimes along one line & sometimes along another; or in channels cut through the snow all along the main course of the broad valleys.3 I suppose that I formerly mentioned to you the frequent upright position of elongated flints in the red Clayey residue over the chalk, which residue gradually subsides into the troughs & pipes corroded in the solid chalk— This letter is very untidy, but I am tired— Pray believe me, My dear Sir. | Yours sincerely. | Ch: Darwin. P.S. | Several palæolithic celts4 have recently been found in the great angular gravel-bed near Southampton in several places— Copy DAR 144: 332 1 2

3 4

See letter from James Geikie, 15 July 1880 and nn. 1 and 2. The musk ox is Ovibos moschatus; an extinct relative, Praeovibos priscus (giant musk ox) also existed until the end of the Pleistocene epoch. The woolly elephant or mammoth (Mammuthus primigenius) became extinct in the early Holocene epoch. Geikie quoted this paragraph in J. Geikie 1881, p. 142. The Palaeolithic period in human prehistory was characterised by the development of stone tools, among which was the celt, a type of hatchet with a chisel-shaped edge. The period ended roughly around the end of the Pleistocene epoch.

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To Lawson Tait   19 July 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) July 19th 1880 My dear Sir I have much pleasure in enclosing 25£ for your Scientific Fund in Birmingham—1 Yours very faithfully | Ch. Darwin Shrewsbury School, Taylor Library 1

On 19 July 1880, CD recorded a payment of £25 to ‘Birm Sc Fund’ under ‘Gifts [and] Annual Subscriptions’ in his Classed account books (Down House MS). For more on the fund, see the letter to Lawson Tait, 16 July [1880] and n. 3.

From R. F. Cooke   20 July 1880 50A, Albemarle Street, London. W. July 20 1880 My dear Sir With the additional information which you have given regarding your new work, the prospect is rather more gloomy.1 I have put down the cost of Illustrations as £150—& have also added a little more to the cost of corrections & the result is that the whole expense of 1000 Copies comes to £450. If 1000 copies are printed & sold, the retail price being fixed at 14s/- the produce will be £456. Where is the profit for Author or publisher? What is to be done? Can we venture to print 250 more, or can we raise the price to 16/-2 We are fairly puzzled Yours faithfully | Rob.t Cooke Cha.s Darwin Esq DAR 171: 507 1 2

See letter to R. F. Cooke, 16 July 1880 and n. 3. Cooke had failed to take into account the cost of woodcuts for Movement in plants. Cooke had proposed a cost of 15s. but CD had suggested 14s. (see letter to R. F. Cooke, 16 July 1880 and n. 5).

To R. F. Cooke   21 July 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) July 21. 1880 My dear Sir I must take the risk & loss on my own shoulders. As I have made some money by science, I must now lose some for science. I will have 1000 copies printed off &

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from what you say charge 15.s 1 As soon as a moderate time has elapsed for the sale of whatever copies may be sold I will settle with you; & I shall, as I believe, in the course of a few years be partly or wholly repaid by future sales. With many thanks for all your kind consideration of this affair, I remain | Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin National Library of Scotland ( John Murray Archive) (Ms. 42152 f. 374) 1

See letter from R. F. Cooke, 20 July 1880 and nn. 1 and 2.

From W. E. Darwin to Charles and Emma Darwin   22 July 1880 Buckingham House | Buxton Thursday | July. 22 1880 Dear Mother | This also meant for you so please read it aloud My dear Father, I return Mr Geikie’s letter which I was very much interested in reading.1 I am extremely glad he wishes to adopt your idea of settlement of the gravel through the melting of snow. I must get his book when it is out, as I shall be curious to see whether he makes any suggestions as to the Celts, and as to the direction which the floods took originally that spread the flints & gravel over the snow; whether it was from the N.W. which would be the direction of the general drainage system when the Solent was a big river.2 I am trudging about here with a hammer & bag & map, and with the help of Ramsay’s capital book one gets a fairly clear idea of the geology; but great areas of carboniferous limestone and millstone grit are rather uninteresting; I hope soon to take a day into a part where the carboniferous & permian are faulted tighter & see if I can make it out; and also I mean to get on the top of Kinder Scout to see the wonderful weathering of the grit.3 The country is disappointing as far as beauty goes, and though the effect of the wide bleak grass hills is fine it is much spoilt by numberless stone walls; the only really pretty part is the deep valley cut by the Wye in limestone which we shall see well in going down to Haddon.4 Miss Ashburner is set on castles so that we are to drive 12 miles to see Peveril’s Peak, tho’ I fancy it is not much of a ruin, her interest in Kenilworth was extreme, and we were so sorry that Sara was not equal to going; but it was wiser not after our tiring day at Stratford; which interested us all four very much.5 I feared we should be plagued with crowds of wretches being shown over the house at the same time, but we most luckily had it all to ourselves; we did not gush or get sentimental, but when on the spot one felt it all the more astonishing that Shakespeare could have written and read all that he appears to have done, and I made Miss A. most indignant by saying that probably after all you were right & that Bacon was the man.6 Sara has consulted a dried up little Scotchman a Dr Robertson,7 who seems not to have much in him, but he wisely orders no physick, and is very cautious in the amount of bathing ordered, which is only to be every other day, beginning at 6

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minutes, & not getting beyond 10. It is too cold for sitting out unluckily, and there are hardly any pretty short walks except in the public gardens, but after Droitwich she will be equal to any dullness, and I think the keen air after Southampton mildness will be a wholesome change. I am sure it will brace me up well as I was getting rather flabby. I went yesterday and called on Reginald D. & found him very friendly & pleasant and hearty, and I much enjoyed seeing all the D. pictures &c; he is evidently deeply interested in the pedigree and all information about the family.8 He seems to be particularly taken with George, and said on several occasions what a first rate fellow he was, he had been alarmed at a Wrangler, and expected a tall thin man in spectacles, and was delighted to find an ordinary mortal who could laugh.9 He has the signs of having been a sportsman & small squire all his life, and has been chairman of the bench here for 20 years or more, so that he is one of the big people here. He & Mrs. D.10 called he today, she is a pleasant old lady & tried to be very friendly, but as I had before explained that S. was not strong & we are a large party, I think they will probably not ask us to dinner. I am glad to get to know my relations, and also to see the picture of Erasmus which he has which is the finest I have seen.11 Goodbye my dear Father | My love to Mother, you must feel an oddly small party your affect son | WED Reginald D. seemed really smitten with George What is it about a bronze of your head12 Cornford Family Papers (DAR 275: 76) 1 2

3

4 5

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7 8

9

CD had enclosed the letter from James Geikie, 15 July 1880, with his letter to William of [19 July 1880]. James Geikie’s book, Prehistoric Europe: a geological sketch (Geikie 1881), was published in January 1881, but CD received a copy in November 1880 (see letter to James Geikie, 27 November 1880). Geikie discussed the earlier extent of the Solent and Southampton Water in ibid., pp. 341–2. William had probably borrowed CD’s copy of Andrew Crombie Ramsay’s The physical geology and geography of Great Britain: a manual of British geology (Ramsay 1878). Ramsay discussed the character of Kinder Scout and the Millstone grit in ibid., pp. 326–31. The village of Over Haddon in the Peak District is about twelve miles south-east of Buxton. Peveril Castle is a ruined eleventh-century castle overlooking Castleton, a village about ten miles north-east of Buxton. It was made famous in Walter Scott’s novel Peveril of the peak ([Scott 1823]), as was Kenilworth Castle in his novel Kenilworth ([Scott] 1821). Anne Ashburner, Sara Darwin’s aunt, was visiting from America. William Shakespeare’s birthplace in Stratford-upon-Avon was a popular attraction. William alludes to the idea, first presented in the late 1850s, that Shakespeare’s plays were actually written by Francis Bacon (see D. S. Bacon 1857). William Henry Robertson. CD had consulted his uncle Reginald Darwin, who lived in Buxton, when he was working on Erasmus Darwin (see Correspondence vol. 27). George Howard Darwin had provided Reginald with a pedigree of the family and other family papers (see letters from G. H. Darwin, 6 March 1880 and 28 May 1880). George had recently met Reginald Darwin; Emma Darwin wrote of the meeting, ‘G. came home delighted w. Old Reginald who is quite as jolly as his letters seemed to be’ (letter from Emma Darwin to H. E. Litchfield, [11 July 1880]; DAR 219.9: 242). When at university at Cambridge, George had been second in the mathematical honours examination; the position was known as ‘second wrangler’ (Cambridge University calendar 1868).

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Mary Anne Darwin. Reginald possessed two portraits of Erasmus Darwin, one by Joseph Wright and one by James Rawlinson (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter from Reginald Darwin, 7 April 1879). CD had given permission for the Midland Union of Natural History Societies to award a Darwin Prize and Medal; the medal featured a bust of CD and the reverse showed a branch of coral (see letter from E. W. Badger, 17 July 1880 and n. 4).

From James Geikie   22 July 1880 Perth 22d. July 1880 My dear Sir Pray accept my best thanks for your kind permission to use the notes you were so good as to send me.1 They will need no “touching-up”—being perfectly clear and terse. It was extremely kind of you to reply to my letter. I am only sorry to have put you to that trouble. But I’m very glad to have the additional interesting information.2 I am grateful and pleased more than I can say that you should have considered it worth your while to write to me. Nor would you wonder at this if you knew how great is the love and veneration with which I have looked up to you for many years. Pray excuse me saying so much. With highest regards | Yours sincerely | James Geikie DAR 165: 31 1 2

See letter from James Geikie, 15 July 1880, and letter to James Geikie, 19 July 1880. In his letter to Geikie of 19 July 1880, CD had added further observations on differential movement in drifts. In Prehistoric Europe: a geological sketch, Geikie quoted from this letter as well as from CD’s earlier observations made in the letter to James Geikie, 16 November 1876 (Correspondence vol. 24; see also Geikie 1881, pp. 141–2).

From G. H. Darwin   27 July 1880 Trin: Coll: | Camb: July 27. 80 My dear Father, I am in some perplexity to know what I ought to do about the enclosed letter from Wrigley.1 It would be exceedingly disagreeable to refuse my name. I really know absolutely nothing about the place for the last 10  or 12  years & what I do remember is that the discipline was far from good & that Wrigley was painstaking but far from brilliant as a teacher. He occasionally had good men as under masters more especially for the military boys2 What on Earth is the meaning of my being a referee. It would hardly be fair to Wrigley to admit my name & then to give a very luke-warm praise of him & how can I refuse. I have just had a letter from Lady Thomson asking me to join them at Cowes at the end of the week. If I can only get a little better (& I do seem better today) I shall

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certainly go. I feel it is very lazy to do so & that I ought to stop and look after the pendulum, as I’ve not done anything to speak of for so long3 I found poor Horace quite ill with his toothache yesterday but getting better in consequence of having his face lanced.— We had another thunderstorm & heavy rain again last night. I suppose you are quite alone now.4 Your affectionate son | G. H. Darwin I think Wrigley might be fairly described as good for men not intending to read high mathematics Pure trypsin (not thrypsin) not procurable. Kühne probably the only man who ever had it & it wd. cost about £3 a gramme.5 Will send you tomorrow some stuff which is almost all trypsin out of wh. Lea makes pancreatic ferment.6 Horace better but still in bed with bad sore throat DAR 64.2: 94; DAR 210.2: 85 1 2

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The enclosure has not been found; George had apparently been asked by Alfred Wrigley to write a reference for him. Wrigley was the headmaster of Clapham Grammar School and taught mathematics; the school had a special department for pupils preparing for admission to military colleges and the Indian Civil Service (The Times, 16 September 1867, p. 4). CD’s four younger sons, including George, had been pupils at the school. Frances Anna Thomson was the wife of William Thomson. Cowes is a seaport town on the Isle of Wight. George apparently did join the Thomsons for some time on their yacht, Lalla Rookh, on which they spent most summers (S. P. Thompson 1910, 2: 760). George and Horace Darwin were attempting to construct a pendulum to measure the lunar disturbance of gravity; the idea for the investigation had come from Thomson (see Nature, 3 November 1881, pp. 20–1, for a description of the construction of the bifilar pendulum; see also Longair 2016, p. 93). Horace Darwin also lived in Cambridge. Francis Darwin was in Wales (letter from Francis Darwin, [1 August 1880]) and Elizabeth Darwin had gone to Warwick; however, Henrietta Emma and Richard Buckley Litchfield visited from 26 to 29 July 1880 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). The section of the letter from ‘Pure trypsin’ to the end was written on the back of the envelope. In 1876, Wilhelm Friedrich Kühne was the first to isolate and name the enzyme trypsin (Kühne 1876). Arthur Sheridan Lea had gone to Heidelberg to study with Kühne around the time of Kühne’s discovery (Geison 1978, p. 183).

From Ernst Krause1   27 July 1880 Berlin N.O. Friedenstrasse 10. II. den 27.7.80. Hochverehrter Herr! Die deutschen Revuen sind von einer solchen Langsamkeit in der Besprechung literarischer Erscheinungen, dass mir noch nichts von Belang zu Gesicht gekommen ist, was über “Erasmus Darwin” gesagt worden wäre.2 In verschiedenen Tagesblättern sind einige im Allgemeinen wohlmeinende, aber so kurze Besprechungen erschienen, dass es nicht verlohnte, sie Ihnen zu übersenden. Dagegen ist mir eine zweite auf Grund Ihrer Lebensskizze gearbeitete Darstellung in diesen Tagen zugekommen, die ich Ihnen gleichzeitig mit diesem Briefe

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unter Kreuzband sende.3 Sie ist darum interessant, weil sie von einem Ihrer vielen theologischen Gegner in Deutschland herrührt, und es ist erfreulich zu sehen, dass der Mann sich jetzt soviel anständiger und rücksichtsvoller gegen Sie benimmt, als er es früher in zahlreichen Streitschriften der theologischen Journale und in dem gelehrten Buche gethan hat, welches ich in meiner Studie über Erasmus Darwin citirt habe.4 Ferner ist mir eine Besprechung von Ferrari, in der Revue Scientifique zugekommen, die ich Ihnen sende, weil Sie dieselbe vielleicht nicht zu Gesicht bekommen haben.5 Mit dem herzlichen Wunsche, dass diese Zeilen Sie im erwünschtesten Wohlsein erreichen, zeichne ich, hochverehrter Herr | Ihr dankbarlich ergebenster | Ernst Krause DAR 92: B59 1 2 3

4

5

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. The German version of Erasmus Darwin was published in April 1880 (Krause 1880; see letter from Ernst Krause, 19 April 1880). Otto Zöckler’s lecture, ‘Darwin’s Grosvater als Arzt, Dichter und Naturphilosoph’ (Darwin’s grandfather as physician, poet and natural philosopher; Zöckler 1880), drew heavily on Erasmus Darwin as well as on other sources (see ibid., pp. 155–8). Two offprints of Zöckler 1880 are in DAR 133.5: 4 and DAR 210.11: 43. Krause cited Zöckler’s Geschichte der Beziehungen zwischen Theologie und Naturwissenschaft (History of the relations between theology and natural science; Zöckler 1877–9) in Erasmus Darwin, p. 151. For more on Zöckler’s critique of Darwinism from the standpoint of theology, see Gregory 1991. Two copies of Revue scientifique de la France et de l’étranger, 15 May 1880, containing Henri Ferrari’s review of Erasmus Darwin (Ferrari 1880), are in DAR 133.5: 3 and DAR 210.11: 42.

From W. S. Dallas   28 July 1880 Geological Society, | Burlington House, W. 28 July 1880 My dear Mr. Darwin I communicated your letter to my friend Mr. Wise, & he was very much pleased to find that you so kindly agreed to accept the dedication of his poetical effusion.—1 I have not seen the poem, but he called upon me on Sunday with some of Mr. Walter Crane’s drawings which are exceedingly beautiful.— The drawings, which are in outline, will be reproduced by one of the Photographic printing processes, & the book, when completed, will certainly be what the French call an ouvrage de luxe & one of very high artistic character—2 Of the poem itself, I have, as already stated, seen nothing, unless you reckon the four opening lines as sufficient to found an opinion upon.— From the nature of the illustrations & from what Mr. Wise told me, its construction is that of a Fairy Masque, but in what way the theory of evolution is to be illustrated by it, not being myself a poet, I am unable to conceive.— Author & artist have some little difficulty just now in coming to a business arrangement with a publisher, but I believe as soon as they have got matters in train,

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Mr. Wise will write to you, &, I suppose, submit some portion of the work to your inspection.— I feel quite sure that you will be pleased with it so far as the artistic part is concerned, & from my knowledge of the author I hope the poem may satisfy you equally well.— Believe me | Yours very truly | W. S. Dallas. DAR 162: 31 1 2

CD’s letter has not been found, but see the letter from W.  S.  Dallas, 8  July  1880 and n. 3, for the dedication in John Richard de Capel Wise’s The first of May ([Wise] 1881). Each page of [Wise] 1881 has illustrations by Walter Crane.

To Francis Darwin   28 July [1880]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) July 28th My dear Frank Many thanks for all your very useful criticisms, all of which adopted except one & has been partly adopted.— It is a good job for you, but an accursed one for me that the Printers have quite ceased sending me slips.2 I shall get my Worm little book done first, if they do not look sharp.—3 Hooker was very much interested about the pulvinus of Desmodium & about the young plants not bearing lateral leaflets. & about their movement at a lower temp. on seedlings.4 By the way the big envelopes which you use are made of such atrociously bad paper, that everyone has arrived more or less burst— one came in fragments, patched up with sealing wax by Post office at Stafford I think.5 Anyone cd pick out anything from within & you had better not use them.— I send paper by Stahl; he has sent me a copy; if you write pray thank him for me & you may say, if you like, that I fully appreciate the interest of his observations.6 Good Bye— I am tired with writing.— My kindest remembrances to all your party— you were quite right to send Bernard7 home in my opinion.— | Yours affect. | C. Darwin DAR 211: 65 1 2 3

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5 6

The year is established by the reference to proof-sheets and worms (see nn. 2 and 3, below). Francis was assisting with CD’s corrections of proof-sheets for Movement in plants. William Clowes & Sons were printers to John Murray, CD’s publisher. CD mentioned that he was ‘putting together some notes on the action of worms’ in his letter to A. C. Ramsay, 17 June 1880. He recorded in his journal for 1880 (Appendix II) that he ‘Began in Autumn on Worms’. Movement in plants was published on 6 November 1880 (Freeman 1977). Joseph Dalton Hooker probably saw proof-sheets of Movement in plants when he visited Down from 24 to 26 July 1880 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). CD discussed the length of the pulvinus (a swelling at the base of the petiole that acts like a joint) relative to the size of the leaf blade in lateral leaflets of Desmodium as the proximate cause of rapid circumnutating movement (Movement in plants, pp. 364–5). CD had also noted that a sudden fall in temperature caused the terminal leaflet to sink downwards (ibid., pp. 359–60). Francis was in Wales (letter from Francis Darwin, [1 August 1880]). Ernst Stahl sent an offprint of his paper ‘Ueber den Einfluss von Richtung und Stärke der Beleuchtung

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auf einige Bewegungs-erscheinungen im Pflanzenreiche’ (On the influence of the direction and intensity of illumination on some of the phenomena of movement in the plant world; Stahl 1880a), which had appeared in several parts in Botanische Zeitung between 30 April and 11 June 1880. CD cited Stahl 1880a in Movement in plants, p. 446. Bernard Darwin was Francis’s son.

To G. H. Darwin   28 July [1880]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) July 28th My dear George It is rather perplexing, but the probability is that no one will apply to you.— I think you cannot refuse & you might in writing to Wrigley express your sense of his kindness & he certainly brought you on well.—2 If any one shd. apply to you as referee, you might say that you had always heard that W. had been very successful with military pupils.— If any question were asked about discipline of school, you might justly refuse to answer on grounds that you had left it some 15 years ago.— You cd. speak of his personal kindness to you, & that you had profited by being at Clapham.— In fact your answer wd. deceive no one because it wd. give no information.— Very many thanks about trypsin. (N.B. I have just looked, & the Frenchman spells it thrypsine)3 I beg you to thank Mr Lea what he proposes to send will do perfectly.—4 Your affect. Father | C. Darwin We are very sorry to hear about Horace.—5 I hope that you will join the Thomsons6 DAR 210.1: 95 1 2 3

4 5 6

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from G. H. Darwin, 27 July 1880. See letter from G. H. Darwin, 27 July 1880 and nn. 1 and 2. Alfred Wrigley was the headmaster of Clapham Grammar School. See letter from G. H. Darwin, 27 July 1880 and n. 5. The writer who used the French spelling ‘thrypsine’ has not been identified. The word ‘trypsin’ had been coined by Wilhelm Friedrich Kühne (see Kühne 1876, p. 195). See letter from G. H. Darwin, 27 July 1880 and n. 6. Arthur Sheridan Lea had promised to send a compound with a high percentage of trypsin in it. Horace Darwin was ill with toothache and a sore throat (letter from G. H. Darwin, 27 July 1880). George had been invited to join Frances Anna and William Thomson on their yacht at Cowes (letter from G. H. Darwin, 27 July 1880 and n. 3).

From O. C. Marsh   28 July 1880 Yale College | New Haven Ct. July 28th. 1880. Dear Mr. Darwin, I send you today a copy of my Memoir on the Odontornithes, the plates of which I had the pleasure of showing you two years ago.1 I trust you may find in the volumes

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some new facts in confirmation of your own work, which has changed the whole course of scientific investigation. I remain | with high respect, | very truly yours, | O. C. Marsh. Charles Darwin Esq F.R.S. &c. DAR 202: 111 1

Marsh had visited CD on 9 July 1878 (Correspondence vol. 26, letter from W. E. Darwin, 10 July [1878]). CD’s copy of Odontornithes: a monograph on the extinct toothed birds of North America (Marsh 1880) has not been found.

From Asa Gray   29 July [1880] July 29— Thanks for your postal1 Ipomœa jalapa (Conv. I.  macrorhizus. Ell.) of S.  Carolina, with a large turniplike root, sometimes 40–50 lbs, makes only moderately long petioles cotyledons & lengthens the caulicle considerably— — has not caught the trick, but has some idea of it.2 A. Gray ApcS Postmark: JUL 80 DAR 186: 53 1 2

CD’s postcard has not been found, but see the letter from Asa Gray, 3 July 1880. Gray had written about germination in two species of Ipomoea. Ipomoea jalapa is a synonym of I. purga ( jalap), a species native to parts of Mexico. Convolvulus macrorhizus is another synonym of Ipomoea purga, but Ipomoea macrorhiza is largeroot morning-glory, a species native to South Carolina; Gray may have accidentally conflated the names, but evidently intended I. macrorhiza. In Gray’s usage, the caulicle was the initial stem in an embryo (A. Gray 1879, p. 401). The ‘trick’ refers to the method of germination, which, in the case of some other species of Ipomoea, involved the caulicle remaining shut while the petioles lengthened and brought up the cotyledons (letter from Asa Gray, 3 July 1880).

To Ernst Krause   29 July 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) July 29th. 1880 My dear Sir It was very kind of you to send me the two articles; but it so happens that I had seen both. I did not think much of Zockler’s as it appeared to me like a mere robbery of your book. The article in the Revue seemed to me very nicely done.—1 My dear Sir | Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin

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There have been many interesting articles of late in Kosmos; & this reminds me to say, what I had intended before to say, that I ought to pay for this Journal. It is not fair to the Publisher that I shd. go on receiving them gratuitously.—2 Will you give him my cordial & sincere thanks for his kindness, & ask him to send me a memorandum of cost for the current & next year, & I will send cheque for both.— C.D P.S. I have not yet heard from Mr. Murray whether there is any profit from your Book, but ‘vehementer dubito’.3 The Huntington Library (HM 36206) 1

2 3

See letter from Ernst Krause, 27 July 1880 and nn. 3–5. Otto Zöckler drew heavily on Erasmus Darwin for his account of CD’s grandfather in Zöckler 1880. For the review in Revue scientifique de la France et de l’étranger, see Ferrari 1880. The publisher of Kosmos was Karl Alberts. CD’s publisher, John Murray, had not yet reported profits on Erasmus Darwin. Vehementer dubito: I doubt very much (Latin).

To Ernst Krause   30 July 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) July 30th 1880 My dear Sir I received this morning the enclosed account, which be so kind as to return to me. The profit is lamentably small viz 9£"15s"5d, which I herewith transmit by cheque1   You will see 218 copies are still unsold, & whether they ever will be sold, I cannot conjecture. We shall know next year & then the profit of any sale shall be transmitted to you.— I have heard nothing from the U. States about the sale of the book by Mess. Appleton.—2 My dear Sir | Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin [Enclosure: see following page] The Huntington Library (HM 36207); DAR 210.11: 18 1

2 3

The enclosure was a statement of profits from the sale of Erasmus Darwin; this statement, along with statements for CD’s other works published by John Murray, is in DAR 210.11: 18. An entry in CD’s Account books–banking account (Down House MS), dated 30 July 1880, records a payment of £9 15s. 5d. under the heading ‘E. Krause profit of Era. Darwin (I have subtracted amt paid from Murray)’. The part in parentheses (square brackets in ms) refers to the fact that CD had received a single payment from Murray for profits on all his books of £152 12s. 9d. from which he subtracted the profit for Erasmus Darwin. D. Appleton & Co published Erasmus Darwin US ed. Stationers’ Hall distributed copies to the copyright libraries of the United Kingdom (Seville 1999, pp. 233, 262).

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To Francis Darwin   [before 1 August 1880]1 [Down.] My dear F. I have just been reading a notice (& must refer to several original German papers) on very ancient furrowed fields in Germany & Scandinavia & Scotland—believed to be prehistoric.2 They are on mountain sides & apparently at a considerable elevation.— Did you not tell me of some such old furrowed land in N. Wales. I wish you wd. enquire & have a look at any such place. It is a bad time of year, & too soon for many castings. Could you take a light spade & see if you can find worms? If such places are not distant wd. Mrs Atkins3 look in Autumn at them & see if there are castings on the old furrowed land? If there are many, it is a most serious difficulty in the way of my belief of the smoothing power of worms.— I see in my notes I cd. see no castings where there is much Heath growing: Is this true? I have been miserably compelled to take up my worm-notes. C. D.— Are there more castings at the bottom of the furrows than on the summits or convex part? Thanks for today’s pleasant acct 4 | ED DAR 211: 64 1 2

3 4

The date is established by the relationship between this letter, the letter to Francis Darwin, 28 July [1880], and the letter from Francis Darwin, [1 August 1880]. CD refers to Edward Burnett Tylor’s presidential address to the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, in which Tylor discussed recent archaeological work on German ‘high-fields’ and their similarity to Scottish ‘elf-furrows’ and tilled plots in Swedish forests (Tylor 1880, p. 451). CD cited Tylor 1880 in Earthworms, p. 293 n. Mary Elizabeth Atkin. This sentence was added at the top of the letter by Emma Darwin. The letter containing the pleasant account has not been found; it may have been addressed to Emma.

From Francis Darwin   [1 August 1880]1 Aberdovey Sunday Dear Father Many thanks for your letter, Natures B. Z. &c. I shall write to Stahl & will give you message2   I am glad my corrections have been useful.3 I was very glad to find that you & mother approved of Ubbadub being sent away. The other Miss Pedley is unwell now I expect with measles.4 I have been up to the furrowed place on the mountain, Mr Ruck5 was told by the farmer that his the farmer’s grandfather remembered it being ploughed   Mr Ruck thinks it was about 60–80 years ago. I dug two places. one about 48 cm deep one an inch or two less (I havn’t a foot rule here) & then I got down to debris of slate rock, I saw no worms   How deep ought I to dig? In the autumn they will look on these

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old fields for worms. Moles certainly go up on the mountain as high as these places; Mr Ruck doesn’t know what they go after as he doesn’t believe there are earth worms there   There is something among the roots of the grass for the rooks tear up great patches. If Atty’s Regt stops on the Peiwar he will write to the Dr who is fond of such things & ask whether there earthworms there; Atty is almost sure there are; it is 9000 ft high there.6 I have had some jolly fishing & caught some decent sized sea-trout: the worst of it is you suffer such agony over those you miss. I lost one about 3 pounds yesterday through trying to land him in a bad place & I might have taken him down the rapid to a gravelly shore & landed him if I had known it was there. I have found a good many sea shore plants new to me on the sand hills here. I like Ubbadubs cannon joke: please give him my love & say I will write to him— | Yrs affec | F. D. DAR 274.1: 63 1 2 3 4 5

6

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to Francis Darwin, 28 July [1880]. In 1880, the Sunday following 28 July was 1 August. CD had sent Francis a paper by Ernst Stahl (Stahl 1880; see letter to Francis Darwin, 28 July [1880] and n. 6). CD evidently also sent issues of Botanische Zeitung and Nature. Francis was correcting proof-sheets for Movement in plants. Ubbadub was Francis’s son, Bernard Darwin. Mary Eliza and Eve Eleanor Annie Pedley were stepdaughters of Francis’s brother-in-law Richard Mathews Ruck. Lawrence Ruck. CD had previously received information on worm activity on steep slopes that had once been ploughed near Pantlludw, Wales (see Correspondence vol. 20, letter from Amy Ruck to Horace Darwin, [20 January 1872]). See also letter to Francis Darwin, [before 1 August 1880]. Atty (Arthur Ashley Ruck) was a captain in the Eighth Infantry, King’s Regiment (Hart’s army list 1881). Peiwar Kotal is a mountain pass on the border between Afghanistan and Pakistan; it was seized by the British in November 1878 in the second Anglo-Afghan war (Richards 1990, pp. 79–81). The ‘Doctor’ has not been identified.

To ?   3 August 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. August 3d. 1880 Dear Sir I write one line to thank you very much for your second note. I now understand what is to be done, & as soon as my son Francis returns home we will endeavour to make the solution according to your instructions.1 Believe me Dear Sir | yours faithfully & obliged | Charles Darwin American Philosophical Society (Mss.B.D25.) 1

The notes have not been found. Francis Darwin was in Wales (see letter from Francis Darwin, [1 August 1880]); he had been doing experiments that involved chemical analysis, and CD had asked Edward Frankland to recommend a trustworthy analyst to assist with the work (see letter to Edward Frankland, 20 April 1880).

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To J. M. F. Ludlow   4 August 1880 [Down.] Aug 4th 1880 Registrar F. S.— Sir I have been told that I ought to send to you this year a statement of the assetts of the D. F. S. of which I am the Treasurer;1 & I have been further told that you will recommend an actuary for the purpose, for which advice I shd be greatly obliged. The Down F〈  〉 〈S〉 consists of only 51 members, who object much to paying for such an object so that I wish to hear of an Actuary whose charges are not high. I have further been instructed by the Soc. to consult an Actuary, whether our Funds wd. allow an increase in rate of payment during sickness. Hoping that you will oblige me with an answer | I remain Sir | Your obed. ser | Ch. Darwin | (Treasurer to Down F. Soc.) ADraftS DAR 202: 53 1

CD was treasurer of the Down Friendly Society (or Club) from its creation in 1850 until his death in April 1882.

To Francis Darwin   5 August [1880]1

Down— Aug 5.—

My dear F.— Your criticism all excellent.—2 I had remembered Lotus & sent correction to Printers.3 Further on I have given the reference to Sachs & his comparison of movements of plants to those of animals.—4 I have added reference to Stahl; but please remember to tell me, where later numbers of Bot. Zeitung are kept, that I may add page to Stahl.5 I hunted yesterday & could not find any but the old bound volumes— I despatched Ch. IX to you this morning & am now at Ch. X— There are only 12 Chapters— I am very tired so will write no more— Thank God we can see daylight through the work— I am so sorry that your holidays shd. be spoiled by this accursed work.— C. D.— Averrhoa cut all right, but leaflets sometimes sink lower & I have added this.—6 DAR 211: 66 1 2 3

The year is established by the reference to corrections to Movement in plants. Francis was correcting proof-sheets of Movement in plants. Lotus is the genus of trefoil or deervetch; several species are discussed in Movement in plants. The printers were William Clowes & Sons.

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CD quoted remarks by Julius Sachs on the resemblance between plant and animal movements in Movement in plants, pp. 571–2 n. CD had received an offprint of an article by Ernst Stahl from Botanische Zeitung (Stahl 1880; see letter from Francis Darwin, [1 August 1880] and n. 2). The article is cited in Movement in plants, p. 446. A woodcut and diagram of Averrhoa bilimbi (bilimbi or cucumber tree), showing the angular movement of leaves going to sleep, appeared in Movement in plants, pp. 330–1; CD explained in the text that part of the falling movement (from eighty-five to seventy-five degrees) had not been included in order to fit the diagram on to the page (ibid., p. 332).

From S. T. Preston   5 August 1880 25 Reedworth Street | Kennington Road SE. | London. Aug. 5th. 1880 Dear Sir I hesitated to send you the accompanying copy of a paper on Natural Science & Morality before, being doubtful from a letter received from you on May 22nd. whether you would be disposed at present to enter upon the subject.1 But it has occurred to me that the perusal of the paper might possibly not be without interest (waiving perhaps any discussion). You will at least I am sure kindly notice the few facts I have to mention regarding it. The subject was entered upon some three years back, and some of the main groundwork of the present paper was published in cooperation with a friend (for private circulation) as part of a pamphlet dated June 1879.2 This, curiously enough is the same date as that on the preface of Mr Herbert Spencer’s “Data of Ethics”.3 Although the subject is elaborated much further in relation to Evolution in the “Data of Ethics”, I find that the present paper contains some conclusions in accordance with those in Mr Spencer’s work—so as to look almost like a popular exposition of parts of it. I am rather confirmed in this view, inasmuch as a paper by a Canadian Le Sueur, “A Vindication of Scientific Ethics” published in New York, in the “Popular Science Monthly”,4 and which is actually a popular exposition of Mr Spencer’s views—resembles still more closely the paper sent herewith (and was published on the same day; July 1st). One cause for my not reading the “Data of Ethics” before, was perhaps the fact of having published part of the present paper in the private pamphlet mentioned. I am only gratified to find that some of the conclusions are analogous—though the accompanying paper contains but a mere sketch of the relation of the subject to Evolution. I think however that the section on Responsibility and Physical Causation (which I developed myself in 1877) may perhaps contain some novelty—the incentive to this having been Prof Tyndall’s well known address at the Midland Inst.  of Birmingham of that year on the qu〈es〉ti〈on〉 of the Responsibility of criminals in relation to natural causation (re-published, Fortnightly Review Nov. 1877).5 I am inclined to the opinion that the paper as a whole might be capable of contributing something towards popularising the new Natural System of Ethics.6 But this being the first Essay in this line, in which I had any part, I have naturally

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encountered difficulties in the way of introduction, and I fear the paper is practically sunk in its present locality, on account of the extremely limited circulation and repute of the periodical where it appears. Do you think perhaps Mr Spencer would find any interest in the paper; or I should be very grateful for any assistance or word of advice you might like to give me. I cannot but believe that the subject is one which it would do good to follow up, and I think I could do much work with a little encouragement—but find it hard to progress with a dead wall (as it were) of apathy or indifference, even with the best intentions. The subject is one of so special a kind that I have ventured to send you the paper and mention the facts—and letters received from you before, and from the late Prof. Clerk Maxwell & Sir W Thomson (in relation to physical questions)7 induce me to hope that my work may not be entirely undeserving of encouragement. At the same time I should not like it to be overlooked that in the present case a friend (who wishes to remain anonymous for the present) had a large—perhaps greater—share in the development of the main branch of the subject. It is extremely difficult at first in a matter of this kind to obtain even that degree of attention which is necessary to form a judgment on any Essay. Trusting I shall not be thought to be trespassing too far on your kindness. | Yours truly | S Tolver Preston Charles Darwin Esqr FRS &c. P.S. I should mention perhaps that the private pamphlet on “Physics & Ethics”, which included a small part of the present paper (but the main subject of which was principally the work of my friend), was rejected by “The Fortnightly Review”. DAR 174: 62 CD annotations 6.1 or I should … to give me. 6.3] double scored red crayon 6.6 The subject … of encouragement. 6.9] scored red crayon 1 2 3 4 5

6

7

See letter to S. T. Preston, 22 May 1880 and n. 3. Preston’s paper was published in the Journal of Science for July 1880 (Preston 1880a). It has not been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL. The pamphlet was Physics and ethics ([Seaton] 1879); Preston’s friend was William Sharpey Seaton. CD had referred Preston to Herbert Spencer’s The data of ethics (Spencer 1879; see letter to S. T. Preston, 22 May 1880 and n. 4). William Dawson LeSueur and LeSueur 1880. John Tyndall’s address ‘Science and man’ was delivered at the Birmingham and Midland Institute on 1 October 1877 (Tyndall 1877). For ‘Responsibility and physical causation’, see Preston 1880a, pp. 457–60. Preston argued that ethical behaviour was based on rationally calculated self-interest, rather than on instinctive sympathy for others, as CD had argued in Descent 1: 70–104; Preston distinguished selfinterest from mere selfishness, and claimed that personal happiness was dependent on the goodwill, friendship, and sociability of others. He was strongly critical of ‘clericalism’, which based morality on the fear of eternal punishment (see Preston 1880a, pp. 447–9, 453–5). James Clerk Maxwell and William Thomson. For correspondence between Preston and Maxwell, see Harmon ed. 1990–2002, 3: 551–2.

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To R. P. Hardy   6 August [1880]1 [Down.] Aug 6th To Rolfe Price Hardy Esq | Actuary Sir The members of the D.F.C. have asked me, as the Treasurer, to find out whether the belief is well grounded that the funds wd allow of an increase of their benefit 2 The Club was registered in        according to the [schedule] of registration by Mr [illeg]—3 There have been 3 distributions of surplus cash by permission of an Actuary. Each member received 10s per week for sickness during first 6 months & afters wards 5.— Burial fee 5£. They wish to receive 12s weekly during sickness for the first 26 week & afterwards 6s instead of as at present 10s & 5.s Also to receive 10£ for burial fee instead of 5£, with the power of drawing half the 10£ (i.e. 5£) in the case of the death of a wife. I enclose the balance-sheet for the last year,4 (with some appended facts) which I hope will give you sufficient information to judge by; but if not any other information will be supplied by me.— As the T & member of this small Club (51 members) may I request that before considering your answer you will have the kindness to inform me what your fee will be for officially informing me whether any increment to the benefits can be safely granted. I beg leave to remain, Sir | your obliged & obedient serv | Charles Darwin Return accounts ADraftS DAR 202: 62 1 2 3 4

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to J. M. F. Ludlow, 4 August 1880. CD had been advised to consult an actuary on the matter of increasing sickness benefits for members of the Down Friendly Club (see letter to J. M. F. Ludlow, 4 August 1880). The Friendly Club was established in 1850 (see Correspondence vol. 4, letter to J. S. Henslow, 17 January [1850] and n. 6). The enclosure has not been found.

From Adolf Ernst   7 August 1880 Caracas August 7th 1880 Dear Sir, Allow me to thank you most sincerely for your “Geological Observations”, which I have studied with great interest.1 In “Nature” you will have noticed an article of mine on the fecundation of Cobaea penduliflora, which I hope is not void of interest.2 I have to add two observations.

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In none of the many fruits of my plant, both the ovules were developed in all ovarycells; whilst on plants growing in the forest I found many with fully developed six seeds. Should the former be a consequence of geitogamy?3 I know of no plant of Cobaea cultivated in Carácas; the nearest specimens are those of a country-garden, called El Paraiso, which is about 1600 meters from my house, as the crow flies; so that a cross-fecundation between specimens at both places appears next to impossible.— A very luxuriant specimen of Cobaea which I found lately in the forest, had almost overgrown a species of Byrsonima, so that the conspicuous yellow inflorescences of the tree appeared to belong to the climber, which was in flower too. May be the moths are attracted by the bright flowers of the Byrsonima, so that the tree would be a little more than the mere hold of the climber.4 I inclose some seeds of the Cobaea, as I think you might possibly feel interest in growing the plant. I inclose likewise a poor sketch of the flower of one of our few Gentianeae: Lisianthus vasculosus Griseb.—5 This half shrub grows in our higher mountains, from 5000 feet upwards. The drawing is natural size, but as I am unfortunately a very bad drawer, or none at all, I fear the sketch will scarcely give a good idea of the flower and its interesting structure. The flowers grow in short cymes at the end of the branches, are rather fleshy, and have short and strong peduncles. They have generally a nearly upright position. The most peculiar part in their interior is a large vessel inclosing the ovary, and I think Grisebach gave the plant on this account the specific name vasculosus, though he does not even mention this structure in his description Linnaea XXII, 37, 38.6 This vessel is formed by the inferior part of the corollatube, whilst the brim is formed by a supra-staminal annular appendix of the same. It is about 15–16 millim. deep, at the mouth it is 5–6mm. wide, but at the bottom it is a little wider. The ovary is just in the middle of it, leaving a clear space of 2mm. on every side. This vessel is full of nectar. It is always open, the mouth shows no hairs, nor is there any other contrivance by which the nectar might be protected against unbidden guests. There is no fear of a natural outflow, as the flowers never have a nodding position. The large funnel-shaped corolla is of a straw-yellow colour, with some very faint red stripes in the interior. The style rises in a somewhat curved line, and the unripe stigma touches closely the upper corolla-lobes, which are a little smaller than the lower ones. The former are at the same time reflexed at their apices, whilst the under ones remain straight, affording, as it were, a most commodious landing to any insect. The stamens rise from the annular ditch between the corolla and the brim of the nectary, are curved, and bear also curved anthers, the convex side of which (where dehiscence takes place) turns towards the lower corolla lobes; but, as you will see from the sketch, a great part of the mouth is left free. The flowers are most decidedly proterandrous, for the anthers burst long before the stigma opens; but flowers of all degrees of development are to be met with at

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the same time. An insect entering the corolla in the direction of the arrow will get at the nectar, but will also brush off a quantity of pollen and carry it away on its back.7 As soon as the anthers have done their work, the stamina withdraw close to the superior lobes, whilst the style with the opened stigma comes a little down, so that the latter lays now in the place where formerly the anthers were, as I try to show in figure 3. It is evident that an insect visiting a flower in this state, must leave some pollen on the stigma, which it cannot avoid to touch with its back. About a fortnight ago I had the opportunity to witness the visit of these flowers by a large moth (Chaerocampa trilineata Walk), and I saw very distinctly that everything went on in the manner described. I secured the animal, and found its back indeed almost covered with pollen, which under the microscope proved to be that of Lisianthus. I likewise convinced myself that two of the flowers visited by the moth, had really more or less pollen on their stigmas, these two being the only ones which were in condition to be fecundated.— The whole process has certainly nothing particular; but it appeared to me worth while to describe it at some length, as it is so extremely simple. Is there anything like in other species of Lisianthus? Mùller says nothing in his “Befruchtung der Blumen”,8 nor do I find anything referring to it in other books which I am able to consult. Some time ago I sent seed of Lisianthus vasculosus to Kew;9 I hope they will grow; the plant is rather showy and deserves a good plate. I forgot to say that the flowers have no smell, however they are very conspicuous on account of their yellowish-white colour, which contrasts with the dark green foliage. The nectar is very sweet. It exists already in the flowers at the time of their opening, but not before, nor did I find any in flowers which exhibited some signs of having done their task; so that it certainly only serves indirectly the plant. I think thousands of cases of this character may be found against Bonnier’s views.—10 A friend of mine has in his garden a Physianthus (Arauja), which I believe to be the species albens, though there is no red at all on the pure white corolla.11 I recommended careful observations with respect to insects caught by this plant, reading to him the article in a late number of the American Naturalist.— Yesterday he brought me one flower, in which a honey-bee had been caught exactly in the manner as it has been described several times. The observations are continued with much care, as I should like to see whether there be any thing like the reported carnivorous habit of bees.12 I hope you will pardon my keeping up so much of your time with my long letters, especially as my observations may be of however small interest to you. Allow me to continue my communications from time to time, and believe me one of your sincerest admirers and enthusiastic followers. A Ernst

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[Enclosure]13

1.

2.

3.

a

stʹ

st

stʹ

styl

o v v front-view

oʹ vʹ

Lisianthus vasculosus Griseb. DAR 163: 22

aʹ

274 1 2

3 4

5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12

13

August 1880

CD had sent a copy of Geological observations 2d ed. (see letter to Adolf Ernst, 4 April 1880 and n. 2). Ernst’s paper ‘On the fertilisation of Cobæa penduliflora’ was published in Nature, 17 June 1880 (Ernst 1880). Cobaea is a genus of vines and lianas native to montane and upland forests from Mexico to Venezuela; Ernst had concluded that self-fertilisation in C. penduliflora was not possible. Ernst intended ‘geitonogamy’, a term coined by Anton Kerner in 1876 to denote pollination of a flower by pollen from a different flower on the same plant (Kerner 1876, p. 192). Byrsonima (locustberries) is a genus in the family Malpighiaceae, and is native to tropical America. Ernst had noted that Cobaea penduliflora flowers were dull green and that the plant was visited by several large moths (Ernst 1880, p 149). Lisianthus vasculosus is a synonym of Symbolanthus vasculosus, a species of ring-gentians. August Heinrich Rudolf Grisebach and Grisebach 1849, pp. 37–8. See diagrams 2 and 3. Hermann Müller and H. Müller 1873. The Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew. CD and Ernst were both critical of Gaston Bonnier’s work on nectaries (see letter to Adolf Ernst, 4 April 1880 and n. 6, and Ernst 1880, p. 149). Physianthus albens is a synonym of Araujia sericifera. See the note ‘Moths entrapped by an Asclepiad plant (Physianthus) and killed by honey bees’ in American Naturalist 14 (1880): 48–50. CD had written to the editor of the journal, querying whether the bees could have tried to suck nectar from the bodies of the moths (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter to A. S. Packard, 23 November 1879 and n. 2). The diagrams are reproduced here at 75 per cent of their original size.

From S. T. Preston   8 August 1880 25 Reedworth Street | Kennington Road SE | London. Aug 8th. 1880 Dear Sir I thank you for your frank and open expression of views in your last letter.1 I can appreciate that there may be an appearance to justify a prejudice as to writing on several subjects in my case. But I think it will be—so far—admitted that as science progresses, it becomes all the more difficult to separate into distinct branches— that Ethics (for instance) cannot in the present day be treated apart from Physics: and minds are so differently constituted that each must (I think) try to do his best & hope to be judged by results, irrespective of connecting circumstances. But I venture to think (if I may be allowed the opinion) that a spirit of exclusiveness may tend sometimes to be carried too far. Thus (as an example), the modern Vortex-Atom theory might be thought at first sight an exclusively mathematical subject. But it has its physical side.2 Mental capacities (as is known) tend to develop in grooves. A man therefore (possibly) might be competent to do something on the physical side of this theory, because his capacity did not run high in the mathematical direction. Yet I can well imagine that a non-mathematician who attempted to suggest anything in regard to this theory (however carefully he might have thought it out) would run the risk of being considered à priori presumptuous. Yet I think he should not withold what he has to suggest on that ground. The essential fact of the borders of all subjects encroaching on each other, gives (as it seems to me) an occasional chance for an outsider to step in and say a word with advantage—and may it not

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be beneficial sometimes for minds of extremely diverse capacities all to be brought to bear on one and the same subject: their sum being then equivalent to (the rare instance of ) one mind developed in a large number of directions at once. As regards experimental work, I quite appreciate what you say as to the value of this, & have already (under drawbacks) given some time to it. From the exceptional nature of my career and the great disadvantages I have been under through the effects of religious dogma (which I can well imagine it may be difficult to realize), I do not expect to achieve much; but what satisfaction I have will be that of doing original work to the best of my capacity. I hope you will excuse these particulars and not think that I wish to draw you into a correspondence on personal matters which can be of very little interest to you. Your’s truly | S Tolver Preston P.S. I do not know if you may have seen (through Prof Tyndall perhaps) the pamphlet Physics & Ethics.3 If so, I should merely like to say that the strong materialistic stand-point taken up there is more apparent than real. But, as a fact, I was not so much concerned in the preparation, excepting in the Ethical portion of it. Those who are unaware of the time and thought expended by my friend4 on this pamphlet, might perhaps think the critical tone adopted in places somewhat bold. Charles Darwin Esqr FRS &c. DAR 174: 63 1 2

3 4

CD’s letter has not been found. Preston had sent CD a copy of his paper ‘Natural science and morality’ (Preston 1880a; see letter from S. T. Preston, 5 August 1880 and n. 6). The theory that atoms were vortices in a perfect fluid or ether was first developed by William Thomson (see W. Thomson 1867 and W. Thomson 1880); it stimulated research on fluid dynamics as well as abstract mathematical models of matter and motion (see Preston 1880b and Kragh 2002). John Tyndall. The pamphlet was [Seaton] 1879). Preston’s friend was William Sharpey Seaton.

To Eduard Strasburger   8 August 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) August 8th 1880 Dear Sir I thank you cordially for your extreme kindness in having sent me your grand work on the formation & division of cells.1 I never saw anything so beautiful as the Plates, & with what wonderful profusion your work is illustrated!— With much respect, I remain, Dear Sir | Yours faithfully & obliged | Charles Darwin Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek Bonn, Handschriftenabteilung (NL Strasburger I) 1

Strasburger sent the third edition of Über Zellbildung und Zelltheilung (On cell formation and cell division; Strasburger 1880); he had sent the second edition and a French translation of the first edition in 1876

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(Strasburger 1876a and Strasburger 1876b; see Correspondence vol. 24, letter to Eduard Strasburger, 9 December [1876] and n. 2). CD’s copies of the books are in the Darwin Library–Down.

From W. C. Williamson   10 August 1880 Fallowfield | Manchester Aug 10/80 My Dear Sir Since I last wrote to you I have been pursuing my observations on the growth of the Droseræ.1 A plant of D. Capensis flowered last summer and I sowed the seeds in the autumn as soon as they were gathered. As usual all came up in the form of minute examples of the D.  rotundifolia like those of D.  spathulata which I sent you on a previous occasion.2 They were densely crowded together in two seed pans. Towards the end of April last I pricked out in separate pots many of those grown in one of the seedpots,—and these are now about three inches high, and their leaves, as you will see by the enclosed leaf, have all attained the normal form of D. Capensis. The plants in the second pot were left in their crowded condition, alive & healthy,—but battling with one another and with the Sphagnum amongst which they grew—. You will find an illustration of the results in the enclosed box. Nearly all the plants are still in the state of D. rotundifolia. A few (one of which is in the box) lifted their heads above the rest, and have reached the state of the English D. Inte〈rmedia〉 but not one in the pot has yet developed into the true form of D. Capensis3—yet the plants have all been grown side by side and under exactly similar conditions with the single exception that those in separate pots have had space for their free development and the others have not. I trust that you are having a favorable summer in the matter of health I am My Dear Sir | Ever yours | W. C. Williamson DAR 181: 108 1 2

3

See letter from W. C. Williamson, 13 January 1880. Drosera capensis is the Cape sundew; D. spatulata is the spoon-leaved sundew (spathulata is a common misspelling); D. rotundifolia is the common or round-leaved sundew. Williamson had noted the similarity of seedlings of Drosera capensis and D. spatulata to D. rotundifolia in his letter of 13 January 1880. Drosera intermedia is the spoonleaf sundew. While Drosera rotundifolia has leaves arranged in a basal rosette, those of D. intermedia are semi-erect and those of D. capensis have tall stems.

To Francis Darwin   11 August [1880]1 Down. Aug 11th. My dear F.— I despatch today another & not so long a Chapt. as the last.—2 You need not hurry yourself, for we go early on Saturday to Cambridge & I shall do no slips

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there.—3 Perhaps I may leave a set of slips on my table ready for you, if you return home before we do.— I shd like to hear your plans as soon as you have settled them. What a horrid bore it is that you have sprained your ancle; I fear that it will almost spoil your visit. Bernard is looking as jolly as possible—4 what funny things amuse a child— he was in repeated fits of laughter, because I could not remember Jessop5 name & said “oh dear what is his name”— Do it again, was said many times & I had to re-act my forgetfulness.— I have now slips of only 2 last & not very long Chapters to correct, but almost all the revises, which require more work that I had expected. In the last set of slips from you the corrections were mainly erasures of sentences which were all adopted.— Pray give my very kind remembrances to Mr & Mrs. M.6 Be sure walk from Monk Coniston by lane to the Ewe-land?7 road for the sake of view 14 of mile before you get into road.— | C. D. DAR 211: 67 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

The year is established by the reference to corrections to CD’s visit to Cambridge (see n. 3, below). Francis was correcting proof-sheets of Movement in plants (see letter to Francis Darwin, 5 August [1880]). CD was in Cambridge visiting Horace and Ida Darwin from 14 to 19 August (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). Bernard Darwin. The letter from Francis reporting a sprained ankle has not been found. Edward Jessup farmed at Petley’s Farm, near Down House. CD and Emma had stayed at a hotel on Victor and Victoria Alberta Alexandrina Marshall’s Monk Coniston estate in 1879 (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter to Victor Marshall, 25 August 1879). Yewdale Road.

To R. P. Hardy   11 August [1880]1 [Down.] Aug 11th To R. P. Hardy Esq Dear Sir— I am much obliged for your letter of the 10th. & for your offer to undertake the valuation.2 I shd. be much glad if you would send me the paper or form about the ages of the individual members, which I will have soon filled up; but there will be a little delay as I shall leave home on the 14th for a week.3 I fear, however, that it may be impossible for you to make a valuation, owing to the scandalous neglect of the members of this small Club.— Ever since its organisation in 1850, I have drawn up balance sheets & sent them annually to the Club, & have repeatedly charged the members to take care of them. Now I find that the box, belonging to the Club, has been left open & all the annual Balance sheet since 1867 have been destroyed, except those for 1875, 1877, 1878, & 1879.— I could with much labour pick out of my ledger how much has been paid for sickness & burial fees, during each year subsequently to 1870; & how much was received by the monthly payments; but I have no means of ascertaining what interest was received each

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year.4 Will you have the kindness to advise me.— I strongly suspect that the fund will not allow of any increase of benefit to the members, but they are convinced that this can be done, & nothing will satisfy them except the assurance of an Actuary, & I am not sure that they have sense enough to be even then convinced.— Apologising for the length of this note, | I remain dear Sir, Your obliged & obedient servant | Charles Darwin ADraftS DAR 202: 63 1 2 3 4

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to R. P. Hardy, 6 August [1880]. Hardy’s letter has not been found; see, however, the letter to R. P. Hardy, 6 August [1880]. CD was in Cambridge visiting Horace and Ida Darwin from 14 to 19 August, and then in London with his brother, Erasmus, until 21 August (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). No accounts for the Down Friendly Club have been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL or at Down House.

To R. P. Hardy   [after 11 August 1880]1 [Down.] Dear Sir I hope that the enclosed Tables are properly filled up.— Owing to the loss of the annual accounts as before explained It is impossible for me to fill up the Abstract of the accounts.— You have already the annual Balance sheet for 1879 which give our assetts; & I enclose the only other balance-sheets that have been preserved, viz for years 1875, 77 & 78; & be so kind as to preserve & return them to me.2 I beg here to recall to your mind that the members wish to receive 12s weekly during sickness & 10£ as burial fee; half to go for wife’s funeral if she dies first. If you grant any such permission, I presume your letter wd have to be forwarded to the Registrar,3 as the rules of the Club would have therefore to be altered. Dear Sir | yours faithfully | C. D. P. S Please see M.S. note in ft of Title Page of Rules4 (add up totals From) ADraftS DAR 202: 67v 1 2

3 4

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to R. P. Hardy, 11 August [1880]. Hardy was reviewing the accounts of the Down Friendly Club to determine whether sickness benefits could be increased (see letter to J. M. F. Ludlow, 4 August 1880, and letter to R. P. Hardy, 6 August [1880]). The enclosures have not been found; the accounts for the club prior to 1875 had been lost (see letter to R. P. Hardy, 11 August [1880]). The chief registrar of friendly societies was John Malcolm Forbes Ludlow. The note has not been found; the Rules of the Down Friendly Society are in the National Archives, FS1/232.

August 1880 From Hermann Müller   14 August 1880

279

Lippstadt, Aug. 14. 1880.

My dear Sir, My heartiest thanks for your obligingness in having offered to my son to visit you.1 It will be the greatest honour and pleasure to him to make your acquaintance and he will thankfully make use of your kind offer as soon as he will be placed at London. I would have answered your kind letter long ago; but until to these days it was most doubtful, whether my son’s going to England was not to be delayed for a longer time, Prussian teachers being obliged to give notice six months before quitting their posts. Just now my son has found a successor in hist post, and it is almost certain that he will be dismissed from his present place with the beginning of October. Then he will go to London even without having obtained a post there, hoping that after having thoroughly mastered the English language he will succeed in gaining any situation. I have been greatly satisfied by your approval of my judgement upon G. Bonnier’s paper on nectaries   Although fully convinced of the correctness of all that I had stated in my Kosmos-article, I was anxious, to have—by being lively interested in the subject—been hurried to too violent expressions.2 My following articles in the Kosmos ( Jul. Aug. Sept) need to be judged very indulgently, being only abstracts from my work on Alpine flowers (now under the press), which will give the facts my statements rely upon.3 I remain, my dear Sir, with sincere admiration, | yours | H. Müller. DAR 171: 315 1 2 3

No letter from CD about the proposed visit of Wilhelm Hermann Müller has been found. See letter to Hermann Müller, 18 July 1880 and n. 1. Müller’s highly critical review of Gaston Bonnier’s work on nectaries (Bonnier 1879a) was published in Kosmos (H. Müller 1880b). H. Müller 1880a, 1880c, and 1880d, and H. Müller 1881.

To J. W. Judd   [15 August 1880]1 17 Botolph Lane | Cambridge. My dear Mr Judd. If you are in London & disengaged on Friday the 20th. would you come & lunch with me at 1 oclock at my Brothers House 6 Queen Anne St Cavendish Square—2 I should very much like to have 12 an hour geological talk with you— I ought to come to you but it is a rather long journey for me in a rough Cab to S. Kensington.3 If you cannot come to lunch & are inclined to call at any other hour on Friday—I would stay in if you would inform me when you would call.— We return home early on Saturday morning. I remain. | Yours very faithfully— | Charles Darwin.

280

August 1880

Since poor dear Lyell’s death4 I rarely have the pleasure of any geological talk with any one.— Copy DAR 146: 9 1 2 3 4

The date is established by a postmark of ‘15 August 1880’ recorded on the copy. CD visited Horace and Ida Darwin in Cambridge from 14 to 19 August 1880, and then stayed in London with Erasmus Alvey Darwin, returning home on 21 August (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). Judd was professor of geology at the Royal School of Mines in South Kensington, London (ODNB). Charles Lyell had died in 1875.

To A. B. Buckley   16 August [1880]1 Cambridge Aug. 16th My dear Miss Buckley It is an entire blunder of Mr Packard. I have described briefly in Origin the slave making process, as seen by myself.—2 I have, however, remarked (speaking from memory) that apparently F. sanguinea does not attend so much to Aphides in England as on the continent.—3 My dear Miss Buckley | Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin University of Chicago Library, Special Collections Research Center ( Joseph Halle Schaffner collection, box 1, folder 2) 1 2

3

The year is established by the address; CD stayed in Cambridge with Horace and Ida Darwin from 14 to 19 August 1880 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). Buckley’s letter to CD has not been found. CD had discussed the slave-making instincts of Formica sanguinea and F. rufescens in Origin 6th ed., pp. 216–20; from his observations of F. sanguinea, he concluded that the species was less dependent on its slaves (F. fusca) than was F. rufescens, noting that in England F. sanguinea collected building materials and food for themselves. Alpheus Spring Packard Jr wrote: ‘Darwin states that in England, F. sanguinea does not enslave other species’ (Packard 1880, p. 183). In Origin 6th ed., p. 219, CD remarked: in Switzerland the slaves and masters work together, making and bringing materials for the nest: both, but chiefly the slaves, tend, and milk as it may be called, their aphides; and thus both collect food for the community. In England the masters alone usually leave the nest to collect building materials and food for themselves, their slaves and larvæ. Buckley referred to CD’s description of slave-making ants in Life and her children (Buckley 1880, pp. 291–2); she also described ants protecting aphids and feeding on their secretions (ibid., p. 278).

From W. E. A. Axon   17 August 1880 Fern Bank, Higher Broughton, Manchester, 17 Aug 1880 My dear Sir The enclosed cutting appears in the current no. of the “Herald of Health”, a popular American magazine edited by Dr M.  L. Holbrook. From my interest in the subject I am led to ask whether the letter correctly represents your views on the question.1

August 1880

281

As I am now writing a memoir on the “Food of the Poor”2 I am anxious to obtain the widest and most correct information. Such facts as those relating to the Chilian miners are in the highest degree of interest for such an investigation.3 Personally I am a Vegetarian chiefly on humanitarian grounds. From a passage at p. 80 of Life of Erasmus Darwin I should suppose you were not in favour of that diet.4 As a matter of fact I do not find Vegetarians such large eaters, though they have as a rule a keen enjoyment of food. Apologizing for thus troubling you | I am | Yours truly | William E. A. Axon [Enclosure] darwin’s reply to a vegetarian. —The following letter was received from Charles Darwin in answer to one written to him by a person who saw in the theory of evolution, as set forth by this great naturalist, evidence in favor of vegetarianism. We find it in a German vegetarian journal, and translate: dear sir.—I have so many letters to answer that mine to you must be brief. Nevertheless, this has not the significance it would have if I had given the subject of vegetarian diet special attention. The only evidence in my opinion which would be of any value, would be the statistics in regard of the amount of labor performed in countries where the population lived on a different diet. I have always been astonished at the fact that the most extraordinary workers I ever saw, viz., the laborers in the mines of Chili, live exclusively on vegetable food, which includes many seeds of the leguminous plants. On the other hand, the Gauchos are a very active people, and live almost entirely on flesh. Further, it appears to me to be good evidence that in tropical Africa an extraordinary craving exists, which increases to a necessity at times, to eat flesh, though I presume that the seeds of leguminous plants abound there, for the earth nut is extensively cultivated. DAR 202: 12; Herald of Health, August 1880, p. 180 1

2 3 4

The original enclosure has not been found, but the text has been reproduced from the journal in which it was published. For the original letter from CD, see Correspondence vol. 27, letter to Karl Höchberg, 25 February 1879. Herald of Health was edited by Martin Luther Holbrook. The publication has not been identified; Axon published a number of works on diet, especially vegetarianism (for example, Axon 1891). CD had described the diet of Chilean miners as almost exclusively vegetarian in Journal of researches, p. 317. In Erasmus Darwin, p. 80, CD remarked: ‘as Dr. Darwin was a tall, bulky man, who lived much on milk, fruit, and vegetables, it is probable that he ate largely, as every man must do who works hard and lives on such a diet.’

To H. H. Higgins   18 August [1880]1 Cambridge August 18th Dear Sir On my return home, I shall no doubt find your essay on Nassa, & which from what you say I have no doubt that I shall find very interesting.2

282

August 1880

With respect to Cirripedes I gave to the late or present Mr Sowerby a large collection of Duplicates, as after making the British Museum collection as perfect as I could, I had no further use for the Duplicates, & it is probable that these may have been transferred to Mr. Taylor’s collection. If this is the case I shall be heartily glad that they have got into such good hands.—3 I remain | Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Charles Darwin Bedfordshire Archives and Records Service (HG12/8/3) 1 2

3

The year is established by the address; CD was in Cambridge from 14 to 19 August (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). The letter from Higgins on Nassa, a genus of sea snails, has not been found. The essay on Nassa is probably Marrat 1880; a copy is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. It was published in the Proceedings of the Literary and Philosophical Society of Liverpool, of which Higgins was vice-president. CD had given duplicates of his Cirripedia type-specimens to George Brettingham Sowerby Jr; these were later transferred to John Ellor Taylor’s conchological collection in Norwich, and then purchased by Higgins for the Liverpool Museum. When Higgins examined the specimens, he noted their close agreement with species described and figured in CD’s monographs Living Cirripedia (1851) and Living Cirripedia (1854), and concluded that the specimens must have belonged to CD. See Proceedings of the Literary and Philosophical Society of Liverpool 35 (1881): xlv–xlvi.

From Ernst Krause1   18 August 1880 Ragatz in der Schweiz den 18.8.80. Hochverehrter Herr! Ihre beiden freundlichen Schreiben vom 29 u. 30 Juli habe ich erst gestern nachgesendet erhalten,2 da ich ohne vorausbestimmbaren Aufenthalt seit zwei Wochen auf der Reise war. Mit bestem Danke für dieselben bitte ich Sie, gütigst entschuldigen zu wollen, dass ich dieselben erst heute beantworte. Ihre Wünsche in Betreff der Bezahlung des Kosmos werde ich dem Verleger gleich nach meiner Heimkunft melden. Er wird, glaube ich, sehr in Betrübniss sein, Ihnen das Exemplar nicht wie bisher senden zu dürfen.3 Es geht mir nicht anders, in Betreff der Honorar-Anweisung, die Sie mir aus dem Ertrage der englischen Ausgabe gesandt haben.4 Meinem Gefühle nach habe ich nicht den geringsten Anspruch auf diese Summe, denn meine Arbeit daran ist im Vergleich zu dem Vergnügen und zu der Auszeichnung, die mir daraus erwachsen sind, weniger als keine, und Alles was dem Buche Werth und Verkäuflichkeit giebt, geht von Ihnen aus. Um indessen Ihrem Willen gemäss zu handeln, will ich den Betrag erhebe〈n〉. Es wird sich eine Verwendung dafür finden lassen, welche mich der Bedenken überhebt, die ich gegen die Annahme dieser Summe verspüre. Ich bitte Sie aber dringend, irgend welchen ferneren Betrag der aus der englischen oder amerikanischen Ausgabe erwachsen könnte,5 anderweitig gütigst verwenden zu wollen, z. B. zur Deckung der Übersetzungskosten, und im Nothfalle zu irgend welchen wohlthätigen Zwecken. Was mich betrifft, so habe ich ein reichliches Einkommen und unabhängige Stellung u.  hätte am liebsten auf jeden pekuniären Gewinn aus dieser Unternehmung verzichtet, die mir lediglich Herzenssache gewesen ist.

August 1880

283

Über den Erfolg der deutschen Ausgabe habe ich nichts erfahren.6 Der Verleger7 sagt mir, er selbst könne den Absatz erst zur Ostermesse des nächsten Jahres übersehen. Ich fürchte für ihn dass er, wie das in der Natur der Sache liegt, nicht gross sein wird. Mit dem besten Danke die Buchhändler Nota wieder beilegend,8 zeichne ich, hochverehrter Herr, mit dem herzlichsten Wunsche, dass diese Zeilen Sie wohl und munter treffen mögen | Ihr | aufrichtig ergebener | Ernst Krause. DAR 169: 108 1 2 3

4 5 6 7 8

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. See letters to Ernst Krause, 29 July 1880 and 30 July 1880. CD had requested a statement of costs, so that he could pay for copies of Kosmos for the current and following year (see letter to Ernst Krause, 29 July 1880). Kosmos was published by the firm Ernst Günther, whose director was Karl Alberts. CD enclosed a cheque for the profits from Erasmus Darwin with his letter to Krause of 30 July 1880. Erasmus Darwin US ed. The German edition of Erasmus Darwin was published in April 1880 (letter from Ernst Krause, 19 April 1880; Krause 1880). Karl Alberts. See enclosure to letter to Ernst Krause, 30 July 1880.

To W. C. Williamson   18 August [1880]1 Cambridge Aug. 18th From Mr. C. Darwin, Your specimens, which have been forwarded to me here; are interesting; but I think the slowness of the change might have been expected under the circumstances, as in the case of tadpoles.—2 C. D. ApcS DAR 221.4: 246 (photocopy) 1 2

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from W. C. Williamson, 10 August 1880. Williamson had sent seedlings of Drosera capensis (Cape sundew), whose habit of growth when several plants were grown in close proximity resembled that of D. rotundifolia, the common or round-leaved sundew, and D. intermedia, the spoonleaf sundew. See letter from W. C. Williamson, 10 August 1880 and nn. 2 and 3. CD alludes to the fact that tadpoles will not develop into frogs in overcrowded conditions.

From J. B. Innes   19 August 1880 Lochcarron, | Ross-shire, N.B. 19 Augst 80. Dear Darwin— When ignorant folk fancy they have observed something, most likely it is a mare’s nest—1

284

August 1880

Today shooting on the forest here, and being more than half way up the hill of Ben y. Hatt2 I found some barnacles on a rock. 1st. it struck me as curious that barnacles should be so high up. 2nd. that as they were easily separated from the rock with a pen knife that they had not long since been separated by weather. The piece of rock they were on must have weighed from 12 ton to a ton or more  I looked at a good many places about without finding any more.— I send you the specimens. I hope you are all well. The reports of Mrs. Hoole I lament to say seem very unfavourable. She appears to be even worse than she was when we were at Downe.3 My little home party would join me in kind regards to you all, but I have forsaken them for a run on grouse moor and forest. I am however off home again tomorrow. Believe me | Faithfully Yours | J Brodie Innes DAR 167: 36 1 2 3

Mare’s nest: ‘an illusory discovery, esp. one that is much vaunted and betrays foolish credulity’ (OED). Probably Liathach, a mountain in the Torridon Hills about twenty miles north of Lochcarron. Alice Mary Hoole, Innes’s niece, lived at Downe Lodge. Innes had visited Down in May 1880 (letters from Emma Darwin to H. E. Litchfield, [11 May 1880] and [12 May 1880] (DAR 219.9: 236–7)).

From W. E. Darwin   20 August 1880 Bank, Southampton, Augt— 20th 1880 My dear Father, I telegraphed to you to say that I had asked Wm James to call on you at Q. A. St.1 He sails for America on Wednesday; it is cruel to worry you directly you get home, but in case he did not see you, and you are fairly well and have a boy at home,2 could you ask him down to lunch or sleep on Sunday or Monday? He is very modest about going, but is very anxious to do so and is extremely pleasant. His address is 3 Bolton Street Piccadilly I am very sorry I cannot come to meet him, if you do ask him let me know when in case I possibly could come. I am very glad you had so pleasant a visit at Cambridge, and am sorry poor Mother was not quite brisk.3 Sara4 comes tomorrow I am glad to say, I hope she saw you in London Your affect son W. E. Darwin Cornford Family Papers (DAR 275: 77) 1

2

William James had met William Erasmus Darwin in 1877 (E. Taylor 1990, p. 10). CD stayed at Erasmus Alvey Darwin’s house at 6 Queen Anne Street, London, from 19 to 21 August 1880 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). William probably meant one of CD’s other sons.

August 1880 3 4

285

CD and Emma were in Cambridge visiting Horace and Ida Darwin from 14 to 19 August (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). Sara Darwin.

To G. H. Darwin   23 [August 1880]1 Down 23d. My dear George You are a dead hand at decyphering: will you try & make out something of enclosed letter.—2 Frank has utterly failed.3 The bothering man has sent me a German book on “The Bible & Science”.—4 I enjoyed my stay at Cambridge extremely—more than anything for a very long time.—5 Your affect Father | C. Darwin DAR 210.1: 96 1 2

3 4 5

The month and year are established by the mention of CD’s trip to Cambridge (see n. 5, below). The letter has not been found; it was probably written in Kurrentschrift, a form of cursive writing that is the written counterpart of typefaces such as Fraktur. In the past CD had asked some of his German correspondents to write in ‘Italian character’ (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter to Wilhelm Pfeffer, 23 March 1879). Francis Darwin. The German correspondent and the book have not been identified. CD was in Cambridge from 14 to 19 August (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)).

To T. M. Hughes   23 August 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) August 23d. 1880 My dear Sir It would be very ungrateful in me to hesitate for a moment about accepting the honour, which the Chester Nat. Hist. Socy. is willing to confer on me.— If, however, it is expected that I shd. attend to receive the Medal, I fear that I must with much regret decline the honour, for I suffer from the fatigue of travelling & more especially from any unusual excitement.1 Will you, therefore, be so good as to decide for me in whatever way you think best. With my sincere thanks for your extremely kind note, I remain | my dear Sir | Yours very faithfully | Charles Darwin Natural History Museum (General Special Collections MSS DAR 43) 1

No previous letter about the award has been found. Hughes was president of the Chester Society for Natural Science and Woodwardian Professor of geology at Cambridge. The medal was always awarded at the annual conversazione, held in September at the Town Hall in Chester (Siddall 1911, p. 53).

286

August 1880

To J. B. Innes   23 August [1880]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Aug 23d. My dear Innes The discovery of Barnacles on the rocks on the mountains of Scotland wd have been an extraordinary & very interesting one, but I am sorry to say that the objects sent are not barnacles but very hard Lichens.2 I do not remember to have seen any of the same kind, but I have never studied lichens, & they are very perplexing bodies.— We returned on Saturday from Cambridge, where we staid a week with Horace & his charming little wife;3 & we enjoyed ourselves much, admiring the grandeur of Kings Coll. Chapel & the other old scenes of my early life.— My wife has not seen poor Mrs Hoole, since her return; but I daresay you have had late news of her, as Mr Hoole was telling us what a comfort to him your letters were, & that he often wrote to you.—4 We have just had a curious scene on our lawn, viz 67 half-reformed criminals & vagabond boys who have come down here for a holiday, & to each of whom I gave sixpence.5 Some of them had very good faces & some as atrociously bad faces. Did you see in papers an account of a burglary at High-Elms;6 it was a bad one, as the burglars tried to force their way into the Butler’s pantry; he being within with no arms.— I wish I had got your rockets for this house—7 Ever yours very truly | Ch. Darwin Cleveland Health Sciences Library (Robert M. Stecher collection) 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from J.  B.  Innes, 19 August 1880. See letter from J. B. Innes, 19 August 1880. CD and Emma visited Cambridge, staying with Horace and Ida Darwin, from 14 to 19 August 1880 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). Alice Mary Hoole and Stanley Hoole. The event was organised by the Nonconformist pastor James William Condell Fegan; Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242) records a visit from ‘Fegan Mr & boys’ on 23 August 1880. High Elms was the home of John Lubbock. A report of the burglary was in the Pall Mall Gazette, 19 August 1880, p. 6. See letter from J. B. Innes, 24 August 1880 and n. 4.

From J. B. Innes   24 August 1880 Milton Brodie 24 Augs.t 1880. Dear Darwin, You would have seen that I was not unprepared for the upset of my idea that there were barnacles on a rock high on a Scotch Hill.1 The articles looked to me so much like barnacles that I was deceived. I could not guess how they could have got up there.

August 1880

287

I had not heard of the burglary at High Elms.2 It is a pity the butler had not means of winging (or rather legging) one or two of the birds. In case any of your 67 visitors3 should have borne away an outline of your house, and the readiest means of nocturnal access, I should think the alarms I had, and still use on occasion, would be serviceable. They can be got, either with cases of fireworks or with maroons, from Wilkinson Gunmaker Pall Mall—4 You must have much enjoyed your visit to Cambridge, and your son. I am glad to hear his marriage has been so happy.5 I have not had any late accounts of poor Alice.6 I fear there is no improvement to report, or it would have come. I know she used to be much cheered and comforted by Mrs. Darwins frequent visits to her. With all our kindest regards | Believe me | Faithfully yours | J Brodie Innes DAR 167: 37 1 2 3 4

5

6

The barnacles that Innes thought he had found were in fact lichens (see letter to J.  B.  Innes, 23 August [1880]). High Elms was the home of John Lubbock (see letter to J. B. Innes, 23 August [1880]). See letter to J. B. Innes, 23 August [1880] and n. 5. Wilkinson & Son, gun, sword and rifle manufacturers, 27 Pall Mall, London (Post Office London directory). A maroon was a firework designed to make a single loud noise, used especially as a warning or signal (OED). CD and Emma had stayed in Cambridge with Horace and Ida Darwin from 14 to 19 August 1880 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). Horace and Ida had married on 3 January 1880 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). Alice Mary Hoole.

From J. W. Judd   24 August 1880 Science Schools, S. Kensington. | S.W. 24th. August 1880. My dear Sir, I have only just returned from the North of Ireland, where I have been doing some geological work during the last few weeks. I greatly regret that I was not in town to receive your note, as nothing would have given me greater pleasure than to have called upon you in the manner you desired.1 I shall, however, be in London during the remainder of this week and, if it will not be putting you to any inconvenience, should esteem it a great privilege to be permitted to run over to Down for the conversation which I should so greatly like to have with you, on geological matters. For a field-geologist in training (as I am just now) the walk across from Bromley or Orpington to Down will be most pleasant at this time of year.2 And I shall be most happy to come either on Friday or Saturday at any hour which you may name, as likely to put you to the least inconvenience.

288

August 1880

Please to address a line to me at 14 Auriol Road, West Kensington —W. and I will gladly come at any hour on either day you may name, Believe me to remain, | Yours very faithfully | John W. Judd DAR 168: 86 CD annotation Top of letter: ‘11°.25ʹ Charing Cross— send for. Go a little before 4 oclock.—’ pencil 1 2

See letter to J. W. Judd, [15 August 1880]. Bromley and Orpington railway stations were close to Down.

To J. W. Judd   25 August [1880]1 Down. | Beckenham, Kent. | ࢟ (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Aug: 25. Wednesday My dear Sir, I shall be delighted to see you here on Friday—or Saturday but the former day would be a mere shade more convenient.—2 Our trains to Orpington are inconvenient in the morning, Your plan will be to come by the train which leaves Charing X at 11o.25ʹa.m. & we will have dog cart for you at Orpington & that will bring you here in time for luncheon at 1 o’clock. There is an afternoon train which will require your leaving this house to walk back (4 miles) a little before 4 oclock, But I am bound to tell you that I shall not be able to talk with you or any one else for this length of time. however much I should like to do so  But you can read newspaper or take a stroll during part of the time— I am very glad that you will come though it is a long & troublesome expedition for you— Yours sincerely. | Ch. Darwin. Copy DAR 146: 10 1 2

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from J.  W.  Judd, 24 August 1880. Judd had suggested visiting CD on Friday or Saturday, and walking from the railway station to Down House (see letter from J. W. Judd, 24 August 1880).

To T. M. Hughes   26 August 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Aug 26th 1880 My dear Sir I am very sorry for all the trouble which you have had in this affair. When I first received the announcement of the intended honour, I remarked to my son that it

August 1880

289

was a pity that the medal was not confined to local workers, so that you will see how fully I approve of the rule.1 As you truly say, the knowledge of the wish of the Council of the Chester Nat. Hist. Socy. to honour me, & not the mere reception of the medal, would have been the real gratification to me; & this I fully possess, & shall never forget.— Believe me, my dear Sir | Yours sincerely | Charles Darwin Natural History Museum (General Special Collections MSS DAR 8) 1

See letter to T. M. Hughes, 23 August 1880 and n. 1. The rule evidently required the recipient of the medal to attend the annual conversazione in Chester. The medal for 1880 was awarded to Hughes himself, for his work in geology and his service to the society (Siddall 1911, p. 53).

From H. W. Monk   27 August 1880 16 Sydney Street | Onslow Square Chelsea | London S.W. 27th. August 1880— Professor Darwin Dear Sir I have been lecturing in Canada all last winter, and only arrived in England last week— My purpose is to direct some attention to a great truth which seems to have been hitherto overlooked by the Scientific and Philosophic world; consequently, I naturally wish much to consult with a few men who are the most distinguished for their scientific attainments, before I begin to publish my ideas in England by lecturing or otherwise.1 Would you kindly mention time and place that I could see you— If I could meet any of your friends at the same time, it would of course be so much the better— Faithfully your’s | Henry Wentworth Monk DAR 201: 27 1

While in Canada, Monk had campaigned for the restoration of Palestine as part of a scheme for a world government based in Jerusalem; he resided in England from 1880 to 1883 trying to gain support for his scheme (DCB). No record of Monk’s meeting CD has been found.

From J. W. Judd   28 August 1880 14 Auriol Road, | West Kensington | W. 28th. August 1880 Dear Mr. Darwin, I send you by book-post a copy of Whitaker’s paper on sea-cliffs & Escarpments.1 As I have a duplicate copy, please not to trouble to return it. I hope the fatigue of conversation yesterday has not left any ill-effects.2 To me it is such a pleasure to listen

290

August 1880

to the words of suggestion and sympathy from a father in Science, that I fear I may have forgotten the danger in my eagerness at the time. Yours very faithfully, | John W. Judd DAR 168: 87 1 2

CD’s copy of William Whitaker’s paper ‘On subaërial denudation, and on cliffs and escarpments of the chalk and lower Tertiary beds’ (Whitaker 1867) is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. Judd had visited CD on 27 August; CD had warned him that he could only talk for a limited time (see letter to J. W. Judd, 25 August [1880]).

To O. C. Marsh   31 August 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Aug 31 1880 My dear Prof. Marsh I received some time ago your very kind note of July  28th, and yesterday the magnificent volume. I have looked with renewed admiration at the plates, and will soon read the text.1 Your work on these old birds, & on the many fossil animals of N.  America has afforded the best support to the theory of evolution, which has appeared within the last 20 years. The general appearance of the copy which you have sent me is worthy of its contents, and I can say nothing stronger than this. With cordial thanks, believe me yours very sincerely | Charles Darwin LS Yale Peabody Museum of Natural History 1

See letter from O. C. Marsh, 28 July 1880. Marsh had showed CD the plates for Odontornithes: a monograph on the extinct toothed birds of North America (Marsh 1880) on his visit to Down in 1878. CD’s copy has not been found.

From R. F. Cooke   2 September 1880 50A, Albemarle St. | W. Septr. 2 1880 My dear Sir Have you arranged anything with Messrs. Appletons about your new work?1 The Index we are having made by the same hand as did the last & your written instructions have gone to be attended to & Messrs. Clowes send on the sheets.2 Yours faithfully | Rob.t Cooke Cha.s Darwin Esq DAR 171: 508 1

In his letter to Cooke of 16 July 1880, CD said that he had told his US publisher, D. Appleton & Co., that he did not know whether it was worth their while to reprint Movement in plants from the stereotyped plates of the English edition.

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CD had asked for an indexer to be found for Movement in plants and had sent some instructions for making the index; see letter to John Murray, 10 July 1880. The indexer was Matilda Smith; William Clowes & Sons were printing Movement in plants.

From W. C. Williamson to Emma Darwin   2 September 1880 Owens College | Manchester Sept 2nd./80 Private Dear Mrs Darwin I am troubling you by the advice of our mutual friend Sir John Lubbock, under the following circumstances. There exists in Yorkshire a large confederation of smaller societies entitled “The Yorkshire Naturalists Union”, of which I happen to be President.1 The members of that union some time ago determi〈ned〉 to address to your Dis〈tinguished〉 husband their congratul〈ations〉 on his having lived to see his great doctrines attain their majority—or to use Huxleys admirable expression in reference to them, “Come of Age”.2 The appropriate document designed to convey to your husband their sense of the greatness of his work is now ready—and since the “Union” consists largely of working Naturalists and equally largely of men of the operative class.—I have a conviction that Dr Darwin will not despise the tribute of respect co〈ming〉 from such a source. At the same time, knowin〈g〉 his dislike to all display, I have felt it my duty to guard them against taking any steps calculated to be inconvenient to him. They seem anxious to send a small deputation from themselves to bring the document to Down personally.—Having the notion that to send it in any less dignified way would fail to convey to his mind a right sense of their high estimation of his life’s work.— Nevertheless they place themselves in my hands to act as I may wish. Knowing Sir J Lubbocks friendship wi〈th〉 〈your〉 family I asked his advice whether su〈ch〉 〈a〉 deputation would or would not inconvenience your husband, because if so, the document shall be sent to him.3 I shall be much obliged therefore if you will give me a private hint as to the best course to be adopted in this matter and I will guide my friends accordingly. May I venture Madam, whilst I am writing, to congratulate you upon having such a husband, and also, like the Mother of the Gracchii, such sons.4 I am most sincerely yours | Wm. C. Williamson 〈Charles〉 Darwin DAR 181: 109 1 2 3

Williamson was president of the Yorkshire Naturalists’ Union from 1880 to 1881 (https://www.ynu. org.uk/YNU_Presidents, accessed 2 April 2019). Thomas Henry Huxley’s lecture to the Royal Institution of Great Britain on 19 March 1880, ‘The coming of age of the Origin of Species’, was published in Nature, 6 May 1880, pp. 1–4. John Lubbock was CD’s neighbour, living at High Elms, near Down.

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Cornelia, mother of the Gracchi, devoted herself to the education of her two sons, who became famous Roman tribunes (Oxford classical dictionary). Emma Darwin’s sons were William Erasmus, George Howard, Francis, Leonard, and Horace Darwin.

To Williams & Norgate   [before 4 September 1880]1 [Down.] (Comparative Embryology by F. M. Balfour) (Macmillan & Co) (The Brain as an Organ of Mind by Dr. Bastian (Kegan Paul & Co))2 When the Translation of Semper’s book on Biology in the International Series comes out, please send it3 C. Darwin Incomplete? Sotheby’s (dealers) (11 July 2017) 1

2

3

This note was sold as part of a collection of items from CD to Williams & Norgate; CD regularly purchased books from the firm. The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to F. M. Balfour, 4 September 1880. The first volume of Balfour 1880–1 was published between 1 and 14 June 1880 (Publishers’ Circular (1880): 453). Bastian 1880, by Henry Charlton Bastian, was published between 16 and 31 May 1880 (ibid., p. 415). CD’s copies of both works are in the Darwin Library–Down. Semper 1881, by Carl Gottfried Semper, was published by C. Kegan Paul & Co. as volume 31 of the International Scientific Series; CD’s copy is the Darwin Library–CUL. CD had read proof-sheets of the German edition (Semper 1880; see Correspondence vol. 27, letter to C. G. Semper, 2 October 1879).

To F. M. Balfour   4 September 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Sept 4th 1880 My dear Balfour I hope that you will not think me a great bore, but I have this minute finished reading your address at the B. Assocn.; & it has interested me so much that I cannot resist thanking you heartily for the pleasure derived from it, not to mention the honour which you have done me. The recent progress of embryology is indeed splendid.1 I have been very stupid not to have hitherto read your book, but I have had of late no spare time; I have now ordered it, & your address will make it the more interesting to read, though I fear that my want of knowledge will make parts unintelligible to me.—2 In my recent work on plants I have been astonished to find to how many very different stimuli the same small part,, viz the tip of the radicle, is sensitive & has the power of transmitting some influence to the adjoining part of the radicle, exciting it to bend to or from the source of irritation according to the needs of the plant; & all this takes place without any nervous system! I think that such facts shd. be kept in mind, when speculating on the genesis of the nervous system.3 I always feel a malicious pleasure when a priori conclusions are knocked on the head; & therefore I felt somewhat like a Devil, when I read your remarks on

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Herbert Spencer.—4 (I hope that you will soon start for the Alps (& cross the glacier to Horace & Ida), for I am sure that you must much need rest.)— Our recent visit to Cambridge was a brilliant success to us all, & will ever be remembered by me with much pleasure.—5 Believe me | Yours very sincerely | Charles Darwin National Records of Scotland (GD433/2/103C/2) 1

2

3 4

5

Balfour had given his address on 27 August 1880 as chairman of the department of anatomy and physiology at the British Association for the Advancement of Science meeting. It was published in Nature, 2 September 1880, pp. 417–20, and in the Report of the 50th Meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, held at Swansea (1880), Transactions of the sections, pp. 636–44. The entire address was devoted to a review of the role of Darwinian theory in the growth of embryology. CD refers to volume 1 of A treatise on comparative embryology (Balfour 1880–1); Balfour had also published A monograph on the development of elasmobranch fishes (Balfour 1878). Copies of both books are in the Darwin Library–CUL. For CD’s conclusions about the sensitivity of plants, which have no nervous system, see Movement in plants, pp. 571–3. In his address (see n. 1, above), Balfour criticised Herbert Spencer’s theory of nerve formation (see Nature, 2 September 1880, p. 420). For Spencer’s work on the genesis of nerves, see Spencer 1870–2, 1: 511–20. Balfour was a member of the Alpine Club; he met Horace and Ida Darwin in Zermatt, Switzerland, while they were on their honeymoon tour (see letter from Emma Darwin to Sara Darwin, [3 September 1880] (DAR 219.1: 138), and letter from F. M. Balfour, 13 September 1880). CD had visited Horace and Ida in Cambridge from 14 to 19 August 1880 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). The trip included a visit to Balfour’s laboratory (letter from Emma Darwin to H. E. Litchfield, [15 August 1880] (DAR 219.9: 243)).

From Horace Darwin   4 September 1880 Zermatt Sep 4th. 1880 Worms. In a bare place in fir woods rather higher up the valley than Zermatt (Zermatt is 5300 ft. above the sea) I found worm castings.1 Owing to the dryness of the ground and the powderiness of the castings it was difficult to be sure that they were wormcastings, but in some cases I was sure, but I should like to have seen some recent ones. They seemed to be in large quantities, but of this I could not be sure, as I could recognise them only in a few cases. This was the only place in which I found any traces. I have looked carefully in the fields. I will observe more & especially after rain. The guide evidently knew earth worms & said they existed up as high as this2 DAR 64.1: 34–5 1 2

Zermatt is a town in the Swiss Alps at the foot of the Matterhorn. Horace and Ida Darwin were on their honeymoon tour; see letter to F. M. Balfour, 4 September 1880 and n. 5. CD described worm-castings in the Alps in Earthworms, pp. 12 and 279.

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To R. P. Hardy   7 September 1880 [Down.] Dear Sir I am much obliged for the great trouble which you have taken for the D. F Club, & which is by no means remunerated by the enclosed Fee.—1 I will communicate the result to the Club, & hope that the members will have the sense to abide by your careful consideration of their affairs.— You are so good as to offer to fill up the Valuation Return for the Registrar, which I herewith enclose; but for the loss of our annual balance-sheet, the Secretary will not be able to fill up the details.2 Be so kind as to acknowledge the receipt of the cheque. I remain | Dear Sir | Yours faithfully & obliged | C. D. R. P. Hardy Esq | Sept 7th | 1880. ADraftS DAR 202: 64 1

2

See letter to R. P. Hardy, [after 11 August 1880]. CD had sought Hardy’s advice on whether the sickness benefits of the Down Friendly Club could be increased. An entry in CD’s Account books–banking account (Down House MS), dated 7 September 1880, records a payment of £3 3s. marked ‘Hardy (for valuation of Down club)’. The chief registrar of friendly societies was John Malcolm Forbes Ludlow; see letter to J. M. F. Ludlow, 4 August 1880. The enclosure has not been found. The balance sheets for the club from 1868 until 1874 had been lost (see letter to R. P. Hardy, 11 August [1880]). Stephen Whitehead and Thomas Lewis were the last known secretaries (or clerks) of the Down Friendly Club; CD was treasurer.

From Horace Darwin   9 and 12 September 1880 Macugnaga Sep 9th. 1880 Worms. Macugnaga is 5115  ft.  above the sea.1 It rained heavily last night. I found one small worm casting near here in an open place in a larch wood. Higher up the valley, 300 ft. I should say above this, I found several small castings. The castings are evidently made by a very small worm, & were very small. I saw the tail of one of them. The hole through which the castings are made must have been about the size of a pin. I only saw one fresh casting, & altogether I found very few. Old ones are difficult to recognise, as they are very powdery. Baveno Sep. 12th. For the first two hours of our way down here from Macugnaga I looked out for worms but saw none. The fields & grass about Zermatt and Macugnagna so far as I have seen, have not that peculiar hummocky appearance, which is seen at home in fields which are habitually grazed by sheep.2

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DAR 64.1: 36–7 1 2

Macugnaga is a mountain village in northern Italy at the base of Monte Rosa. Baveno is a town in northern Italy on the western shore of Lake Maggiore. For Horace’s observations from Zermatt, a town in the Swiss Alps at the foot of the Matterhorn, see the letter from Horace Darwin, 4 September 1880.

To W. E. Darwin   10 September [1880]1 [Down.] My dear W. Do not trouble yourself about Beaulieu Abbey; for I have found your packet of washed castings & under a high power the bits of brick do not appear rounded.— If I hereafter find that there are generally little stones in the gizzards of worms, then I shd. be very glad to examine some castings from Beaulieu, but not otherwise. So do nothing unless you hear from me again.2 yours affect. | C. Darwin Sept 10th.— | W.E. Darwin Esq DAR 210.6: 162 1 2

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to W. E. Darwin, 18 June 1880. In his letter of 18 June 1880, CD had asked William to visit Beaulieu Abbey in Hampshire to collect a packet of worm-castings so that CD could investigate whether fragments of brick in the castings were rounded by the action of the worm’s gizzard. For CD’s report on the fragments in castings collected from the nave at Beaulieu, see Earthworms, pp. 254–5.

To Adolf Ernst   11 September 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Sept. 11th. 1880 Dear Sir I thank you for your very kind letter & for the seed of the Cobæa, which I will have sown.— I was much interested by your article on this plant, & especially by the evidence against M. Bonnier.— But you hardly put your case clearly enough; & I have seen your article (in the American Naturalist) quoted as supporting M. Bonniers view about nectar! Hermann Müller has reviewed Bonnier in Kosmos with extreme severity.—1 I shd. think what you say about the diminished fertility of the plant, which you artificially fertilised, probable; but then there always remains the doubt whether changed conditions under culture have not slightly decreased the fertility of the plant, as so often happens. The case of Lisianthus is an excellent one of structure & the movements of the parts, adapted for cross-fertilisation; but I do not see any special novelty.—2 With all good wishes I remain | Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Charles Darwin

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P.S It is possible that you might give me information on a little point, about which I am interested. Near Caracas do earth-worms throw up during the damp season vermiform castings of fine earth, as is so common in Europe. If they do, I shd be very glad of any facts soon,— whether many castings are thrown up?— on the plains or in the woods?— their size?— to what depths do the worms burrow?— &c &c.— State Darwin Museum, Moscow (GDM KP OF 8974) 1

2

See letter from Adolf Ernst, 7 August 1880. In his paper ‘On the fertilisation of Cobæa penduliflora’, published in Nature, 17 June 1880, pp. 148–9 (Ernst 1880), Ernst argued against Gaston Bonnier’s thesis that nectar was of no direct advantage to the plant (Bonnier 1879b, p. 206). See also letter from Adolf Ernst, 29 February 1880 and n. 7. For the statement that Ernst’s article supported Bonnier, see American Naturalist 14 (1880): 669. For Hermann Müller’s critique of Bonnier, see ‘Gaston Bonniers angebliche Widerlegung der modernen Blumentheorie’ (Gaston Bonnier’s supposed refutation of modern floral theory; H. Müller 1880b) in the July 1880 issue of Kosmos. For Ernst’s description of his fertilisation experiments with Cobaea penduliflora, see Ernst 1880, p. 149. Ernst enclosed a sketch and described Lisianthus vasculosus (a synonym of Symbolanthus vasculosus; ringgentian) in his letter of 7 August 1880.

From F. M. Balfour   13 September 1880 Zermatt Sept 13. ’80 My dear Mr. Darwin I do not know how to thank you for the very kind letter wh was forwarded to me here.1 When I accepted the position of Vice President of Section and it was I confess with anything but satisfaction that I looked forward to the prospect of having to write my address; & it was with still less pleasure that I accomplished the task during my last visit here; but to receive such a letter from you more than compensates me for all the trouble & indeed I almost feel it to be one of the events of my life.2 You have probably heard by this time that my brother & I found Horace & his wife here. They left much to our regret soon after we came, crossing over one of the glacier passes! I could not pursuade them to come back by another pass.3 My brother & I have been most vigorous since we came out. We have slept or tried to sleep more often in some hut than in bed, & have already been up the Matterhorn & the Weiss horn4   For the moment I have almost forgotten all Embryology but hope to come back with renewed vigour in the course of a week or two I am | yours very sincerly | F. M. Balfour DAR 160: 29 1 2

See letter to F. M. Balfour, 4 September 1880. Balfour was a vice-president of section D (biology) and chairman of the department of anatomy and physiology of the British Association for the Advancement of Science for their annual meeting at Swansea. His chairman’s address was given on 27 August 1880 and published in Nature, 2 September 1880, pp. 417–20.

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Balfour’s brother, Gerald William Balfour, accompanied him on a trip to the Alps (see M. Foster and Sedgwick eds. 1885, pp. 16–17). Horace and Ida Darwin were on their honeymoon tour; see letter from Emma Darwin to Sara Darwin, [3 September 1880] (DAR 219.1: 138). The Matterhorn and the Weisshorn are mountain peaks near the town of Zermatt in the Swiss Alps.

To J. V. Carus   14 September 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Sept. 14th 1880 My dear Sir I send by this Post the 2 first sheets of my book—“The Power of Movement in Plants”—for translation, if you think fit.1 As I believe I said before, the work appears to me to possess some value & novelty; but it is very dull.— You must not,, however, judge of it by the first long chapter, which contains mere descriptions of cases of nearly the same nature; but it seemed to me necessary to establish securely my first point.— There are 195 wood-cuts, & if, as I hope, you decide to translate I will get them stereotyped at as little cost as I can.—2 Please let me hear what you decide; but perhaps you would wish first to see more of the sheets.— I most truly hope that your health keeps moderately good | Believe me, my dear Sir | yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin – Preußischer Kulturbesitz (Slg. Darmstaedter Lc 1859: Darwin, Charles, Bl. 179–180) 1 2

CD had promised to send the proof-sheets of Movement in plants to Carus (see letter to J. V. Carus, 28 April 1880). The first chapter was 56 pages long and described the circumnutating movements of seedling plants; Movement in plants contained 196 woodcuts.

To W. E. Darwin   [before 16 September 1880]1 [Down.] My dear W. The Indian-rubber bands, which you got for me, have done my wrist a great deal of good, but it is not as strong as it was, so that I wish to continue wearing them for some months more.—2 I have only one left, for after a time they burst in an odd manner.— Will you therefore send me by Post  4  or 6  more— I forget price, but will endeavour to ask you what I owe you, as you are such a beggar you will never remind a gentleman what he owes you.— Your affect Father | C. D. DAR 210.6: 168 1

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from W. E. Darwin, 16 September 1880.

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No other references to CD’s wrist complaint have been found. For advice on putting the bands on and their cost, see the letter from W. E. Darwin, 16 September 1880. For the use of rubber bands fixed along the hand and forearm to relieve distortion of the digits and stiffness of the joints resulting from injuries to the nerves, see Annandale 1865, p. 212.

From B. D. Wrangham   [before 16 September 1880]1 [Mr Darwin In reading the life of Kepler, I came to the following passage, which I copied, & sent to Mr Darwin. I had the gratification to receive a letter of thanks from him, in his own writing.]2 “Comentaries on the motions of Mars I beseech my reader, that, not unmindful of the Divine goodness bestowed on man, he do with me praise & celebrate the wisdom & greatness of the Creator, which I open to him from a more inward explanation of the form of the world, from a searching of causes, from a detection of the errors of vision; & that thus, not only in the firmness & stability of the earth, he receive with gratitude, the preservation of all living things as the gift of God, but also that in its motion, so recondite, so admirable, he acknowledge the wisdom of the Creator. But him who is too dull to receive this Science, or too weak to believe the Copernican system without harm to his piety,—let him, I say, I advise that leaving the school of astronomy, & condemning, if he please, any doctrines of the philosophers, he follow his own path, & desist from this wandering through the universe; & lifting up his natural eyes, with which he alone can see, pour himself out in his own heart, in praise of God the Creator; being certain that he gives no less worship to God than the astronomer, to whom God has given to see more clearly with his inward eye, & who, for what he has himself discovered, both can & will glorify God— ACopy incomplete The Huntington Library (HM 72756) 1 2

The date and the author are established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to B. D. Wrangham, 16 September 1880. Given the context of Johann Kepler’s life, the source of the quotation was probably Olmsted 1841, pp. 311–12; the passage also appeared in Whewell 1833, pp. 314–15. For the original passage from the introduction to Kepler’s Astronomia nova, see Kepler 1609, pp. [viii–ix].

From W. E. Darwin   16 September 1880 Bank, Southampton, Sept 16 1880 My dear Father, I send you 4 wrist bands, one of a smaller size which if too small I can change.1 They say at the shop that if they are put on by putting the finger through the

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whole width, you avoid the nail splitting them up; but the advice does not seem worth much, as I fancy one cannot put them without taking hold of the edge. 1s/4 is the dim total. I am glad to say George2 is uncommonly well, I have not seen him so brisk for years; he went a 12 mile ride yesterday on the pink mare. If you do want any Beaulieu worm castings I can easily get them.3 Please tell Mother that Lilly came all right last night & looks very well & happy, & was perfectly well all the passage; and poor Mlle. Wild the french Lady arrived this morning from Havre in an equinoctial gale.4 George is giving us a long visit, I am villain enough to think it is partly to air his French with Mademoiselle. Sara is pretty well, but a little tired by the two arrivals. Goodbye, dear Father, I hope Mother is well | Your affect son | W. E. Darwin I have just been much amused at reading old Sedgwick’s ferocious letter about the “Vestiges” and the female author in M. Napier’s correspondence5 Cornford Family Papers (DAR 275: 78) 1 2 3 4 5

In his letter to William of [before 16 September 1880], CD said that Indian-rubber bands had done his wrist good and requested more. George Howard Darwin. Beaulieu Abbey, Hampshire; see letter to W. E. Darwin, 10 September [1880] and n. 2. Sara Darwin’s niece, Lily Norton, was visiting from America; Henriette Wild was probably employed as her governess. Le Havre is on the French coast, across the English Channel from Southampton. Adam Sedgwick (1785–1873) had published a scathing attack on Vestiges of the natural history of creation ([Chambers] 1844) in the Edinburgh Review, which was edited by Macvey Napier ([Sedgwick] 1845). For Sedgwick’s letters about his article in Macvey Napier’s correspondence, see Napier 1879, pp. 489–95. In a letter on p. 493, Sedgwick says he believes the author of [Chambers] 1844 to be a woman.

To Wilhelm Viëtor   16 September 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Sept. 16th. 1880. Dear Sir As I think any improvement in orthography would be a national benefit, I shall be happy if you will enter my name as a supporter & well-wisher; but I cannot promise to be a “contributor”, if by this is meant a writer of articles or letters to your paper.—1 With all good wishes | I remain Dear Sir | yours faithfully | Charles Darwin. Copy DAR 148: 194a 1

The letter from Viëtor has not been found. Viëtor edited the journal Zeitschrift für Orthographie: Unparteiisches Centralorgan für die orthographische Bewegung im In- und Ausland ( Journal of orthography: Impartial central organ for the orthographic movement at home and abroad) from 1880 to 1886. In the first issue (October 1880), p. 2, CD’s name appears in the list of supporters.

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To B. D. Wrangham   16 September 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Sept. 16. 1880 Dear Sir I am much obliged for your kindness in having copied & sent me the long & striking passage from Kepler.—1 I remain Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin The Huntington Library (HM 72756) 1

The recipient is identified from the accompanying envelope, though CD has addressed it to B. D. Wrangband in error. Wrangham sent a quotation of Johann Kepler probably from Olmsted 1841, pp. 311–12, with his letter of [before 16 September 1880].

From D. Appleton & Co.   17 September 1880 D. Appleton & Co. | 1, 3 & 5 Bond Street | New York. Sept 17th. 1880 Dear Sir: We have just received your letter of the 3rd. ult.1 We also received your former letter & replied to the effect that we should be glad to have a set of plates of your new book “The Power of Movement in Plants” & would pay copyright as with your other books.2 Regretting that you should have had any annoyance through the failure to receive our former letter, we remain | very truly yours | D. Appleton & Co Chas Darwin Esq DAR 159: 107 1 2

CD’s letter has not been found. The earlier correspondence between CD and Appleton has not been found; see, however, the letter to R. F. Cooke, 16 July 1880.

From J. V. Carus   18 September 1880 Leipzig Sept 18th. 1880. My dear Sir, I am very much obliged to you for sending me the two first sheets of your new book and for the kind words with which you accompany them. Of course I shall be most happy to translate the book and I wrote at once to Mr Koch, who will again publish the translation. He will I think directly apply to you about the stereotypes of the wood cuts.1 Before I take up my regular winter work I shall for a few days go to Hamburgh. In the mean time some more sheets of your book will be struck off, so that I can begin

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translating soon after my return. Would you perhaps be so kind as to tell me how large the book will be, of course some sheets more or less would not matter. I was at Ems again for four weeks and feel again all the better for it.2 Although I drank the water there and made a regular “cure”, yet I consider my going there principally as a time of rest and slackening the tension of the ropes and springs of my hard working mental and bodily machine. I enjoy just now the visit of my dear old friend Dr Acland from Oxford, who was the first to set an example of true staunch trustworthy English friendship.3 And so many followed him! You may believe that I am really happy to be able to thank you also amongst them all for great kindness and sympathy. Believe me | My dear Sir, | Yours ever sincerly | J. Victor Carus DAR 161: 113 1

2 3

CD had sent the first two proof-sheets of Movement in plants with his letter to Carus of 14 September 1880 and said that he would get the woodcuts stereotyped if Carus wished to translate the work. Eduard Koch ran E. Schweizerbart’sche Verlagsbuchhandlung, CD’s German publisher. Bad Ems is a spa resort on the river Lahn, a tributary of the Rhine; Carus suffered from bronchial problems (see Correspondence vol. 24, letter from J. V. Carus, 19 March 1876 and n. 4). From 1849 to 1851, Carus had worked as a conservator at the Museum of Comparative Anatomy in Oxford (Complete dictionary of scientific biography); Henry Wentworth Acland was Lee’s Reader in anatomy at Christ Church, Oxford, during that period.

From Horace Darwin to Emma Darwin   [18 September 1880] Turin. Sat. This is only a line to show you that we are alive. We get back to Cam. on the 23rd.1 We have a delightful day today   We went up to the top of a hill 2555 ft. above the sea & found lots of worm castings, & had a delightful panarama of the town.2 We tramwayed to the bottom of the hill & walked up & trammed back. Then we saw a steam tram—imagine my excitement—& we went a long way in it, it was v. nice. Now we are going to dine at a cafe H. D. To Emma Darwin ApcS Postmark: 18 9 80 DAR 162: 73 CD annotations 1.1 This … today 1.2] crossed pencil 1.2 a hill] ‘probably Superga’ added above pencil 1.3 worm castings] closing square bracket pencil 1.3 & had … cafe 1.6] crossed pencil

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Horace and Ida were on their honeymoon tour in the Alps; see letter from Emma Darwin to Sara Darwin, [3 September 1880] (DAR 219.1: 138), and letter from F. M. Balfour, 13 September 1880. Cam.: Cambridge. CD discussed worm-castings at high altitude, including hills near Turin, in Earthworms, p. 12.

To Wilhelm Breitenbach   21 September 1880 Down. | Beckenham Kent (&c). Septr 21. 1880. Dear Sir. I am obliged to you for the copy of your paper which I read with interest when it appeared in the Bot: Zeitung.— I came to the conclusion that I was probably wrong about the length of the pistil in the Ancestor of the Primulaceæ & that you were right—1 But my opinion goes for very little, for I have lately been working on other subjects, & it is a considerable exertion to me now that I am old to recall to mind what I happen to know on any subject. I was then too much engaged to undertake this labour. Should you visit Brazil you will have a splendid field for new observations & wishing you all success2 | I remain Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin. Copy DAR 143: 144 1

2

Breitenbach had sent his paper ‘Über Variabilitäts-Erscheinungen an den Blüthen von Primula elatior und eine Anwendung des “biogenetischen Grundgesetzes”’ (On the phenomena of variability in the flowers of Primula elatior and an application of the ‘fundamental biogenetic law’; Breitenbach 1880). On p. 580, Breitenbach concluded that because the young plant was homostyled, then, according to the biogenetic law (ontogeny recapitulates phylogeny), the ancestral form must have been homostyled. In contrast, CD discussed the emergence of homostyled from heterostyled forms in species of Primula in Forms of flowers, pp. 272–4. Breitenbach travelled to Brazil in 1881; see Correspondence vol. 29, letter from Wilhelm Breitenbach, [before 20 June 1881].

To J. V. Carus   21 September 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Sept. 21st 1880 My dear Sir I thought that I had told you the size of the book.— I am ashamed of its length, but do not know what part could be omitted with propriety.— With Index it will be very nearly 600 pages.— You will be awfully sick of the first chapter.—1 I hope that you have by this time received a large additional number of sheets, which were despatched a day or two ago.— I am delighted that you are able to give a fairly good account of your health.2 Believe me my dear Sir | Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin P.S. In the intervals of correcting the Proofs, I am writing a very little book & have

Wilhelm Breitenbach. ©English Heritage Trust. From the collections of Down House (EH 88202652), reproduced by permission. Image by Cambridge University Library.

304

September 1880

done nearly half of it.— Its title will be (as at present designed) “The Formation of Vegetable Mould, through the action of Worms”— As far as I can judge it will be a curious little book.—3 Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin – Preußischer Kulturbesitz (Slg. Darmstaedter Lc 1859: Darwin, Charles, Bl. 181–182) 1 2 3

See letter from J. V. Carus, 18 September 1880. CD was sending the proof-sheets of Movement in plants for Carus to translate into German. The work was 592 pages long including the index and excluding preliminaries. See letter from J. V. Carus, 18 September 1880 and n. 2. Earthworms was published in October 1881 (Freeman 1977).

From T. M. Reade   21 September 1880 Canning Chambers, 4 South John Street, | Liverpool, Sept 21st 1880 My dear Sir— I send you a short paper on “Oceans & Continents” which may interest you as bearing upon some of the problems dealt with in your researches on Coral Atolls &c—1 When in Edinburgh last Autumn I had a conversation with Mr Murray who explained to me his theories of the formation of coral reefs &c as since set forth in this paper republished in Nature but read before the Royal Soc of Edin—2 It appears to me that he goes out of his way very much to account for everything relating to coral reef growth without subsidence & elevation— It all arises from a fixed belief in the permanence of oceans & continents & a consequent desire to limit such movements as much as possible— I think the theory he sets forth that the cones or peaks on which he considers atolls have been formed have been levelled up by pelagic deposits & thus brought within the limits of reef building coral growth, a very far fetched idea— I remain Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | T. Mellard Reade Dr. Chas. Darwin— DAR 176: 30 1 2

Reade 1880; CD’s latest published work, on coral reefs was Coral reefs 2d ed. John Murray (1841–1914). An abstract of Murray’s paper ‘On the structure and origin of coral reefs and islands’ was published in the Proceedings of the Royal Society of Edinburgh (Murray 1880); it was reprinted in Nature, 12 August 1880, pp. 351–5.

From Josiah Mason   [before 22 September 1880]1 The Bailiff & Trustees of Sir Josiah Mason’s Science College, request the pleasure of the Company of M.r Charles Darwin and Lady at the opening Address by Professor Huxley, F.R.S.

September 1880

305

in the Town Hall, Birmingham, at noon, on the 1st. of October 1880, and at a Soiree at the College at 8 o’clock in the evening.2 An early answer on the accompanying form is requested, when tickets of admission will be sent.3 D DAR 64.1: 49 1

2 3

The date is established by the relationship between this invitation and the letter to Josiah Mason, 22 September 1880. The invitation was presumably accompanied by a now missing letter also inviting CD to a luncheon on the same day; see letter to Josiah Mason, 22 September 1880. Thomas Henry Huxley’s opening address, ‘Science and culture’, was printed in Nature, 7 October 1880, pp. 545–8. The form has not been found.

To Josiah Mason   22 September 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Sept 22d 1880 Mr. Ch. Darwin regrets much that it is impossible for him to have the honour & pleasure of accepting Sir J. Mason’s invitation to Luncheon on October 1st. or for him to attend Prof. Huxleys opening Address.—1 AL The New York Public Library. Astor, Lenox and Tilden Foundations. Manuscripts and Archives Division. (Montague Collection of historical autographs: Series 1, box 2, Darwin folder) 1

For CD’s invitation to the opening of Mason Science College, Birmingham, on 1 October 1880, see the letter from Josiah Mason, [before 22 September 1880]. The opening was marked by an address by Thomas Henry Huxley titled ‘Science and culture’, and printed in Nature, 7 October 1880, pp. 545–8.

To T. M. Reade   22 September 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Sept. 22d. 1880 My dear Sir I am much obliged for your note & paper, which I shall be very glad to read.1 I am not a fair judge, but I agree with you exactly that Mr. Murray’s view is ‘far-fetched’. It is astonishing that there shd. be rapid dissolution of C. of Lime at great depths & near the surface, but not at intermediate depths, where he places his mountain-peaks.—2 Dear Sir. Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin University of Liverpool Library (TMR1.D.7.6) 1

Reade 1880; see letter from T. M. Reade, 21 September 1880.

306 2

September 1880

See letter from T. M. Reade, 21 September 1880 and n. 2. John Murray (1841–1914) argued, contrary to CD’s theory in Coral reefs, that reef formation could be explained without subsidence or elevation; his conclusions were based on samples and measurements taken during the Challenger expedition (Murray 1880).

From Édouard Heckel1   23 September 1880 Chaire de Botanique | Université de France | Faculté des Sciences de Marseille. | Marseille, le 23 9bre 1880 Monsieur et très illustre Maître, Je traduis votre nouveau livre ou mieux je la fais traduire sous ma direction.2 Le second chapitre est fini et j’ai lu tout le livre par fragments avant votre envoi de ce jour dont je vous remercie du fond du coeur.— J’ai été surpris de ne pas trouver dans ce grand et magnifique travail le mouvement des diverses parties de la fleur, comme Sommeil des corolles, mouvement spontaine et mouvement provoqué des etamenes et des pistils. Je desirerai bien savoir si vous le reservez pour une autre publication et je me demande si vous n’aurez pas pu rattacher ces forms du mouvement à celles que vous étudiez si bien dans votre nouveau livre. Je fais exception pour le mouvement provoqué qui est d’une essence différente, mais évidemment le mouvement spontané répond aux mêmes causes (circumnutation)    Je me permets de vous donner sur le point mon opinion parce que l’examen de ces faits a fait l’objet de mon étude spéciale: et j’ajoute encore que je serais bien heureux de vous voir traiter cette grande question du mouvement dans les diverses parties de la fleur, question que J’ai effleurié il y 6 ans.3 Veuillez croire, Monsieur et très illustre Maître, à mes sentiments de profonde admiration | Dr Ed. Heckel Je vous adresserai sois peu un travail sur le convolvulus arvensis (monstrosité) dans lequel vous reconnaîtrez l’influence de vos travaux.4 Avec mon faible bagage je serai bientôt candidat à l’Institut de France, quelles seraient les conditions à remplir pour arriver comme correspondant à la Royal Society? Ce serait un grand honneur pour moi que d’appartenir à la Societe Savante qui est la plus haute expression de la Science en Angleterre et qui la première a sa rendre justice à l’immense valeur de vos travaux.5 DAR 166: 129 1 2 3

4

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. Heckel was supervising the French translation of Movement in plants (Heckel trans. 1882). In 1875, Heckel had published Du mouvement végétale; nouvelles recherches anatomiques et physiologiques sur la motilité dans quelques organes reproducteurs des phanérogames (Vegetable movement; new anatomical and physiological research on motility in some reproductive organs of phanerogams; Heckel 1875). Heckel discussed the omission of ‘le mouvement provoqué’ (provoked movement) in CD’s work in the preface of Heckel trans. 1882, pp. xxiv–xxv. Convolvulus arvensis is field bindweed. A copy of Heckel’s ‘Recherches de morphologie, de tératologie et de tératogénie végétales. Pétalodie staminale et polymorphisme floral dans le Convolvulus arvensis L.; création artificielle de cette monstruosité. — Multiplication et pétalodie staminales du Viburnum Tinus L.; conditions de formation de cette monstruosité’ (Researches on plant morphology, teratology and teratogeny. Staminal petalody and floral polymorphism in Convolvulus arvensis L.; artificial

September 1880

5

307

creation of this monstrosity. — Stamina multiplication and petalody of Viburnum Tinus L.; conditions of formation of this monstrosity; Heckel 1880a) is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. Heckel also published a shorter note: ‘Dimorphisme floral et pétalodie staminale, observés sur le Convolvulus arvensis L.; création artificielle de cette dernière monstruosité’ (Floral dimorphism and stamen petalody, observed in Convolvulus arvensis L.; artificial creation of this last monstrosity; Heckel 1880b). Heckel eventually became a corresponding member of the rural economy section of the Académie des sciences, a component academy of the Institut de France, in 1907 (Complete dictionary of scientific biography). He did not become a foreign corresponding member of the Royal Society of London; for the conditions of election, see Record of the Royal Society of London, pp. 95–6.

From J. D. Hooker   24 September 1880 Royal Gardens Kew Sept. 24/80. Dear Darwin The De Candolles ♂ & ♀ are here & the ♂ wants very much to visit you & see your Laboratory!— What am I to say to him?.— They came here today & we have arranged dinner parties for them on Saturday & Tuesday—so I suppose Monday would be a possible day for him, or Wednesday.1 I know he goes back next week. The Grays stay into next week then go to Spain, then to Paris for A. G. to work for a fortnight— we shall join them late in December for a trip to Rome & Naples.2 Ever aff Yrs | J D Hooker DAR 104: 140–1 1 2

Alphonse de Candolle and Jeanne-Victoire-Laure de Candolle; Alphonse de Candolle visited Down on Monday 27 September 1880 (see letter from Asa Gray, 30 September 18[80]). Asa Gray planned to visit herbaria in Europe to research volume 2 of his synoptical flora of North America (A. Gray 1878–84). He and his wife, Jane Loring Gray, spent the autumn of 1880 in Spain and France, winter at the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, spring 1881 in Italy, and summer at Kew, returning home in October 1881. Hooker and his wife Hyacinth Hooker joined them for a tour of Italy in early March 1881. ( J. L. Gray ed. 1893, 2: 701 and 714.)

From J. S. Keltie   24 September 1880 Nature | Advertisements and business letters to be addressed to the Publishers Editorial Communications to the Editor. Publishing Office: | Bedford Street, Strand, | London. Sept. 24/80 Dear Sir Perhaps you would not object to our prefacing Prof. Wilder’s proposal with the statement that you have been good enough to forward it to us and think that it ought to be republished in the country?1 I am | Yours truly | J. S. Keltie Charles Darwin Esq. DAR 202: 105

308 1

September 1880

CD had forwarded to Nature Burt Green Wilder’s letter, ‘The two kinds of vivisection—sentisection and callisection’, from the Medical Record: a Weekly Journal of Medicine and Surgery, 21 August 1880, pp. 219–20.

From Charles Layton   24 September 1880 D. Appleton & Co. | Publishers | Booksellers & Importers. | 549 & 551, Broadway, | New York. | Foreign Agency |16, Little Britain, E.C. | London Sep.t 24 1880 Charles Darwin Esq Dear Sir I enclose a/c Sales of your Books from New York, with cheque on Union Bank for £24.4.11 in payment— a receipt will oblige1 Yours Respectfully | Charles Layton | Agent D. Appleton & Co [Enclosure] Statement of Sales of Origi〈n〉 of Species2 to Aug 1st, 1880 by D. APPLETON & CO. 〈for account of〉 Chas Darwin On hand last account,

523

On hand this day

〈290〉

〈Gi〉ven away,

Pri〈n〉ted since, 〈1〉

Ed over

Sold to date Est

〈234〉 524 〈      〉

s〈o〉l〈d〉 234. c〈opies〉 Climbing plants F〈e〉by 1/80 Aug 1

On han〈d〉

366 〈3〉23

〈sold under cost〉 10 33 10% 〈Sold〉 O〈rchids〉 Feby 1/80 Aug 1—

〈on hand〉

〈      〉

47〈6〉 456

〈sol〉d under cost 10 Sold 〈10〉

〈      〉

September 1880 Different forms of Flowers Feby 1/79 on hand 504 Aug 1. — 48〈2〉 sold 〈22〉 〈      〉 Forwd 〈Cross Fer〉tilization Forwd $32.58 On hand 258 〈Feby 1/80〉 〈Aug 1/80〉

309

〈23.59〉 $32.58

217 " sold under cost 15

Sold 〈Expressio〉n of Emotions at hand 〈Feby 1〉/80 〈Aug 1/80〉 〈Sol〉d 〈De〉scent 〈of〉 Man at hand 〈Feby 1〉/80 〈Aug 1/80〉 〈Sol〉d 〈Insect〉ivorous Pla〈nts〉 〈      〉

26. 10% of $2 $5.20 944 897 47 10% of $3〈.50〉

16.45

944 897 47 10% of $3〈.50〉

16.45

DAR 159: 106, 108 1 2

CD’s Account books–banking account (Down House MS) records the receipt of £24 14s. 11d. under the heading ‘Appleton & Co Profits of Books’ on 25 September 1880. Where figures are supplied to this badly damaged enclosure it is by reference to the preceding and following statements (see letter from D. Appleton & Co, 11 March 1880, and Correspondence vol. 29, letter from Charles Layton, 17 March 1881). The publications mentioned are Origin 3d US ed., Climbing plants US ed., Orchids 2d US ed., Forms of flowers US ed., Cross and self fertilisation US ed., Expression US ed., Descent 2d US ed., and Insectivorous plants US ed.

To J. S. Keltie   [after 24 September 1880]1

[Down.] Dear Sir I have no objection to your proposal if a single sentence is used,— so as not to appear as if I was patronizing Prof. Wilder.— Something like the following one would perhaps do.— Mr Darwin has forwarded to us the following article, as he thinks that the suggestion there contained deserves consideration in this country.2 ADraft DAR 202: 105v

310 1 2

September 1880

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from J. S. Keltie, 24 September 1880. See letter from J. S. Keltie, 24 September 1880 and n. 1. CD had forwarded a letter on vivisection by Burt Green Wilder to Nature; it had originally been published in the Medical Record: a Weekly Journal of Medicine and Surgery, 21 August 1880, pp. 219–20. An extract from the letter with a preface similar to the one suggested by CD was reprinted in Nature, 30 September 1880, pp. 517–18. Wilder’s suggestion was to distinguish painless (under anaesthetic) from painful vivisection, noting that the vast majority of operations (including all those for teaching) were painless; but he argued that painful operations might still be performed under special conditions for research purposes. For more on CD’s involvement with vivisection debates, see Correspondence vol. 23, Appendix VI.

From James Torbitt   26 September 1880 J. Torbitt, | Wine Merchant. | 58, North Street, | Belfast, 26 Septr 1880 Charles Darwin Esqr. | Down. My dear Sir, I am careful of your time, and this is no acknowledgment of your kind and valued letter of 16th. June last, but I cannot let a day pass without giving you the results of yesterdays work.1 yesterday I had raised about 500  varieties, out of one cross of the second generation, comprising about 1,500  varieties. These are this years seedlings and among the tubers (some 10,000) only three small ones were found diseased. Many of the plants produced from two to three lbs of tubers, all globular   I have had two reports from growers of new varieties of 1875—one is, “yield prodigious and no disease” the other is “immense yield and no disease”. I have not raised the six acres of my own (or yours rather) 1877s and ’78s but in them I am informed there is some disease, and the process of selection must be carried out in them as it was in the 1875.s 2 But given a variety which has been during four or five years free from disease, will it continue to be so forever? I have no doubt that it will not, and I have no doubt that it will not live forever. New varieties must be continually coming into existence, in my opinion, if the maximum capacity of the plant is to be made available. (To be continued) I remain my dear Sir | most respectfully | and faithfully yours | James Torbitt DAR 178: 168 CD annotations 1.1 I … work 1.3] crossed pencil 2.1 yesterday] open square bracket red and blue crayon 2.1 of one] after ‘out’ interl pencil 1 2

See letter to James Torbitt, 16 June 1880. Torbitt was conducting crossing experiments to grow diseaseresistant varieties of potato. For details of the six acres Torbitt had planted using the funds that CD had helped to raise, and the landowners he had induced to grow fourteen acres between them, see the letter from James Torbitt, 1 April 1880 and n. 4, and the letter from James Torbitt, 13 May 1880.

September 1880

311

From George King   28 September 1880 c/o Messrs Grindlay & Co | 55 Parliament St | London 28 Sept 1880. Dear Sir, Before leaving Calcutta for England last April, Mr John Scott (of whose premature death you may have heard) put up in spirits two curious specimens of imperfectly developed young pigs.1 These he took with him with the intention of giving them to you. Being in this country on a short holiday I went the other day to see the relative in whose house Mr Scott died & I there found the jar containing these specimens. I fear Mr Scott was too ill after his arrival in this country to write to you about them, but being anxious to carry out his intentions about them I have had them sent to you—2 The specimens will explain themselves. Probably what will interest you most about them is the fact that the sow that gave birth to these has given birth to many litters of the same kind. His friends have made over Mr Scotts papers to me & if I find amongst them any notes about these pigs I shall send them to you. Believe me to be | Yrs faithfully | George King C. Darwin Esq DAR 169: 21 1

2

In 1879, John Scott was forced to return to Britain from India on two years’ sick leave after developing a spleen complaint. He died at his sister’s house at Garvald, East Lothian, on 11 June 1880 (ODNB). King was superintendent and Scott had been curator at the Royal Botanic Garden, Calcutta. The specimens have not been found. CD had been sent specimens of imperfectly developed animals in response to his discussion of polydactylism and inheritance in Variation 2: 12–17; for an instance of a pig’s foot, see Correspondence vol. 25, letter to Otto Zacharias, 26 April 1877. CD also discussed semi-monstrous breeds of pigs in Variation 1: 75.

To George King   29 September 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Sept. 29th. 1880 Dear Sir I am much obliged for your letter & for the trouble about the specimens.1 I was truly grieved to hear of John Scott’s death: he did not write to me.— It was very kind of you to visit his poor relations.— I did what I could by getting them an introduction to a neighbouring clergyman, who I thought might aid them in the disposal of Scotts property.— They wanted me to go down there; but I have very little strength & the journey was much too long for me.—2 I had not heard before receiving your note that you were in England. I shd. very much like to have the pleasure of making your personal acquaintance. Can you spare the time to come here to dinner & sleep any day soon, which would suit you? If so, you had better leave Charing Cross for Orpington St. by the 4o5ʹ train or 5o.5ʹ if more convenient. I shd. almost certainly be able to send you a carriage to meet you

312

September 1880

at the Station & take you back next morning. Please observe that the Trains may possibly be changed on Oct 1st.—3 I hope that you may feel inclined to come.— & if so be so kind as to let me hear. I am now writing a little essay on the action of worms, and the information which you formerly gave me has proved invaluable.—4 I had forgotten, until carefully going over all your notes, what immense trouble you had so kindly taken for me My dear Sir | Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin DAR 249: 89 1 2 3 4

See letter from George King, 28 September 1880 and n. 1. John Scott had died at his sister’s house at Garvald, East Lothian, on 11 June 1880 (ODNB). No previous correspondence about Scott’s death has been found; the clergyman has not been identified. King probably visited Down on 4 October 1880; see letter to George King, 2 October 1880. King had previously supplied CD with information about earthworms; see Correspondence vol. 20, letters to George King, 28 October 1872 and November 1872; Correspondence vol. 21, letter to George King, 18 February 1873. CD discussed King’s observations and specimens of worms and casts in Earthworms, pp. 5, 106–8, 117, 126–8, 161–3, 168, 274–8, 281, 285. Earthworms was published in October 1881 (Freeman 1977).

To James Torbitt   29 September 1880 Down, Sept. 29, 1880. My dear Sir I heartily rejoice at your good news.1 With such success there will soon be a good demand for your new varieties, and all the anxiety which you have so nobly borne will be over. I will let Mr. Farrer hear the result, and ask him to forward it to Mr. Caird.2 I cannot see why some of your new varieties should not endure for a good many years fungus-proof; though I fully subscribe to what you say about the probability of their not enduring for ever. Again I congratulate you and remain, My dear Sir | Yours sincerely Ch. Darwin Copy DAR 148: 122 1 2

See letter from James Torbitt, 26 September 1880. Thomas Henry Farrer and James Caird had helped CD raise a subscription for Torbitt to continue his potato experiments; see letter to James Caird, 24 March 1880.

From Asa Gray   30 September 18[80]1 Kew. Sept. 30. 18〈80〉 My Dear Mr. Darwin I had hoped to see you during this fortnight, but it has been completely filled by pressing work here. Hooker could not spare me on Monday; and I was sure that one foreigner was enough for you to see and talk with in one day, and so I spared you from a sense of duty as well as of necessity.2

October 1880

313

We are off tomorrow morning, for 3 or 4 months. 〈We〉 shall then settle at Kew. Mrs. Darwin and yourself will be glad to know that Mrs. Gray3 bore the voyage very well, and is wonderfully recruited since. I long to see your Circumnutating book, and must write one, if not two notices of it in U.S. Perhaps you could get it over to me—to Decaisne’s care, at the Jardin des Plantes, as soon as it is out.4 Sincerely Yours | Asa Gray DAR 165: 166 1 2

3 4

The year is established by the reference to Movement in plants; see n. 4, below. Gray had sailed for England in early September 1880 and was visiting Joseph Dalton Hooker at the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, as part of his research at herbaria in Europe. Alphonse de Candolle and his wife Jeanne-Victoire-Laure de Candolle were also staying at Kew; Alphonse de Candolle visited Down on 27 September 1880 (see letter from J. D. Hooker, 24 September 1880). Jane Loring Gray. Movement in plants was published on 6 November 1880 (Freeman 1977). Joseph Decaisne was based at the Jardin des plantes in Paris; Gray visited Decaisne at his house in November 1880, and had read nearly all of Movement in plants by 26 December 1880 ( J. L. Gray ed. 1893, 2: 709 and 714). Gray’s reviews of Movement in plants were in the American Journal of Science 3d ser. 21 (1881): 245–9 and Nation 32 (1881): 17–18.

To T. H. Farrer   1 October 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) October 1. 1880 My dear Farrer I have been writing an account of the worms at Abinger & most useful I have found your notes.1 When my M.S. has been well copied, I will ask you to look it over, as you may detect some inaccuracies; it is only about a dozen pages.2 I write now to ask 2 or 3 questions: is the concrete floor so well protected that it is quite dry? if not so, I shd. much like to hear whether castings are still ejected on it.—3 Secondly, in the Times it is said that Mr. Wright wd. publish an account of the ruins with a plan: has this been done & could you lend me the article & plan?4 Thirdly you refer incidentally in one of your notes to some walk, the foundations of which consist of broken bricks & mortar: now will you be so kind as to look at this walk, & if the worms have thrown up any castings on it, to send me a few. I want to see whether the particles of brick have been at all tri-turated by the action of their muscular gizzards.—5 Lastly I enclose extract from letter from Mr. Torbitt, giving a grand account of his success.6 Will you give me address of “J. ??? Caird Esq C.B”, as I shd. like also to send him copy of Torbitt’s letter, telling him, of course, that no answer was required.7 You will have heard that Elizabeth Wedgwood is very unwell, & I cannot but think very seriously.8 My sister Caroline has also been unwell, & had it not been for these two causes we shd. now have been at Leith Hill Place.9 Ever yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin Linnean Society of London (LS Ms 299/34)

314 1

2 3

4

5

6 7 8 9

October 1880

Farrer had kept a ‘worm journal’ from 25 August to 23 September 1877 to record earthworm activity at the excavation site of a Roman villa on his estate at Abinger, Surrey, and had sent it to CD (see Correspondence vol. 25, letter from T. H. Farrer, 23 September 1877). CD published Farrer’s observations in Earthworms, pp. 186–8, and included further brief observations made on 25 September and 13 October 1877. The excavation of the Roman villa had revealed the presence of a concrete floor still partly covered with small red tiles. CD at first doubted whether worms could have penetrated this floor; he assumed that the earth above it had been washed down from higher land, until he observed worm burrows forming on the freshly cleared surface of the floor (Earthworms, pp. 184–5). An article titled ‘Roman Villa at Abinger’, published in The Times, 2 January 1878, p. 7, stated that plans of the villa and the paper by George Robert Nicol Wright had been presented at a meeting of the British Archaeological Association and would be published at a later date. A report, ‘Recent discovery of the remains of a Roman villa at Abinger, Surrey’, was published in the Builder, 5 January 1878, pp. 19–20, with some plans of the site on p. 20 and a statement that the paper by Wright would appear in the journal of the British Archaeological Association. Wright’s paper was not published. Farrer had mentioned that plenty of wormcasts appeared on gravel paths laid with ‘beds of brick bat & lime rubbish’ in his letter of 23 September 1877 (Correspondence vol. 25). CD reported in Earthworms, p. 18, that little stones swallowed by worms served, like millstones, to grind their food. See letter from James Torbitt, 26 September 1880. Torbitt was carrying out large-scale experiments in the hope of producing blight-resistant potatoes. Earlier in the year, James Caird had raised funds from subscribers for Torbitt’s project (see letter from T. H. Farrer, 8 March 1880 and enclosure). Elizabeth Wedgwood, Emma Darwin’s sister, lived in Down village; Farrer’s wife, Katherine Euphemia, was Elizabeth Wedgwood’s niece. Caroline Sarah Wedgwood lived at Leith Hill Place, Surrey.

From George King   1 October 1880 Alfred House | Gipsy Hill | Upper Norwood | S.E. 1 Oct 1880. Dear Sir, I am very much obliged to you for your kind letter of 29 which reached me last night.1 I shall be most happy to dine with you in accordance with your kind invitation if you will kindly allow me to come in ordinary dress, my evening clothes having been already sent on with my heavy baggage to Brindisi.2 It is very good of you to offer to put me up for the night, but as I am living so near to Beckenham I can easily return here after dinner.3 I came home on a very short holiday indeed & have been in London only since Sunday last. I must leave again in about a week & I regret to say I have only two evenings left free, namely Sunday & Monday next, on either of which I should, as may be convenient for you, be most happy to dine with you.4 I am glad that my notes on worm casts have proved of some use5 Believe me to be | Yrs sincerely | George King C. Darwin Esq DAR 169: 22 1

See letter to George King, 29 September 1880.

October 1880 2

3 4 5

315

From 1871, the Italian port of Brindisi became the terminus for P&O ships sailing to India. Passengers and cargoes travelled to Brindisi by train, from where ships left for India every Sunday at 2pm (‘The Old Peninsula & Oriental Steam Navigation Company c 1835–1972’, http://www.pandosnco.co.uk/ indianmail.html (accessed 16 May 2019); see also Howarth and Howarth 1994, p. 69). King was superintendent of the Royal Botanic Garden in Calcutta. Upper Norwood was just over three miles from Beckenham. King probably dined with CD on Monday 4 October; see letter to George King, 2 October 1880. See letter to George King, 29 September 1880 and n. 4.

To George King   2 October 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) October 2nd. 1880 My dear Sir, I am very glad that you will come here, but am sorry that you cannot keep.—1 Monday will be better than tomorrow, for we shall tomorrow have a very large party of my children & relations here, most of whom will be gone on Monday.—2 I do not know how you will be able best to get here.— Orpington station is 4 miles— Bromley 6 miles from Down. You can get a fly at either place, & keep it here.— We dine at 712, but if the trains suit, will you not come about an hour before dinner?— I must tell you one thing with much regret viz that I cannot talk long to any one, as the excitement of much conversation brings on giddiness. Therefore I am sure that you will allow me to leave you for a time after dinner.— It is very good of you to come such a distance to make my acquaintance.— My dear Sir | Your sincerely | Ch. Darwin P.S. Beckenham is full 7 miles from Down.— I fear from your note that you think that Down is close to Beckenham.—3 Copy DAR 146: 18 1 2 3

CD had invited King to dine and stay overnight at Down House (see letter to George King, 29 September 1880. The copyist probably misread ‘sleep’ as ‘keep’. According to Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242), on Sunday 3 October, Henrietta and Richard Buckley Litchfield and Horace and Ida Darwin were at Down House. See letter from George King, 1 October 1880 and n. 3.

From Frederick Parsons   3 October 1880 Willow Vale, | Frome. Oct 3. 80 Dear Sir, A case occurred in my practice a short time ago of sudden death in a girl aged 16 years— She had been apparently well, till a minute before death when she suddenly became collapsed with violent pain in the abdomen, & was dead before her companion could fetch help— At the P.M.1 I found a large abscess (entirely unsuspected during

316

October 1880

life) had burst into the peritoneal cavity, in the centre of it was a cherry stone which had worked through a ragged hole in the vermiform appendage of the cæcum— In re-reading your Descent of Man (Edit 2. p. 20–21) I thought this short record might be interesting to you as bearing on a statement there made.2 I trust you will forgive the presumption of an entire stranger writing to you on so small a point and believe me to be | Yours respectfully | Frederick Parsons DAR 174: 26 1 2

‘P.M.’: post-mortem. In Descent 2d ed., pp. 20–1, CD had discussed the vermiform appendage of the caecum (the appendix), and how small hard bodies such as seeds could cause death by entering it and causing inflammation.

From Ernst Krause1   4 October 1880 Berlin N.O. Friedenstrasse 11. 3 Tr. den 4.10.80 Hochverehrter Herr! Wenn ich mir gestattete, Ihnen gestern die zweite Auflage meines Buches “Werden und Vergehen” zu übersenden und Sie bitte, dieselbe als Zeichen meiner herzlichen Verehrung in Ihre Bibliothek aufzunehmen, so hege ich nicht die Anmassung, zu denken, dass Sie das Buch lesen würden.2 Sie würden auch wenig Neues darin finden. Es ist eine populäre Darstellung der gesammten durch Sie in’s Leben gerufenen modernen Weltanschauung, zu der ich durch einen Auftrag des “Vereins für deutsche Literatur”3 vor vier Jahren angeregt wurde, und der wegen seiner versöhnlichen Sprache sich einer guten Aufnahme zu erfreuen hatte. Im vorigen Jahre was das Buch zum Gegenstand mehrtägiger Debatten im preussischen Abgeordnetenhause gemacht worden, weil Dr Hermann Müller in Lippstadt das Buch den Schülern der obersten Klassen als Lectüre empfohlen hatte. Die Ultramontanen machten das Buch deshalb zum Gegenstand heftiger Angriffe, die nicht nur darauf hinausliefen, Dr. Herman Müller, sondern den Cultusminister, der solche Lehrer anstelle u. dulde, zu stürzen.4 Glücklicher Weise erwies sich das Buch bei näherer Betrachtung als so harmlos und in einem so concilianten Sinne geschrieben, dass diese fürchterlichen Anklagen in nichts zusammenfielen. In Betreff des Kosmos lässt Sie der Verleger herzlich bitten, Ihnen das Journal wie vordem zusenden zu dürfen, wir hoffen, dass es mit der Zeit an Gehalt zunehmen wird. Bisher hatte es allzusehr mit dem Vorurtheil einzelner Kreise zu kämpfen.5 In der Hoffnung, dass diese Zeilen Sie in erwünschtem Wohlsein treffen, zeichne ich, hochverehrter Herr | Ihr | herzlichst ergebener | Ernst Krause DAR 169: 109 CD annotation End of letter: ‘Kosmos m〈essa〉ge to Editor— | Dr. D.’ pencil; ‘I have been very glad to hear about H. Müller’6 blue ink 1

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I.

October 1880 2

3 4

5

6

317

Krause published Werden und Vergehen: eine Entwicklungsgeschichte des Naturganzen in gemeinverstädlicher Fassung (Genesis and decline: a popular account of the developmental history of nature) under his pseudonym Carus Sterne; he had sent CD a copy of the first edition, which is in the Darwin Library–CUL (Sterne 1876; see Correspondence vol. 25, letter from Ernst Krause, 11 March 1877 and n. 4). The second edition, Sterne 1880, is in the Darwin Library–Down. Society for German literature. The Ultramontanists were Catholics who wanted to integrate church and state, with ultimate authority resting with the church. Criticising Hermann Müller was a way for the Ultramontanists in Germany to attack the liberal minister of education, Adalbert Falk. CD had heard about this incident from Müller himself the previous year (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter from Hermann Müller, 14 February 1879). Krause was the editor of the journal Kosmos, founded in 1877; it was published by Karl Alberts in Leipzig. In 1879, Francis Darwin had reported that Kosmos was widely regarded in Germany as the ‘organ of “uncultivated materialism”’ (Correspondence vol. 27, letter from Francis Darwin, [after 2 June 1879]). In July, CD had offered to pay two years’ subscription to the journal rather than continue to receive issues gratis from the publisher (see letter to Ernst Krause, 29 July 1880). CD’s annotations relate to his reply to this letter. See letter to Ernst Krause, 7 October 1880.

From W. S. Dallas   6 October 1880 Geological Society 6th. October 1880. Dear Mr. Darwin I don’t know whether you are aware that owing to poor Kippist’s 〈re〉signation, there is to be an election of a new Librarian at the Linnean Society shortly.— Murie will of course be a candidate, but owing to his position, (he having already served the Society in nearly the same capacity for several years) he can hardly be expected to get up Testimonials as if the whole business was a new thing.—1 Under these circumstances it has occurred to some of us, both on & off the Council, that a joint Testimonial in the form of that enclosed would be a good thing, & if you approve of his candidature, or rather of his appointment, I shall be much obliged if you will sign & return it to me.— Perhaps Mr. Francis Darwin will also be good enough to add his signature.—2 Should you prefer to give Dr. Murie a personal testimonial, rather than to take part in a joint expression of opinion, I am sure he would be highly gratified,—but in that case be so kind as to send it to me.— I hope that you are well & strong for the coming winter— It is to be hoped that it may be a rather more favourable one than the last, but we are already suffering from fogs here in London.— With kind regards, | Believe me | Yours very truly | W. S. Dallas DAR 162: 32 1

2

Richard Kippist had been librarian of the Linnean Society since 1842; by 1880 he was in poor physical and mental health, but still had to be persuaded by the society to retire on a full salary pension (ODNB). James Murie had been assistant librarian since 1876. There is no testimonial in the archives of the Linnean Society. The nineteen applications for the librarian’s post were discussed at a special council meeting on 18 October 1880, and resulted in Murie and one other candidate being selected and balloted; the Council Minutes record that Murie received eleven votes and the other candidate four (CM/5 (1873–1880)).

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October 1880

From T. H. Farrer   6 October 1880 Abinger Hall, | Dorking. (Gomshall S.E.R. | Station & Telegraph). 6 Oct/80 My dear Mr Darwin Your note followed us on our travels where, inter alia, we had been seeing Silchester, and talked there of you & “worms”—1 Now for your questions. 1. The concrete floor is not protected or dry. It has perished much with wet & frost, & is also in parts grown over with moss & grass & weeds. This morning we have had such heavy rain that the worm casts are much washed away. But I will look at it the first calm rainless morning and tell you about the worms. I have little doubt that they are at work there & think I trace them this morning.2 2. I send you Mr Wrights article with plan— also a plan I made myself.3 3 All our walks near the house are underlaid with some 6 inches of brick rubbish: and some of them are now on still mornings covered with worm casts; to my gardening feelings, a great nuisance, for they spoil the gravel surface. This morning the rain has washed them into indistinguishable lumps—but you shall have some worm casts on the first favourable day.4 Under the fir trees the fallen leaves wash into the holes making a little crown of spines. 4. As to Torbitt— the address is James Caird Esq C.B Inclosure Commrs Office St James Square. I was very sorry that Torbitts case did not come before the recent Irish Committee on Potatoes—but I did not know there was such a Committee till it was over, or I would have suggested their calling him—5 He will I trust advertize his potatoes. Put a price on a thing—says Sir W Thompson and you make people think it worth notice.6 We found here a rather better account of “Aunt Eliz”: but we can scarcely look for a much better one.7 Effie & I have had a charming little excursion to our friends the Maskelynes in Wiltshire—driving back with our own horses & seeing Abury & many other remains.8 They are very curious—but still more curious is the infinite quantity written and the infinitesimal quantity known about them Very sincerely yours | T H Farrer Ida & Horace we hear are busy furnishing. It is delightful to see her turned into a “Martha” & cumbered with much serving9 DAR 164: 100 CD annotation 5.5 Under … spines. 5.6] double scored blue ink

October 1880 1

2 3

4 5

6

7 8

9

319

See letter to T. H. Farrer, 1 October 1880. Silchester in Hampshire was the site of a Roman town; it was first excavated by James Gerald Joyce between 1864 and 1878. CD was interested in earthworm activity at the site of a Roman villa found on Farrer’s estate at Abinger, Surrey. CD’s questions were listed in his letter to T. H. Farrer, 1 October 1880. CD wondered whether the floor of the Roman villa found on Farrer’s estate had been protected since its excavation in August 1877. An account of the excavation at Abinger, with a plan, was published in the Builder, 5 January 1878, pp. 19–20. It was not by George Robert Nicol Wright, but mentioned the paper he had presented at a meeting of the British Archaeological Association. Farrer’s plan is possibly that in DAR 64.2: 38. CD had asked for wormcasts from these walks to see whether the small fragments of stone swallowed by worms acted like millstones to grind their food (letter to T. H. Farrer, 1 October 1880 and n. 5). CD had enlisted Farrer‘s help in raising funds for James Torbitt, who was attempting to breed blightresistant potatoes (see letter from T. H. Farrer, 6 March 1880 and n. 1). Bad weather in 1879 depressed Irish potato yields and many Irish farmers and labourers were facing destitution; in May 1880, a parliamentary select committee had been formed to investigate how best to produce disease-resistant varieties. Torbitt’s work was not considered by the committee (DeArce 2008, pp. 216–17). William Thomson. Torbitt had advertised in 1876 although CD had discouraged him (see Correspondence vol. 24, letter to James Torbitt, 21 April 1876, and letter from James Torbitt, 22 April 1876). Torbitt advertised again in the 1890s, well after CD’s death (DeArce 2008, pp. 217–18). Elizabeth Wedgwood was seriously ill; Farrer was married to her niece. Farrer and his wife, Katherine Euphemia (Effie) Farrer, were visiting Thereza Mary and Nevil StoryMaskelyne. Nevil Story-Maskelyne had inherited Basset Down House, near Wroughton, Wiltshire, in 1879 (ODNB). Abury was an alternative name for Avebury, a Neolithic site in Wiltshire with three stone circles; from the seventeenth century various ideas had been proposed about their origin and use (Ucko et al. 1991). In 1871, John Lubbock had purchased part of the Avebury site to prevent destruction of the stone circle (ibid., p. 257). Ida (Farrer’s daughter by his first wife) and Horace Darwin were settling into their new house at 66 Hills Road, Cambridge. Martha: a reference to Luke 10:38–42. On the arrival of Jesus at the house of two sisters, one (Martha) became preoccupied with preparations in the home while the other (Mary) sat at the Lord’s feet to hear his words.

From Horace Darwin   7 October 1880 66 Hills Road Cambridge Oct. 7th. 1880 Dear Father, I enclose the drawing, and a couple of samples of grass and shading, which perhaps you might like to see.1 I am quite sure there is no mistake in the drawing this time. I could do the shading more carefully if you wished it done. I also send the Gravetye notes, but I dont think they will be much good.2 If you want me to ask Mr. Easton anything, I shall be in London early next week & could do so.3 He was away when I took the notes. This morning I went to the place I told you about where I had seen the worm castings. It is a little back street called Saint Tibbs Row.4 On one side there is a wall which comes down to the pavement, leaving a crack between the flags and the bricks of the wall from 12 in. to 112 in. wide   It is on the earth in this crack where I found the castings. There are some trees on the other side of the wall, but I saw no leaves about, but there were plenty of bits of straw, & grass lying near the castings. Also several small grasses were growing near the castings and on the wall there was moss. I suppose from this that this is of no use to you, shall I observe anything more about it.

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October 1880

We are getting a little more settled here, but things are very much upside down still, & there is plenty to do.5 George is back but I have not seen him yet, when I do I hope to hear a better account of Mother.6 Your affec son | Horace Darwin [Enclosure 1]

[Enclosure 2]

Leith Hill

A

A Scale 1 2 inch to the foot.

October 1880

321

Trial of grass and shading to see how you like it.

[Enclosure 3] Gravetye Manor. Sep 10th. 1878 I was told that the S.W. corner of the house had settled, & I went into the cellar to see if I could see any worms at work. I found a good many at work between the stones    they were small castings. The floor was damp. & I believe water lodges sometimes or rather used to lodge there, there are drains made in the floor. I only found castings near the S.W. corner, the floor having been repaved over a good piece of the cellar. There was a root between the stones in one place. In some other parts of the pavement it was possible to force anything down between the stones for a few inches, there being nothing between them or only very loose earth. The ground had been opened at the S.W. corner outside the house to a depth of about 4 feet to see if athing could be found out about the sinking but with what result I do not know. Section through wall.

141"

1

12"

1 3" 14" 8

14"

This section7 shows the start of a paving stone next to the wall, which I thought at first might be due to the worms, but I think it most likely it is not so, because the floor has gutters in it, & there is one running parallel to this wall about 14″ from it, and a little beyond the point where the section is taken, hence this stone might have been placed in the position in which I found it, so as to form the beginning of the gutter. DAR 65: 99, 100; DAR 162: 72, 73

,

Letter from Horace Darwin, 7 October 1880, showing CD s annotations. Left: enclosure 1 (recto, verso). Above: enclosure 2. Reproduced at 60 per cent of their original size. DAR 65: 99–100. By permission of the Syndics of Cambridge University Library.

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October 1880

CD annotations Enclosure 1: Top of page: ‘Fig. 4.’ ink circled ink and red crayon Top of diagram: ‘This grass ridiculous to be done in conventional manner’ ink circled red crayon Middle of diagram: ‘Mould | Usual Dark for mould’ pencil over erased illeg Bottom of diagram: ‘Oblique shading undisturbed subsoil’ ink; ‘1/20’ ink del ink Below diagram: ‘undefined’ pencil; ‘Three kinds of fragments—white smooth pebbles—fragments of marl—& black very irregular coal-cinder’ pencil circled red crayon Bottom of page: ‘Section at Maer’ ink del ink; ‘see Back’ pencil del ink Enclosure 2: Top of page: ‘Fig. 5.’ ink circled ink Upper diagram: ‘This grass too untidy & too dark’ pencil circled pencil; ‘A A. Level of Field’ pencil del pencil; ‘See fig. 6. About the kind of shading’ ink circled red crayon Lower diagram: ‘This is merely to show kind of shading’ ink, double scored red crayon CD note: Enclosure 1 verso: Description Section in field at Maer Hall Reduced to 12 natural scale A. Turf 12 inch B. fine vegetable mould 2 12 inches C. Mould with fragments (describe) 21 12 D. Substratum of black peaty soil with grey pebbles 1

2 3

4 5 6

7

Enclosure 1 was reproduced as figure 5 in Earthworms, p. 133, and used to show the amount by which a layer of burnt marl and cinders that had been strewn on newly drained land fifteen years previously had sunk by 1837 owing to the action of worms. The two other drawings (enclosure 2) portray a boulder near Leith Hill Place in Surrey, illustrating how large stones sink in the ground owing to worm activity; these drawings form the basis of figure 6 in Earthworms, p. 151. See also plates on pp. 322–3. See enclosure 3. Horace’s observations at Gravetye Manor in Sussex were included in Earthworms, pp. 105–6, although CD does not give the name of the house. Edward Easton was the owner of Gravetye Manor, West Hoathly (Post Office directory of the six home counties 1878). He was a partner in the engineering firm Easton and Anderson, where Horace Darwin had served an apprenticeship from 1874 to 1877 (ODNB). St Tibbs Row is in Cambridge. Horace and Ida Darwin had recently moved to their new home at 66 Hills Road, Cambridge. George Howard Darwin, Horace’s brother, lived in Trinity College, Cambridge (F. Darwin 1916). Emma Darwin had been ill on 3 and 4 October 1880; she was ill again from 9 to 13 October (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). The diagram has been reproduced here at 90 per cent of its original size.

To Ernst Krause   7 October 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Oct 7th 1880 My dear Sir I rejoice at the new Edit. of your book, & am much obliged to you for having sent it to me.—1 I will certainly read some or the whole, if I have time, but I cannot improve in my German & read at a snail’s pace.— I am particularly obliged to you for having told me about Hermann’s Müller’s affair with the Government; I had heard a vague account, & wished to know the truth.2 I request that you will give to the Editor of Kosmos my especial thanks for his kindness. The numbers always interest me, though I am able to read only a part: I

October 1880

325

see that there is a curious article in the one just received by the Prince of observers, Fritz Müller.—3 Pray permit me to add one word about the life of Dr. E. Darwin: in your previous letter you write as if you had no claim to the miserably small profits from the English Edition; but I must differ from you, for I shd. never have dreamed of writing what I did, had it not been for your Essay.4 This Essay is the really valuable part of the little book, requiring much labour & thought in its composition; whereas my part is chiefly what we in England call gossip.5 I shall publish in a month or two a book on the “Movements of Plants”: I will send you a copy, but I fear it is much too special, for anyone but a physiological botanist to care about.6 I have long thought that old men, like myself, ought to write only on confined & easy subjects. Believe me, Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin The Huntington Library (HM 36208) 1 2 3

4

5 6

Krause had published a second edition of Werden und Vergehen (Genesis and decline; Sterne 1880). See letter from Ernst Krause, 4 October 1880. See letter from Ernst Krause, 4 October 1880 and n. 4. In the October 1880 issue of Kosmos, there is an article by Fritz Müller on dimorphic females in a species of midge (F. Müller 1880). CD had offered to pay for the issues of Kosmos, but the publisher begged to be allowed to continue to send them to him for free (see letter from Ernst Krause, 4 October 1880 and n. 5). See letter from Ernst Krause, 18 August 1880. CD and Krause’s book Erasmus Darwin had been prompted by CD’s wish to publish a translation of an essay by Krause on Erasmus Darwin’s evolutionary ideas (Krause 1879a). CD had written a biographical account of Erasmus Darwin based on family materials (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter to Ernst Krause, 19 March 1879). Movement in plants was published on 6 November 1880 (Freeman 1977).

From C.-F. Reinwald1   7 October 1880 15, Rue des Saints-Pères | Paris Paris 7 Oct 1880 Mon cher Monsieur J’ai reçu votre lettre confidentielle du 6 Oct.2 La mort du regrettable Ed. Barbier laisse reéllement sa dame dans une position précaire.3 Elle s’est adressée également à moi pour venir à son secours. Quoique M. Barbier ait toujours été fortement en avance chez moi financièrement et qu’il me devait une assez forte somme, je lui ai payé pourtant une pension régulière pendant les derniers mois de sa maladie. Malgré cela je serai tout disposé a faire encore quelque chose pour sa famille si cela était necéssaire. M. Barbier n’a pas d’autre enfant qu’une fille née pendant son exil en Angleterre, qui est mariée depuis 2 ans et qui me semble hors de tout besoin.4 Dans cette position j’ai conseillé à Madame Barbier de s’adresser à Ms About, Sarcey etc au Journal le XIXe Siècle, dont il a été le gérant, et que pourront seuls prendre l’initiative d’un appel général avec amis du défunt avec quelque succès.5 J’attends l’effet de mon conseil, qui date seulement d’hier, et je suis décidé de joindre alors aussi mon obole à celles du collègue du défunt.

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October 1880

Quant à Mme Barbier je ne l’ai vu qu’une seule fois pendant la dernière maladie de son mari; je ne puis donc prétendre connaître ni son caractère d’épouse, ni de mère, ou de veuve, car le défunt etait surtout lié avec mon neveu qui était en plus de conformité d’age avec lui que moi-même.6 Veuillez donc excuser le peu de renseignements que je puis vous donner à ce sujet et me permettre de finir par le proverbe français: qu’ “Un bienfait n’est jamais perdu”. Agréez, cher Monsieur, l’assurance de mes sentiments les plus dévoués | C Reinwald P.S. J’ai la satisfaction de pouvoir vous annoncer que la nouvelle traduction de la Descendance a été achevée par Barbier avant sa dernière maladie, et qu’il ne me reste maintenant qu’à soigner l’impression de la fin et la confection des tables. Nous pourrons certainement paraître avant le fin de l’année.7 | CR DAR 176: 111 1 2 3

4

5

6 7

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. CD’s letter to Reinwald has not been found. In his letter of 16 June 1880, Reinwald mentioned that Edmond Barbier, CD’s French translator, had been gravely ill for several months. Barbier died on 30 September 1880 (Paris & vicinity, France, death notices, 1860–1902 (Ancestry.com, accessed 24 May 2019)). Barbier’s wife was Arthémise Barbier. Barbier’s daughter, Marguerite Barbier, was 3 years old and living in Brighton with her parents at the time of the 1861 census; Edmond Barbier was listed as ‘Professor of the French Language’ on the census form (Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG9/602/56/42)). Banns for the marriage of Marguerite Barbier were read in Paris in 1876 (Paris, France & vicinity marriage banns, 1860–1902 (Ancestry.com, accessed 24 May 2019)). Edmond François Valentin About had founded the newspaper Le XIXe siècle in 1872; Francisque Sarcey was a regular contributor. The paper espoused republican and anti-clerical views (EB s.v. About, Edmond François Valentin). Reinwald probably refers to his nephew Frédéric Buhlmeyer, who had died in June 1879 (see letter from C.-F. Reinwald, 16 June 1880 and n. 7). The third French edition of Descent was published in 1881 (Barbier trans. 1881).

To T. H. Farrer   8 October 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Oct 8th 1880 My dear Farrer I am sorry to trouble you again, but I enclose envelope ready addressed to give as little trouble as possible.— I am quite perplexed by the extension of the excavations. You will remember which was the first room that was cleared (with a concrete floor, & tesseræ over a part) & will you be so kind as mark this room in both plans in pencil as “First Room,” & return the plans to me, & I will afterwards return them to you.1 You had 2 trenches dug for me; one I call in my notes “the upper or N.W. trench” & the other “the lower or S.W. trench”— “Upper” & “lower” referring, I suppose, to the slope of the field.2 The upper trench was close to the upper bounding wall of the “first room,” which seems to have been the atrium.— If you can remember places, will you put pencil crosses (X) where trenches were dug.

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I am astonished at my own perplexity about the plans— The points of the compass do not agree in the 2 plans.—3 Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin The fir-leaves are drawn by the worms into the mouths of their burrows, & if you will look, you will see that they are all drawn in by the basal end which shows more sense or instinct, in worms than I shd have given them credit for.—4 Many thanks for address of Mr Caird & for promise of castings.5 (Morning 8th)6 P.S. Elizabeth Wedgwood was in exactly the same state yesterday as on previous days.7 She suffers a good deal from her breathing, but is wonderfully patient. She does not eat nearly enough, & I think if she does not rally soon, she must sink. If it is to be, I wish it may be soon for her sake.— Horace & Ida were in wonderfully good spirits when here;8 it did one good to see people so happy & how marvellously strong Ida is. She could ascend Mont Blanc! Linnean Society of London (LS Ms 299/35); DAR 185: 38 1 2

3 4

5 6 7

8

Farrer had sent a published plan and another drawn by himself of the Roman villa excavated at Abinger in 1877 (see letter from T. H. Farrer, 6 October 1880). CD had been visiting the Farrers at Abinger Hall in August 1877 when the villa began to be excavated; two trenches had been dug so that CD could examine the nature of the soil near the remains to ascertain the extent of worm activity (CD’s ‘Journal’ (DAR 158); Earthworms, pp. 179–83). Farrer confirmed that the compass bearings on the printed map were incorrect (see letter from T. H. Farrer, 9 October 1880 and n. 2). Farrer had supposed that the fallen leaves of fir trees had washed into the holes and made little crowns of spines (letter from T. H. Farrer, 6 October 1880). CD’s experiments to test the notion that worms could determine the most efficient way to draw in material to plug the mouths of their burrows were discussed in Earthworms, pp. 64–98. James Caird. Farrer had promised to send wormcasts from his gravel paths (see letter from T. H. Farrer, 6 October 1880). Given that this postscript is labelled ‘morning’, CD may have mistakenly dated it 8th instead of 9th. Elizabeth Wedgwood, Emma Darwin’s sister, was seriously ill; on 6 October, Farrer had written to say that he had heard a slightly better account of her health (see letter from T. H. Farrer, 6 October 1880 and n. 7). Horace and Ida Darwin had stayed at Down on 3 and 4 October (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). Ida was Farrer’s daughter.

To Sophy Wedgwood   8 October [1880]1 [Down.] Oct 8th. My dear Sophy. Will you be so kind in any of your walks as to observe whether there 〈      〉 any or many worm castings in the midst of Heath. It would be best to look where any grass-covered path crosses Heath, for if there are castings on the grass-covered paths or road & not amongst the Heath, it would show that heath is somehow unfavourable for worms. I ask, because I find a memorandum in my notes, that “there does not appear to be any worms amongst the Heath on Hayes common”.—2 If Lucy is with you, I know that she would readily look from her well-known affection for

328

October 1880

worms—3 I am also becoming deeply attached to worms.— Can Lucy remember what sort of lantern she used when she looked at the worms. We find that the light frightens them.4 Give my best love to your Mother; I do hope that she is better5 | Yours affectionately | C. Darwin Cambridge University Library (MS Add 4251: 335) 1 2

3

4 5

The year is established by the references to CD’s work on worms. CD’s memorandum has not been found, but there are notes dated 15 October 1880 noting the lack of worms on the patch of heath on Keston Common near Hayes (DAR 64.1: 51). In Earthworms, p. 10, CD stated that hardly any worms were found in heath. Hayes Common was near Bromley, Kent. Lucy Caroline Harrison was Sophy’s sister. In 1872 she had helped CD ascertain the angle of worm burrows on slopes using a knitting needle; she also observed wormcasts on Leith Hill common (see Correspondence vol. 20, letters to L. C. Wedgwood, 5 January [1872]) and 21 January [1872]). Her detailed results were given in the letters from L. C. Wedgwood, [8 February 1872] and [15 June 1872?] (ibid.). CD discussed worms’ responses to light in Earthworms, pp. 19–25. Caroline Sarah Wedgwood, CD’s sister, had been ill at the start of October (see letter to T. H. Farrer, 1 October 1880 and n. 9).

To G. H. Darwin   [before 9 October 1880]1 [Down.] My dear George. There was heavy rain last night & this morning here, & the walk under the Limes was flooded & water flowed down it. The fruit of Lime-trees formed 12 transverse rows, like a ripple.— You will see by enclosed that each has a little stalk. Would such objects arrange themselves transversely to stream. At the end of each ripple, I think, but dare not say so positively, that the majority of the stalks projected transversely to the line of walk.2 Yours affectionately | C. Darwin I was dismayed when I first saw them on the walk, for I did not see that each had a stalk. DAR 210.1: 97 1 2

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from G. H. Darwin, 9 October 1880. George later published on ripple marks (G. H. Darwin 1883; see letter from G. H. Darwin, 19 November 1880 and n. 4).

From G. H. Darwin   9 October 1880 Trin. Coll Sat. Oct. 9. 80 Dear Father, I am a little surprized at the lime fruits making such good ripple marks.1 I am having a trough made to try experiments with & then hope I shall find out something.

October 1880

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Young Sedgwick will be elected Nat. Sci. fellow today tho’ it is not generally known yet.2 No time for more G H Darwin I’ve sent off my 1st. revise & the thing will be published within a month I think3 DAR 210.2: 86 1 2 3

See letter to G. H. Darwin, [before 9 October 1880]. Adam Sedgwick, great-nephew of the Cambridge professor of geology Adam Sedgwick. The younger Sedgwick was a zoologist. George refers to his lengthy paper titled ‘On the secular changes in the elements of the orbit of a satellite revolving about a tidally distorted planet’, which had been read at the Royal Society of London in December 1879 (G. H. Darwin 1879b). The part of the Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London in which this paper was published was available on 6 November according to a notice in the Athenæum, 6 November 1880, p. 618.

From T. H. Farrer   9 October 1880 Abinger Hall, | Dorking. | (Gomshall S.E.R. | Station & Telegraph.) 9 Oct/80 My dear Mr Darwin, I return the plans marked as well as I can.1 But what a treacherous thing is memory. I should have put the Upper Trench at the Eastern boundary of the 4th room. But that cannot be: it was not excavated till October, and you were here in August. The one trench must have been where I have put the X X. at the eastern end of the first room. The other trench I cannot remember: If parallel to the first it must have been about ⊕ to ⊕: if at right angles probably next to the wall O to O. The compass bearing in the printed plan is wrong. Allowing for magnetic pole the walls of the building run nearly due N & S & E & W— the hedge running E & W.2 The ground slopes from E to W I will send you my rough notes of what was done at the time in a copy book.3 What is history & what are records when we are so much puzzled by what we did ourselves three years ago? I have been astounded lately by the quantity which antiquarians manage to write about Avebury Sibbury and Silchester,4 as compared to the next to nothing which they know. Effie has Mrs. Ds kind note this morning: and feels sure that if she can be of use or comfort she will be sent for— but the answer is what we looked for.5 Indeed there is little to be done, and what we have to hope is as little suffering as possible. Ida & Horace come this evg which is very nice as Tom will be here too.6 Ever yrs sincerely | T H Farrer No worm casts on the concrete this morning. Wise worms to keep indoors this weather! I return your note as you may like to see your own questions—7 Please send it back to me. DAR 164: 101

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October 1880

CD annotation 5.1 What … Farrer 9.1] crossed pencil 1

2 3 4

5 6 7

CD had returned two plans of the excavation of the Roman villa at Abinger so that Farrer could mark the position of the trenches dug for CD during his stay at Abinger Hall from 20 to 25 August 1877 (letter to T. H. Farrer, 8 October 1880 and n. 1). The printed plan appeared in the Builder, 5 January 1878, p. 20; the compass bearing shows the walls running north-west, south-west, north-east, and south-east, not due north, south, east, and west. These notes have not been found. Avebury henge and stone circle is a Neolithic site in Wiltshire; Silbury, near Avebury, the largest prehistoric artificial mound in northern Europe, had been supposed to be a burial site, observatory, or sundial; and Silchester in Hampshire was the site of a Roman town. Emma Darwin probably wrote to Katherine Euphemia (Effie) Farrer about Elizabeth Wedgwood’s ill health (see letter to T. H. Farrer, 1 October 1880 and n. 8). Ida and Horace Darwin and Thomas Cecil Farrer, Farrer’s eldest son from his first marriage. CD had asked Farrer whether wormcasts still formed on the exposed concrete floor of the Roman villa. CD’s questions were in his letter to T. H. Farrer, 1 October 1880.

To T. H. Farrer   10 October [1880]1 From Mr. C. Darwin, Down, Beckenham. Oct. 10th. Many thanks: as you say you will send copy of notes made at time, I will keep all the documents & return all together.2 From the section, which I made with measurements, it is certain that the eastern trench was outside the E. boundary wall of the Atrium, & therefore within the next room to the East, marked “never completely excavated:” the other trench was parallel & at W. end of Atrium.3 C. D. I shd. be very grateful for more castings from walk. Castings have come, but alas contained only one particle of brick, [nor any] of mortar.4 ApcS Linnean Society of London (LS Ms 299/36) 1 2 3

4

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from T. H. Farrer, 9 October 1880. Farrer had promised to send a copy of his notes made at the time of the initial excavations of a Roman villa on his estate at Abinger (see letter from T. H. Farrer, 9 October 1880). CD was determining the location of the two trenches that were cut for him at the time of the initial excavation. He had asked Farrer to mark the position of the trenches on both plans of the excavation site he had sent to CD (see letter to T. H. Farrer, 8 October 1880). A diagram of a section through the foundations of the villa, indicating the location of one of these trenches, was published in Earthworms, p. 180. CD had asked to be sent wormcasts from a brick and mortar path at Abinger to see whether the small fragments of stone swallowed by worms acted like millstones to grind their food (letter to T. H. Farrer, 1 October 1880 and n. 5).

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331

From T. H. Farrer   10 October 1880 Abinger Hall, | Dorking. | (Gomshall S.E.R. | Station & Telegraph.) 10 Oct/80 My dear Mr Darwin Horace, Payne, Ida & I have been examining the ruins again today—and I think we can answer your questions.1 1. The worms are still working through the concrete floor of Room No 1.—2 2. The two trenches we made for you were at the East & west ends of room No 1.    the trench at the East end I feel quite sure of: it was outside the wall of that room. About the trench at the west end I cannot be quite so sure— At the west end there is no outer wall but the concrete was broken away and it ended in a mass of broken stones & rubbish.3 The compass bearings are as I told you. The hedge runs east & west, the east end being the higher—up the hill. The walls of the ruin run as nearly as possible north & south & east & west—4 I inclose a sketch Horace made on the spot. Some splendid red worm castings collected by Horace on a road made of brick rubbish shall come tomorrow.5 We are much enjoying a sight of them both—robust from Switzerland—both in excellent health & spirits & Horace keen for work6 Ever yours sincerely | T H Farrer We examined the walk round the rough which is on fibrous peat and could find no worms or their doings: there were plenty on the neighbouring open rough where the soil is sand with a little mould above it7 DAR 164: 102 CD annotations 2.1 1. … 1.—] double scored red crayon; ‘Use’ blue ink circled blue ink 5.1 Some … tomorrow. 5.2] scored red crayon 6.1 We … both—] crossed blue crayon 8.1 We … doings: 8.2] double scored red crayon; ‘Sand not Boggy’ blue crayon First page: ‘Used’ pencil circled pencil Top of letter: ‘very glad to see your Memo Book.—’ pencil; ‘Keep Habits’8 red crayon 1

2 3 4 5

Horace Darwin, George Payne, Farrer’s gardener, Ida Darwin, and Farrer were examining the ruins of a Roman villa that had been partially excavated on the Abinger estate. For CD’s questions, see letters to T. H. Farrer, 1 October 1880 and 8 October 1880. CD had asked Farrer to check whether worm-castings were still ejected onto the concrete floor in one of the rooms of the excavated Roman villa (letter to T. H. Farrer, 1 October 1880). CD wished to locate the two trenches that were dug at the time the excavations began (letter to T. H. Farrer, 8 October 1880). Farrer had informed CD that the bearings given on a printed plan of the excavation site were incorrect (letter from T. H. Farrer, 9 October 1880). CD had asked for more castings from paths made from brick rubbish in order to see whether the small fragments of stone swallowed by worms acted like millstones to crush their food (letter to T. H. Farrer, 10 October [1880]).

332 6 7 8

October 1880

Horace and Ida Darwin had been on a honeymoon tour in Switzerland in September (see letter from Emma Darwin to Sara Darwin, [3 September 1880] (DAR 219.1: 138)). The Abinger Roughs are areas of ancient woodland and grassland above the village of Abinger Hammer in Surrey. ‘Memo Book’: see letter from T. H. Farrer, 9 October 1880. ‘Keep Habits’: possibly a note CD wrote to remind himself to keep this letter in a portfolio relating to the habits of earthworms. CD might also be referring to earthworms continuing to penetrate the concrete floor of the Roman villa after it had been excavated (see n. 2, above).

To Hyacinth Hooker   10 October [1880] Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Oct 10th My dear Lady Hooker I am very much obliged for your kind present of the Bananas.—1 The orangebrown ones are the most splendid, aristocratic specimens, I have ever seen. Believe me | yours truly obliged | Charles Darwin Endorsement: ‘/80’ Christie’s (dealers) (8 June 2005, lot 56) 1

CD enjoyed eating bananas and regularly received samples of the varieties grown at the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, as gifts from Hyacinth and Joseph Dalton Hooker (see Correspondence vol. 25, letter to Hyacinth Hooker, [18 November 1877]). At this time, bananas were rare and expensive (Endersby 2007, pp. 170–1).

To Romain Moniez   10 October 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington S.E.R.) October 10th 1880 Dear Sir I am very much obliged to you for your great kindness in having sent me a copy of your work on parasitic worms.1 The subject has always interested me, & I am sure that I shall profit by reading your work.2 Believe me Dear Sir | Yours faithfully & obliged | Charles Darwin Pierre Bergé (dealers) (22 November 2010, lot 63) 1 2

Moniez probably sent CD a copy of his study of the larvae of tapeworms, Essai monographique sur les cysticerques (Moniez 1880). CD had collected parasitic worms during the Beagle voyage (see Correspondence vol. 17, letter to T. S. Cobbold, 9 August [1869]). In Origin, p. 70, he noted that when animals of the same species were crowded into a small space epidemics ensued, caused in some cases by parasitic worms, which flourished in such situations because of their facility of diffusion among crowded animals.

From James Caird   11 October 1880 Cassencary | Creetown | N.B. Oct 11. 80 My dear Sir I am much obliged for your letter & its enclosure.1 Mr. Torbitt seems to be getting into an extensive and robust family of Tubers, and his expenses must be considerable.

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If he could only make the grand discovery of a disease proof variety his fortune would be in his hands. I need not say that insofar as our small contribution goes it is left entirely to your discretion as to disposal.2 In this part of the country3 the potato has not been so prolific as this year since the first appearance of disease in 1845. Before that time 10 tons an acre was a common crop,— five to 6 or 7—was the best since. But there are this season 10 & even 11 & 12 ton crops—with but a small proportion diseased. And I expect that the Irish general crop will be in something like the same proportion good. I expect to return to town about the 25th. inst. Believe me My dear Sir | Yours very faithfully | James Caird Charles Darwin Esq F.R.S. DAR 161: 5 1 2

3

CD had sent Caird a copy of an extract from the letter from James Torbitt, 26 September 1880 (see letter to T. H. Farrer, 1 October 1880). Neither CD’s letter nor the enclosure has been found. Caird had helped raise funds for James Torbitt, who was carrying out large-scale experiments aimed at producing blight-resistant potatoes. For Caird’s contribution, see the enclosure in the second letter from T. H. Farrer, 8 March 1880. He had been an enthusiastic supporter of the scheme from 1878 (see Correspondence vol. 26, letter from T. H. Farrer, 28 February 1878). Caird was writing from his home in Galloway in the south-west of Scotland.

From A. R. Wallace   11 October 1880 Pen-y-bryn, St. Peter’s Road, | Croydon. Octr 11th. 1880 My dear Darwin I hope you will have received a copy of my last book “Island Life”1 as I shall be very glad of your opinion on certain points in it. The first five chapters you need not read as they contain nothing fresh to you, but are necessary to make the work complete in itself. The next five chapters however (VI to X) I think will interest you, as I think, in Chapters VIII. and IX., I have found the true explanation of Geological Climates,—and on this I shall be very glad of your candid opinion as it is the very foundation stone of the book. The rest will not contain much that is fresh to you except the three chapters on New Zealand. Sir Joseph Hooker thinks my theory of the Australian & N. Zealand floras a decided advance on any thing that has been done before.2 In connection with this the chapter on the Azores should be read.3 Chap. XVI. on the British Fauna may also interest you. I mention these points merely that you may not trouble yourself to read the whole book unless you like. Hoping that you are well | Believe me | Yours very faithfully | Alfred R. Wallace C. Darwin Esq. DAR 106: B144

334 1 2

3

October 1880

Wallace 1880a. Wallace posited that the difference between the flora of south-western Australia and the rest of Australia could be explained geologically; during the formation of the south-western flora, the eastern parts of the continent were either widely separated from the western part or not yet risen from the ocean. The form of the sea bottom provided evidence that before the joining of eastern and western Australia, New Zealand had been in close connection with eastern Australia. Wallace thus explained the presence of tropical Australian plants in the New Zealand flora. Temperate Australian species from the western regions that were present in the New Zealand flora, he argued, would have been transmitted by sea after eastern and western Australia had formed one continent. See Wallace 1880a, pp. 464–76. This hypothesis, he claimed, fulfilled Joseph Dalton Hooker’s prediction that the anomalous floras of Australia and New Zealand would ‘present the least difficulties to whatever theory may explain the whole case’ (ibid., p. 475). Hooker was an expert on the New Zealand flora (see J. D. Hooker 1853 and J. D. Hooker 1864–7). Wallace pointed out that because the Azores had never been connected to a continent, their flora and fauna contained only species that had been able to reach the islands across many hundreds of miles of ocean (Wallace 1880a, pp. 248–53).

From E. B. Aveling   12 October 1880 Royal Polytechnic. | W. 12.10.80 Dear Sir, Many months ago I ventured to send you the earlier numbers of a series of articles on your works. Of these you were good enough to express your approval.1 The Magazine wherein they appeared came to an untimely end and I have since its decease rewritten the articles & published them together with many others, their successors in the National Reformer.2 The works hitherto dealt with are the Voyage, Volcanic Islands, Geology of S. America, Orchids, Climbing Plants, Insectivorous Plants. I purpose after a study of the Forms of Flowers & Cross & self-fertn. dealing with the Cirripedia & finally with the series commencing with the Origin & ending at present with the Emotions.3 My friends Mrs. Annie Besant and Charles Bradlaugh, M.P. contemplate publishing under the title of the International Library of Science & Freethought a series of works either by great scientific and freethinking men or upon their labors. The first of the series will be a translation of Dr L. Büchner’s “An dem Geistes leben der Thiere” by Mrs. Besant.4 To this translatn. Dr. Büchner has given full assent. A translatn. of some work from the pen of Ernst Häckel by myself is also designed5 and other arrangements in regard to French & Italian works are pending. We desire to make the second volume of the series my work upon your writings and teachings.6 To you, Sir, therefore I again write to know if such a plan will meet with your approval and have the distinct advantage of your personal sanction. We desire from you as from Dr. Büchner and Professor Häckel the illustrious support of your consent. As it is long since I last wrote, I remind you that the volume we desire to produce is designed (1) to give students of your writings a condensed analysis thereof (2) to give those who have not time to read your productions a brief account of your discoveries and ideas.

Annie Besant. Wellcome Collection (CC BY 4.0).

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October 1880

Further I purpose, again subject to your approval, to honor my work and myself by dedicating the former to you. If you approve of this my wish & of the general plan of our second publicatn., I need hardly say to you how honored we should be were you to see fit to give us the immense support of a few words stating that approval. This would without doubt aid us very greatly in our endeavor to reach large numbers of those who are yet but little acquainted with the thought-work of the 19th century, work with which your name must be for ever associated so closely. I forward herewith a little pamphlet of Dr. Büchner’s already translated into English by Mrs. Besant7 & if it will not be troubling you too greatly I should be very glad to send to you the proof-sheets of my work as they are issued. With the hope that the help of your approval may be ours | I am | yours faithfully | Edward B. Aveling | D.Sc.Lond. DAR 159: 133 1 2 3 4

5 6 7

See Correspondence vol. 26, letter from E. B. Aveling, 23 September 1878, and letter to E. B. Aveling, [after 23 September 1878]. Aveling’s early articles were published in the Student’s Magazine and Science and Art (Aveling 1878–9). The National Reformer was a periodical owned and edited by the freethinker Charles Bradlaugh. Aveling’s series of articles, ‘Darwin and his works’, appeared in twenty-eight instalments in the National Reformer between 16 November 1878 and 19 September 1880. Besant and Bradlaugh had founded the Freethought Publishing Company. The translation of Ludwig Büchner’s Aus dem Geistesleben der Thiere (The mental life of animals; Büchner 1876) was published under the title Mind in animals in 1880 (Büchner 1880b). Aveling’s translation of Ernst Haeckel’s work was published in 1883 under the title The pedigree of man: and other essays (Haeckel 1883). This work was published in 1881 under the title The student’s Darwin (Aveling 1881). Besant’s translation of Büchner’s pamphlet was published under the title The influence of heredity on free will (Büchner 1880a). This work has not been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL.

To E. B. Aveling1   13 October 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Oct. 13th 1880 Private Dear Sir I am much obliged for your kind letter & the enclosure.—2 The publication in any form of your remarks on my writings really requires no consent on my part, & it would be ridiculous in me to give consent to what requires none.— I shd. prefer the Part or Volume not to be dedicated to me (though I thank you for the intended honour) as this implies to a certain extent my approval of the general publication, about which I know nothing.—3 Moreover though I am a strong advocate for free thought on all subjects, yet it appears to me (whether rightly or wrongly) that direct arguments against christianity & theism produce hardly any effect on the public; & freedom of thought is best promoted by the gradual illumination of men’s minds, which follows from the advance of science. It has, therefore, been always my object to avoid writing on religion, & I have confined myself to science. I may, however,

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have been unduly biassed by the pain which it would give some members of my family, if I aided in any way direct attacks on religion.— I am sorry to refuse you any request, but I am old & have very little strength, & looking over proof-sheets (as I know by present experience) fatigues me much.—4 I remain Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin International Institute of Social History, Amsterdam (Karl Marx / Friedrich Engels Papers D. 1014) 1

2 3

4

A Russian translation of this letter in 1931 mistakenly claimed Karl Marx as the recipient, leading to the assumption among scholars that Marx had wished to dedicate the second volume of Das Kapital (Marx 1867–94) to CD. The second volume was published in 1885. It was not until the 1970s that Aveling was reinstated as the recipient of this letter following the realisation that Aveling’s later association with Marx’s daughter had led to his and Marx’s papers being combined. See Colp 1982. The enclosure was an English translation of a pamphlet by Ludwig Büchner (see letter from E. B. Aveling, 12 October 1880 and n. 7). Aveling had requested CD’s approval of his plan to discuss CD’s works in a book titled The student’s Darwin (Aveling 1881). He had also asked whether he might dedicate the book to CD. See letter from E. B. Aveling, 12 October 1880. Aveling had offered to send CD the page-proofs of The student’s Darwin (letter from E. B. Aveling, 12 October 1880).

To T. H. Farrer   13 October 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Oct 13. 1880 My dear Farrer, I have been glad to see your copy-book, and all is now clear to me.1 I have been able to correct some doubtful points, so that I need not trouble you with my M.S. I have been examining under the microscope the castings received this morning, and they are quite invaluable to me.2 I shall send the bits of brick to Mr Sorby, who is the great authority on rock-structure, to see if my impression is correct that they have undergone attrition.3 But before sending them I much want answers on a few points. The queries are written on a separate paper, with open spaces, as this will save you trouble.4 These are the last of my questions. My dear Farrer, | Yours truly obliged. | Charles Darwin LS Linnean Society of London (LS Ms 299/37) 1 2 3

4

Farrer had sent a copy of the notes he had made when the Roman villa on the Abinger estate was first excavated (see letter from T. H. Farrer, 9 October 1880). Horace Darwin had collected worm-castings from a road made of brick rubbish (see letter from T. H. Farrer, 10 October 1880). CD wanted castings from paths made from brick and mortar rubble in order to see whether the small fragments swallowed by worms acted like millstones to crush their food (letter to T. H. Farrer, 10 October [1880] and n. 4). Henry Clifton Sorby had developed techniques to make thin sections of rocks that allowed him to determine the linear dimensions of the small bodies of which the rock was composed (ODNB). For CD’s questions and Farrer’s answers, see letter from T. H. Farrer, 16 October 1880.

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October 1880

To T. H. Farrer   13 October [1880]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Oct 13th My dear Farrer Since I wrote this morning to you a horrid fear has crossed my mind.2 It is possible, though not probable, that the rounded particles of brick in the castings, may have been rolled about by wind & rain, & afterwards been swallowed by the worms.—3 This possible source of error would be avoided if you could send me some castings from a gravel-walk with underlying brick rubbish; for the rubbish will thus have been protected from being rolled or rounded. For Heaven sake forgive me if you can & believe me | yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin Linnean Society of London (LS Ms 299/38) 1 2 3

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to T. H. Farrer, 13 October 1880. See letter to T. H. Farrer, 13 October 1880. CD was trying to determine whether the fragments of brick rubble or similar material swallowed by worms acted like millstones to crush their food; he had assumed that this would be confirmed if the small particles found in wormcasts were smooth and rounded (letter to T. H. Farrer, 1 October 1880 and n. 5).

To Baxter, Payne, and Lepper   14 October 1880 [Down.] Oct 14th 1880 to Mss Baxter, Payne & Co Dear Sir, I have received three notices signed by your firm requesting payment of a half years commutation Rent Charge. The notices do not state upon whose behalf you apply, but I suppose the claim is for Vicarial Tithe.1 I do not, however, perceive how the total agrees with what I have before paid & I shall be obliged if you will let me know the numbers of the fields referred to.2 These tithes, I believe, have hitherto always been paid in the Village & it appears to me hardly reasonable to ask the tithe payers to go to Bromley to make the payment.3 I hear that this is the general opinion, & I should therefore suggest that you name some place in the village at which the tithes can be paid at an appointed time. I am, Dear Sir, | yours faithfully | Ch Darwin Draft(A) DAR 202: 29 1

The 1836 Tithe Commutation Act had established a procedure whereby tithes (the traditional requirement that one tenth of local produce be given to the church) could be converted into money payments. The amount due varied, depending on the current valuation of land and resources. The charge on land, instead of on produce, was called the rent charge. Vicarial or small tithes were originally payable to the vicar, while the great tithe was payable to the rector.

October 1880 2

3

339

CD’s Classed account book (Down House MS) records a payment of £1 4s. for ‘Vicarial tithes’ on 18 October 1880. He had already paid vicarial tithes of £4 10s. 7d. on 6 April 1880, a considerably higher sum than most of his previous vicarial or small tithe payments and closer to the amount he usually paid for the great tithe. CD evidently wished to check that all the property on which his total was based belonged to him, and that there had been no error in attributing land ownership. However, he evidently changed his mind and crossed out this paragraph in his draft. Baxter, Payne, and Lepper were auctioneers, valuers, land agents, and surveyors located in Bromley, Kent (Post Office London suburban directory 1880).

From C.-F. Reinwald1   14 October 1880 15, Rue des Saints-Pères | Paris Paris 14 Oct 1880 Mon cher Monsieur Je reviens aujourdhui à votre offre du 24 Septembre, concernant la traduction française de votre nouveau volume Movement of Plants dont vous m’avez déjà envoyé les 208 premières pages.2 J’accepte l’offre que vous avez eu la bonté de me faire et je me charge de publier cette traduction pour laquelle j’ai traité avec le Prof. E. Heckel de Marseille.3 Je compte maintenant sur votre amabilité pour décider M. Murray à me céder les clichés de cet ouvrage à un prix raisonnable.4 Je vous prie donc cher Monsieur de faire passer l’incluse à cet éditeur et d’y ajouter un mot de recommandation si vous le jugez utile. Veuillez compter par mon entière reconnaissance et agréez | cher Monsieur | l’expression de mes sentiments les plus distingués | C Reinwald To Ch.s Darwin Esq. Down DAR 176: 112 1 2

3

4

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. No letter to Reinwald dated 24 September 1880 has been found. CD had begun sending out pages of the English edition of Movement in plants to translators in September 1880 (see, for example, letter to J. V. Carus, 14 September 1880). Édouard Heckel had already been in touch with CD about the translation (see letter from Édouard Heckel, 23 September 1880). CD’s usual French translator, Edmond Barbier, had died on 30 September 1880 (Paris & vicinity, France, death notices, 1860–1902 (Ancestry.co.uk, accessed 24 May 2019). John Murray was CD’s publisher.

From Sophy Wedgwood   15 October [1880]1 LHP. Oct. 15th. Dear Uncle Charles I have been up on the common today after the worms. I could not find anything in the middle of the heath, away from the paths, but there were some worm castings on the edge of the grass covered road, resti〈ng〉 on

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October 1880

sprigs of heath, & in one case or more, with the sprays of heath pushed up through them.2 But there was grass or other plants all growing among the heath, in fact it is hardly pure anywhere. I should have thought it a very unlikely place for worm casts, among a thick tangled mass, whether heath or not? Also, from my experience, I shd hardly have expected to meet with any worms in that stony sand, (or in peat either.) unless in such a case as grass roots, weeds, in a gravel path. I dug a little among the heath, but found none, but this does not shew much, as I only in one case found any in digging the grass beneath actual wormcasts. I don’t know whether Lucy has written to you, she went up one day, and found nothing particular I believe, and meant to have gone again, but had to go home rather suddenly on account of one of the children not being well.3 She could not remember what light she took, unless she has been able to tell you since—4 I am sorry to have written you such a long winded statement about so little. As my mother has been able to write herself, I will not about anything else.5 I do hope aunt Emma is better.6 yr affect. niece KESW.7 DAR 181: 69 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

The year is established by the reference to CD’s research on earthworms. CD had asked Sophy Wedgwood to observe whether there were any wormcasts on the heath near her home at Leith Hill Place, Surrey (see letter to Sophy Wedgwood, 8 October [1880]). No letter of this date from Lucy Caroline Harrison, Sophy’s sister, has been found. In 1880, Lucy had three children, Geoffrey Richard Harrison, Anne Dorothea Harrison, and Thomas Edmund Harrison. See letter to Sophy Wedgwood, 8 October [1880] and n. 4. Caroline Sarah Wedgwood, CD’s sister, had been ill at the start of October (see letter to T. H. Farrer, 1 October 1880 and n. 9). Emma Darwin had been ill on 3 and 4 October 1880; she fell ill again from 9 to 13 October (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). Sophy, although always known by this name, signed with the initials of her full name, Katherine Elizabeth Sophy Wedgwood.

To R. F. Cooke   16 October 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Oct. 16th 1880 My dear Sir You will see by the enclosed that M.  Reinwald wants to publish a French Translation of my book, but is a little doubtful, & very naturally so, on account of expense.—1 I wish, therefore, to supply him with stereotypes of the 195 cuts at prime cost. Will be so good as to find out from Mess Clowes2 what the cost is, & inform me, & I will write to M. Reinwald. My dear Sir | Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin P.S. | Please make memorandum that I shall require 60 copies with edges cut for presentation.—3

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National Library of Scotland (John Murray Archive) (Ms. 42152 f. 375) 1

2 3

Charles-Ferdinand Reinwald had asked CD to pass on a letter to CD’s publisher, John Murray, concerning the sole rights to the French translation of Movement in plants (Heckel trans. 1882). Reinwald’s letter to Murray was enclosed in the letter from C.-F. Reinwald, 14 October 1880. William Clowes & Sons was the printing company used by Murray. See Appendix IV for CD’s presentation list for Movement in plants. Books were usually sold with their pages uncut. For CD’s plea to publishers to sell all books with cut pages, see Correspondence vol. 15, letter to Athenæum, 1 January 1867.

From T. H. Farrer   16 October 18801 (1) Was the brick rubbish from a new building, or from an old building whilst being pulled down? From the old house at Abinger2 (2) How many years ago was the rubbish laid down on the road? About seven years ago (3) Is the subsoil of a red colour? For if not the colour of the castings must be due to brick-dust. No the subsoil is sand or sandy mould not red (4) Was care taken that the castings alone were picked up, and not particles lying loose in the road? Yes carefully picked up by Horace Darwin in my presence3 (5) Were there many castings on the road? Yes a good many especially at the edges—not in the middle. (6) Could you ascertain (as I much wish to know) how thick the layer of brick rubbish is on the road? Originally 4 to 6 inches. Now worn in the centre to 2 or 3: but the castings were taken from the sides, where it is still 4 to 6 inches I do not think the particles of brick could have been rolled about by the wind.4 The rubbish was laid seven years ago on a much used farm road: on a sandy bottom: about 6 inches thick. It soon became a compact mass; the centre of the road being much used by carts. But did the cart wheels break up and round the particles? I think not: they would squeeze but scarcely rub them— The former castings were taken from the side of the road. Today—16 October I have collected some more from the grass on the margin 18 inches or more from where the cart wheels now go: & where the brick rubbish is covered with grass & a little mould. The brick rubbish here is 5 or 6 inches deep with turf at the top. I send by parcel four specimens of castings5 1. Those from the margin of the brick road above mentioned. These are full of brick particles. 2. A large quantity collected from the walks near the house in a great no of places. In all these walks there is about 6 inches of brick rubbish—sometimes less

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under 4 to 6 inches of gravel—partly chalk gravel—partly sandstone gravel from Wotton.— I can see no brick particles in this. The bricks were put down as they came from the old house—in large bits—& so I think they lie now 3. A small quantity from the top of a heap of brick rubbish shot into a hole in this field.— It is now covered at the top with grass 4 A small quantity from the concrete— Room No 1. of the Roman villa. The concrete is much broken by frost & covered with vegetation, & the worm workings are not so easy to see as they were T H Farrer 16 Oct/ 80 DAR 63: 42 CD annotations 1.1 (1) … 6 inches 12.2] ‘These queries all relate to the first lot of castings from road’ added blue ink 13.6 Today— … the top. 13.9] triple scored blue ink 15.1 1. … they were 18.3] scored red crayon End of letter: ‘[Intention]’ red crayon 1 2 3 4

5

Farrer was responding to questions sent by CD with his first letter of 13 October 1880; the questions were written out by Francis Darwin with spaces left for Farrer’s answers. After purchasing the Abinger estate, Farrer had the eighteenth-century hall demolished and replaced it with a new hall designed by Alfred Waterhouse (ODNB). See letter from T. H. Farrer, 10 October 1880. This paragraph started a second sheet of paper that Farrer sent to CD along with the sheet of questions. Farrer was here responding to CD’s follow-up letter of 13 October [1880], in which CD expressed his fear that the small fragments of brick might be rounded by causes other than the muscular gizzards of worms. CD had asked for castings from areas where the brick and mortar rubble was covered by other material in order to rule out the possibility that the small particles of brick in the casts had been rounded and worn smooth by the action of cartwheels (see letter to T. H. Farrer, 13 October [1880]).

From Adolf Ernst   17 October 1880 Carácas Oct 17/1880 Dear Sir, In answer to your last letter I hasten to tell you that earth-worms behave here precisely in the same manner as in Europe.1 I have noticed their castings every where in gardens and fields, but not in the forest. I had an excellent opportunity of observing these animals in the back-yard of my own house, a space measuring 20 yards by ten. This morning I counted on these 200 square yards one hundred and fifty six (156) holes and castings. These were of rather unequal size from half a cubic centimetre to 5 cubic centimeters. I collected as carefully as possible the whole quantity of upcast earth, and found it to be close to half a litre, so that 3  cubic centimetres is the mean quantity of a cast.2

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The whole depth I was however unable to ascertain satisfactorily; I can only say that at 75 centimetres the hole was still visible, but I lost there its trace further on. I will send you as soon as possible some of the earth worms, in order that you may get from some one the systematic name.3 The depth of the burrows must be pretty different, as I saw from the different nature of the up cast earth; sometimes it is a yellow loam (which is generally our subsoil, the result of desintegration of gneissic rocks), sometimes a fine black mould, the occurrence of which has nothing strange in the soil of a city: I had overlooked in the American Naturalist the strange misstatement to which you are good enough to call my attention.4 It is singular, though I may be partly guilty by not having worded my phrases more clearly. I shall send a note to the Editors, claiming a true statement of my observations.—5 I shall be most happy to write to you now and then, and remain respectfully your obedient servant | A Ernst. DAR 163: 23 CD annotations 1.6 half a cubic 1.7] underl pencil 1.7 5 cubic] underl pencil 1.8 cubic centimetres 1.9] underl pencil 2.2 further on.] ‘— nearly 30 inches’ added pencil 5 1 ’ pencil del pencil; Top of third page: This morning … cast.]‘ 2 2 ‘ 156 500cc (32 ’ pencil 2.2 468 320 Top of letter: ‘This will work in ch I & III only [briefly] in’ pencil End of letter: ‘(send my book)’6 pencil 1 2 3 4 5 6

See letter to Adolf Ernst, 11 September 1880. Ernst’s observations were reported in Earthworms, pp. 121–2. Ernst did not send a specimen of the common Venezuelan earthworm until after he had received his presentation copy of Earthworms (see Correspondence vol. 30, letter from Adolf Ernst, 2 March 1882). See letter to Adolf Ernst, 11 September 1880 and n. 1. The American Naturalist was edited by Alpheus Spring Packard and Edward Drinker Cope; no correction by Ernst appears to have been published. Ernst’s name is on the presentation list for Earthworms (DAR 210.11: 30).

From G. E. Mengozzi1   17 October 1880 Londres | 56 Brompton Square S. W. 17 Oct. 1880 Illustre Monsieur, Envoyé a Londres par la Royal et Imperial Accademie “La Scuola Italica” de Rome, pour étudier et savoir plus de prés la Théorie de l’évolution sur la formation naturelle des existences, par Vous doctement annoncé et einsegné.

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C’est presque un an que avec satisfaction de mon ésprit j’ai meditée sur la même, et aujourd’hui je suis dans la nécessité de Vous demander ci pour la Votre Théorie réellement Vous intendez trouver vraies les deux opinions des positivistes à la Compte, c’est à dire; l’athéisme et le materialisme d’ôu la matière, être absolu, non celui des ontologes au principe de causalité substituée celui des causes à l’infini, c’est à dire, que la série des causes ne finissant jamais ons à pas lieux à se tranquilliser dans une cause primière.2 L’accademie ci-dessu, à pour son but de soutenir la sapience primitive Italique d’ôu le Teo distingué de l’Ile. Dieu, Être absolu, principe incrée et néccessairement créateur; cause primière des causes secondes.3 Et par la Théorie de l’évolution et par la lutte pour l’existence, justement vos sublimes idées; l’Accademie intende de trouver l’existence d’une intelligence ordonnatrice et prévidente, au lieux de la niér comme les proselytes de Votre Théorie, positivistes fanatiques qui n’entendaient que a faire la guerre au absolu à Dieu, défendu par la saine philosophie que eut le berceau en Italie d’ôu son primat en ordre au pensée et à la vraie science. Comme ça les honorables savants de la R. I. Accademie, croyent faire honneur à Vos études, et par mon moyen aujourd’hui il se présentaient à Vous désireux d’avoir une reponse au propos pour avoir raison de en faire partécipe le monde scientifique, par Rome. L’avoir nous comprise Votre opinion externée dans Vos derniers ouvrages attribuant aux animeaux les sens non seulement ésthétique, mai aussi le moral jusque au religieux, des simples acts psycologiques rationals dans les formes rudimentales, pouvons nous voir en Vous le plus docte défenseur de l’animation general de la matière, et encore on peut comprendre en Vous le savant qui voit dans la conception de la matière des moderne positivistes, qu’il n’est pas licite de dévorcier par Dieu, par l’ésprit, et non pas admettre l’iminent force qui faite passer toutes les attitude de la substance mondiale par la puissance à l’act, faisand le parcourir sur le chemin ascendental qu’il s’appelle progres cosmique avec intelligence et intentionnalitè. En conclusion, illustre Monsieur, pour Votre Théorie glorieusement objectivée avec Votre nom insigne, par tous les savants de l’Europe, la cause de Dieu et celle de la science, est une! Veuille Dieu Vous garder longuement en honneur des sciences, que moi avec toute mon ésprit je ne cèsserai jamais d’être | Votre admirateur obsequieux | Comm. Profr. G. E. Mengozzi M.D. | Presidente Eff. Reale ed Imper. Accademia | La Scuola Italica in Roma. À l’Illustre Monsieur | Charles Darwin M.A., F.R.S. ect. | Down Beckenham Kent DAR 171: 153 1 2

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. Mengozzi’s French (not his native tongue) was extremely poor. Auguste Comte founded the philosophical and political movement known as positivism. He argued that humanity passed through three stages: the theological, the metaphysical, and the positive or scientific (DSB).

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Mengozzi belonged to a group that aimed to restore the ancient wisdom of Italy and develop a new nationalistic philosophy based on the teaching of Pythagoras, whom he believed to be Tyrrenian not Greek. To this end, he had founded the Accademia Nazionale, la Scuola Italica in 1860 (Giudice 2016, pp. 90–3). Francis Darwin later wrote on this letter ‘Mengozzi (fool)’.

From R. F. Cooke   19 October 1880 50A. Albemarle S.t | W. Oct 19. 1880 My dear Sir I return you Reinwald’s letter & beg to inform you that the actual cost of making a set of Electros from the woodcuts in yr new book will be £10.1 But really you should make these foreign publishers pay more for at the usual rate of charging per inch &c they wd. be over £40. Suppose you mentioned £20. We have a set now ready to go to Stuttgart & shd. like to know your feelings as to the German Translation also. We thought of charging them £25 or £30. This sum would help to repay your own expenses on the work. Your wishes as to 60 copies with cut edges shall be attended to.2 The work is to be bound up in green as usual I suppose? What shall the lettering on the back The Movement in Plants ——— Darwin. Messrs. Clowes3 tell us they have just received the last sheets from you, Yours faithfully | Rob.t Cooke Cha.s Darwin Esq DAR 171: 509 CD annotations 8.4 Movement] altered to ‘Movements’ pencil 8.5 in] altered to ‘of ’ pencil End of letter: ‘Review | List of Copies | 25 Koch’4 pencil 1 2 3 4

See letter to R. F. Cooke, 16 October 1880 and n. 1. The electrotypes were for the French translation of Movement in plants (Heckel trans. 1882), published by Charles-Ferdinand Reinwald. CD had requested sixty presentation copies of Movement in plants with the pages already cut (see letter to R. F. Cooke, 16 October 1880 and n. 3). William Clowes & Sons were the printers used by John Murray publishers. CD agreed that his German publisher, Eduard Koch, should pay £25 for the use of the electrotypes (see letter to R. F. Cooke, 20 October 1880).

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To R. F. Cooke   20 October 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Oct. 20— 1880 My dear Sir I am much obliged for your note & kind regard for my interests.1 As M. Reinwald felt doubt about paying for Translator & bringing out my book, I promised him that he shd. have cliches at cost price, so I must keep my word & please let him have them at this price, viz 10£—, if he finally decides to have translation.—2 As my Books sell well in Germany it will, from what you say, be fair to charge Herr Koch 25£;; but he must not know that I have let the Frenchman have them for 10£.—3 The volume had better be in green to match the others & lettered “The Movements of Plants ——— Darwin” I hope that the index-maker has completed his job.—4 Will you be so good as to send copies to whatever Reviews you think desirable: I wd. suggest Nature, Gardener’s Chronicle, & Journal of Botany.5 Before long I will send a list of copies to be distributed in England, & will despatch myself those for abroad.—6 My dear Sir | Yours faithfully & obliged | Ch. Darwin National Library of Scotland (John Murray Archive) (Ms. 42152 ff. 376–7) 1 2 3 4 5 6

See letter from R. F. Cooke, 19 October 1880. See letter from C.-F. Reinwald, 14 October 1880. Charles-Ferdinand Reinwald published the French translations of CD’s works. See letter from R. F. Cooke, 19 October 1880 and n. 4. Eduard Koch published the German translations of CD’s works. The indexer was Matilda Smith (see letter to John Murray, 10 July 1880 and n. 2). Reviews of Movement in plants appeared in Gardeners’ Chronicle, 27 November 1880, pp. 692–3, and Journal of Botany 19 (1881): 375–81. No review of Movement in plants has been found in Nature. For the presentation list for Movement in plants, see Appendix IV.

To T. H. Farrer   20 October 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Oct 20th 1880 My dear Farrer What a man you are to do thoroughily whatever you undertake to do! The supply of specimens has been magnificent, & I have worked at them for a day & a half.1 I found a very few well rounded grains of brick in the castings from over gravel

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walk, & plenty over the hole in field & over Roman floor. You have done me the greatest possible service by making me more cautious than I shd.  otherwise have been, viz by sending me the rubbish from the road itself; in this rubbish I find very many particles, rounded (I suppose) by having been crushed, angles knocked off, & somewhat rolled about. But not a few of the particles may have passed through the bodies of worms during the years since the road was laid down.— I still think that the fragments are ground in the gizzards of worms, which always contain bits of stone; but I must try & get more evidence. I have today started a pot with worms in very fine soil, with sharp fragments of hard tiles laid on the surface, & hope to see in the course of time whether any of these become rounded.2 I do not think that more specimens from Abinger would aid me. With hearty thanks for all your most kind assistance, I am | My dear Farrer | Yours sincerely | Charles Darwin Eliz. Wedgwoods progress is, I fear, decidedly downwards, but she had a rather better night.—3 She suffers greatly from extreme restlessness & short-breathing. Her life, I think, is a misery to her. Linnean Society of London (LS Ms 299/31) 1 2 3

See letter from T. H. Farrer, 16 October 1880 and n. 5. In Earthworms, p. 18, CD stated that it was probable that the little stones and similar material swallowed by worms were used like millstones to grind their food. Elizabeth Wedgwood was seriously ill (letter from T. H. Farrer, 9 October 1880 and n. 5); Farrer was married to her niece Katherine Euphemia (Effie) Farrer.

To C.-F. Reinwald   20 October 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Oct 20th. 1880 Dear Sir I have just heard from Mr. Murray that the actual cost of the 195 woodblocks is 10£; & though Mr Murray tells me it is very unusual to allow anyone to have the cliches at prime cost, I have arranged that you shall have them at this price so as to aid you in bringing out a French Translation.—1 As soon as you have decided, pray write to Mr. Murray, asking him to have the cliches made & reminding him that I have stated that the cost to you is to be only 10£.— Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin P.S. | I send Mad. Barbier 10£, & I am very much obliged for your kind letter on the subject.—2 Smithsonian Libraries (Dibner Library of the History of Science and Technology MSS 405 A. Gift of the Burndy Library) 1

See letter from R. F. Cooke, 19 October 1880. Cooke was a partner in the John Murray publishing company; he was responding to CD’s letter of 16 October 1880. The clichés were the stereotype plates of the woodcuts in Movement in plants.

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See letter from C.-F. Reinwald, 7 October 1880 and n. 3. CD’s payment to Arthémise Barbier (the widow of Edmond Barbier, CD’s French translator) was recorded as ‘charity’ in his Account books– cash account (Down House MS).

From Arthur de Souza Corrêa   20 October 1880 Brazilian Legation. | London | 2a. Granville Place | W. 20th. October 1880 Sir, The Baron de Villa Franca, a great proprietor and cultivator in Brazil, has written the enclosed short memorial in French on the subject of culture and propagation of Sugar Cane, and his great ambition is to procure your appreciation of his facts and opinion of his deduction.1 For that purpose he has asked me to submit his work to you. Should you be disposed to gratify him by perusing it and giving your opinion upon its merits, I would be extremely obliged for your kindness.2 The only excuse I can make for this intrusion on you is the anxiety of my— countryman to submit his investigations to the highest scientific authority and my own inability to ascertain how to approach you. Should my application be inadmissible, I will ask you to regard it as another consequence of that fame which has made your name as renowned in the new as in the old world. Believe me with profound respect | Your faithful servant | A. de Souza Corréa | Secretary of the Brazilian Legation. Chas. Darwin Esqre. M.A, F.R.S. DAR 160: 281 1 2

Ignacio Francisco Silveira da Motta, baron de Vila Franca, was a Brazilian politician and farmer. The baron de Vila Franca’s memorial on the culture of sugar cane has not been found. After further correspondence in 1881 and 1882, CD and George John Romanes communicated baron de Vila Franca’s work on new varieties of sugar cane to the Linnean Society on 6 April 1882; the paper was read on 4 May 1882, but not published (Proceedings of the Linnean Society of London (1880–2): 30–1; Linnean Society, SP register, reference 2371). The paper was also mentioned in Journal of Botany: British and Foreign 20 (1882): 192. CD’s draft of his and Romanes’s commentary on the paper is in DAR 207.4.

To T. H. Thomas   22 October 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Oct 22d 1880 Dear Sir I am much obliged to you & to Prof. Schaafhausen for the photographs, which are very interesting.—1 You were indeed fortunate to find such fine foot-marks, which seem to me excellently engraved.2 Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin The National Library of Wales (NLW MS. 3127C no.12)

Quarterly Journal of the Geological Society of London 35 (1879): 512. (The plate is reproduced here at the same size as in the original publication.) By permission of the Syndics of Cambridge University Library.

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The photographs sent by Thomas and Hermann Schaaffhausen have not been found. Thomas had discovered fossil footprints in the Triassic rocks of Glamorgan, Wales; his article in the Transactions of the Cardiff Naturalists’ Society describing the discovery contained two lithograph plates reproduced from drawings he had made (Thomas 1879). The discovery was also communicated to the Geological Society of London in early 1879 together with a lithograph of one of Thomas’s drawings (Sollas 1879). See plate on p. 349.

From Arthur de Souza Corrêa   23 October 1880 Brazilian Legation. | London 23d October 1880 Sir, I have to express my own gratification and by anticipation the thanks of the Baron de Villa Franca for the gracious and instructive manner in which you have replied to the advances I made to you in some apprehension that it might be troubling and disturbing you.1 But it is one of the advantages of science I find in you to at once welcome strangers as to teach mankind. I will forward your precious letter to the Baron de Villa Franca, and it will no doubt urge him to fresch efforts to add to that collection of facts which it is for you to generalise.2 I have the honor to be with profound respect | Your faithful Servant | A.  de Souza Corrêa. Charles Darwin Esqre. F.R.S. DAR 160: 282 1

2

The memorial of Ignacio Francisco Silveira da Motta, baron de Vila Franca, on the culture and propagation of sugar cane had been sent to CD for comment (see letter from Arthur de Souza Corrêa, 20 October 1880). CD’s letter has not been found.

To ?   23 October 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. October 23 1880 Dear Sir I am much obliged for your courteous letter of Oct 8th.—1 I have no difficulty in answering your questions; but I cannot see how my answers can be of interest to anyone— I was born on Feb. 12th 1809.— On my return home after the voyage of the Beagle, I opened my first note-book for facts bearing on the Origin of species in July 1837.2 In June 1842 I wrote a brief sketch of the notions then arrived at; & this was enlarged in 1844 into a sketch of 230 M.S. pages.3 The Origin of Species was published near the close of 1859.— Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Charles Darwin

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Copy Cleveland Health Sciences Library (Robert M. Stecher Collection) 1 2 3

No letter to CD dated 8 October 1880 to which this might be a reply has been found. CD’s ‘Notebook B’ is DAR 121; for a transcription, see Notebooks, pp. 167–236. There are various rough drafts and fair copies of CD’s species sketches of 1842 and 1844 (see DAR 6: 1–14, 16–50 for the 1842 sketch and DAR 7 and DAR 113 for versions of the 1844 essay).

From S. T. Preston   24 October 1880 25 Reedworth Street | Kennington Road SE. | London. October 24th. 1880 Dear Sir In perusing my letter of August 5th again, it strikes me that there is an appearance of pretentiousness in the mode of my allusion to Mr Herbert Spencer’s “Data of Ethics” in relation to the Essay on “Natural Science & Morality” by myself and friend.1 I can only say that this was not my intention, and my object was to express a certain amount of gratification at the apparent agreement of principles as far as they went in the comparatively very brief Essay by self and friend. As however one cannot in correspondence have the great advantage of knowing the impression one has created and of ascertaining whether the intended meaning has been conveyed (which is possible only in an oral communication): and as I should be sorry that the wording of my letter should convey an impression of the above kind (which I think it legitimately might do)—I am therefore induced to write these few lines, and as no correspondence is called for, I hope I shall not be thought to be unduly troubling you in alluding briefly to this matter. Your’s truly | S Tolver Preston Charles Darwin Esqr FRS &c— DAR 174: 64 1

In his letter of 5 August 1880, Preston had stated that some of the conclusions reached in his essay on natural science and morality (Preston 1880a) read like a popular exposition of parts of Spencer 1879. Preston’s essay was based on the privately circulated pamphlet he had written with William Sharpey Seaton on physics and ethics ([Seaton] 1879).

To S. T. Preston   25 October 1880 Down, Beckenham, Kent | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Oct. 25th., 1880. Dear Sir I did not at all take the impression which you thought I might have done from your note.1 I read you article on Woman with much interest, though I differ on some points,—as when you speak of inheritance as draining qualities from man—and

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about antiquity of mental differences in man and woman.2 But I really have not strength or time for correspondence. I wish you success in all your investigations. Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin Copy DAR 147: 251 1 2

See letter from S. T. Preston, 24 October 1880. Preston’s article ‘Evolution and female education’ argued in favour of the intellectual training of women on the grounds that this would also advance the brain development of men through the equal transmission of characters to children of both sexes (Preston 1880c)

From W. D. Roebuck to G. H. Darwin   25 October 1880 Yorkshire Nat. Union | Sunny Bank, | Leeds, Oct. 25th 1880 Dear Sir/ Prof. Williamson has handed to me your letter with regard to the visit of a small deputation to Down for the purpose of presenting a memorial address to your distinguished father—1 The Committee have now finally completed their arrangements, and, in order to avoid the delay which would arise from my writing to Prof. Williamson & asking him to inform you, I hasten to communicate them to you at once, hoping they will meet the convenience of Mr. Darwin & family. It has been arranged that the deputation shall proceed from London by the 11  a.m. S.E.  train for Orpington on Wednesday the 3rd of November. The deputation wish to put Mr. Darwin to as little fatigue & inconvenience as possible and will consequently leave Down after the presentation in time to take an early afternoon train back to London. The deputation will be headed by H. C. Sorby Esq LL.D., F.R.S., late president of the Union (Prof Williamson’s University duties preclude his being able to take his position as President for the present year); he will be accompanied by Messrs. Tho.s Hick BA., B.Sc., J. W. Davis FSA. &c. William Cash F.G.S., possibly also by Dr. H. F. Parsons FGS., and a gentleman from Huddersfield whose name I will send you when I learn it.2 We hope there will not be too many for your convenience, but the difficulty has been to limit the number of our members who wish to do honour to the greatest biologist of our time— Any further particulars I shall be glad to supply. Believe me, Yours truly | Wm. Denison Roebuck. DAR 176: 191 1

William Crawford Williamson, president of the Yorkshire Naturalists’ Union, had written to Emma Darwin to enquire whether CD would accept a visit from a small deputation of members who wished

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to congratulate him on the ‘coming of age’ of Origin (letter from W. C. Williamson to Emma Darwin, 2 September 1880). The reply stating this would be acceptable, evidently written by George Howard Darwin rather than Emma Darwin, has not been found. The gentleman from Huddersfield was George Brook (see letter from W. D. Roebuck to G. H. Darwin, 26 October 1880).

From S. T. Preston   26 October 1880 25 Reedworth Street | Kennington Road SE. | London. October 26th. 1880 Dear Sir I thank you much for your kind reply to my letter, which it was very satisfactory to me to receive.1 I would merely say that in my article on “Evolution & Female Education”, I took the reference from your work “The Descent of Man” to imply that had it not been for the “law of equal transmission of characters to both sexes”, woman would have fallen behind man in mental endowment to a very large extent (as illustrated by the comparison employed in the quotation).2 I wished to convey the idea therefore that from the fact that woman has not fallen behind to this extent, she must (in effect) have gained somehow this amount, i.e. the amount which she would have lost, had not this “law of equal transmission” come to the rescue— in other words, that the total loss attendant on woman’s inaction (of brain) has been distributed with (approximate) equality on both sexes by the law of equal transmission, instead of being thrown entirely on one side so as to produce the marked and palpable inequality which would otherwise have resulted. This is the interpretation which (to the best of my ability) I attached to the passage quoted from your book, [vz.] this is substantially the meaning I intended to convey in speaking of “inheritance as draining qualities from man”. I trust that in this sense I may be substantially correct (and that any points of difference that may exist in regard to my paper may be minor ones)—not wishing to lead to any correspondence.3 But I thought the cause of Female Education &c was a good one that might be worthy of any additional encouragement, provided the means be legitimate. Again thanking you for your last letter. | Yours truly | S Tolver Preston Charles Darwin Esqr FRS &c— DAR 174: 65 1 2

3

See letter to S. T. Preston, 25 October 1880. In Preston 1880c, Preston quoted CD’s statement from Descent 2d ed., p. 565: ‘It is, indeed, fortunate that the law of the equal transmission of characters to both sexes prevails with mammals; otherwise it is probable that man would have become as superior in mental endowment to woman, as the peacock is in ornamental plumage to the peahen.’ In his letter to S. T. Preston, 25 October 1880, CD mentioned that he had no strength or time for correspondence.

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From Anthony Rich   26 October 1880 Chappell Croft, | Heene, Worthing. Octber. 26. 1880. My dear Mr Darwin I received a friendly letter from you in the early part of last spring just before you were about to settle down to several months slavery under the imperious rule of Murray and his printer’s devils; and as discretion is the better part of many other virtues besides valour, I thought it my duty not to add the worry of an idle correspondent to the irritations of incessant calls from the printers boy for “more copy”.—1 So that letter has gone unacknowledged up to the present moment. But the spring has long passed, the summer is gone, and autumn is well on the move; the “Movement of Plants” figures conspicuously amongst M’s Announcements; and the severe weather which we have lately experienced will probably have driven you home again, if you had gone out to refresh yourself by sea side or on mountain tops as a “reward of merit” for past exertions. Thus my time has come round when I think that I may fairly write and ask how it has fared with you and yours during all that time—and now. For myself I have got through the season without any special checks or ailments; the summer on the whole I have found to be a pleasant one, warm and sunshiny without being over hot, and, with the exception of a single fortnight about the time which is supposed to obey the rules of St. Swithin, pleasantly dry underfoot and overhead so as to allow of sitting in the open air without discomfort.— —2 The Philadelphus you so kindly sent to me flourished and flourishes.3 It has made shoots six feet long direct from the ground, and their wood has thoroughly ripened. I suppose that it will be proper to shorten them by and by, if the plant is to be kept under control. It bore three magnificent bunches of flowers, which seemed to have special attraction for a particular kind of fly with a black body and sharp pointed tail nearly twice the length of the common house fly. There were always four or five of them about the flowers with their heads deep into the bottom of the cups, like bees. I never observed these flies about any other of the flowers in the garden, or at any other time or any where else.— I possess likewise a fine plant of Berberis Darwinii,4 which has flourished proudly with its long sprays of orange coloured blossoms in my plantation for ten goodly years, but is now getting out of all bounds, with a ragged, stragling, and dissipated air. Should it not be cut down, or shortened? or is it, as some plants I understand are given to be, recalcitrant to surgical operations? Do pray enlighten my darkness.— Sometime during the summer I saw an announcement in one of the Papers of the marriage of a Mr. Huxley, of Penge, I think, and fancied that it might be a son of the Professor.5 The name is not a common one, as far as I know. If I could have satisfied myself that it was so, I am not sure that I would not have made it an excuse for writing a note to him, trusting that congratulation upon such an event, in itself an act of civility, would not be liable to the charge of officiousness Yes, truly must Sir J. Lubbock laugh in his sleeve whenever he passes through that glorious borough—incorruptible of course—which dismissed him from its bosom to be embraced by the intelligent constituency of the London University—a seat

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for life, I imagine, and no “honest independent woters” to study.6 And I thoroughly agree with you that science is a more useful, a much better friend, to all of us than law. The worst members that a constituency can choose for a seat in parliament have always appeared to me to be those of the legal profession. It is so obvious that they can only seek the seat for their own private interests; and the political arena forms but an indifferent school for a seat on the bench of Justice.— Now then it is time for me to relieve you from the trouble of reading these lucubrations; and how can I do that better than by asking you to call me to the remembrance of Mrs. Darwin, and to present her with my compliments and respects?— I hope that she thoroughly approves the change that has taken place in the personel of our Government. It is so pleasant to talk politics to ladies. They are such excellent politicians—when they are on our sides. Though I cannot expect that Mrs. Darwin will approve of all my wilful radicalism, I feel sure that she will feel not less satisfaction than I do in the thought that we are not to be Orientalized—at least for the present, or, let us hope, for evermore;7 for which time I intend to remain | Very truly yours | Anthony Rich DAR 176: 143 CD annotation Verso of last page: ‘[illeg] | Huxley | [ 2 words illeg]’ blue ink 1

2 3 4

5 6 7

CD’s letter has not been found. He spent the spring finishing Movement in plants, and then correcting the proof sheets (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). His publisher was John Murray; ‘printer’s devil’ was the name given to a young assistant in a printing house. According to folklore, whatever the weather is like on St Swithin’s day (15 July) it will continue the same for the next forty days. The Philadelphus (a genus of mock-orange) had been growing in Rich’s garden since at least autumn 1879 (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter from Anthony Rich, 28 December 1879). This species of Berberis was collected by CD on Chiloe Island, Chile, during the Beagle voyage; it was described in 1844 by William Jackson Hooker, who named it Berberis darwinii (W. J. Hooker 1844; see also Correspondence vol. 2, letter from J. D. Hooker, [12 December 1843 – 11 January 1844] and n. 8). According to the Standard, 23 July 1880, p. 1, George Thomas Scott Huxley was married at Holy Trinity Church, Penge, Kent. He was not Thomas Henry Huxley’s son. John Lubbock had been the MP for Maidstone, Kent, from 1870, but after losing the seat in 1880, he was elected MP for the University of London (ODNB). The Tory prime minister Benjamin Disraeli had been defeated in the April 1880 election by the Liberal William Ewart Gladstone. Disraeli, who was of Jewish descent, looked to the ‘Orient’ and eastern philosophy as a source of wisdom (Kalmar 2005). Rich had commented on Disraeli’s ‘orientalism’ in his letter of 7 March 1880. Emma Darwin had been particularly critical of Disraeli’s proclamation of Queen Victoria as empress of India in 1876 (letter from Emma Darwin to Leonard Darwin, 26 March [1876?] (DAR 239.23: 1.41)). This act had led to Disraeli’s being lampooned as an eastern potentate, corrupting the British monarchy (M. Taylor 2004).

From W. D. Roebuck to G. H. Darwin   26 October 1880 Yorkshire Nat. Union | Sunny Bank, Leeds Oct. 26th, 1880 Dear Sir/ I believe in my letter of yesterday I omitted to ask you whether the date provisionally arranged by our deputation was convenient— If not we will arrange to suit you—1

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I am now able to give you exact information as to the composition of the deputation. The gentleman from Huddersfield will be Mr. George Brook FLS., my colleague in the secretaryship of the Union. In other respects the names stand as I first wrote you, except that official duties prevent Dr. Parsons2 from taking part. I think it as well to send you, which I do by this post, one of the copies of the Address which will be given to a few of our members.3 The wording of the address is repeated in the copy & the signatures are traced from the original— Trusting you will not scruple to alter our arrangements if necessary | Believe me | meanwhile | Yours truly | Wm. Denison Roebuck | Sec Geo. Darwin Esq DAR 176: 192 1 2 3

See letter from W. D. Roebuck to G. H. Darwin, 25 October 1880. Henry Franklin Parsons. CD’s copy has not been found. The address was later published in Nature, 18 November 1880, p. 57, in an article titled ‘Homage to Mr. Darwin’, which described the visit to Down House of the delegation from the Yorkshire Naturalists’ Union and CD’s response to the address. For the text of the address, see Appendix III.

To G. E. Mengozzi1   [before 28] October 18802 Londra, [Down.] Ottobre 1880. Caro signore, Vi ringrazio per le vostre estremamente cortesi lettere.3 Il tentare una risposta alle questioni che Voi mi avete fatto l’onore d’indirizzarmi (per quanto io le comprenda) sarebbe una lunga impresa, e io sono in debole salute e il lavoro mi affaticherebbe molto. Ma avendo con l’ultima vostra compreso più chiaramente la questione, io volentieri risponderò ad essa come meglio potrò.— Io non credo che nessun essere organico dimostra evidenza di disegno. Se Voi vi date la pena di leggere le ultime due pagine della mia Variazione degli Animali e delle Piante sotto la domesticazione, Voi in parte rinverrete le mie ragioni. Ma sebbene nessun organismo può mostrare disegno, ciò in nessun modo esclude la credenza nell’esistenza di un amoroso Creatore di tutte le cose. L’evidenza di un tale Creatore bisogna che sia indagata, come a me sembra, ancora fuori dei limiti della Scienza Fisica. Il problema è uno dei più difficili. Dall’altro lato io so che molti uomini, le cui menti sono incomparabilmente più chiare e profonde della mia (ed io non ho mai atteso abbastanza alle questioni metafisiche e religiose) sono convinti che l’evidenza dell’esistenza di Dio è quasi evidente per se stessa. Mi fo premura accusarvi ricevimento e ringraziarvi per il dono del vostro magnifico volume sulla Filosofia della Medicina.4 Di più vi prego ad essere così buono da portare alla vostra Società, La Scuola Italica, residente in Roma, i molti miei cordiali ringraziamenti pel grande onore che in si distinta maniera mi conferiscono.5

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Pregovi di accettare i miei migliori ringraziamenti per le vostre molto amabili espressioni inverso di me, mentre io rimango, caro Signore, con molto rispetto, | Professor Mengozzi M. D. | Vostro fedelmente e molto obligato | Carlo Darwin. Roma Etrusca 2 (1881): 10 1 2 3 4 5

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from G. E. Mengozzi, 28 October 1880. The only known letter from Mengozzi prior to 28 October 1880 is dated 17 October 1880. CD’s copy of Mengozzi 1869, bearing an inscription in Italian by Mengozzi, is now in the Linnean Society. The Scuola Italica, of which Mengozzi was founder and president, aimed to ‘honour’ CD’s studies by showing that his scientific conclusions were not incompatible with a belief in a creator (see letter from G. E. Mengozzi, 17 October 1880).

From G. E. Mengozzi1   28 October 1880 56 Brompton Square S.W. 28 October 1880 Illustre Monsieur, Samedi ou dimanche prochaine je vais à Rome avec le pensée entièrement tourné à Vous, beaucoup honorée des Vos chéres lettres les quelles j’ai lues avec attention et avec profit que s’extrait par chaque parole inspiré par un homme eminemment savant.2 À présent je ne puis ni je doive m’étendre sur la question que je Vous avait faite en proffitant de la bonte et courtoisie que Vous avez eu pour mes pensées. Toute la question par nous agitée, pour moi elle se résoudre dans l’harmonie dialectique parmis le savoir des sciences du monde exterieur et celles du interieur, trouvant le positif et excluant le leur negatif; parce que isolément prises elles n’ont pas, le pouvoir de démontrée clairement l’existence de Dieu. Pour cela les arguments qu’il ce fondaient sur les seules notions du monde exterieure ne suffisaient comme Vous même dites, et en particulier le cosmologique et le théléologique, ce dernier s’attenent à Votre doctrine évolutionistique la quelle a tante de matière à discuter. Moi—sans Dieu je ne comprend ni l’Univers ni la vie, ni la sociétè, et je ne puisse admettre que le monde puisse vivre heureux sans la santification de la religion qui à sa foi dans l’Unique Dieu Créateur! Le livre eternal de Dieu il n’est pas fermé, et la nouvelle page divine, par l’oeuvre de Votre grand ésprit et de Vos études profonds, elle sera tournée. Moi, je crois ainsi toute les fois que je prend à mediter les ouvrages qui Vous avez donnée au monde des penseurs. Je voudrais bien que tous les hommes avancées dans les sciences physiques et metaphysiques puissaient penser, comme moi je pense et j’éspére. Quelque ce soient mes pensées et mes desirs, je Vous prie de mes croire avec fraternelle affection, et profonde veneration toujours à Vous | Devouè | Comm. Profr. G. E. Mengozzi M.D.

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P.S. Pardonnez-moi la libertè que je me prend, de Vous envoyer Votre portrait au fin de Vous bien voulevoir le orner de Votre Nom august par Votre propre main signé. Je vais glorieux de le porter dans le sol, que à dire avec Dante, chaque piérre mérite réverence … !3 DAR 171: 154 1 2 3

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. Mengozzi’s French (not his native tongue) was extremely poor. The only known letter from CD to Mengozzi prior to 28 October is the letter to G. E. Mengozzi, [before 28] October 1880. The reference is to Dante Alighieri’s Il convivio, book 4, end of chapter 5: ‘Certo di ferma sono oppinione che le pietre che nelle mura sue stanno siano degne di reverenza’ (I am certainly of the firm opinion that the stones of her walls are worthy of reverence). This work was written between 1304 and 1307.

From Florence Dixie   29 October [1880]1 Glen Stuart, | Annan. | N. B. “October 29th. Friday.—” Dear Sir.— Whilst reading the other day your very interesting account of “A Naturalist’s Voyage round the world”—I came across a passage descriptive at Maldonado of the subterranean habits of the tucutuco in which you express the belief that this animal never comes to the surface of the ground.—2 I am sure it will be interesting to you to know that tho’ this may be the usual habits of the tucutuco that there are exceptions. In 1879, I spent 6. months on the Pampas and in the Cordillera Mountains of Southern Patagonia and during my wanderings over the plains I have had occaision to notice in places tenanted by the tucutuco, as many as five or six of these little animals at a time outside their burrows. This was on moonlight nights, and I cld. not possibly be mistaken as they wld. frequently come within a yard of the spot on which I lying.— On two other occasions I have seen the tucotuco in broad daylight come out of its burrow and shuffle awkwardly along some 20 or 30. yards ere it took refuge in another of the hundreds of holes with which the ground appeared undermined.3 On one of these occaisions an indian who was sitting near threw an unfinished stone ball of a bolas which he was fashioning at the animal and killed it.— A dog immediately carried the body off so I was unable to examine it and see whether its eyes appeared blind or not.—4 The other one which I caught could see well enough & when I let it go shuffled quickly away.— I feel sure you will forgive me writing what I have done but I felt that what I personally saw wld. be interesting to prove that on some occaisions the tucutuco does come to the surface of the ground.— Trusting you will forgive the seeming presumption on my part I beg to remain | very faithfully yours. | Florence Dixie. From | Lady Florence Dixie. DAR 162: 182

October 1880 1 2

3

4

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The year is established by the reference to Dixie’s trip to Patagonia in 1879, and by the day in the heading. In 1880, 29 October fell on a Friday. CD had discussed the tuco-tuco (genus Ctenomys) in Journal of researches (1860), pp. 50–2, the first edition to have ‘Naturalist’s Voyage Round the World’ as the title on the spine of the book. CD had observed the Brazilian species, Ctenomys brasiliensis, in Maldonado (Uruguay); he noted that although numerous, the small burrowing rodents never came out of the ground (ibid., p. 50). Dixie was evidently unaware that she had observed a different species of tuco-tuco. She may be referring to Haig’s tuco-tuco (Ctenomys haigi), which comes above ground between midnight and sunrise to make brief forays to collect the grassy vegetation on which it feeds; she may also have seen the colonial tuco-tuco (Ctenomys sociabilis), which is strictly diurnal. Dixie did not mention the tuco-tuco in her published account of her travels in Patagonia (Dixie 1880). In Journal of researches (1860), pp. 51–2, CD had noted that blindness was common in subterraneous Brazilian tuco-tucos.

To James Torbitt   29 October 1880 Down, [4 Bryanston Street, London.] Oct. 29, 1880. My dear Sir I am writing in London, as not having been very well of late, I have come here for 2 or 3 days rest.1 Your secret shall be inviolable, and to make sure in case of my illness or death I have now burnt your letter.2 I kindly? sincerely?3 wish you success in your projects, but it is not the least use consulting me, as I never have and never shall attend to any commercial affair. I suppose the success of your projects would depend on the contingent expenses of the process, though it is obviously a gain for the public to save waste food. I wish you success but pray do not be rash, and remember that though enthusiasm is a virtue it is a dangerous one. Believe me my dear Sir | Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin. Copy DAR 148: 123 1 2

3

CD stayed with Henrietta Emma Litchfield from 28 October to 2 November 1880 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). It is unclear whether Torbitt’s ‘secret’ related to his attempts to breed blight-resistant potatoes or to some other process he had developed for saving waste food (A. Evans et al. 1996, p. 8). For Torbitt’s potato breeding experiments, see the letter from James Torbitt, 26 September 1880. These suggestions were probably made by the copyist, who was evidently unable to read the original.

From Bartholomäus Carneri   30 October 1880 Wildhaus. 30 Oct. 1880 My highly honoured Sir! I hope you will not think that I have taken a liberty in describing in the preface to my “Foundation of Ethics” (which you will soon receive through Braumüller) the appearance of that book as an act of homage due to you.1

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The date of my preface will prove to you that I hoped, not without reason, to have placed the book in your hands by Oct. 1 of this year. A provoking delay in the publication has deprived me of this pleasure. It is not on this account less true that I have to thank you for the oneness of my theory of the world, and therewith for making my Ethics possible. Judge then from this of the sincerity and warmth of the good wishes which I offer you from afar. It is however the kindness with which you have received my former writings which has encouraged me to this act of homage.2 I cannot, my highly honoured Sir, expect from you that you will read this book, but if the case of a cat being suckled by a female dog should be new to you, I beg you will look at page 130. With a veneration such as one gives only to the greatest men of science, I am &c | B. Carneri DAR 161: 49 1 2

Carneri’s Grundlegung der Ethik, dedicated to CD, was published by Wilhelm von Braumüller in 1881 (Carneri 1881). Carneri had already sent CD his book on morality and Darwinism as well as his psychological study of emotion, consciousness, and will (Carneri 1871 and Carneri 1876; see Correspondence vol. 19, letter to Bartholomäus von Carneri, 17 April [1871], and Correspondence vol. 24, letter to Bartholomäus von Carneri, 22 April 1876).

To Francis Galton   30 [October 1880]1 4. Bryanston St Sat 30th My dear Galton I hear from Litchfield that you have returned.—2 If you have nothing special to do, will you come to luncheon here at 1 oclock, as we shd. very much like to see you. Ever yours | Ch. Darwin UCL Library Services, Special Collections (GALTON/1/1/9/5/7/30) 1 2

The month and year are established by the dates of CD’s visit to the Litchfields in London (see n. 2, below). In 1880, 30 October fell on a Saturday. CD stayed with Henrietta Emma and Richard Buckley Litchfield from 28 October to 2 November 1880 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)); Francis Galton may have been away on a recuperative trip following illness over the summer (see letter from Francis Galton, 5 July 1880).

To James Murie   30 October 1880 4. Bryanston St | Portman Sqe1 Oct. 30th 1880 Mr Ch. Darwin wd. be much obliged to the Librarian,2 if he wd. give Bearer the Vol. of the “Zoologist” which has an article dated “October 1849”.3 This is the sole reference given.—

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Linnean Society of London (LL/4) 1 2 3

This was the London address of Henrietta and Richard Buckley Litchfield; CD stayed with them from 28 October to 2 November 1880 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). Murie had been appointed librarian of the Linnean Society on 18 October 1880 (see letter from W. S. Dallas, 6 October 1880, n. 2). ‘On leaves adhering to the casts of worms’ by William Kencely Bridgman was published in the Zoologist 7 (1849): 2576–7. CD later referred to this article in Earthworms, p. 20 n. and p. 33 n.

To A. B. Buckley   31 October [1880]1 4 Bryanston St. Portman Sq. Sunday Oct. 31. Home tomorrow or early on Tuesday2 Private My dear Miss Buckley Some time ago I spoke to Sir J. Lubbock about Wallace and a Government pension, and this morning I produced a decided effect on Huxley.—3 He has asked me to draw up a full, but condensed statement of Wallace’s claims; and he will then endeavour to talk over Hooker and Spottiswoode.—4 Therefore I think there is a fair chance of getting up a memorial to Government.— When I began to think over the case, I found myself very deficient in knowledge, and bethought me that you with your generous spirit would aid me. I have written down some questions, which will serve me as memoranda when I get home, and when I will lose no time.— If I were to ask Wallace any of these questions he would think me mad or impertinent.— (He perhaps would think that you intended writing sketch of his life in some Journal.) Perhaps you can answer some, or get answers by some indirect manner from him.— Any hints or advice of any kind would be of greatest value.— Especially about his present circumstances. You will understand these materials are solely for Huxley, Hooker and perhaps 2  or 3  others’ consideration.— The Government Memorial will be a separate consideration. I do most earnestly hope that we may succeed. I know well, busy as you are, that you will help me as far as lies in your power. Believe me, My dear Miss Buckley | Yours sincerely | Charles Darwin Huxley feared that even if we could get a memorial signed by a few first-rate men, yet it might be extremely difficult to get a pension on account of the scandalous manner in which these pensions are jobbed.— Therefore it seems very desirable that Wallace should hear nothing about it Copy DAR 143: 182 1 2 3

The year is established by the reference to a government pension for Alfred Russel Wallace. In 1880, 31 October was a Sunday. CD was staying with his daughter Henrietta Emma Litchfield in London; he returned home on 2 November 1880 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). John Lubbock and Thomas Henry Huxley. CD had first considered petitioning for a government pension for Wallace in December 1879 after being alerted by Buckley to Wallace’s financial difficulties

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(Correspondence vol. 27, letter from A. B. Buckley, 16 December 1879, and letter to A. B. Buckley, 17 December 1879). In December 1879, Joseph Dalton Hooker had discouraged CD from attempting to obtain a government pension for Wallace (Correspondence vol. 27, letter from J. D. Hooker, 18 December 1879). Hooker had served as president of the Royal Society of London from 1873 to 1878; William Spottiswoode was the current president (ODNB).

To John Crier   November 1880 Down. | Beckenham Nov 1880 J. Crier Esq. | Registration Office | Gt Wn. Ry. Station | Paddington, W. Sir I write as to my £3400 Monmouthshire Ry Co. Stock in answer to yr.  printed circular of 4th. inst as to the issue of a new Certificate on my giving an Indemnity.1 I have no reason to believe that I have ever had in my possession any formal “certificate” of this Stock, and I have always regarded the papers I sent to you on the 3rd. instant as a sufficient evidence of my ownership.2 Those papers are all the documents I have had in reference to the stock. If under these circes and after looking at the papers sent on the 3rd. inst. (wh. I shall be obliged by yr. returning if not of any use for the purpose) you think it necessy. for me to give an Indemnity to the Co.y I will do so and in this case I name as a “Surety” Richard Buckley Ld. Esquire, Barrister at Law, of the Inner Temple and of No4 Bryanston Street Portman Square London.3 I hold and can forward to you the upper half of the latest Divd. warrant of the Monmouthshire R. & C. Compy—6 Sept. 18804 and I have not in any way alienated or dealt with the sd £3400 Stock I am Sir | Yrs. Faithfy | C R D Draft DAR 202: 37 1

2 3 4

CD had owned shares in the Monmouthshire Canal and Railway Company since 1846; he evidently planned to convert this holding into Great Western Railway shares. An entry in his Investment book for 15 November reads: ‘I now hold 3400 stock. This has been converted into 4420, 5 per cent Consolidated Guaranteed Stock of the Gt Western Railway’ (CD’s Investment book (Down House MS)). No other papers or correspondence with Crier have been found. Richard Buckley Litchfield was CD’s son-in-law; this draft is in his hand. A dividend of £125 18s. 6d. is recorded in CD’s Investment book for September 1880.

From W. D. Roebuck   1 November 1880 Yorkshire Nat. Union | Sunny Bank, Leeds, Nov. 1st 1880 Dear Sir, I venture to take the liberty of forwarding to you by this post copies of such parts of our publications as have been issued, together with a set of our excursion

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circulars, in anticipation of anything the deputation may have to say with respect to our objects and the means adopted for attaining them—1 Apologizing for troubling you so many times | Believe me | Yours truly | Wm. Denison Roebuck | Sec. Y.N.U Charles Darwin Esq DAR 202: 130 1

Roebuck was arranging for a deputation from the Yorkshire Naturalists’ Union to present a memorial address to CD at Down (see letter from W. C. Williamson to Emma Darwin, 2 September 1880, and letter from W. D. Roebuck to G. H. Darwin, 25 October 1880). The publications and circulars have not been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL; Roebuck sent issues of the Transactions of the Yorkshire Naturalists’ Union, which had commenced publication in 1877 (letter to W. D. Roebuck, 3 November 1880).

To Volney Rattan   3 November 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) November 3d 80 Dear Sir I am very much obliged for the seeds of the Megarrhiza & for the information which I derived through your letter to Dr A. Gray.1 I will despatch to you in 2 or 3 weeks a book, in which I give the results of my observations on this interesting plant, but I had not specimens enough.—2 Dear Sir | Yours very faithfully | Ch. Darwin University of California Berkeley, Bancroft Library (BANC MSS 74/78 z) 1

2

Asa Gray had enclosed a letter from Rattan with observations on the germination of Megarrhiza californica (a synonym of Marah fabacea, California manroot); Rattan had also sent seeds of the plant to Gray (see letter from Asa Gray, 4 April 1880 and enclosure). See Movement in plants, pp. 81–3. Rattan’s name appears on CD’s presentation list for the book (Appendix IV).

To W. D. Roebuck   3 November 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Nov. 3rd 1880 Dear Sir I am much obliged for the Transactions which I was glad to look at before the arrival of the Deputation.1 The Address which was presented to me is certainly one of the greatest honours ever paid to a scientific man.— It is admirably expressed, & the engrossing seems to me an exquisite work of art.2 I fear that I by no means deserve all that is said of me in the address; but it shows the great kindness & sympathy of the senders.

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Pray accept my best thanks for all the kind interest which you have shown in the affair & believe me | Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Charles Darwin Leeds University Library Special Collections (SC MS 429/89) 1

2

Roebuck had sent issues of the Transactions of the Yorkshire Naturalists’ Union (see letter from W. D. Roebuck, 1 November 1880 and n. 1). He had arranged for a deputation from the union to present CD with a memorial address on 3 November (see letter from W. D. Roebuck to G. H. Darwin, 25 October 1880). Engrossing: decorative writing in large letters (OED). The address was published in Nature, 18 November 1880, p. 57 (see Appendix III); the original has not been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL.

To A. R. Wallace   3 November 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) November 3d. 1880 My dear Wallace I have now read your book, & it has interested me deeply. It is quite excellent, & seems to me the best book which you have ever published; but this may be merely because I have read it last.— As I went on, I made a few notes, chiefly where I differed slightly from you; but God knows whether they are worth your reading.1 You will be disappointed with many of them; but they will show that I had the will, though I did not know the way to do what you wanted. I have said nothing on the infinitely many passages & views, which I admired & which were new to me. My notes are badly expressed; but I thought that you wd.  excuse my taking any pains with my style. I wish that my confounded hand writing was better.— I had a note the other day from Hooker, & I can see that he is much pleased with the Dedication.2 With all good wishes | Believe me | Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin In 2 or 3 weeks you will receive a book from me;3 if you care to know what it is about, read paragraph in Introduction about new terms & then the last chapter & you will know whole contents of book.— [Enclosure] p. 46.— I am sure that I have read of a Mus from Viti Isd, but this may have been introduced. I am nearly sure that Günther has described Mammals from New Hebrides, & French-man from New Caledonia, but perhaps you wd hardly call latter oceanic Isd4 p. 68 I most heartily concur about separated genera of same family: I cautioned Günther on this account before he published his Tortoise paper.5 p. 72 You probably know more than I do about distribution of Land Mollusca over Pacific, but I think there must be some far more effective means of dispersal than rafts, or floating trees. Dr. Gould showed how every islet in the Pacific has land-shells.6

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p. 157 I heartily agree about N. Zealand. When Hutton speaking of the extinction of all temperate forms during a glacial period, he overlooks probability (as it seems to me) of former land (or approximate islands) communication to the North, whence, as I suspect, N. Zealand was formerly stocked.—7 p. 172 Is it not rather rash to refer paucity of fossils to coldness of waters, seeing how wonderfully rich the bottom of sea has just proved off the N. coast of Siberia,— not to mention the abyssal regions of the great oceans. May not paucity be due to the stirring up of the bottom by icebergs?8 With respect to your Glacial Chaptr., my opinion is worth very little, as the subject is so difficult. But as far as I can judge, your view seems the most probable ever suggested.9 Until reading your book, I had quite rejected the Lyellian doctrine, but joined to the influence of the form of the land on sea-currents the case has a very different aspect.10 I had also felt a good deal of difficulty in Croll’s views, as far as I could follow them.11 I think that you have rendered improbable any great number of true glacial periods.12 I still feel much difficulty about the plants & great Saurians &c of the Arctic regions.13 If much warm water was poured into the Arctic basin & got chilled, would not the return currents lower the tempre of whole tropical seas (or are these too extensive) & so lessen your source of heat. It seems to me a serious omission that you do not explain what geograph. change coincided with or caused the cessation of the last glacial period; for if it was caused by coincident excentricity & geograph. changes, its cessation would equally require geograph. changes. From my son George,14 who read these chapters with much interest, & admired the clearness & vigour of the discussion, I could not extract any judgment, on account of the many doubtful meteorological points. He demurs to your use of term “epoch”, & says that in astronomy it is used for a definite point of time & not for a period.— One speaks of an epoch in history.— Chapter X. I cannot feel content with your 28 million years, but solely on geological grounds (*see addendum)—viz when I think of the Chalk—successive coal-beds—nummulitic rocks, & a wide-spread of conglomerate in Andes, which I estimated at least of 10,000 ft in thickness.— But my chief difficulty lies in the cases where one side of fault in solid rock has been raised above 10,000 ft. & yet the surface betrays nothing & resembles that of the whole surrounding country. This amt of denudation at your rate of 1 ft per 3000 years would require 30 million of years; & during many a long period the surface must have been submerged & saved from wear & tear.15 It might be argued that you overestimate the importance of climatal changes & migration in the modification of species, unless you guard yourself by saying that it applies only where there is no retreat for them. For how little the marine molluscs have changed since before glacial period! I accounted for this fact by their having slowly migrated all in a body together, as I believe that the interaction of organisms is much more important than climatal changes. Azores. The discussion seems to me excellent.16   I formerly came to same conclusion with you, but believe that I attributed a little more to stranded icebergs & coast-ice,

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for I have a vague remembrance of some glacial deposit on northern shores.—17 God knows where the reference is. I have, also, somewhere a M.S. on the straggling birds, sent to me in answer to a letter on subject, by a scientific consul there, many years ago.—18 Galapagos.— I regret that you have not discussed plants. Perhaps I overvalue these Isls, for how they did interest me & how they have influenced my life, as one main element of my attending to origin of species. You see that I have gone on writing as I read, & on almost next page there comes discussion of Galapagos Flora!19 (p. 295. No doubt preoccupation with plants is very important; but if a new form has any considerable advantage it tells, as I believe, very little. I have read several accounts of European plants occupying ground, in New Zealand, which had never been touched by the hand of man.— So with guava bushes in Tahiti.— But the Pampas offers the most flagrant instance against what you say.—20 Ch. Gr. Britain. This seems to me first rate & includes very much matter quite new to me.— How curious about the Irish F.W. fishes! As your book will be sure to run through several editions, I advise you to look to changes in trout (due to direct action of conditions) in different rivers in N. Zealand in course of some 10 years.— See “Arthur in Transact N. Zealand Institute Vol XI 1878 p. 284.”—21 p.   You might possibly like to hear that it is said in the “Voyage a l’isle de France par un Officier du Roi” who visited the island in 1870 that a fresh-water fish the Gourami had been introduced from Batavia & had multiplied (as well as Goldfishes) in Mauritius. He also says (p. 170) “On a essayé, mais sans succès, d’y transporter des grenouilles, qui mangent les œufs que les moustiques deposent sur les eaux stagnantes”. It thus appears that there then were no frogs on island.—22 This Madagascan Ch: seems to me one of best in book. How well you show here & elsewhere the importance of changes in the inhabitants of the adjoining continent. I hope that you have destroyed Lemuria for ever: I never believed in it for a minute.23 I am quite inclined to believe in your Australian views; they are wonderfully ingenious, but almost too audacious for me. My old brain, perhaps, is too weak to grasp so many new ideas.— I was quite prepared for the former northern & southern extension of N. Zealand, I used to think with New Caledonia. The most startling of all your views is that of stocking the former Antarctic continent, viâ Tierra del Fuego, with northern forms, & thence N. Zealand & S. Australia.24 This gives me a shudder from its boldness. With respect to absence of Australian trees, I remember that A. De Candolle shows that they from some cause spread less than herbs.25 Ch XXIII. is rather too speculative for my old noddle.— I must think that you overrate importance of new surfaces on mountains & dispersal from mountain to mountain.— I still believe in alpine plants having lived on the lowlands & in the northern tropical regions having been cooled during glacial period, & thus only can I understand character of floras on the isolated African mountains. It appears to me

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that you are not justified in arguing from dispersal to oceanic islands to mountains. Not only in latter cases currents of sea are absent, but what is there to make birds fly direct from one alpine summit to another? There is left only storms of wind, & if it probable or possible that seeds may thus be carried for great distances, I do not believe that there is at present any evidence of their being thus carried more than a few miles.—26 * Addendum to p.3 It seems to me (not that I have been able to think out the whole case) that the problem (as far as age is judged of by the thickness of our formations) is the rate of deposition over areas of subsidence, & not near the coast over the world; for beneath the Tertiary beds most of the formations appear to have been deposited during subsidence. I must confess, however, that I have never succeeded in realising what the conditions were & whence all the sediment came, during the deposition of the enormous Carboniferous formation.— During elevation I believe that the shore deposits are raised up & distributed again & again; & that near the mouths of great rivers the land is added to; but I doubt whether our Secondary & palæozoic formations (except the Neocomian) were deposited as estuaries & growing low land. British Library (Add MS 46434 ff. 292–3); Natural History Museum (Wallace Papers WP/6/4/1) 1 2

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Wallace had sent CD a copy of Island life (Wallace 1880a), and had asked for comments (see letter from A. R. Wallace, 11 October 1880). The dedication in Wallace 1880a reads: ‘To Sir Joseph Dalton Hooker, who, more than any other writer, has advanced our knowledge of the geographical distribution of plants, and especially of insular floras, I dedicate this volume, on a kindred subject, as a token of admiration and regard’. Hooker’s note has not been found. Wallace’s name appears on the presentation list for Movement in plants (Appendix IV). Wallace remarked on the total absence of mammals in the Pacific islands. Viti Levu is one of the Fijian islands. The New Hebrides was the name for an island group in the South Pacific; it is now the independent Republic of Vanuatu. New Caledonia is an island in the Coral Sea, colonised by France and still a French territory; it was visited by the French naturalists Eugène Viellard and Émile Deplanche, who described two species of flying fox and a small bat, as well as noting the presence of two types of rat or mouse that they believed to be indigenous (see Viellard and Deplanche 1863, pp. 131–2). The publication by Albert Günther has not been identified. In Island life, p. 68, Wallace wrote that many families now represented by disconnected genera would have had almost continuous distribution in Tertiary times. Günther’s monograph on giant land tortoises was based on several papers given at the Royal Society of London (see Günther 1877, p. iii). In a letter to J. D. Hooker, 28 January 1877 (Correspondence vol. 25), CD remarked: ‘I said to Günther many months ago that the most probable view about his tortoises seemed to me to be that various closely allied forms had once been distributed over almost the whole world.’ Augustus Addison Gould had described the Mollusca and shells collected by the United States Exploring Expedition to the Pacific, 1838–42 (Gould 1852–6). In a letter to A. R. Wallace, 22 December 1857 (Correspondence vol. 6), CD had remarked, ‘Gould has conclusively shown that many land-shells have there been distributed over the Pacific by man’s agency.’ In Island life, pp. 156–7, Wallace discussed glaciation patterns in New Zealand. He later assessed Frederick Wollaston Hutton’s geographical explanations for the distribution of animals in New Zealand (Wallace 1880a, pp. 449–50). Wallace explained the lack of fossils in deposits of great thickness in the Alps by suggesting that glaciers had descended from mountains and cooled the water of an immense inland sea, destroying

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the Mollusca and other organisms (see Wallace 1880a, pp. 171–3). CD alludes to the discoveries made by the Vega expedition (1878–80), a Swedish research expedition that explored the polar sea above Siberia and was the first to navigate through the North-East Passage. For a contemporary report of the expedition, see Nordenskiöld 1881. For a summary of Wallace’s views on the causes of glacial epochs, see Wallace 1880a, pp. 197–202. In Principles of geology, Charles Lyell had argued that major climate change was chiefly caused by the relative positions of land and sea (see C. Lyell 1867–8, chapters 12 and 13). For CD’s doubts about the theory, see Correspondence vol. 14, letter to Charles Lyell, 8 March [1866]; see also Origin 6th ed., p. 336. Wallace suggested that if Lyell’s theory was modified ‘so as to allow a freer passage of currents in the tropics’, this would show a condition of the earth that would bring about ‘a perpetual summer or an almost universal winter’ (Wallace 1880a, p. 144). James Croll had proposed that glacial epochs occurred in alternate hemispheres during prolonged periods of high eccentricity of the earth’s orbit (Croll 1868 and Croll 1875). CD had used Croll’s theory to explain the survival of tropical species during glacial periods (see Origin 6th ed., pp. 335–42). Wallace discussed Croll’s theory extensively; see especially Wallace 1880a, pp. 164–8, 197, and letter from A. R. Wallace, 9 January 1880. See Wallace 1880a, pp. 199–201. On fossil plants and Saurians found in the Arctic and their implications for climate change, see Nordenskiöld 1875. George Howard Darwin. Based on the average rate of denudation and deposition, Wallace estimated the time that had elapsed since the Cambrian period to be twenty-eight million years; he noted that this figure was broadly in agreement with that of physicists, and argued that larger amounts of geological time (hundreds of millions of years) were unnecessary for the developments that had produced existing organic forms (see Wallace 1880a, pp. 227–9). On the Azores, see Wallace 1880a, pp. 238–53. Wallace argued that the prevalence of violent storms in the Azores, combined with the proximity of Europe and North Africa, explained the character of its flora and fauna. On plants carried by icebergs to the Azores in the glacial epoch, see Origin 6th ed., p. 328. Thomas Carew Hunt had written to CD about birds in the Azores (see Correspondence vol. 5, letter from T. C. Hunt, 2 July 1855). The manuscript has not been identified, but CD referred to Hunt’s published list of birds visiting the Azores in his posthumously published ‘big book on species’ (Natural selection, p. 493 n. 1). On the Galápagos flora, see Wallace 1880a, pp. 276–9. In discussing the native vegetation of St Helena, Wallace remarked: ‘plants, when once established in a suitable climate and soil, soon take possession of a country and occupy it almost to the complete exclusion of later immigrants’ (Wallace 1880a, pp. 294–5). In Origin 6th ed., p. 51, CD had described the cardoon and thistle, introduced from Europe, covering the plains of La Plata, ‘almost to the exclusion of every other plant’ (see also Journal of researches, pp. 138, 143, 172). On freshwater fish in Ireland, see Wallace 1880a, pp. 321–4. On variations in trout from different rivers in New Zealand, see Arthur 1878. Gouramis are freshwater fish native to Asia. The passage may be translated as: ‘We tried, but without success, to transport the frogs that eat the mosquito eggs deposited on stagnant water’ (Bernardin de Saint Pierre 1773, 1: 242). Lemuria was a hypothetical continent, thought to date from the pre-Miocene period, and extend from Madagascar to Ceylon (Sri Lanka) and the Malay islands; it was used to explain the distribution of land birds in the region (see Wallace 1880a, pp. 394–9, 409). To explain the peculiarities of New Zealand flora and fauna, Wallace proposed that the continent of Australia had been divided in the Cretaceous period; that New Zealand had been joined with the north-eastern, more tropical part of Australia, and later with the Antarctic continent, allowing for the migration of species from South America (see Wallace 1880a, pp. 465–66, 443–44, 455). Wallace included CD’s comment in Wallace 1905, 2: 12–13. CD mentioned Alphonse de Candolle’s view on the restricted geographical range of trees in Origin 6th ed., p. 350; see A. de Candolle 1855, 1: 527–32.

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Wallace proposed that seeds borne by wind across mountain chains were a major means of migration for plants from the northern to the southern hemisphere (see Wallace 1880a, pp. 480–6). For CD’s theory, see Origin 6th ed., pp. 338–40.

From R. F. Cooke   4 November 1880 50A, Albemarle Street, London. W. Nov 4 1880 My dear Sir We have seen a copy of your new book & fixed the price at 15/- but I am sorry to say, that if every copy was sold (1000) it would leave you in a loss of about £50.1 Yours faithfully | Rob.t Cooke Cha.s Darwin Esq DAR 171: 510 1

In his letter to R. F. Cooke, 21 July 1880, CD had agreed to the terms of sale, and to cover for any loss, for Movement in plants.

From Florence Dixie   4 November [1880]1 Bosworth Park. | Hinckley. | Leicestershire. Nov. 4th. r Dear M. Darwin.— I must write a line to thank you for your kind letter in reply to mine.––2  The books you recommend I shall certainly procure & read with interest;––  I have myself written a short description of my wanderings in Patagonia which appears this month in print and if you will do me the honour of accepting a copy I shall feel very proud to send you one.3 The work does not comprise the extent of my whole expedition which on leaving Patagonia I carried on up the Rivers Plate Uruguay & Parana.4 From Patagonia I brought home some ostriches a gunaco, & from the Rivers Plate, Uruguay, & Parana, a great many animals, comprising some ostriches, a Capybara & a little jaguar.5 The mother attacked me & followed me up a tree, in self defence I was obliged to shoot her but saved one of the cubs from the gauchos.–– Since then he has been my almost constant companion following me ab.t like a dog altho’ of an enormous size being now 2. years old. I only yesterday took him to the Zoological Gardens, much to my regret, but he was growing so big that it was not safe keeping him longer at large. I have mentioned this fact to prove how these animals can be tamed by kindness as completely as a dog.–– With many apologies for thus troubling you | I beg to remain | very faithfully yrs. | Florence Dixie DAR 162: 183

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The year is established by the reference to Dixie 1880 (see n. 3, below). CD’s reply to the letter from Florence Dixie, 29 October [1880], has not been found. CD’s copy of Across Patagonia (Dixie 1880) is in the Darwin Library–CUL. The Río Paraná runs through Brazil, Paraguay, and Argentina, merging with the Río Uruguay to form the Río de la Plata estuary, which flows into the Atlantic Ocean near Buenos Aires and Montevideo. The guanaco (Lama guanicoe) is a South American camelid, related to the llama. Two species of rhea (an ostrich-like flightless bird) are extant in South America, Rhea americana and R. penata. The capybara (Hydrochoeris hydrochaeris) is the largest extant rodent, related to guinea pigs. The jaguar is Panthera onca.

From R. F. Cooke   5 November 1880 Albemarle S.t Nov 5. 1880 There were about 600 Movements of Plants counted rapidly this evening, which will start us well1 R Cooke ApcS DAR 171: 511 CD annotation On back of postcard: ‘50£ | Index | Cut. Copies | 250 Copies | M. | 700 gone | (Separate notices in Nature)’2 pencil; square brackets in ms 1 2

The copies of Movement in plants were sold at John Murray’s annual dinner for booksellers on 6 November 1880 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). CD’s annotations are notes for his reply of 8 November [1880].

To T. H. Huxley   5 November 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Nov. 5th 80 My dear Huxley On reading over your excellent review with the sentence quoted from Sir W. Thomson, it seemed to me adviseable, considering the nature of the publication, to notice “extreme variation” & another point.—1 Now will you read the enclosed, & if you approve, post it soon. If you disapprove, throw it in the fire, & thus add one more to the 1000 kindnesses which you have done me.— Do not write; I shall see result in next week’s Nature.—2 Please observe that in the foul copy I had added a final sentence which I did not at first copy, as it seemed to me inferentially too contemptuous; but I have now pinned it to back, & you can send it or not,—as you think best,—that is if you think any part worth sending.3 My request will not cost you much trouble, i.e to read two pages, for I know that you can decide at once.— I heartily enjoyed my talk with you on Sunday Morning4 Ever yours | Ch. Darwin

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If my M.S. appears too flat, too contemptuous, too spiteful, or too anything, I earnestly beseech you to throw it into the fire Imperial College of Science, Technology and Medicine Archives (Huxley 5: 344) 1

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Charles Wyville Thomson had claimed that the results of the Challenger expedition failed ‘to give the least support to the theory which refers the evolution of species to extreme variation guided only by natural selection’ (C. W. Thomson 1880, p. 50). Huxley’s review of C. W. Thomson 1880 was published in Nature, 4 November 1880, pp. 1–3. The enclosure has not been found; see, however, letter to Nature, 5 November 1880. The additional sentence was omitted from CD’s letter to Nature by Huxley (see letter from T. H. Huxley, 14 November 1880); it was published, however, in ML 1: 389: Perhaps it would have been wiser on my part to have remained quite silent like the breeder; for as Prof. Sedgwick remarked many years ago, in reference to the poor old Dean of York who was never weary of inveighing against geologists, a man who talks about what he does not in the least understand, is invulnerable. CD alludes to a controversy in 1844 between Adam Sedgwick and William Cockburn, the dean of York (see M. Roberts 2009, pp. 164–5). CD was in London from 29 October to 2 November 1881 (‘Journal’ (Appendix II)); in 1881, the Sunday before 5 November was 31 October.

To Nature   5 November [1880]1 Sir Wyville Thomson and Natural Selection I am sorry to find that Sir Wyville Thomson does not understand the principle of natural selection, as explained by Mr. Wallace and myself.2 If he had done so, he could not have written the following sentence in the Introduction to the Voyage of the Challenger:— “The character of the abyssal fauna refuses to give the least support to the theory which refers the evolution of species to extreme variation guided only by natural selection.”3 This is a standard of criticism not uncommonly reached by theologians and metaphysicians, when they write on scientific subjects, but is something new as coming from a naturalist. Prof. Huxley demurs to it in the last number of Nature; but he does not touch on the expression of extreme variation, nor on that of evolution being guided only by natural selection.4 Can Sir Wyville Thomson name any one who has said that the evolution of species depends only on natural selection? As far as concerns myself, I believe that no one has brought forward so many observations on the effects of the use and disuse of parts, as I have done in my “Variation of Animals and Plants under Domestication”; and these observations were made for this special object. I have likewise there adduced a considerable body of facts, showing the direct action of external conditions on organisms;5 though no doubt since my books were published much has been learnt on this head. If Sir Wyville Thomson were to visit the yard of a breeder, and saw all his cattle or sheep almost absolutely true, that is, closely similar, he would exclaim: “Sir, I see here no extreme variation; nor can I find any support to the belief that you have followed the principle of selection in the breeding of your animals”. From what I formerly saw of

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breeders, I have no doubt that the man thus rebuked would have smiled and said not a word. If he had afterwards told the story to other breeders, I greatly fear that they would have used emphatic but irreverent language about naturalists. Charles Darwin | Down, Beckenham, Kent, November 5 Nature, 11 November 1880, p. 32 1 2 3 4 5

The year is established by the publication date of the letter in Nature. Charles Wyville Thomson and Alfred Russel Wallace. Thomson’s remarks on natural selection appeared in his ‘General introduction to the zoological series of reports’ of the Challenger expedition (C. W. Thomson 1880, p. 50). Thomas Henry Huxley’s review of C. W. Thomson 1880 was published in Nature, 4 November 1880, pp. 1–3. On the effects of use and disuse, see Variation 2: 295–303 and 418–19; on the direct action of external conditions, see ibid., pp. 271–92.

From G. J. Romanes   5 November 1880 November 5, 1880. I was sorry to hear on my return from Scotland that I had missed the pleasure of a call from you,1 and also to hear from Mr. Teesdale to-day that you had returned to Down, owing, he fears, to the alarming condition of Miss Wedgwood.2 I trust, however, that her state of health may not be so serious as he apprehends. On my way South I stayed for a couple of days at Newcastle, to give two lectures on Mental Evolution, and hence my absence when you called.3 I stayed with Mr. Newall, who has the monster telescope, and ‘as good luck would have it, Providence was on my side,’ in the matter of giving us a clear sky for observing, rather a rare thing at Newcastle.4 You will be glad to hear that our season’s work at the ‘Zoological station’ has been very successful. A really interesting research has been conducted by Ewart and myself jointly on the locomotor system of Echinoderms, he taking the morphological and I the physiological part.5 When next I see you I shall tell you the principal points, but to do so in a letter would be tedious. I think it is probable that Mivart and I shall have a magazine battle some day on Mental Evolution, as I think it is better to draw him in this way before finally discussing the whole subject in my book.6 E. D. Romanes 1896, pp. 99–100 1 2 3 4

CD was in London from 29 October to 2 November 1881 (‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). John Marmaduke Teesdale was a neighbour of CD; Elizabeth Wedgwood, who lived at Tromer Lodge in Down, was seriously ill (see letter to T. H. Farrer, 8 October 1880). Romanes’s lectures were delivered at the Newcastle Literary and Philosophical Society on 2 and 3 November 1880 (Newcastle Journal, 2 November 1880, p. 1). Robert Stirling Newall’s telescope was erected at his house near Newcastle in 1871 (ODNB). The quotation is from Erewhon, or, Over the range ([Butler] 1872, p. 28).

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A small zoological station was opened in Cowie, Aberdeenshire, Scotland, in August 1879 (Nature, 14 August 1879, pp. 372–3). A joint paper on echinoderms was later published by Romanes and James Cossar Ewart (Romanes and Ewart 1881; see letter from G. J. Romanes, 14 December 1880). Romanes’s next book was Animal intelligence (G. J. Romanes 1882); this was followed by Mental evolution in animals, in which he criticised St George Jackson Mivart’s view that reason was uniquely human (see G. J. Romanes 1883, pp. 335–40).

To ?   5 November 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Nov. 5./80 Dear Sir I am so much engaged I cannot write at length; but if you will consult my “Descent of Man” p. 590, 591. Ch. XX (in one of the later editions) you will find all that I know about their marriage arrangements, with some references.—1 If you will look to index, under monkeys, you will find somewhat on their mental & moral nature.— Heartily wishing you all success | I remain, dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch Darwin Historical Society of Pennsylvania 1

The letter to which this is a reply has not been found. In Descent 2d ed., pp. 590–1, CD discussed marriage practices among ‘savages’ and monogamy and polygamy among primates. He referred principally to the work of Lewis Henry Morgan, John Ferguson McLennan, and John Lubbock.

From George Maw   6 November 1880 Benthall Hall, | nr Broseley. Nov 6. 80 Dear Sir, I have lately come across rather a curious fact which I do not think has been before observed in which you may perhaps be interested. In the death of vertebrate animals as far as I have observed the tail becomes deflected to the left hand side. I first observed this in a mouse-trap in which the row of dead mice had their tails all turned to the left I have noticed this several times & I believe it is invariable. Again in passing through Paris last Monday all the sheep (without any exception) hanging up in the Butchers Shops had their tails turned to the left in rigor mortis. In France most of the sheep have their tails uncut so that it was more noticeable there than at an English butchers. Would you kindly tell me whether this fact is generally known. & has it any connection with another curious fact— the tendency

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of a person walking in the dark or in a fog to deviate to the right from an intended straight line. & the use of the right hand in preference to the left hand in a young child, a sort of want of exact symmetry in the action of the muscles on the two sides of the body. I venture to send you by to days post a specimen of my monograph on the genus Crocus at which I have been hard a work during the last two years   When I commenced there were but 50 species known & I have been able to bring the number up to 70 nearly the whole of which I have in cultivation.1 I am drawing all the plates myself mostly from living examples. It is a genus full of interest in every detail & I shall have to record some very curious facts in connection with the distribution of species & the character & structure of the fossil parts in relation thereto. Believe me I remain | Yrs very sincerely | George Maw C. Darwin Esq DAR 171: 106 1

The specimen has not been found; Maw’s Monograph of the genus Crocus was published in 1886 (Maw 1886).

From A. B. Buckley   7 November 1880 1 St Mary’s Terrace | Paddington W. Nov 7. 1880. Dear Mr. Darwin, It is all right as far as regards Mr. Wallace himself— I told him that you & Mr. Huxley thought him entitled to a Gov. t pension if it could be got—1 At first he hesitated but when I represented that such men as Joule & Faraday had received it2 he said “I confess it would be a very great relief to me and if such men as Darwin & Huxley think I may accept it it suppose I may”—adding “I really have some claim, for most naturalists & travellers on their return from a foreign country have been given some post, & I have tried for one in vain”. It seems some friend suggested it to him some time ago but he rejected the idea; but now that it comes from men like yourself & Huxley who can appreciate his work it makes a difference— I could not get the memorial lists but when I said that you would have only a few good names & suggested the Duke of Argyll,3 Mr. Wallace said he is just the man who would probably give his name with pleasure— He quite understands that the result is very doubtful & indeed he said very little about it, for when I had once ascertained his views I did not want to lead him to dwell upon it— I have nothing I think to add to the notes I gave you.4 I enclose a very brief statement which may be of some use, though of the real value of his work you can speak best—

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From my short conversation yesterday I am more than ever sure that your generous efforts if they succeed will really confer a great boon on Mr. Wallace & relieve him of anxiety— If I can look out anything more for you please let me know— With kind remembrances to Mrs. Darwin | Yours very sincerely | Arabella B Buckley [Enclosure] He gave up his profession of surveyor & architect from pure love of Natural History & depended entirely on his collections for his remuneration— The loss of these collections sent him to the Malay 〈archipelago〉 & on his return from there in 1862 he began at once to try for some post as naturalist & curator—5 The East London Museum was as nearly promised to him as was possible before the building was concluded, & the loan of Sir R Wallace’s pictures giving a new turn to the use of the building threw him out—6 His failure with regard to Epping Forest7 & other appointments has led him to give up all idea at his age of obtaining a post— Want of success in some investments has diminished his income & he is dependent now chiefly on his writings which are (not very) remunerative in an inverse ratio to their true value— His chief claims seem to be That he has opened out a knowledge of the whole flora & fauna of the Malay Archipelago of which specimens are in the British & other museums— His share in the question of the Origin of Species— And above all his application of this theory to the Geographical distribution of Animals8 DAR 160: 370 CD annotations Top of letter: ‘Tropical | Nature | 370’ pencil End of enclosure: ‘His views of the [illeg] of animals—which illustrates together with colouration [‘in’ del] originality of his mind’ pencil 1 2 3 4 5 6

CD had been asked by Thomas Henry Huxley to prepare a statement of Alfred Russel Wallace’s claims for a government pension (see letter to A. B. Buckley, 31 October [1880]). Michael Faraday received a civil list pension in 1835; James Prescott Joule received one in 1878 (ODNB). On the history of civil list pensions, see MacLeod 1970. George Douglas Campbell. For Buckley’s notes on Wallace, see Appendix VI. On Wallace’s work as a surveyor, the loss of his South American collections, and his activities after his return to England in 1862, see Raby 2001, pp. 15–19, 81, and 163–83. Wallace had hoped to be appointed director of a new branch of the South Kensington Museum at Bethnal Green in east London (see Raby 2001, pp. 199, 206, 211, and Fichman 2004, p. 60). When the museum opened in 1872, it displayed Richard Wallace’s large collection of paintings and French decorative arts (see Lasic 2014).

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On Wallace’s failure to obtain the post of superintendent of Epping Forest, see Correspondence vol. 27, letter from A. B. Buckley, 16 December 1879 and n. 1, and Raby 2001, pp. 218–21). See Darwin and Wallace 1858 and Wallace 1876.

From William Clowes & Sons   [before 8 November 1880]1 William Clowes & Sons. | Limited. Duke Street, Stamford Street, | London, S.E. Dear Sir, We are very much vexed that you should imagine for one moment that we should put aside your book2 for others: having always been treated with great courtesy by you it has been our strong wish to push forward your works with the greatest rapidity— the delay in this case has been with the Index-maker:3 we received the copy only this morning and before we got your letter4 had arranged for the whole of the proof to be out tonight: Hoping that this explanation will convince you that we are not to blame. We are Sir | Yours faithfully | Wm Clowes & Sons ld.: | per E. [A] Clowes:5 Ch: Darwin Esqre DAR 161: 180 1

2 3 4 5

The date is established by the year in which the firm William Clowes and Sons became ‘William Clowes and Sons Ltd.’, and by the relationship between this letter and the letter to R. F. Cooke, 8 November [1880]. Movement in plants. The indexer was Matilda Smith. CD’s letter has not been found. Edward Arnott Clowes.

To R. F. Cooke   8 November [1880]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | ࢟ (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Nov. 8th My dear Sir It was very kind of you to tell me so soon of the 600 copies: I expected about 200, so that the loss will not be so heavy as I expected.2 Will you be so good as to advise me whether I had not better have 250 copies struck off: for reviews Libraries & 65 presentation copies will dispose of nearly 100 more. What would it cost to have type kept up say for 2 months? I enclose list of 24  copies to be distributed & please send other 41  copies for foreigners (for N.B I shall want 65 copies cut)3 to me, addressed “Orpington St. S.E R”.— Please to see about Reviews.— Please insert advertisement by itself twice in Nature.4 Lastly I am sorry to trouble you, but it is right that you should know that the index-maker5 has made the worst index, I believe, ever published, notwithstanding

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that my son6 & I spent 2 days in correcting it, & this has caused delay. We had to look to fully 13 of references to conjecture what reference meant. The miserable work is chiefly due to ignorance of the matter, but not wholly so, for he scamped his work. For instance under names Lynch & De Vries, instead of looking to see what they had written about the general heading on top of page was copied.7 In no book published by you was there ever so bad an index.— Once again thanking you cordially for all the trouble which you have taken for me I remain, My dear Sir | Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin P.S | Sometime I shd. like to hear how my other books sold.— National Library of Scotland ( John Murray Archive) (Ms. 42152 ff. 378–9) 1 2

3 4 5 6 7

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from R. F. Cooke, 5 November 1880. Around 600 copies of Movement in plants had been printed before John Murray’s annual dinner for booksellers (see letter from R. F. Cooke, 5 November 1880). CD had agree to pay for costs not covered by sales of the book (letter to R. F. Cooke, 21 July 1880). For CD’s presentation list for Movement in plants, see Appendix IV. He had originally requested sixty copies with the edges cut (see letter to R. F. Cooke, 16 October 1880). An advertisement for Movement in plants appeared in Nature, 11 November 1880, p. xii. The indexer was Matilda Smith. Francis Darwin. Richard Irwin Lynch and Hugo de Vries (see for example, Movement in plants, pp. 330 and 340).

To George Maw   8 November 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Nov. 8th 1880 My dear Sir Your case is curious & altogether new to me.1 You will remember Linnæus’ specific character of Canis familiaris “Cauda (sinistrorsum recurrata”.2 The flexure in your dead animals must, I suppose, depend on the greater strength of the muscles on the left side, & this seems very odd. My son, George of Trin: Coll: Cambridge many years ago tested a lot of boys blindfolded to see which way they would turn; he, also, if I can trust my memory, tested the strength of their two legs by making them hop.—3 If you are really interested in the result, I would write to him to learn whether he wd. find his notes. I am very much obliged for the present of a specimen of your monograph on Crocus, which will probably arrive tomorrow.4 Pray believe me | My dear Sir | Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin Royal Horticultural Society, Lindley Library (MAW/1/18) 1 2

See letter from George Maw, 6 November 1880. The description of Canis familiaris appears in Systema naturæ by Carolus Linnaeus: ‘cauda (sinistrorsum) recurvata’ (‘recurved tail turned towards the left’; Linnaeus 1758–9, 1: 38). Canis familiaris is a synonym of Canis lupus familiaris, the domestic dog.

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George Howard Darwin’s experiments were designed to study directional instinct; his notes have not been found (see Correspondence vol. 22, letter to G. H. Darwin, 27 May [1874]). The specimen of Maw’s Monograph of the genus Crocus (Maw 1886) has not been found.

From A. R. Wallace   8 November 1880 Pen-y-bryn, St Peter’s Road, | Croydon. Novr. 8th. 1880 My dear Darwin Many thanks for your kind remarks & notes on my book.1 Several of the latter will be of use to me if I have to prepare a second Edition, which I am not so sure of as you seem to be.2 1. In your remark as to the doubtfulness of paucity of fossils being due to coldness of water, I think you overlook that I am speaking only of waters in the latitude of the Alps, in Miocene & Eocene times, when icebergs and glaciers temporarily descended into an otherwise warm sea;— my theory being that there was no glacial epoch at that time but merely a local and temporary descent of the snow line & glaciers owing to high excentricity & winter in aphelion3 2. I cannot see the difficulty about the cessation of the glacial period. Between the Miocene and the Pleistocene periods geographical changes occurred which rendered a true glacial period possible with high excentricity. When the high excentricity passed away the glacial epoch also passed away in the temperate zone;— but it persists in the arctic zone where, during the Miocene there were mild climates, & this is due to the persistence of the changed geographical conditions. The present arctic climate is itself a comparatively new and abnormal state of things due to geographical modification. As to “epoch” & “period” I use them as synonyms to avoid repeating the same word. 3. Rate of deposition & geological time. There no doubt I may have gone to an extreme, but my “28 millions years” may be anything under 100 millions, as I state. There is an enormous difference between mean and maximum denudation & deposition. In the case of the great faults the upheaval along a given line would itself facilitate the denudation (whether subaerial or marine) of the upheaved portion at a rate perhaps a hundred times above the average, just as valleys have been denuded perhaps a hundred times faster than plains and plateaux.4 So, local subsidence might itself lead to very rapid deposition— Suppose a portion of the Gulf of Mexico near the mouths of the Mississippi were to subside for a few thousand years, it might receive the greater part of the sediment from the whole Mississippi valley & thus form strata at a very rapid rate. 4. You quote the Pampas thistles &c. against my statement of the importance of preoccupation. But I am referring especially to St. Helena. and to plants naturally introduced from the adjacent continents. Surely if a certain number of African plants reached the island and became modified into a complete adaption to its climatic conditions they would hardly be expelled by other African plants arriving subsequently. They might be so, conceivably, but it does not seem probable. The cases of the Pampas, New Zealand, Tahiti &c. are very different where highly

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developed aggressive plants have been artificially introduced—5 Under nature it is these very aggressive species that would first reach any island in their vicinity, & being adapted to the island and colonising it thoroughly would then hold their own against other plants from the same country, mostly less aggressive in character. I have not explained this so fully as I shd. have done in the book. Your criticism is therefore useful. 5. My Chap. XXIII.  is no doubt very speculative and I cannot wonder at your hesitating at accepting my views. To me however your theory of hosts of existing species migrating over the tropical lowlands from the N.  temperate to the S. temperate zone appears more speculative & more improbable.6 For, where could the rich lowland equatorial flora have existed during a period of general refrigeration sufficient for this? and what became of the wonderfully rich Cape Flora which, if the temperature of Tropical Africa had been so recently lowered would certainly have spread northwards & on the return of the heat could hardly have been driven back into the sharply defined and very restricted area in which it now exists. As to the migration of plants from mountain to mountain not being so probable as to remote islands, I think that is fully counterbalanced by two considerations: a.

The area and abundance of the mountain stations along such a range as the Andes are immensely greater than those of the islands in the N. Atlantic for example.

b.

The temporary occupation of mountain stations by migrating plants (which I think I have shown to be probable) renders time a much more important element in increasing the number & variety of the plants so dispersed than in the case of islands, where the flora soon acquires a fixed and endemic character, & where the number of species is necessarily limited. No doubt direct evidence of seeds being carried great distances through the air is wanted but I am afraid can hardly be obtained. Yet I feel the greatest confidence that they are so carried.7 Take for instance the two peculiar orchids of the Azores (Habenaria sp.), what other mode of transit is conceivable?8 The whole subject is one of great difficulty, but I hope my chapter may call attention to a hitherto neglected factor in the distribution of plants. Your references to the Mauritius literature are very interesting, & will be useful to me,9 & again thanking you for your valuable remarks | Believe me | Yours very faithfully | Alfred R. Wallace DAR 106: B145–8 1 2 3 4 5 6

CD had sent notes on Island life (Wallace 1880a); see letter to A. R. Wallace, 3 November 1880 and enclosure. A second edition of Island life was published in 1892 (Wallace 1892). See letter to A. R. Wallace, 3 November 1880, enclosure and n. 8. See letter to A. R. Wallace, 3 November 1880, enclosure and n. 15. See letter to A. R. Wallace, 3 November 1880, enclosure and n. 20. See letter to A. R. Wallace, 3 November 1880, enclosure and n. 26.

380 7 8

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On wind as a means of seed dispersal to the Azores, see Wallace 1880a, pp. 248–9. CD had emphasised ocean currents and birds as a means of transport (see Origin 6th ed., pp. 325–8). Two species of orchid found on the Azores and previously identified as Habenaria (rein or bog orchids) are now classed as Platanthera (butterfly orchids) and thought to have migrated as airborne seed from south-west Europe (see Bateman et al. 2013). See letter to A. R. Wallace, 3 November 1880, enclosure and n. 22. In the second edition of Island life, Wallace added a reference on Mauritius that he had obtained from CD (see Wallace 1892, p. 435).

To A. B. Buckley   9 November 1880 Down Beckenham Nov. 9th. 1880 My dear Miss Buckley Your last letter and the M.S. notes are all as clear and full as could possibly be desired.— I quite agree with your summary of Wallace’s more important results;1 but I have added a sentence about the colouring of animals.2 I fear that it would never do to ask a Cabinet Minister (the Duke of Argyll) to sign a memorial to the Prime Minister.—3 This morning I drew up a long and full statement of Wallace’s claims, position &c., and have sent it to be well copied.—4 Immediately on its return it shall be despatched to Huxley.5 I hardly ever wished for anything more than I do for the success of our efforts. Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin Copy DAR 143: 183 1 2 3 4 5

Buckley had sent a summary of Alfred Russel Wallace’s claims for a government pension (see letter from A. B. Buckley, 7 November 1880 and enclosure). For Wallace’s theory of protective coloration, see Wallace 1878, pp. 158–220; he had corresponded at length with CD on the topic (see, for example, Correspondence vol. 19, letter to A. R. Wallace, 30 January [1871]). George Douglas Campbell was appointed lord privy seal in April 1880 (ODNB); the prime minister was William Ewart Gladstone. There is a draft of the memorial in DAR 196: 3; for a transcription, see Appendix VI. Thomas Henry Huxley.

From R. F. Cooke   10 November 1880 50A, Albemarle Street, London. W. Nov 10 1880 My dear Sir We are only waiting for the printer to finish off the Index & end of yr book & I understood from Mr Clowes1 who was here yesterday that you had not then retd. it for press. What you say of the Index maker has distressed us as it is by the same hand that has done your previous ones with which you have been well pleased.2 Take no trouble as to the Type of the work.3 It will be kept standing for 5  or 6 months certain without charge & we had better wait for the hostile criticisms !!! before we print any more off.

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We have now sold 800 Copies Yours faithfully | Rob.t Cooke Chas. Darwin Esq We will not forget Nature4 DAR 171: 512 1 2 3 4

Edward Arnott Clowes. Matilda Smith had prepared the indexes for Forms of flowers and Cross and self fertilisation. For CD’s complaints about the index to Movement in plants, see letter to R. F. Cooke, 8 November [1880]. CD had asked the cost of keeping the type up for two months (letter to R. F. Cooke, 8 November [1880]). CD had asked for advertisements for Movement in plants to be placed in Nature (see letter to R. F. Cooke, 8 November [1880] and n. 4). A short notice, ‘New work by Mr. Darwin next week, with woodcuts’, appeared in Nature, 11 November 1880, p. xii; the book was also in the list published by John Murray in Nature, 25 November 1880, p. xxxii, and 23 December 1880, p. lx.

From Francis Darwin   [11 or 12 November 1880]1 66, Hills Road, | Cambridge. Dear Father I am very sorry that I forgot the Gardener’s address.2 I hope you found it all right. I am having a very nice time here, & have all but done the bramble paper—3 The drawing room is all upside down so we live in H’s working room and the dining room   I think it will make a nice house, & they seem very happy over it.4 They have at last finished Abney’s5 camera which is a blessing   Also Fulcher has come round to going in a peaceable manner & remains friends with Dew   H looks on it as certain that he shall join Dew but it is still a state secret6 The Greek question was lost, 185 to 145.7 The Senate house was crammed with MAs, & it was funny to see the mass of grey heads on the opposite side to us, it was all fogies & country parsons   You have to sit down to vote, & one saw people crouching down just to touch the edge of a seat till the Proctor had taken the vote. Last night G dined here & seems pretty well    Tonight we all three dine at F Balfours—8 On Sat Jimmy & I dine at Downing in Hall with Crawley,9 & on Sunday in Trinity also in Hall so we have lots of dissipation— I has turned muddy so it isnt worth while bicycling I have got some stuff for spectacles— Horace says he asked Dew who answered at once but said he should like to have Michael’s authority and so asked him— It ∴ comes from Michael— I think his book is in shelf 3010 Tell Ubbadub I have been going in a tramway just like his tin one.11 I hope the officer has come home again | Your affect son | Frank Darwin DAR 274.1: 64 1

The date is established by the reference to the vote in the Senate House on Thursday 11 November 1880 (see n. 7, below).

382 2 3 4 5 6

7

8 9 10

11

November 1880

Probably Gardeners’ Chronicle; CD had asked for a review copy of Movement in plants to be sent to the newspaper (see letter to R. F. Cooke, 20 October 1880). Francis Darwin 1880b. The bramble studied by Francis was Rubus fruticosus, the common blackberry. Francis was staying with Horace and Ida Darwin in Cambridge. William de Wiveleslie Abney. Robert Fulcher built scientific instruments with Albert George Dew-Smith; their partnership was dissolved in December 1880, and in January 1881 Dew-Smith entered into partnership with Horace Darwin in the Cambridge Scientific Instrument Company (Cattermole and Wolfe 1987, pp. 12–22). On 11 November 1880, the Senate rejected a proposal to modify the entrance requirements for proficiency in Greek and Latin (Cambridge University Reporter, 16 November 1880, p. 140). A memorial calling for the substitution of French or German or both for either or both of the classical languages had been submitted in December 1878, and a syndicate had been appointed to consider the issue in March 1879 (see ibid., 19 October 1880, pp. 48–9, and 2 November 1880, pp. 103–6). George Howard Darwin and Francis Maitland Balfour. Jimmy was a nickname for Horace Darwin. Charles Crawley was a friend of Francis’s. Formal dinners (‘halls’) of three or more courses are regularly held at Cambridge colleges. Many of the instruments of the Cambridge Scientific Instrument Company in its early years were made in consultation with Michael Foster for use in his physiological laboratory (see Cattermole and Wolfe 1987, pp. 9–10, 18–20). The book by Foster has not been identified. Ubbadub was Bernard Darwin. Cambridge Street Tramways had opened a horse-drawn tramway service in Cambridge on 28 October 1880 (K. Turner 1996).

From Daniel Mackintosh   11 November 1880 36 Whitford Road, | Tranmere, | Birkenhead 11th Nov. 1880. Dear Sir,— I have lately been discovering beds of rounded gravel and sand with shells on the eastern Slopes of the Welsh mountains at about the same elevation above the sea as the Moel Tryfan deposits in Caernarvonshire, and after a considerable amount of observation, I have arrived at the conclusion that there are three zones on the outer slopes of the Welsh & Pennine hills—a lower zone of rounded stones and sand with shells—then a zone of angular or subangular stones—3rd the Moel Tryfan zone of rounded gravel and sand with shells, and above it a zone of angular stones. I am writing a paper for the Geol. Society about it, in which I have ventured to refer the angular stone zones to a comparatively rapid subsidence or elevation of the land while under the sea, or to earthquakes; and the well rounded stone zones to the sea lingering for a long time at nearly the same level.1 You would very much oblige by letting me know if you think that in historical times the elevation or subsidence of the land has been mainly caused by earthquakes or by slow and gradual movements. I believe that the transverse horizontality of many of the so-called raised beaches on the western coasts of Britain could only have resulted from earthquakes, and this I find is the opinion of Norwegian geologists concerning the raised beaches of their country.2 If you have written anything about the Moel Tryfan deposits would you kindly let me know. Apologizing for troubling you with these queries, | I am Dear Sir, | Your very faithful and | obliged Servant, | D. Mackintosh.

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DAR 171: 10 1

2

Mackintosh had previously sent CD an outline of his proposed paper on the Moel Tryfan deposits in Wales (see letter from Daniel Mackintosh, 15 January 1880). The paper was eventually published in the Quarterly Journal of the Geological Society of London (Mackintosh 1881; on the arrangement of the deposits into three vertical zones, see pp. 364–5). On raised beaches in Norway and Sweden, see Nordlund 2001.

From J. J. Eyre   12 November 1880 15 Edwards Terrace | Cardiff Nov 12th/80 Sir, Just now I happen to be reading your very observant & entertaining work “The Expression of the Emotions”. Last evening on reading the paragraph on the action of the depressores anguli oris muscles in griff, it directly recalled a painful personal episode. Some time ago I received a telegram to the effect that my only sister1 to whom I was much attached was dying & that I was to go home at once. On telling the painful news to some people with whom I was then staying & did not know very intimately I felt very much moved & it was only by the most extreme effort of the will that I controlled myself from giving way altogether. However in spite of that effort I felt the depressores anguli oris act markedly & I found for a few minutes that I could not prevent their acting. I trouble you with this personal experience as I believe it bears out your inferrence that the depressor anguli oris is one of the muscles of the face least under the control of the will.2 I have the honour to be, Sir, | Yours faithfully | John J. Eyre |Physician Charles Darwin Esq DAR 163: 39 1 2

Mary Teresa Eyre died in 1876 (Rootsireland.ie, accessed 13 November 2019). In Expression, pp. 193–5, CD had described the contraction of the depressores anguli oris muscles in movements of the mouth, upper lip, and nostrils during grief; on the difficulty of controlling these muscles by the will, see Expression, p. 195.

From James Paget   12 November 1880 1. Harewood Place. | Hanover Square. | W. Novr. 12. 1880. My dear Darwin I venture to send you an Address I lately gave; but I am anxious to explain to you that it was not intended for the teaching of any natural history— It was only to point to things in which members of my profession, especially the younger and less busy, may study pathology.1 And it had to be talked for an hour. Sincerely your’s | James Paget. Skinner (dealers) (Auction 3103T, 6 August 2018)

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November 1880

Paget sent an offprint of his presidential address, ‘On elemental pathology’, delivered to the pathological section of the British Medical Association meeting in Cambridge in August 1880 (Paget 1880). The address discussed the physiological responses of plants to injury and disease. CD’s lightly annotated copy is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL.

From B. J. Sulivan   12 November 1880 Bournemouth Novr 12/80 My dear Darwin I find the year has gone round since our payment for J. FitzRoy Button’s support in the orphanage at Oshawia   I have sent the 10£ and must now collect the subscriptions.1 Mr. Langton told me today of Miss Wedgwood’s death.2 I had not seen it in the papers, having hardly seen a “Times” this six weeks not having time to go to the Club through finishing & preparing to open a Coffee Tavern by a Limited Compy. of whose Directors I am chairmen.3 You will all I am sure miss your relative sadly   she was so bright and cheerful— but she has been spared to a good old age. Mr. Langton keeps pretty well, but he certainly gets thinner and shows his age more than he did not long since. I have heard lately from King, Mellersh & Usborne4   Mellersh after long illness has got much better, but has had great anxiety about his wife.5 a few weeks since she had to be operated on for cataract, soon after a second operation was necessary to save the eye. & the sight is still doubtful. When well enough she has to go through another removal of cataract from the other eye. With our united kind regards to Mrs. Darwin and yourself | Believe me | very sincerely your’s | B. J. Sulivan On Thursday next D.V.6 I shall complete my 70 years. DAR 177: 312 1

2 3

4 5 6

Sulivan had proposed that former members of the Beagle crew support one of Jemmy Button’s grandsons, James FitzRoy Button, at the orphanage at Ushuaia in the Beagle Channel (see Correspondence vol. 26, letter from B. J. Sulivan, [14–20] April [1878], and Correspondence vol. 27, letter from B. J. Sulivan, 13 October 1879). Jemmy’s Yahgan name was Orundellico and his grandson’s name was Cooshaipunjiz. Elizabeth Wedgwood had died on 8 November 1880 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). Charles Langton lived in Bournemouth, as did Sulivan. Sulivan was a member of the United Service Club, London (Sulivan ed. 1896, p. 376). The Bournemouth Coffee Tavern Company laid the foundation stone for a new coffee tavern in April 1880 (Coffee Public-House News, 1 June 1880, p. 363). Sulivan was an active supporter of the temperance cause, which promoted eating and drinking establishments where alcohol was not served (see Sulivan ed. 1896, p. 392, and Harrison 1994, pp. 295–6). Philip Gidley King, Alexander Burns Usborne, and Arthur Mellersh had all served on HMS Beagle during CD’s voyage. On Mellersh’s health problems, see letter from B. J. Sulivan, 2 January [1880]; his wife was Henrietta Frances Mellersh. ‘D.V.’: Deo volente or God willing (Latin).

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To T. H. Huxley   13 November 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Nov. 13th 1880 My dear Huxley, At last I have collected sufficient facts about Wallace, chiefly from Miss Buckley. The enclosed paper is too long, but I could not well make it shorter.1 The more I hear about Wallace, the more I think that you will do a really kind action if you can start with a few good signatures for a memorial. If there is any prospect of success I would send the memorial with notes to all the men on whom we fix, and would do anything else which I possibly could. But what form the memorial ought to take, I have no idea; and I hope that you will aid in this. Nor do I know how the memorial ought to be presented; if by a deputation of two or three, I would gladly come to London for the purpose. I have scribbled down the names of the persons whom to ask to sign, that is if you approve. I could approach Lord Aberdare Pres. Geograph. Socy. through Bates.2 Miss Buckley suggested the Duke of Argyll; and I have reason to think that he would wish to aid Wallace; but I suppose it would never do to ask a Minister to sign a memorial to the Premier.3 I have seldom wished for anything so much, as to succeed in getting some provision for Wallace. My dear Huxley, | Yours very sincerely | Charles Darwin I am so anxious about this affair, that ask Mrs. Huxley to send me a Post-card with word “received”.4 P.S Very many thanks about letter to Nature.— P.S. 2d Your note about “dried” forms will give many a person a jolly laugh.5 [Enclosure]

Spottiswood Huxley Allman Flower Sclater Ld. Aberdare Bates

Pres. Sec. Pres Pres.

R. Soc. — do Linnean Soc. Zoological Soc

Sec. — do Pres. Geograph. Soc. Sec — do Duke of Argyll??? Lubbock Hooker Self6

386

November 1880 Perhaps (what do you think?) Günther—Curator(?) British Museum (I could ask Gunther to sound Owen) Newton Professor of Zoology, Cambridge Rolleston — Oxford7

This altogether makes 13 names with one or two additional doubtful men Mr Smiles got a pension for Edwards, the Scotch Naturalist, & when he came down here for my signature, he told me that he felt sure that it was the best plan to have very few signers.8 He said this when I suggested some good men to him.— LS(A) Imperial College of Science, Technology and Medicine Archives (Huxley 5: 346) 1

2

3 4 5 6

7

8

Arabella Burton Buckley had sent a summary of Alfred Russel Wallace’s claims for a government pension (see letter from A. B. Buckley, 7 November 1880 and enclosure, and Appendix VI). There is a draft of the memorial in DAR 196: 3; for a transcription, see Appendix VI. Henry Austin Bruce, first Baron Aberdare, became president of the Royal Geographical Society in 1880 (Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society and Monthly Record of Geography 2 (1880): 772). Henry Walter Bates was assistant secretary of the society. See letter from A. B. Buckley, 7 November 1880. George Douglas Campbell was lord privy seal under the prime minister, William Ewart Gladstone (ODNB). Henrietta Anne Huxley; no postcard has been found, but see the letter from T. H. Huxley, 14 November 1880. CD had asked for advice on his letter to Nature, 5 November [1880] (see letter to T. H. Huxley, 5 November 1880 and nn. 1 and 3). Huxley’s reply and the note on ‘dried’ forms have not been found. William Spottiswoode was president of the Royal Society of London and Huxley was secretary; George James Allman was president of the Linnean Society; William Henry Flower was president of the Zoological Society of London and Philip Lutley Sclater was secretary (ODNB). John Lubbock and Joseph Dalton Hooker. Albert Günther was keeper of the zoological department at the British Museum and Richard Owen was superintendent of the natural history departments; Alfred Newton was professor of zoology and comparative anatomy at Cambridge University; George Rolleston was Linacre Professor of anatomy and physiology at Oxford University (ODNB). Samuel Smiles had started a memorial to obtain a civil list pension for Thomas Edward; CD had agreed to sign (see Correspondence vol. 24, letter to Samuel Smiles, 16 December 1876, and Secord 2003).

To Daniel Mackintosh   13 November 1880 Down. | Beckenham Kent. &c. Nov. 13. 1880. Dear Sir. Your discovery is a very interesting one & I congratulate you on it.1 I failed to find Shells on Moel Tryfan, but was interested by finding (Philosoph Mag. 3rd. Series— Vol XXI p. 184) shattered rocks & far distant rounded boulders, which I attributed to the violent impact of icebergs or coast-ice—2 I can offer no opinion on whether the more recent changes of level in England were or were not accompanied by earthquakes.— It does not seem to me a correct expression (which you use probably

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from haste in in your note) to speak of elevations or depressions as caused by earthquakes;— I suppose that everyone admits that an earthquake is merely the vibration from the fractured crust when it yields to an upward or downward force— I must confess that of late years I have often begun to suspect (Especially when I think of the step-like plains of Patagonia, the heights of which were measured by me). that many of the changes of level in the land are due to changes of level in the sea.3 I suppose that there can be no doubt that when there was much ice piled up in the Arctic Regions the sea would be attracted to them, and the land on the temperate regions would thus appear to have risen   There would also be some lowering of the sea by evaporation and the fixing of the water as ice near the Pole— I shall read your paper with much interest when published | & remain | Dear Sir. | Yours faithfully. | Ch. Darwin. Copy DAR 146: 334 1 2

3

See letter from Daniel Mackintosh, 11 November 1880 and n. 1. CD had described deposits on Moel Tryfan as shattered and rounded by icebergs grating over the surface (‘Ancient glaciers of Caernarvonshire’, p. 184). See also letter from Daniel Mackintosh, 15 January 1880. Mackintosh cited CD on this point in his published article (Mackintosh 1881, p. 366).

From G. J. Romanes   13 November 1880 18 Cornwall Terrace: November 13, 1880. I am grieved to hear from Mr. Teesdale that his fears were only too well founded. Although I had not myself the privilege of Miss Wedgwood’s acquaintance, I know, from what I have been told by those who had, how greatly your household must feel her loss.1 I should not, however, have written only to trouble you with expressions of sympathy. I desire to ask you one or two questions with reference to an article on Hybridism which I have written for the ‘Encyclopædia Britannica,’ and the corrected proof of which I send.2 It is in chief part an epitome of your own chapters upon the subject,3 and therefore you need not trouble to read the whole, unless you care to see whether I have been sufficiently clear and accurate. But there are two points on which I should like to have your opinion, both for my own benefit and for that of my readers. First, I think it is desirable to append a list of the more important works bearing upon the subject, and if I make such a list I should not like to trust to my own information, lest I should do unwitting injustice to some observing writers. If, therefore, you could, without taking any special trouble, jot down from memory the works you think most deserving of mention, I think it would be of benefit to the reading public. E. D. Romanes 1896, pp. 100–1

388 1

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November 1880

Elizabeth Wedgwood died on 8 November 1880 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). Romanes had learned of her illness from John Marmaduke Teesdale, a neighbour of CD’s (see letter from G. J. Romanes, 5 November 1880). Romanes’s article appeared in EB 9th ed. 12: 422–6 (G. J. Romanes 1881). Romanes quoted at length from CD’s chapter on hybridism in Origin, pp. 245–78, and from the extended discussion of the subject in Variation 2: 178–91.

To A. B. Buckley   14 November 1880 Down Beckenham Nov. 14th. 1880 My dear Miss Buckley I am very much obliged to you for sending me your new book, the appearance of which is most elegant.1 I have read the two first chapters and shall hereafter read more; but just at present I have a lot of papers to read on account of work in hand. I think that you have treated evolution with much dexterity and truthfulness; and it will be a very savage heretic-hunter who will persecute you. I daresay that you will escape, and you will not be called a dangerous woman.— Your plan seems to me an excellent one, and who can tell how many naturalists may spring up from the seed sown by you.— I heartily wish your book all success. At p. 4 I think you ought to except utter deserts, for I believe they support nothing.—2 I believe that you might make an equally interesting book for the young about Plants. Pray believe me, my dear Miss Buckley, your’s sincerely | Ch. Darwin I have despatched my paper about Wallace to Huxley and have spoken again to Sir John Lubbock.—3 Copy DAR 143: 184 1 2 3

Buckley’s latest book was Life and her children (Buckley 1880; see also letter to A. B. Buckley, 16 August [1880] and n. 3). Buckley had remarked: ‘There is no spot on the surface of the earth … which is not filled with life’ (Buckley 1880, p. 4). CD had sent a draft memorial to Thomas Henry Huxley in support of a civil list pension for Alfred Russel Wallace (see letter to T. H. Huxley, 13 November 1880 and n. 1). CD had previously spoken to John Lubbock about the pension (see letter to A. B. Buckley, 31 October [1880]).

From E. A. Darwin   14 November [1880]1 6 Q A. St 14 Nov Dear Charles Will you please sign my guarantee.— I had not intended to bother you & yesterday asked William2 but in the mean time the Regr had taken my question if they would accept us as mutually joint Secies for a proposal.3 My pride has had a fall    I made the Regr look up the receipt for the sealed Certificates feeling confident there was none & he did find it signed by Cath Wedgwood of Parkfield.4 I never will be cock sure again of anything.

November 1880

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Horace must count Sir Wm Thompson among his lovers for yesterday Dykes, (do you remember him?) came to exhale himself on Horaces charm.5 Some time ago Sir W T told Dykes that when he came to Cambridge he would introduce Horace to him & that was the first he knew of his existence. Accordingly Sir W had Cayley Stokes (Adams?)6 & Horace to dine in Hall with him & then introduced Dykes who was sitting by Horace— The swells talked mathematics without intermission— he thought Cayley was the very dullest man he had ever met in his life & he afterwards told Mrs Adams7 that she really ought to educate him & she said she had done all she could in that way by supplying him with an infinite number of novels. Yours affec | EAD DAR 105: B114 1 2 3 4 5

6 7

The year is established by Horace Darwin’s move to Cambridge in 1880, his connection with William Thomson (see n. 5, below), and Erasmus’s death in August 1881. William Erasmus Darwin. Possibly a registrar of wills. The guarantee has not been found. Catherine Wedgwood, CD’s aunt, had resided at Parkfield in Staffordshire (Freeman 1978). Horace had stayed at the home of William Thomson in April 1879 (letter from Horace Darwin to Emma Darwin, [18 April 1879], DAR 258: 825). Lamplugh Brougham Ballantine Dykes was a former schoolfellow of Erasmus’s at Shrewsbury. Arthur Cayley, George Gabriel Stokes, and John Couch Adams were all mathematicians and professors at Cambridge. Adams’s wife was Eliza Adams.

From T. H. Huxley   14 November 1880 4 Marlborough Place. | Abbey Road, N.W. Novr. 14th 1880 My dear Darwin The papers in re Wallace have arrived1 and I lose no time in assuring you that all my ‘might, amity & authority’ as Essex said when that sneak Bacon asked him for a favour, shall be exercised as you wish2 The best course to pursue will need a little thinking over but there shall be no delay on my part in setting to work— Your ‘pinned-on’ paragraph was so good that if I had written it myself, I should have been unable to refrain from sending it to the Printer. But it is much easier to be virtuous on other people’s account—and though Thomson deserved it & more—I thought it would be better to refrain.3 If I say a savage thing it is only ‘pretty Fanny’s way’4 but if you do it is not likely to be forgotten. The letter as it stands will be very useful in more ways than one The wife5 is very much on her back still I am sorry to say With all our love | Ever | Yours | T H Huxley DAR 166: 353 1

CD had sent a draft memorial and a list of potential signatories in support of a civil list pension for Alfred Russel Wallace (see letter to T. H. Huxley, 13 November 1880 and n. 1).

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The remarks are attributed to Robert Devereux, second earl of Essex, in reference to Francis Bacon’s bid for the post of attorney-general in 1594: ‘The Attorneyship for Francis is that I must have; and in that I will spend all my power, might, authority, and amity’ (see Macaulay 1843, 2: 308). Bacon served as a prosecutor at Devereux’s trial for treason in 1601 (ODNB s.v. Devereux, Robert). CD had sent Huxley his letter to Nature, 5 November 1880; it was a reply to critical remarks on natural selection made by Charles Wyville Thomson in Thomson 1880, including a sentence that Huxley did not pass on to Nature (see letter to T. H. Huxley, 5 November 1880 and nn. 1 and 3). The expression appears in the poem ‘An elegy, to an old beauty’ by Thomas Parnell: ‘And all that’s madly wild, or oddly gay,/ We call it only pretty Fanny’s way’ (Parnell 1833, p. 81). Huxley’s wife was Henrietta Anne Huxley.

To Henry Johnson   14 November 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Nov. 14th 1880 My dear Johnson An overwhelming lot of letters has prevented me from thanking you sooner for your answer about the slope of the ground at Worcester; also your daughter for her very kind note.1 I hope before very long to hear again about my other bothersome questions. My heart & soul care for worms & nothing else in this world just at present!2 But I write now to say that I have directed a new book by me on the “Power of Movement in Plants” to be sent you,3 (& it will arrive in about a week) & to add that it is unreadable except by a specialist. If you read Introduction & last chapter you will know whole contents, except the evidence on each head.— Whilst correcting proofs, I bethought me of an old paper by you, but I had forgotten reference, & as far as my memory served me it was chiefly or exclusively on the movements due to difference in tension in different parts, as when a dandelion peduncle is split & such cases do not concern me.4 But if you have treated of other subjects, I shall be punished for my idleness. I have written today, seven letters & am quite tired, so Farewell | Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin Shrewsbury School, Taylor Library 1 2 3 4

Johnson’s letter and the note from his daughter, Mary Elisabeth Johnson, have not been found. CD’s letter has not been found; he was working on Earthworms. Johnson’s name appears on the presentation list for Movement in plants (see Appendix IV). Johnson had observed the movements of plants such as the common dandelion (Taraxacum officinale) after their stems had been divided or notched; he attributed the subsequent movements to a ‘vital contractile power’ analogous to the irritability of animal tissue ( Johnson 1835a and Johnson 1835b; see Correspondence vol. 27, letter to Henry Johnson, 24 September 1879).

To James Paget   14 November 1880 Down, Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. November 14th 1880 My dear Paget I am very much obliged for your essay which has interested me greatly.1 What indomitable activity you have! It is a surprising thought that the diseases of plants

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shd. illustrate human pathology. I have the German Encyclopædia & a few weeks ago told my son Francis that the article on the diseases of Plants would be well worth his study, but I did not know that it was written by Dr Frank, for whom I entertain a high respect, as a first-rate observer & experimentiser, though for some unknown reason he has been a good deal snubbed in Germany.2 I can give you one good case of regrowth in plants, recently often observed by me, though only externally, as I do not know enough of histology to follow out details. It is the tip of the radicle of a germinating common bean. The case is remarkable in some respects, for the tip is sensitive to various stimuli & transmits an order, causing the upper part of the radicle to bend. When the tip (for a length of about 1mm) is cut transversely off the radicle is not acted on by gravitation or other irritants, such as contact &c &c, but a new tip is regenerated in from 2 to 4 days, & then the radicle is again acted on by gravitation & will bend to centre of earth. The tip of the radicle is a kind of brain to the whole growing part of the radicle.3 My observation will be published in about a weeks time, & I wd have sent you the book, but I do not suppose that there is anything else in the book which would interest you.—4 I am delighted that you have drawn attention to galls.5 They have always seemed to me profoundly interesting. Many years ago I began (but failed for want of time, strength & health, as on infinitely many other occasions) to experimentise on plants, by injecting into their tissues, some alkaloids. & the poison of wasps, to see if I could make anything like galls. If I remember rightly in a few cases the tissues were thickened & hardened. I began those experiments, because if by different poisons I could have affected slightly & differently the tissues of the same plant, I thought there wd be no insuperable difficulty in the fittest poisons being developed by insects so as to produce galls adapted for them.6 Every character, as far as I can see, is apt to vary. Judging from one of your sentences you will smile at this.—7 To anyone believing in my Pangenesis (if such a man exists) there does not seem to me any extreme difficulty in understanding why plants have such little power of regeneration; for there is reason to think that my imaginary gemmules have small power of passing from cell to cell.—8 Forgive me for scribbling at such unreasonable length; but you are to blame from having interested me so much.— My dear Paget | Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin P.S. | Perhaps you may remember that some 2 years ago you asked me to lunch with you & proposed that I shd offer myself again, whenever I next come to London, I will do so, & thus have the pleasure of seeing you.— Wellcome Library (MS 5703/31) 1 2

Paget 1880; see letter from James Paget, 12 November 1880 and n. 1. Paget had cited an article by Albert Bernhard Frank from Encyklopädie der Naturwissenschaften vol. 4, Die Pflanzenkrankheiten (see Paget 1880, pp. 611 n. and 613 n.); CD’s copy of the Encyklopädie is in the Darwin Library–Down. CD cited Frank 1868 and Frank 1870 in Movement in plants. Francis Darwin had remarked on Frank’s career difficulties in his letter of 29 May 1879 (Correspondence vol. 27).

392 3

4 5 6

7

8

November 1880

CD experimented on the regrowth and bending of the tip or apex of the radical in Vicia faba (broad or fava bean) after amputation and the application of caustic (see Movement in plants, pp. 524–37). On the tip of the radical as analogous to the ‘brain’ of lower animals, see ibid., p. 573. Paget’s name does not appear on the presentation list for Movement in plants (see Appendix IV). Paget compared galls to inflammation and morbid growths in animal tissue, such as cysts, tumours, and cancers (see Paget 1880, pp. 649–51). For CD’s interest in galls and gall-making insects, see Variation 2: 282–5. In 1864, he suggested an experiment involving the insertion of poisons from insects and snakes, and other chemical compounds into plant tissues (see Correspondence vol. 12, letter to B. D. Walsh, 21 October [1864] and n. 6, and Correspondence vol. 13, letter to B. D. Walsh, 27 March [1865]). While noting the great variety of galls and gall-making insects, Paget also remarked on the specificity and constancy of each form: And the whole process of the plant, though it be one of disease and, in a sense, unnatural, is yet so regular, so constant and specific, that the form and other characters of each gall or other morbid product are, usually, as constant and characteristic as are those of the insect itself. (Paget 1880, p. 650.) On CD’s hypothesis of pangenesis and the role of gemmules, see Variation 2: 374–7; he cited Paget’s claim that the reparative power in organisms was the same as the power of growth in ibid., p. 359. CD remarked on the possibility of gemmules passing through cell walls in his letter to Nature, [before 27 April 1871] (Correspondence vol. 19).

To G. J. Romanes   14 November [1880]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Nov. 14th My dear Romanes Many thanks for your kind sympathy.— My wife’s sister was, I fully believe, as good & generous a woman as ever walked this earth.—2 The proof-sheets have not arrived, but probably will tomorrow.3 I shall like to read them, though I may not be able to do so very quickly, as I am bothered with a heap of little jobs which must be done.— I will send by todays post a large book by Focke received a week or two ago on Hybrids & which I have not had time to look at, but which I see in Table of Contents includes full history of subject.4 & much else besides.— It will aid you far better than I can; for I have now been so long attending to other subjects & with old age, I fear I cd. make no suggestions worth anything. Formerly I knew the subject well.— Kölreuter, Gärtner & Herbert are certainly far the most trustworthy authorities.5 There was also a German, whose name I mention in Origin who wrote on Hybrid Willows.6 Naudin, who is often quoted, I have much less confidence in.—7 By the way Nägeli (whom many think the greatest botanist in Germany) wrote a few years ago on Hybridism: I cannot remember title; but I will hunt for it, if you wish.8 The title will be sure to be in Focke.— I quite agree with what you say about Passiflora.9 Herbert observed an analogous case in Crinum.10 Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin American Philosophical Society (Mss.B.D25.574)

November 1880 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

393

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from G. J. Romanes, 13 November 1880. See letter from G. J. Romanes, 13 November 1880. Elizabeth Wedgwood had died on 8 November 1880 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). Romanes had sent proof-sheets of his forthcoming article on hybridism (G. J. Romanes 1881). Wilhelm Olbers Focke’s book, Die Pflanzen-Mischlinge, included a chapter on the history of plant hybrids from the earliest times to the present (Focke 1881, pp. 429–45). CD’s copy is in the Darwin Library–CUL. Joseph Gottlieb Kölreuter, Karl Friedrich von Gärtner, and William Herbert. Max Ernst Wichura’s work on hybrid willows (Wichura 1865) is mentioned in Origin 4th ed., p. 315, and Variation 2: 267. Charles Victor Naudin. Carl Wilhelm von Nägeli had published a number of articles on hybridism. CD’s copy of Nägeli 1866 (Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL) is extensively annotated. Romanes discussed plants of species of Passiflora that were completely fertile with other species, and infertile with their own (G. J. Romanes 1881, p. 424); he drew the examples from Variation 2: 137–8. Herbert had noted that various species of Crinum sent to Calcutta had crossed so freely that pure seed could not be obtained (Herbert 1837, p. 32). CD used this case as an example of pollen from a distinct species over time obliterating the action of a plant’s own pollen (see Cross and self fertilisation, p. 395 n.). Herbert’s successful crossing of Crinum capense with C. revolutum was also described by CD as a case of perfect fertility in a first cross between two distinct species (see Origin, p. 250; this passage is quoted in G. J. Romanes 1881, p. 424).

From A. R. Carrington   15 November 1880 Royal Agricultural College | Cirencester. 15 Nov. 1880— Sir, In reading one of your books lately, I came to a passage in which the non-existence of frogs in New Zealand is mentioned—1 Some ten years ago I was in New Zealand, and attached to a Surveying party under Government.— We were engaged in traversing the bed of a very rocky mountain stream near a new digging settlement called Te Tiki situated on the Coromandel peninsula, not far from Kapanga or Coromandel— We had our camp in a very remote and almost inaccessible part of the range by the side of the stream and one day when I was off duty and engaged in tracing a small vein of quartz across the bed of the stream with the hope of finding gold, I found a small green frog in a crevice— It was about the size of the little green tree frogs found in the south of Europe, only of a darker green & slightly blotched with black or dark brown, and its feet were only partially webbed— I kept it in a match box for some time but it died, and having no spirit I was unable to preserve it— I lived in NZ altogether about 5 years, nearly always in the Bush, and this is the only one I ever saw or heard of—with the exception of some ordinary brown frogs wh. were said to have been found in the settled districts near Auckland, but for these I cannot answer—2 I have taken the liberty of writing, as I thought the above facts, for which I can vouch, might be of interest to you— I am, Sir, | faithfully yours | A. R. Carrington (Lecturer on Field-Engineering &c. RA.C) DAR 161: 50

394 1

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November 1880

In Origin 6th ed., p. 350, CD wrote: Bory St. Vincent long ago remarked that Batrachians (frogs, toads, newts) have never been found on any of the many islands with which the great oceans are studded. I have taken pains to verify this assertion, and have found it true, with the exception of New Zealand, New Caledonia, the Andaman Islands, and perhaps the Salomon Islands and the Seychelles. Four species of frog in the genus Leiopelma have been identified as native to New Zealand (see Bell and Bishop 2018, pp. 185–8). The Coromandel Peninsula is part of the native range of two of these species (L. hochstetteri and L. archeyi).

From R. F. Cooke   15 November 1880 50A, Albemarle Street, London. W. Nov 15 1880 My dear Sir We shall to reprint your work on the Descent of Man, as we require nearly 200 more copies than we have in stock.1 Do you wish to make any corrections in the stereotype plates?2 Yours faithfully | Rob.t Cooke Cha.s Darwin Esq DAR 210.11: 19 1 2

The most recent reprinting of Descent 2d ed. was in 1879; an additional thousand copies (the fourteenth thousand) were issued in 1881 (Freeman 1977). There were no known changes to the text of the 1881 reprint (Freeman 1977).

To G. J. Romanes   15 November 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Nov. 15th 80 My dear Romanes I have just read your article.1 As far as my judgment goes it is excellent & could not be improved.— You have skimmed the cream off the whole subject. It is also very clear.— One or two sentences near the beginning seem rather too strong; as I have marked with pencil, without attending to style.—2 I have made one or two small suggestions.— If you can find my account in Nature,* (last summer I think) about the hybrid Chinese-gees inter se, it wd be worth adding & wd.  require only 2 or 3 lines.3 I do not suppose you wish to add but in my paper on Lythrum & I think requoted in Var.  under Dom. Vol  2. 2d. Edit, bottom of page 167 I have a good sentence about a man finding 2 vars of Lythrum & testing them by fertility & coming to egregiously wrong conclusion.—4 I think your idea of reference to best books & short history of subject good.—5 By the way you have made me quite proud of my chapter on Hybridism; I had utterly forgotten how good it appears when dressed up in your article!!6 Yours very sincerly | Ch. Darwin

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I have had a hunt & found my little article on Geese, which please hereafter return.— American Philosophical Society (Mss.B.D25.575) 1 2

3

4

5

6

Romanes had sent proof-sheets of his article on hybridism for the Encyclopaedia Britannica (G. J. Romanes 1881; see letter from G. J. Romanes, 13 November 1880). Romanes’s article began with the etymology of ‘hybrid’ and its supposed Greek source, ‘hubris’, as ‘an insult or outrage, with special reference to lust; hence an outrage on nature, a mongrel’ (G. J. Romanes 1881, p. 422). The article quoted CD’s discussion in Origin, p. 253, of fertile hybrids produced from crosses between the common and the Chinese goose; Romanes added a note referring to CD’s letter to Nature, 15 December [1879] (Correspondence vol. 27), which contained further details of the case, including experiments by CD himself (see G. J. Romanes 1881, p. 425 and n.). The Chinese goose is a domestic variety of the wild swan goose (Anser cygnoides). The common European domestic goose is a variety of the wild greylag goose (Anser anser). For the description of possible mistaken conclusions about Lythrum salicaria (purple loosestrife) from a hypothetical botanist, see Variation 2d ed. 2: 167–8; CD’s earlier paper on the subject was ‘Three forms of Lythrum salicaria’. Romanes’s article included a long list of botanical works and authorities on hybridism, some of which were suggested by CD (see letter to G. J. Romanes, 14 November [1880], and G. J. Romanes 1881, p. 426). Romanes quoted at length from CD’s chapter on hybridism in Origin, pp. 245–78; and from the extended discussion of the subject in Variation 2: 178–91.

From B. J. Sulivan   16 November 1880 Bournemouth Novr. 16/80 My dear Darwin You gave me two Pounds last year   The sum was made up by Mrs. FitzRoy you & I giving 2£ each. Stokes Mellersh Usborne & Hamond 1£ each.1 Can you solve a Botanical riddle for me: five years since I got three new vines for greenhouse; a “white Muscat” was planted between a “Black Hambro” and an “Alicante”—(Black) The last year or two I allowed a few bunches to remain on each. and the Muscats were the usual colour. This year there were many fine bunches on all three, but after the Muscat grapes were nearly their full size they becan to turn purple at the point of each grape, and it gradually extended to the stem. and they have ripened a darker colour than the Black ones. I enclose the skin of one. The vines are about 6 feet apart; the grapes retain the exact character and flavour of the Muscat in all but colour. Gardeners and gentlemen here who know most about vines tell me they have never heard of such a case. and are satisfied that the grapes retain the true Muscat Flavour &c.2 with kind regards | Believe me | very sincerely yours | B. J. Sulivan DAR 177: 313

396 1

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November 1880

See letter from B. J. Sulivan, 12 November 1880 and n. 1. No intervening letter from CD to Sulivan has been found. Maria Isabella FitzRoy was the widow of Robert FitzRoy, the former captain of HMS Beagle; John Lort Stokes, Arthur Mellersh, Alexander Burns Usborne, and Robert Nicholas Hamond were former officers of HMS Beagle. CD had discussed grape varieties and crossing in Variation 1: 332–4. The Alicante, Muscat and Black Hambro or Hamburg are some of the oldest varieties of grape; all are varieties of Vitis vinifera.

To Williams & Norgate   16 November 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Nov. 16th 1880 Dear Sir Though the great Neapolitan work is of no use to me, I feel bound to become a subscriber, as the Zoolog. Station at Naples has done such admirable service to science.—1 Will you therefore be so kind as to forward the enclosed & pay the charges, & you can send in your account whenever you think fit.—2 Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin Swann Auction Galleries (dealers) (4 November 2010, lot 46) 1

2

The first two volumes of the monograph series Fauna und Flora des Golfes von Neapel appeared in 1880 (Chun 1880 and Emery 1880; see letter from Anton Dohrn, 11 February 1880 and n. 7); CD’s copies are in the Darwin Library–CUL. On CD’s previous support for the Zoological Station at Naples, see Correspondence vol. 22, letter to Anton Dohrn, 7 March 1874. Dohrn later asked CD to accept the series as a gift (Correspondence vol. 29, letter from Anton Dohrn, 18 February 1881).

To B. J. Sulivan   17 November 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Nov. 17th 80 My dear Sulivan I enclose a cheque for 2£ & am sorry to have troubled you—1 Your case is a curious one, viz that of the direct action of the pollen of one variety on the mother plant of another variety.— If you care to hear of analogous cases, they are given in full in Vol I Ch XI (p 430 of 2d Edit) of my Variation of Animals & Plants under Domestication.2 I keep fairly well & continue to work as hard as I can.— I was heartily glad to hear in your last note a better account of Mellersh—3 My dear Sulivan | Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin Sulivan family (private collection) 1

2

3

Sulivan was collecting subscriptions to support Cooshaipunjiz ( James FitzRoy Button), a grandson of Orundellico ( Jemmy Button; see letters from B. J. Sulivan, 12 November 1880 and n. 1, and 16 November 1880). CD’s earlier letter to Sulivan has not been found. Sulivan had asked about the influence of black grape varieties on white muscat grapes that had turned black after several seasons (see letter from B. J. Sulivan, 16 November 1880). CD discussed the effects of ‘foreign pollen’ on various parts of the mother-plant in Variation 2d ed. 1: 427–35. On Arthur Mellersh’s improved health, see letter from B. J. Sulivan, 12 November 1880.

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From W. C. Williamson   17 November 1880 Fallowfield | Manchester Nov 17/80 My Dear Dr Darwin It has been a great satisfaction to me that you have received our Deputation so kindly.1 I was only afraid lest it should tire you, knowing as I do how much conversation fatigues you when you are not quite well. My little regiment has been delighted beyond measure with your kind reception of them. They certainly were thoroughly & sincerely earnest in their work— I only regret that I was unable to accompany them owing to home duties— We are worked to 〈de〉ath here with our preparations for floating the Victoria University.2 I had no idea that so much labour would be involved in working out the preparatory details   Allow me now however to add my small personal congratulations to those of my Yorkshire Colleagues You may be interested to know that I now begin to see my way towards reconciling our Carboniferous Flora with Evolution. I have introduced a long paragraph to that effect into my memoir Part XI now in the hands of the Royal Society.3 My only fear is that in their craving for the curtailment of all memoirs, the Paper’s Committee may cut it out. Anyhow I have thrown the responsibility of doing so on them With kind regards to your son4—& regret that I have lost this opportunity of becoming acquainted with your domestic circle I am My Dear Sir | most sincerely yours | W C Williamson Dont trouble to acknowledge 〈this〉— I know that correspondence fatigues you & you must have much of it! DAR 181: 110 1

2 3

4

A deputation from the Yorkshire Naturalists’ Union presented a memorial address to CD at Down on 3 November 1880; Williamson was president of the Union (see letter from W. D. Roebuck to G. H. Darwin, 25 October 1880 and n. 1). On the establishment of Victoria University, a federal university for the north of England, see J. Thompson 1886, pp. 536–43; Owen’s College, Manchester, became affiliated to the University in 1880. Part XI of Williamson’s work on the fossil flora of the Coal Measures (W. C. Williamson 1871–92) was published in the Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London 172 (1881): 283–305; on how his findings supported ‘the doctrine of evolution’, see ibid., pp. 295–7. Probably George Howard Darwin.

To Henry Johnson   18 November 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Nov. 18th 1880 My dear Johnson Nothing can be clearer than your answers to my queries, & I am very much obliged to you for all the great trouble which you have taken.1 I regret that I shd. have sent these questions at a time when you must have suffered from fatigue & distress. I shd. very much like to visit Wroxeter,2 but I have very little bodily strength, & such a journey would quite knock me up.—

398

November 1880

According to your desire I will sign my name on the next page, but good Lord what geese people are about autographs. Once again thanking you most truly I remain | yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin Charles Darwin | Down, Kent | Nov. 18th 1880.— Private collection 1

2

Johnson’s letter and CD’s queries have not been found. CD had previously asked Johnson to measure worm activity at Wroxeter in Shropshire (see Correspondence vol. 19, letter to Henry Johnson, 23 December 1871). In Earthworms, pp. 222–8, CD included detailed observations by Johnson of the thickness of vegetable mould in fields above the Roman remains at Wroxeter.

From G. J. Romanes   18 November 1880 18 Cornwall Terrace: November 18, 1880. Very many thanks for your kind assistance and expressions of approval.1 It was stupid of me to forget your article in ‘Nature’ about the geese.2 I now quite well remember reading it when it came out. Focke’s book is just the very thing I wanted, as it supplies such a complete history of the subject.3 If I do not hear from you again, I shall keep it for a few days to refer to when the proof which I have sent to press shall be returned with my historical sketch added. I have now nearly finished my paper on the physiology of the locomotor system in Echinoderms. The most important result in it is the proof, both morphological and physiological, of a nervous plexus, external to everything, which in Echinus serves to co-ordinate spines, feet, and pedicellariæ in a wonderful manner.4 By the way, I remember once talking with you about the function of the latter, and thinking it mysterious. There is no doubt now that this function is to seize bits of seaweed, and hold them steady till the sucking feet have time to establish their adhesions, so assisting locomotion of animal when crawling about seaweed-covered rocks. E. D. Romanes 1896, pp. 98–9 1 2 3 4

CD had commented on proof-sheets of Romanes’s article on hybridism for Encyclopaedia Britannica (G. J. Romanes 1881; see letter to G. J. Romanes, 15 November 1880). CD had suggested that Romanes include a reference to his letter to Nature, 15 December [1879] (Correspondence vol. 27) about hybrid geese. Wilhelm Olbers Focke’s book, Die Pflanzen-Mischlinge, contained a chapter on the history of plant hybrids (Focke 1881, pp. 429–45). On the nervous system of Echinus (a genus of sea urchins) and its role in locomotion, see G. J. Romanes and Ewart 1881, pp. 835–6, 842–7. CD had discussed the evolution of pedicellariae in both sea urchins and starfish (sea stars), speculating on the function of the organs at different stages of development (see Origin 6th ed., pp. 191–2).

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399

To W. C. Williamson   18 November 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Nov. 18th. 1880 My dear Professor Williamson I must write one line to thank you very much for your kind note. Receiving the Deputation gave me real pleasure, and was an extraordinary honour.—1 I hope that the passage to which you refer will not be omitted from your paper.—2 With many thanks | Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin Photocopy DAR 221.4: 247 1 2

See letter from W. C. Williamson, 17 November 1880 and n. 1. See letter from W. C. Williamson, 17 November 1880 and n. 3.

From G. H. Darwin   19 November 1880 Trin. Coll. Camb Nov. 19. 80 My dear Father, I received the book this morning & have just turned over the pages & looked at the wood-cuts.1 I am rather disappointed to see how carelessly they are printed; they are not comparable to the proofs I saw at home. I notice a slight mis-statement Fig 149 was not from a photo. And surely 147 was not either2 Fig 162 there was a photog. but so blurred that I drew the left hand one almost entirely from the plant as I believe. The right hand one was drawn entirely from nature.3 If I am not right in my memory of this I shall be enormously surprized & especially I remember the right hand fig. of 149 because it was the hardest one which was done entirely from nature. However this is all very unimportant. I have been going on with ripple-marks & can now produce them in a flat bath with almost the regularity of a mathematical figure with wave lengths varying from perhaps 3  or 4  inches to 12 inch.4 I can produce no ripple mark with currents & I believe that when ripple is produced along with current the current must be slow & wave motion must be going on on the surface   I find a rough formula for wave length of ripple-mark as a multiple of the greatest velocity of the water relatively to the sand in the oscillatory motion. Also no ripple is produced if this max: vel: is less than 12 a ft per sec. & again none if greater that 1.2 ft per sec. There is a marked tendency to sort the sand along the crests of the ripples. I am inclined at present to think it is a complex affair partly depending on the rates at which different sized grains acquire the velocity of the water moving past them & partly on my previous theory of the sand being elongated   I fancy I shall be able to reduce my apparatus so as to make absolutely regular ripples. They already are good. I got the other day 66  ripples round the bath with only one partially broken. The more I see the more I think Lyell utterly wrong.5

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I am in despair about my astronomy. I am in this position that I must refer to my theory in its bearing on the solar system as a whole that I can not make any problem which shall reasonably represent the case & that I must write a sort of general discussion which will I fear be very unsatisfactory & will be more speculative than I like, and moreover I fear the outcome of the whole to any one who does not read thoro’ly will be more unfavourable to the theory than I am convinced it shd. be.6 I have been rather better for about a week now & have worked spasmodically. My cold, quà cold, has much subsided, tho’ it is at me pretty vigorously in the usual way. Arthur Balfour has been here for a few days, but he had’nt got very much politics to tell.7 I dined last night at Horaces & met Miss Gladstone & afterwards we went to the Amateur Dramatic play.8 We went down in the tram-car in an awful crowd with Ida sitting on Miss G’s lap, & then walked on thro’ the rain   We had a fearful storm of wind & rain last night, all night thro’. & only stayed at the play for two or three acts. It was’nt at all good & I had seen it before—. A.B. wants Horace to do another little job at Whittinghame but I don’t think it will be much—9 It is something wh H. had suggested before. I am dining at F. Balfour’s tonight to meet Evans ( J. E’s son) who is come back from Bosnia & Ragusa for a short visit in England. I think you read his book.10 Your affec. son | G H Darwin DAR 210.2: 87 1 2 3 4

5

6

7 8

9

George had done several drawings for Movement in plants, which was published on 7 November 1880 (Freeman 1977). CD acknowledged George’s work in Movement in plants, p. 8. See Movement in plants, pp. 356, 358. Both captions read, ‘Copied from a photograph; figures reduced.’ See plate in page 401 and frontispiece. See Movement in plants, p. 385; the figure shows Nicotiana glauca with leaves expanded during the day and asleep at night. The caption indicates both figures were copied from photographs and reduced. George had a special trough made to experiment on producing ripple-marks in sand covered by water (see letter from G. H. Darwin, 9 October 1880). George’s experiments are described in his paper ‘On the formation of ripple-mark in sand’ (G. H. Darwin 1883). His work demonstrated that the formation of irregular ripple marks was due to vortices carrying sand up the lee slope while the direct current moved sand up the weather slope. Charles Lyell had discussed the production of ripple-marks in A manual of elementary geology (C. Lyell 1851, pp. 19–21). He accounted for ripple-marks in sand (under air) as a result of the direct action of the wind on the weather slope alone (see ibid., p. 20 fig. 9). George had written a series of papers on tidal friction and related subjects (see, for example, G. H. Darwin 1878a, 1878b, 1879a, and 1880). This work related to the underlying problem of cosmic development; George presented a paper titled ‘On the tidal friction of a planet attended by several satellites, and on the evolution of the solar system’ (G. H. Darwin 1881) in January 1881. He later presented a non-technical account of tides and their connection with astronomy in The tides and kindred phenomena in the solar system (G. H. Darwin 1898). Arthur James Balfour was an MP; he had been a student at Trinity College, Cambridge, at the same time as George. Horace and Ida Darwin also lived in Cambridge. Helen Gladstone was the youngest daughter of William Ewart Gladstone; she was secretary to the vice-principal at Newnham College, Cambridge, at this time. Whittingehame House in East Lothian, Scotland, was Balfour’s family home (ODNB). The nature of the job has not been discovered.

Desmodium gyrans. Movement in plants, p. 358, fig. 149. By permission of the Syndics of Cambridge Univesity Library.

402 10

November 1880

Francis Maitland Balfour, Arthur James Balfour’s brother, was a lecturer in animal morphology at Cambridge. Arthur John Evans, the son of John Evans, had published a collection of letters sent during 1877, when he travelled in the Balkans for the Manchester Guardian (A. J. Evans 1878). He founded Casa San Lazzaro at Ragusa, Sicily, for the study of language, antiquities, and customs.

From B. J. Placzek1    19 November 1880 Hochverehrter Herr! Die hohe Bedeutung, die Sie in Ihrem epochalen Werke “Das Variiren u.s.w.” besonders I. cap. 6 der genauen Notirung der kleinsten Abweichungen in Structur und Gewohnheiten der Tauben beilegen,2 veranlaßt mich, Ihren genialen Scharfblick auf eine ungewöhnliche Beobachtung hinzulenken. Dieselbe betrifft eine Flugart der Tauben, wie sie meines Wissens jetzt nicht mehr vorkommt und auch in den besten Monographien über Tauben nicht erwähnt erscheint, die aber für das Gesetz der Variabilität, bei dem Umstande, als jede eigenartige Bewegungsform auch eine besondere Entwicklung der entsprechenden Muskel- und Knochenpartieen zur Folge haben muß, vom nicht geringem Belang sein mag. In dem Buche “Bereschith-rabba” (einer Art Glossarium zur Genesis, aus dem 3ten Jahrhundert v. Chr.  stammend) ist Cap.  39  eine Bemerkung zu lesen, die in englischer Übersetzung lautet: “All birds rest of flying on a tree or on a rock, while the dove, when tired of flying alternatively holds one wing at rest, swinging herself upwards with the other wing”.—3 Die Tauben haben demnach ihre Flugart seither geändert und dadurch eine für den Kampf ums Dasein ungemein vortheilhafte distincte Eigenschaft eingebüßt.— Durch eine freundliche kurze Notiz über die erwähnte Beobachtung würden Sie sehr verbinden Ihren in aufrichtiger Verehrung | Ihnen ergebenen | Dr. B. Plačzek | (Austria) Brünn, Thalgasse, 7. Brünn 19.11.80 [Contemporary translation]4 The high importance which you in your {   } work “The variation” &c, especially I ch VI. attack the accurate notice of the smallest variation in the structure and habits of pigeons induces me to direct your wonderful penetration to something hitherto unnoticed. It has to do with the manner of flight in pigeons, which, as far as I know, no longer occurs, & does not seem to me to be mentioned even in the best monographs on pigeons, but wh. may be of considerable importance as regards the law of variation, since every special form of Movement must be followed by a special development of the set of muscles and bones concerned in it. In the book “Bereschith raba” (a sort of glossarium on Genesis of the 3rd Century A.D) there is, in Ch. 39, a remark to the following effect: “All birds rest of {from} flying on a tree or on a rock, while the dove when tired of flying alternately holds one wing at rest,

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swinging herself upwards with the other wing.” Pigeons have therefore changed their mode of flight, & have thereby lost a distinct property—specially advantageous in the struggle for existence. By a kind short notice of the above observation you would much oblige your sincere admirer | Dr. B. Plačzek | (Austria) Brünn | Thalgasse 7. Brünn 19.11.80 DAR 174: 47 1 2 3

4

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. CD discussed pigeons in Variation 1: 131–224 (chapters 5 and 6); most of the details of physiology and habit are in chapter 5. Bereshit Rabbah is a commentary on the book of Genesis (Jewish encyclopedia). The passage, a gloss on Psalms 55: 6 (‘And I said: Oh, that I had wings like a dove! Then I would fly away, and be at rest’), may be translated as: ‘all the other birds, when tired, rest on a rock or a tree, but when a dove is tired, she draws in one of her wings and flies on with the other’ (see Placzek 1883 and Freedman and Simon eds. 1939, p. 317. Curly brackets in the contemporary translation represent square brackets in the ms.

To B. J. Placzek   [after 19 November 1880]1 [Down.] It appears to be impossible for a bird to use only one wing, without tumbling over and without losing its balance.2 Placzek 1883, p. 112 n. 1 2

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from B.  J.  Placzek, 19 November 1880. The letter fragment appears in a note to Placzek 1883, p. 112. See letter from B. J. Placzek, 19 November 1880 and n. 3.

From J. V. Carus   20 November 1880 Leipzig Nov. 20. 1880. My dear Sir, I am very sorry to be obliged to trouble you about a few sheets. In going on with the translation of your new book I came to a stoppage, as p. 145–208 are wanting.1 I am not quite sure, if I have got them shortly before or after my short absence from Leipzig in the end of September, or if I have not received them at all. They may be mislaid amongst the heaps of new litterature pouring in for the new Jahresbericht.2 So I beg your pardon very heartily, but ask you to have sent these four sheets once again. I received the conclusion with the Index this morning.

404

November 1880

I am delighted with the book, as it tells again a most wonderful lesson of methods of observation, patience and thought. The first Chapter will perhaps seem a little long to general readers, but I think it is one which ought to be read most carefully. With my best wishes for your health (I am almost stiff with a severe rheumatism in my right shoulder) believe me | My dear Sir, | Ever yours sincerely, | J. Victor Carus DAR 161: 114 1 2

CD had been sending the proof-sheets of Movement in plants for Carus to translate into German (see letter to J. V. Carus, 21 September 1880). Carus was the first editor of Zoologischer Jahresbericht, published by the Zoological Station, Naples (see Correspondence vol. 29, letter from Anton Dohrn, 18 February 1881).

To R. F. Cooke   20 November 1880 Down, Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Nov. 20th. 1880 My dear Sir The copies arrived all safe last night, & I like the appearance of the volume much.—1 I wonder who in the world has been glorifying me in the Times—: it ought to sell a few more copies & then I shall not lose.—2 But my object in writing now is to thank Mr. Murray very much for his very handsome present of the three beautiful volumes, which I am extremely glad to possess. If admiration makes a man worthy of possessing St. John’s book, I am worthy of it.— My old copy is all in tatters, as I have lent it to so many persons.3 The last person was Miss Balfour(, sister of A. Balfour M.P.) & she was as enthusiastic about the book, as I could have desired—4 Believe me, my dear Sir | Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin P.S Please send me here two more copies of my book for foreign Botanists Also a copy to Sir J. Lubbock Bart. at the Bank—Lombard St5 Please send soon— National Library of Scotland ( John Murray Archive) (Ms. 42152 ff. 380–1) 1 2

3

4 5

Movement in plants. An anonymous review of Movement in plants appeared in The Times, 20 November 1880, p. 9. CD was concerned that the costs of producing the book would not be recovered by sales (see letter to R. F. Cooke, 8 November [1880] and n. 2). John Murray sent three copies of a recent illustrated edition of Charles St John’s popular book, Sketches of the wild sports and natural history of the Highlands (St John 1878). CD’s copy of St John 1878 is in the Darwin Library–Down. He evidently also owned the original 1846 edition, which is cited in Expression, pp. 47–8 n. 19. Alice Blanche Balfour was Arthur James Balfour’s sister. John Lubbock was head of the banking firm Robarts, Lubbock & Co., at 15 Lombard Street, London. For CD’s presentation list for Movement in plants, see Appendix IV.

November 1880

405

To G. H. Darwin   20 November [1880]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Nov. 20th My dear George According to my memory the sleeping plant of fig. 149 was copied from photograph; but if more copies are struck off, I will look to the originals photographs.— I am almost certain that the sleeping leaf is 147.. So, as I thought, with 162.—2 I am very glad that you have been able to go on with ripple-marks, & I hope that you will publish the results.—3 How about ripples made by the wind, as is said to be the case.— If you make out theory of ripples they might give important information about some of the most ancient deposits. I grieve to hear about your astronomical difficulties;4 but I daresay some light will dawn on you; anyhow it has often done so before.— We have had Snow here for a week, whilst making drawings of Aunt Elizabeth’s house & rooms.—5 What damnable weather it has been. Farewell my poor dear old George. | Yours affectly | C. Darwin I have been wonderfully glorified in the Times & I marvel who could have written it—not a physiological Botanist.—6 Our dear old mother has been much better of late, owing to her freedom from wearing anxiety.— DAR 210.1: 98 1 2

3 4 5 6

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from G. H. Darwin, 19 November 1880. George had remarked that several illustrations in Movement in plants had been drawn from nature, and not from photographs, as stated in the captions (see letter from G. H. Darwin, 19 November 1880 and nn. 2 and 3). See letter from G. H. Darwin, 19 November 1880 and n 4. See letter from G. H. Darwin, 19 November 1880 and n. 6. Snow was Frances Julia Wedgwood. Elizabeth Wedgwood had died on 8 November 1880 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)); her house was advertised for sale in The Times, 4 June 1881, p. 15. A highly favourable review of Movement in plants appeared in The Times, 20 November 1880, p. 9.

From Anthony Rich   20 November [1880]1 Chappell Croft, | Heene, Worthing. Novr. 20. My dear Mr. Darwin When you read the postmark on the envelope of this letter, you will, I doubt not, guess that it comes to thank you at once for a copy of the “Movement of Plants” which Murray sent me yesterday.2 The meerest glance at its pages is sufficient to indicate the labour you must have had from first to last with such a book; and makes

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November 1880

me doubt whether my “empty little egg shell of a head” (to appropriate the Slade Professor’s effective definition of his pupil’s cranium)3 will be able to master all the special details of the volume; but I hope to make myself thoroughly acquainted with the main argument they are intended to support, and furnish additional proof of the truth of that grand theory upon which you have spent so many years of your life, and which is to render your name illustrious for generations.— I saw in the Papers some few weeks ago the death of Miss Wedgewood, at Downe, the lady I conclude about whom you wrote that Mrs. Darwin had had so much anxiety.4 Any thing which gives pain or grief to Mrs. Darwin would be a source of sorrow to me. To say more than that would be a sort of officious impertinence on my part.— A source of sorrow there was likewise in the account you gave of my “friend George” (if he will consent to accept that title). I had persuaded myself that a summer’s yachting with relaxation from labour either mental or bodily, would have procured him a sufficient stock of robust health to confront the coming winter with a bold face. The wish it seems must have been father to the thought.5 You say that he can not make up his mind exactly where to go for the winter months. Has he ever tried Rome? In my youth I spent six consecutive winters there, having caught a serious cold soon after leaving Cambridge, that from neglect or other causes and frequent relapses seemed determined to settle itself upon my lungs, and not to quit its hold until it had settled me. At the end of those years I returned home free from all delicacy in my chest and have remained sound in that respect ever since. I spent the summers as well as the winters in Italy, because the journey in those days to England and back was a long, trying, and expensive one, before railways were known, and steam carriage by water only in its infancy. But now for a traveller like him such a journey would be little more than a pleasant excursion.— I can read your writing without any difficulty; and accept your compliments upon mine with pleasure for the sake of my correspondents, who are, fortunately for them in other respects but few— Very truly yours, Anthony Rich DAR 176: 144 1 2 3

4 5

The year is established by the reference to Movement in plants, which was published in 1880. Movement in plants was published by John Murray; Rich’s name appears on CD’s presentation list for the book (see Appendix IV). The quotation is from a letter attributed to John Ruskin, who had been Slade Professor of art at Oxford; the letter was widely circulated in the press in November 1880, although Ruskin denied having written it (see Hamilton 1882, pp. 14–15). Elizabeth Wedgwood, Emma Darwin’s sister, had died on 8 November 1880 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). Her death was reported in The Times, 9 November 1880, p. 1. See letter from Anthony Rich, 4 June 1880. CD’s letter to Rich has not been found; on George Howard Darwin’s continuing health problems, see the letter from G. H. Darwin, 19 November 1880. George accompanied Frances Anna and William Thomson on their yacht (see letter from G. H. Darwin, 27 July 1880 and n. 3).

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407

From S. H. Haliburton   21 November [1880]1 Bridge House | Richmond | S.W. Novr 21st. Dear Charles Darwin (For I really cannot address you in any other way)2 Yesterday I read, in a leading Article of the Times, “Of all our living Men of Science, none have laboured longer, or to more splendid purpose than Mr Darwin”,3 & it recalled to my mind, your boyish assertion made many many years ago, that “if ever Eddowe’s Newspaper alluded to you, as “our deserving Fellow Townsman”, your ambition would have been amply gratified”—4 So you may believe with what sincere gratification, I see your fondest hopes, more than gratified, & realized— You have hosts of friends, but few older, or more sincere than myself, for you are associated with the happiest memories of my youth, & I have the most affectionate recollections of the name of Darwin, as connected with all that was good & pleasant— How my poor Father5 would have rejoiced in your “splendid success”, & I can fancy his carrying that Newspaper about, & reading it to every body!— It is a long time since I have heard any thing of you, but I hope you are tolerably well, as I see you are able to receive “Deputations”—6 Let me hope we may live to meet again, meanwhile believe me always | Your’s very affectionately | S. H. Haliburton DAR 99: 211–12 CD annotation Top of letter: ‘done’ ink 1 2 3 4

5 6

The year is established by the reference to the review of Movement in plants (see n. 3, below). Haliburton had addressed CD by his first name in their youth (see Correspondence vol. 1, letter from Sarah Owen, 18 February [1828]). Haliburton quotes the first sentence of the review of Movement in plants in The Times, 20 November 1880, p. 9. Eddowes’s Journal was a weekly newspaper published in Shrewsbury (North 1997, s.v. Salopian Journal and Courier of Wales). Haliburton had recalled the same ‘boyish assertion’ in her letter of 3 November [1872] (Correspondence vol. 20). William Mostyn Owen. CD had received a deputation from the Yorkshire Naturalists’ Union at Down on 3 November 1880 (see letter from W. C. Williamson, 17 November 1880); the visit was reported in The Times, 19 November 1880, p. 4.

From Daniel Mackintosh   21 November 1880 36 Whitford Road | Tranmere, | Birkenhead, 21st Nov. 1880. Dear Sir, I am much obliged by the receipt of your kind letter of the 13th. I admit I was writing rather carelessly when I spoke of earthquakes as a geological cause in my last letter.1

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November 1880

With regard to changes in the level of the sea, the existence of shelly beach deposits at between about 1,100 and 1350 f. in mountain districts at a considerable distance from each other (as for instance, the Wicklow hills, Moel Tryfan, S.  of Minera (Denbyshire) and above Macclesfield) would certainly seem to be better explained by the surface of the sea being higher than by the land being lower; but I have found it better not to complicate the subject by entering much into this question.2 I have not read of any geologist having noticed the shattered rocks under the drift of Moel Tryfan excepting yourself.3 I have seen them twice, at different levels in the new quarries, and you must have seen them in the old at a lower level. I look upon them as the most remarkable phenomon connected with Moel Tryfan, excepting the discovery of sea-shells. With many thanks, | I am Dear Sir, | Your obliged & faithful Servant, | D. Mackintosh. P.S. In the new or upper quarry sections, there is clear evidence of the floating ice having come from the N.W. or from the N. of Ireland. DAR 171: 11 1 2 3

See letter to Daniel Mackintosh, 13 November 1880. See letter to Daniel Mackintosh, 13 November 1880 and n. 3. Mackintosh cited CD’s paper on the drift deposits on Moel Tryfan (‘Ancient glaciers of Caernarvonshire’) in Mackintosh 1881, p. 352.

From A. R. Wallace   21 November 1880 Pen-y-bryn, St. Peter’s Road, | Croydon. Novr. 21st. 1880 My dear Darwin Many thanks for your new book containing your wonderful series of experiments & observations on the movements of plants.1 I have read the introduction and conclusion, which shows me the importance of the research as indicating the common basis of the infinitely varied habits and mode of growth of plants. The whole subject becomes thus much simplified, though the nature of the basic vitality which leads to such wonderful results remains as mysterious as ever. Yours very faithfully | Alfred R. Wallace Charles Darwin F. R. S. DAR 106: B149 1

Wallace’s name appears on the presentation list for Movement in plants (see Appendix IV).

From V. O. Kovalevsky   [after 21 November 1880]1 14 Jermyn Street St. James Dear Sir After nearly nine years absence I am again for a few days in London and should be very happy to see You for an hour or so.2 My life was not a very quiet one, but

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now I have settled in Moscow, where they proposed me the chair of Geology at the University.3 I have heard this Sunday from Mrs Huxley4 You are going well, have had a glance of Your new book5 and shall be glad to see You before leaving London, if possible Thursday. Yours truly | W. K〈owalevsky〉 DAR 169: 98 1

2

3 4 5

The year is established by the appointment of Kovalevsky at Moscow University (see n. 3, below); the day and month are established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to V. O. Kovalevsky, 25 November [1880]; in 1880, the Sunday before 25 November was 21 November. Kovalevsky may have visited Down on 29 November (letter from Emma Darwin to H. E. Litchfield, [28 November 1880] (DAR 219.9: 253)); he and his wife, Sofia Vasilyevna Kovalevskaya, later met CD for lunch at Queen Anne Street, London (see letter to G. H. Darwin, 9 December [1880]). Kovalevsky was appointed associate professor at Moscow University in 1880 (DSB). Henrietta Anne Huxley. Movement in plants.

From F. M. Balfour   [22 November 1880]1

Trinity College, | Cambridge. Monday

My dear Mr Darwin I have to thank you very much for a copy of your work on the movements of plants.2 I have as yet only read the introduction & the last chapter. To offer any praise of the work would be a form of gross impertinence on my part, but I may say that it has been to me a complete revelation— The remarkable nervous system without nerves, for I do not know what else to call it, the existence of wh you have proved, must have a most important bearing on speculations as to the origin of the nervous system in animals—3 One is almost led to wonder why a nervous system has become developed, when it is possible for so perfect a arrangement can exist without any corresponding structural differentiations Your’s very sincerely | F. M. Balfour DAR 160: 27 1 2 3

The date is established by the reference to Movement in plants; CD received his copies on 19 November 1880 (letter to R. F. Cooke, 20 November 1880). The Monday following 19 November 1880 was 22 November. Balfour’s name appears on the presentation list for Movement in plants (see Appendix IV). CD compared sensitivity and the transmission of movement in plants and animals, and likened the tip of the radical in plants to the brain of lower animals (see Movement in plants, pp. 572–3). See also letter to F. M. Balfour, 4 September 1880.

To J. V. Carus   22 November 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Nov. 22d/80 My dear Sir Your note has pleased me exceedingly, for I fully expected that you would find the book intolerably dull, though the result of much labour.—1

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November 1880

I have written for the missing sheets & they shall be despatched on arrival.— I am sure that they were sent to you, & you will some day discover them amongst your papers. As I remember that you like to keep a perfect copy of my books, I despatched one yesterday by the Post.—2 My dear Sir | Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin I am now at work on a very little book on Worms3 Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin – Preußischer Kulturbesitz (Slg. Darmstaedter Lc 1859: Darwin, Charles, Bl. 183–184) 1 2 3

See letter from J. V. Carus, 20 November 1880. Carus had been receiving proof-sheets of Movement in plants to complete his German translation. Carus’s name appears on CD’s presentation list for Movement in plants (see Appendix IV). Earthworms.

From W. E. Darwin   22 November [1880]1

Bank Nov 22

My dear Father, Thank you for the copy of your book.2 I am much interested in reading a good deal of it; it almost makes one dizzy to think of the enormous labour of so many observations. I was delighted to see the article in the Times.3 What a wonderful sign of change of feeling that the old Times dares to write such an article without a sneer or a smile of pity. It was really interesting and explained well I thought to the world in general the drift of your work—and it certainly is a compliment to have not merely a notice but an article. I hope soon to go over to Beaulieu to get some worm castings,4 but the days are very short, & it is difficult to catch a fine day on which I can get away early enough. My gardiner5 is an odd mixture of theory & sense; he has a great reverence for worms and calls them “our civil engineers”. I promised to tell Frank6 that he says that in order to make a shoot bend in any direction he only plucks off a few leaves on that side and he says the sunlight playing on the stem bends it over. Goodbye dear Father   I hope Mother is well. it is very jolly to think of Christmas being so near | Your affect son | W. E Darwin Cornford Family Papers (DAR 275: 83) CD annotation 4.2 I promised … side 4.4] double scored red crayon, ‘I remember analogous case’ blue crayon 1 2 3 4 5 6

The year is established by the allusion to Movement in plants (see n. 3, below). William’s name appears on CD’s presentation list for Movement in plants (see Appendix IV). A highly favourable review of Movement in plants appeared in The Times, 20 November 1880, p. 9. Beaulieu Abbey was in Hampshire; see letters to W. E. Darwin, 18 June 1880 and 10 September [1880]. William’s gardener has not been identified. Francis Darwin.

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To S. H. Haliburton   22 November 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Nov. 22d 1880 My dear Sarah. You see how audaciously I begin; but I have always loved & shall ever love this name.—1 Your letter has done more than please me, for its kindness has touched my heart. I often think of old days & of the delight of my visits to Woodhouse & of the deep debt of gratitude which I owe to your Father.2 It was very good of you to write. I had quite forgotten my old ambition about the Shrewsbury newspaper; but I remember the pride which I felt when I saw in a book about beetles the impressive words “captured by C. Darwin”.3 Captured sounded so grand compared with caught. This seemed to me glory enough for any man! I do not know in the least what made the Times glorify me, for it has sometimes pitched into me ferociously.4 I should very much like to see you again; but you would find a visit here very dull, for we feel very old & have no amusements & lead a solitary life. But we intend in a few weeks to spend a few days in London;5 & then if you have anything else to do in London you would perhaps come & lunch with us. Believe me my dear Sarah | Yours gratefully & affectionately | Charles Darwin My health is better than it was & I am able to do daily a good deal of work, but 24 hrs never pass without some discomfort, & I am easily tired. Nevertheless there is much to make me happy & life is still an enjoyment.— DAR 185: 24 1 2 3

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See letter from S. H. Haliburton, 21 November [1880] and n. 2. Haliburton’s father, William Mostyn Owen, was the squire of Woodhouse in Shropshire; on CD’s friendship with Mostyn Owen, see Correspondence vol. 2, letter from William Owen Sr, 21 November 1838). The Shrewsbury newspaper was Eddowes’s Journal (see letter from S. H. Haliburton, 21  November [1880] and n. 4). On CD’s beetle specimen, see ‘Recollections’, p. 379, and Correspondence vol. 1, letter to W. D. Fox, [15 July 1829] and n. 1; the publication in which CD’s name appeared was J. F. Stephens 1828–46 (Illustrations of British entomology). Haliburton had read the review of Movement in plants in The Times, 20 November 1880, p. 9. A highly critical review of Descent had appeared in The Times, 7 April 1871, p. 3, and 8 April 1871, p. 5; see Correspondence vol. 19, letter to John Murray, 13 April [1871]. CD stayed at Erasmus Alvey Darwin’s house in London from 7 to 11 December 1880 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)).

From J. D. Hooker   22 November 1880

Royal Gardens Kew Nov. 22/80

Dear old Darwin I must just thank you for the “Movements”, which seems a most capital production, & I am so pleased to see Franks name associated with your’s in it—1 I have read only two chapters, vii & viii. & they are splendid, but I hate the zigzags.!—2 Bauhinia leaf closing is a curious case; does it not show that said leaf consists of two leaflets?—3

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The fact that for good action the leaves want a good illumination during the preceding day is very suggestive of experiments with the electric light. They are like the new paint that only shines by night after sun-light by day.4 There are heaps of points I should like to know more about. Dyer & Baker are taken aback by the keel of the Cucurbita seed;—which keel was a wonderful discovery in Welwitschia!!!5 I have had no time to read more than the 2 chapters as yet, for I have a stock of half read books on hand & no time for any of them. I am only 23 through Wallace;6 it is splendid— what a number of cobwebs he has swept away.— that such a man should be a Spiritualist is more wonderful than all the movements of all the plants.7 He has done great things towards the explanation of the N.  Zeald Flora & Australian, but marred it by assuming a preexistent S.W. Australian Flora—8 I am sure that the Australian Flora is very modern in the main; & that the S.W. peculiarities are exaggerations due to long isolation during the severance of the West from the East by the inland sea or straits that occupied the continent from Carpentaria to the Gt. Bight. I live in hopes of showing by an analysis (botanical) of the Australian types, that they are all derived from the Asiatic continent.—9 Meanwhile I have no chance of tackling problems— I must grind away at the Garden, the Bot. Mag & Indian Flora, which I cannot afford to give up, & Gen. Plant. which alone I delight in.10 I am at Palms, a most difficult task: but sometimes weeks elapse & not a stroke of work done! I am getting very weary of “working for a living”, & am beginning to covet rest & leisure in a way I never did before; but I must first look out for the education of three sons,—all hopeful I am glad to say, but one still an infant!11 The Grays will be back in a fortnight, they have changed their plans & will spend 2 or 3 winter months here & then go abroad (with us) for the spring.12 They will go into lodgings in Kew. We contemplate getting out a paper or book on the distribution of U.S. plants together (as one of Hayden’s Reports.)13 Have you read Pagets Lecture on plant diseases?14 it is very suggestive & a wonderful specimen of style aiding in giving great importance to possibly very superficial resemblances between animal & vegetable malformations: still there must be a great deal in the subject to be investigated. I suppose we should get “Nobbe’s Handbuch der Samenkunde”.—15 is it an expensive work— our funds for purchase are rather short— but if inexpensive book I will order it at once Ever affy Yrs | J D Hooker Paget has started the idea of a Vegetable Pathologist for Kew & I have asked him to corkscrew Gladstone16 about it.— We were very sorry to see Miss Wedgwoods death in the paper— I fear that Mrs Darwin will feel it a great deal.17 DAR 104: 142–5 CD annotations 9.1 I suppose … at once 9.3] scored red crayon and pencil; ‘Answer’ red crayon

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End of letter: ‘what wd you use for zig-zag | The account of cutting off tip | Last chapter’ pencil del ink 1 2 3

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Hooker’s name appears on CD’s presentation list for Movement in plants (see Appendix IV). The words ‘assisted by Francis Darwin’ appear below CD’s name on the title page of the book. Movement in plants contained numerous diagrams showing circumnutation over time; CD described many of the patterns as ‘zigzag’ (see, for example, ibid., p. 71). In Movement in plants, pp. 373–4, CD described the two halves of each leaf of Bauhinia rising up and closing completely at night, ‘like the opposite leaflets of many Leguminosae’. While in Germany, Francis had observed Bauhinia richardiana, reporting: ‘2 large leaflets drop’ (see Correspondence vol. 26, letter from Francis Darwin, [12 July 1878]). CD remarked that in some genera it was indispensable that leaves be well illuminated during the day in order that they should assume a vertical position at night (see Movement in plants, pp. 318–19). On the new luminous paint, see the Chemical Gazette, 17 December 1880, p. 302. William Turner Thiselton-Dyer and John Gilbert Baker. In Movement in plants, pp. 102–6, CD described the development of a heel or peg on the summit of the radicle that aided in opening the seed-coats in species of Cucurbitaceae, the cucumber family. On a similar structure in Welwitschia, see Bower 1881, pp. 27–8 (see also letter from W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, [after 23 November 1880]). Alfred Russel Wallace’s new book, Island life, was dedicated to Hooker (Wallace 1880a). Hooker had been highly critical of Wallace’s spiritualism; see Correspondence vol. 24, letter from J. D. Hooker, [24 September 1876], and Correspondence vol. 27, letter from J. D. Hooker, 18 December 1879. Wallace remarked that parts of south-western Australia were especially rich in ‘purely Australian types’ of flora, and concluded that it was a ‘remnant of the more extensive and more isolated portion of the continent in which the peculiar Australian flora was principally developed’ (see Wallace 1880a, pp. 463–4). Hooker had written an essay on the flora of Australia and Tasmania ( J. D. Hooker 1859); however, he never published another major work on the subject. Hooker was the director of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, editor of Curtis’s Botanical Magazine, and had been engaged for many years in the multi-volume works The flora of British India ( J. D. Hooker 1872–97) and Genera plantarum (Bentham and Hooker 1862–83). Hooker’s three youngest sons were Brian Harvey Hodgson Hooker, Reginald Hawthorn Hooker, and Joseph Symonds Hooker. Hooker and his wife, Hyacinth Hooker, had planned to join Asa Gray and his wife, Jane Loring Gray, in Italy in December (see letter from J. D. Hooker, 24 September 1880 and n. 2). J. D. Hooker and Gray 1880 was published in the Bulletin of the United States Geological and Geographical Survey, edited by Ferdinand Vandeveer Hayden. CD had received a copy of James Paget’s lecture (Paget 1880; see letter to James Paget, 14 November 1880). In Movement in plants, p. 105 n., CD had referred to Friedrich Nobbe’s Handbuch der Samenkunde (Handbook of seed science; Nobbe 1876). William Ewart Gladstone was the prime minister. Elizabeth Wedgwood, Emma Darwin’s sister, had died on 8 November 1880 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). Her death was reported in The Times, 9 November 1880, p. 1.

From O. A. Ainslie   23 November 1880 48— Lincolns Inn Fields— Novr. 23d 1880— Private My 〈de〉ar Dr Darwin I observe with s〈ome〉 regret, that a relative of Mrs Darwin, has passed 〈a〉way—1 I suppose, that she was the recent proprietor of Tromer Lodge—formerly called Pond House— My lamented Father—the Revd. Robert Ainslie—visited Down, & had 〈an

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in〉terview with Miss Wed〈g〉wood—when he was re〈ctor〉 at Roundhill Crescen〈t,〉 Brighton—& some few years or so—2 I b〈elieve〉—befo〈re〉 his illness—which ultimately obliged him to give up his p〈   〉 work— Now, I u〈ndersto〉od then, & have a〈lwa〉ys understood, that 〈the〉 transfer of Tro〈m〉er Lodge to the Purchasers, was in opposition to a higher offer, which was made at the Auction Mart— This of co〈u〉rse rests as it is— My Father had not funds to appeal. 〈    〉 there were some 〈p〉ieces of Basso Relievo 〈le〉ft in the Drawing 〈Ro〉om & I suppose still the〈re〉, which he laid a 〈cla〉im to on the occasion of his visit 〈to〉 Miss Wedgewood. If one of his creditors, who was the principal, who led him into his 〈dif〉ficulties, which he so nob〈ly con〉tended with, had 〈    〉 a few years ea〈rlier〉 〈  〉tle and I would 〈    〉 have 〈    〉 our fa〈ther’s〉 〈 〉me” 〈h〉ouse.”— He die〈d,〉 I c〈onsider, a victim to 〈his〉 generosity, & the negl〈ect〉 of th〈e〉 Public to a 〈   〉 Man—who if he had n〈ot〉 had a considerable 〈pri〉vate property woul〈d〉 not have died so 〈    〉 as he did— 〈2 or 3 words〉 in writing 〈2 or 3 words〉 whom I we〈ll〉 remember, as a Boy myself,—& who was once an acquaintance & 〈on f〉riendly terms with m〈y fa〉ther— is to request t〈hat, i〉n the event of Tr〈omer〉 Lodge bei〈ng〉 again in 〈the〉 market, I may ha〈ve the e〉arliest intim〈atio〉n of the fact, thro〈ugh so〉me member of you〈r or〉 your wife’s famil〈y o〉r 〈in the〉 possible event of 〈y〉our 〈    〉 to be lamented decease. 〈    〉 also to ask you to 〈k〉indly inform me—〈(pri〉vately) whether the 〈1 or 2 words〉 old deeds of the 〈    〉 〈  〉ve been transferred 〈2 or 3 words〉 (as I believe) Possessor3 With the greatest 〈2 or 3 words〉 the honour 〈     〉 〈Da〉rwin Yrs mo〈st〉 〈    〉 Ainslie Dr Charles Darwin— F〈RS〉 DAR 159: 11a (fragile) 1 2

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Elizabeth Wedgwood had died on 8 November 1880 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). Robert Ainslie was a Methodist minister who had lived in Down at Pond House (later Tromer Lodge) from 1845 to 1858 (see Correspondence vol. 7, letter to W. E. Darwin, 14 [May 1858] and n. 5). The house was sold by Ainslie in 1862 and purchased by Elizabeth Wedgwood in 1868 (see Correspondence vol. 10, letter to J. B. Innes, 22 December [1862], and Emma Darwin (1904) 2: 218–19). Tromer Lodge was renamed ‘Tower House’ and advertised for sale in The Times, 4 June 1881, p. 15. When the house was sold on 13 August 1881, a new title was created with the following stipulation: ‘the purchaser shall not require the production of or investigate or make any requisition or objection in respect of the prior title whether the same shall appear to be in the vendor’s possession or power or not’ (London Borough of Bromley Archives, sale particulars collection, 1200/258).

From Alphonse de Candolle1   23 November 1880 Genève 23 nov. 1880. Mon cher Monsieur Je m’empresse de vous remercier de votre nouveau volume sur les Mouvements des plantes. Il me parait d’un grand intéret. Je me réjouis de le lire, et mon fils qui s’est occupé du sujet en profitera encore mieux. Asa Gray, dans son petit ouvrage

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destiné aux théologiens, avait insisté d’une manière qui m’avait étonné sur l’absence de limite claire entre les deux règnes.2 Vous donnez des faits bien curieux à l’appui. Je ne lis jamais un ouvrage de vous sans penser au plaisir que mon père3 en aurait éprouvé s’il avait vecu plus longtemps, car il était bien de ces savants dont nous parlions qui aimaient les choses nouvelles et originales, même contraires à ce qu’ils avaient admis dans leur jeunesse. Comme les ruisseaux doivent couler dans les fleuves, je veux vous raconter un fait qui confirme ce que vous avez dit sur les hybrides (Animals and plants under domestication 2 p. 44). Il m’a été donné par Mr Ed. Bertrand, zèlé apiculteur, qui publie l’Apiculteur de la Suisse romande.4 Je l’avais questionné sur les effets des piqûres d’abeilles et il me dit, entre autres choses: “Ce sont surtout les abeilles croisées (appelées hybrides ou métisses) qui nous piquent. Le croisement le plus commun est celui de l’abeille jaune ou italienne avec l’abeille noire ou commune. Je recois 50  piqûres d’une ruche croisée pour 10 d’une noire ou 1 d’une italienne pure. C’est à peu près la proportion. Les races carniolienne, italienne et assure-t-on caucasienne (celle-ci surtout) sont plus douces avec les hommes que la race commune. Mais un mélange de sang les rend toutes beaucoup plus méchantes. Il en est de même chez les mulets, et les bardots, avec cette différence que les croisés abeilles sont féconds. Cette méchanceté des hybrides est universellement admise, comme un fait général comportant des exceptions; elles sont excellentes comme butineuses” Je n’ai pas eu le temps d’expliquer à Monsieur votre fils un procède graphique dont je me suis servi pour representer les faits d’hérédité. Il faudra que je vous soumette une fois un dessin. Pour le moment je suis occupé d’une seconde rédaction du chapitre de ma Géographie botanique sur l’origine des plantes cultivées, qui fera un petit volume in -8o. Les faits découverts depuis 1855 ne font absolument que confirmer, soit les assertions soit les doutes, de mon premier travail. C’est satisfaisant dans un sens, mai peu amusant à exposer.5 Mes compliments, je vous prie, à Madame Darwin, et à Mr Francis6 et croyez moi toujours, mon cher Monsieur, | votre très dévoué | Alph. de Candolle DAR 161: 26 1 2

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For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. Candolle’s name is on the presentation list for Movement in plants (see Appendix IV). Candolle’s son, Casimir de Candolle, had published on movements of Dionaea muscipula (Venus fly trap) and winding tendrils (C. de Candolle 1876 and 1877). For Asa Gray’s comments on the vegetable and animal kingdoms, including chlorophyll in animals and insectivorous plants, see Natural science and religion (A. Gray 1880, pp. 10–19). Candolle’s father was Augustin Pyramus de Candolle. In Variation 2: 44, CD discussed reversion from crossing, citing hens produced from a cross of nonsitting breeds that recovered the instinct to sit on eggs. Edouard Bertrand edited Bulletin d’apiculture pour la Suisse romande from its first publication in 1879 (Crane 1999, p. 456). See A. de Candolle 1855, 2: 809–993; the revised version was Origine des plantes cultivées (The origin of cultivated plants; A. de Candolle 1883). Francis Darwin.

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To G. H. Darwin   23 November [1880]1 [Down.] My dear George— I am extremely glad about the ripples; but you do not explain how they form long, continuous lines. Do they start on any little projection, & do your eddies, acting laterally carry them on transversely to the stream.2 I cannot remember having seen drift snow rippled. I think that rippled sand has been seen at 20 fathoms depth, where the water was very clear near the Channel Islds— I daresay your visualising is correct—anyhow my memory now-a-days is worth nothing & I ought not to have trusted to it— If I have 12 hr. to spare I will look to photographs.—3 I heard from old Anthony Rich the other day & he says that “my friend, George, if he will permit me to call him so”, ought to spend the winter in Rome, as he found it did his health such wonderful good.—4 I am delighted to hear that light is dawning on the Planetary system in your eyes.— How goes on the Pendulum.—5 Good night my dear George | C. D.— Nov 23d. DAR 210.1: 99 1 2 3 4 5

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from G. H. Darwin, 19 November 1880. CD had asked for details about George’s ripple theory in his letter of 20 November [1880]; George’s reply has not been found. See letter from G. H. Darwin, 19 November 1880 and nn. 2 and 3. George had queried the source of some of the woodcuts in Movement in plants. Rich wrote ‘my “friend George” (if he will consent to accept that title)’ (see letter from Anthony Rich, 20 November [1880]). George and Horace Darwin were constructing a pendulum to measure the lunar disturbance of gravity (G. H. Darwin 1907–16, 5: l; see letter from G. H. Darwin, 27 July 1880 and n. 3).

To W. E. Darwin   23 [November 1880]1 Down, Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. 23rd (Nov. 1880.). My dear old W. Your note has pleased me much.2 I write in hurry to catch post, as I have just remembered that you have an Acacia (Robinia pseudo-acacia) in your garden, and probably there are others in Rogers’ garden.3 I hear that worms draw the petiole of the leaves into the mouth of their borrows, thus

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I want much to know whether they draw them in by blunt base or by apex—and whichever end is drawn in, whether this is uniformly done. It is rather late for this work, but I daresay you could find old tufts, and if pulled carefully up you could soon see which end has been drawn in. In a very few days I shall know better whether it would be important to me to have castings from Beaulieu.4 Have had very buttery letters from Hooker and Dyer about Book. The publication will not cost me quite so much as I expected. Murray has sold 800  copies. The Times ought to help.5 Good bye my dear old fellow | C. Darwin. Read only last Chapt. of my book.6 Copy DAR 153: 137 1 2 3

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The year and month are established by the references to the publication of Movement in plants (see n. 5, below). See letter from W. E. Darwin, 22 November [1880]. William Henry Rogers ran Red Lodge nursery in Southampton. For the observations made in February 1881 of petioles of Robinia pseudoacacia (black locust or false acacia) extracted from worm burrows, see Earthworms, pp. 81–2. In 1877, CD and William had made observations of the movements of the leaves of this tree in William’s garden; see Correspondence vol. 25, letter from W. E. Darwin, [24 August 1877]. CD had written that he might need William to acquire more worm-castings from Beaulieu Abbey, Hampshire; see letter to W. E. Darwin, 10 September [1880]. For Joseph Dalton Hooker’s receiving of Movement in plants, see the letter from J. D. Hooker, 22 November 1880; William Turner Thiselton-Dyer’s letter has not been found, but see the letter to W. T. ThiseltonDyer, 23 November [1880]. CD had agreed to cover any losses from the sale of Movement in plants and was expecting to lose £50 if all 1000 copies sold; see letters from R. F. Cooke, 4 November 1880 and 10 November 1880. John Murray was CD’s publisher. A review of Movement in plants appeared in The Times, 20 November 1880, p. 9. The last chapter of Movement in plants, pp. 546–73, was titled ‘Summary and concluding remarks’.

To J. D. Hooker   23 November 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Nov. 23d/80 My dear Hooker Your note has pleased me much; for I did not expect that you would have had time to read any of it.—1 Read the last chapt. & you will know whole result, but without the evidence. The case, however, of radicles bending after exposure for an hour to geotropism, with their tips (or brains) cut off is, I think worth your reading (bottom of p. 525); it astounded me. The next most remarkable fact, as it appears to me (p. 148) is the discrimination by the tip of the radicle between a slightly harder & softer objects affixed on opposite sides of tip. But I will bother you no more about my book.— The sensitiveness of seedlings to light is marvellous.—2 I have read Wallace with the greatest interest & admire it extremely; but I cannot swallow or digest all his conclusion;3 perhaps my brain-digestion is weak from old age. I can hardly credit that the opening of one or two N. & S. sea-channels across

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Europe & Asia wd. warm Arctic regions enough for them to support such organisms as they formerly supported. It stumps me to believe that northern plants travelled down Andes to Fuegia,—thence to the supposed Antarctic continent, &c thence by insular halting places to S. Australia & (I think to) C. of Good Hope. That they shd.  have been subjected to such a series of changes & retained the same specific character is to me almost incredible.4 But what I most object to is that seeds have been blown from one mountain-summit to another distant one. Wallace argues from dispersal to oceanic islands; but in this case we have sea-currents, & birds with dirt on feet & base of beak & seeds in stomach.5 No bird wd fly directly from the tops of the Alps to the tops of the Pyrenees, & fancy seeds being often thus blown & not merely to the tops, but to where a debacle had recently occurred. I still remain convinced that when same species inhabits distant mountain-summits, they must formerly have inhabited intermediate low-lands,—6 Though Wallace argues very well against several former glacial periods & almost convinced me, I feel inclined to admit them, as the sole means of explaining the temperate forms at the C. of Good Hope. How I wish you had time to take up this great subject again. It pleased me to see how well Wallace appreciates your work.—7 I feel inclined to abide by view where oceans now extend, they have always (ie since Silurian times) nearly extended, & so with continents; but it is an awfully perplexing subject.— I was delighted with Pagets Essay;8 I hear that he has occasionally attended to this subject from his youth. I thought he made too much of the symmetry of decay in leaves.— I am very glad he has called attention to galls— this has always seemed to me a profoundly interesting subject; & if I had been younger would take it up.—9 By Jove his essay will have borne good fruit if it gives you a pathologist.—10 Frank shall answer about Nobbe, when he comes home.—11 What word could I use for zig-zag which you hate so much?12 With hearty thanks | farewell my dear Hooker. | Yours ever | Ch. Darwin Reading this over again I do not think I have expressed strong enough admiration of Wallace’s book.— His weakness is want of sound judgment, as it appears to me,— videlicet Spiruatilism.—13 DAR 95: 496–9 1 2 3 4

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Hooker had commented on Movement in plants in his letter of 22 November 1880. See letter from J. D. Hooker, 22 November 1880 and n. 4. CD had sent Alfred Russel Wallace notes on his new book, Island life (Wallace 1880a; see letter to A. R. Wallace, 3 November 1880 and enclosure. On the existence of large inland seas and their warming effects, see Wallace 1880a, pp. 82, 92–4, 504; on the importance of mountain chains as a means of migration for plants from the northern to the southern hemisphere, see ibid., pp. 480–91. See also letter from A. R. Wallace, 8 November 1880. On wind as a means of seed dispersal, see Wallace 1880a, pp. 248–9. See also letter from A. R. Wallace, 8 November 1880 and n. 7. For CD’s theory of migration across lowlands, see Origin 6th ed., pp. 338–40. Wallace’s book was dedicated to Hooker and cited Hooker’s work on geographical distribution (especially J. D. Hooker 1859) throughout. Hooker had praised James Paget’s lecture (Paget 1880; see letter from J. D. Hooker, 22 November 1880. For CD’s comments on the lecture, see the letter to James Paget, 14 November 1880.

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On symmetry of decay in leaves, see Paget 1880, pp. 611–12; on galls, ibid., pp. 649–51; for CD’s interest in galls, see the letter to James Paget, 14 November 1880 and n. 6. Hooker had mentioned the possibility of appointing a vegetable pathologist at the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (see letter from J. D. Hooker, 22 November 1880). Francis Darwin was in Cambridge (letter from Francis Darwin, [11 or 12 November 1880]). Hooker was interested in purchasing a copy of Nobbe 1876 (see letter from J. D. Hooker, 22 November 1880 and n. 15). See letter from J. D. Hooker, 22 November 1880 and n. 2. Videlicet: to wit, namely (Latin). See letter from J. D. Hooker, 22 November 1880 and n. 7.

From Frederick McDermott   23 November 1880 Common Room, | Middle Temple. E.C. 23rd Nov 80. Sir, The reason of my intrusion—which I trust you will pardon—is this. I have a great desire to read your books—the more so after finding (in his Life written by his wife) that Charles Kingsley strongly recommended them1—but I am a busy man & not at all a clever man, and if I am to have pleasure in reading your books I must feel that at the end I shall not have lost my faith in the New Testament. My reason in writing to you therefore is to ask you to give me a Yes or No to the question Do you believe in the New Testament. If you could answer me Yes I should most gladly enter upon the study of your wonderful books but without that assurance I fear my brain is not fine enough to argue out doubts which might be suggested by your works, but if I can say that the author of these doctrines believes as I do that Christ was the Son of God, I can say it is only in matters of detail that Mr Darwin differs from Charles Kingsley and I may read with full pleasure of all the wonders of nature which he has collected. If you will write on the back of this page Yes or No you will be doing a real kindness which I will certainly not abuse by sending a paragraph to the theological papers headed “Mr Darwin on the New Testament” yours truly | Fredrk McDermott. DAR 201: 22 1

Frances Eliza Kingsley’s memoir of Charles Kingsley included letters that expressed enthusiasm for CD’s work (see Kingsley ed. 1877, 2: 135–6, 171–3, 247–50). See also Correspondence vol. 7, letter from Charles Kingsley, 18 November 1859.

From Samuel Newington   23 November 1880 Ticehurst. 23 Novr 1880. d

My dear Sir I have read the critique in the Times of your book on the “Movement of Plants”.1 I think it might have been more scientific. I perceive it refers to the sensibility of

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the radicles. I was just writing an article for one of the Hort. papers.2 I think I have proved that heat is generated by the exudation of oxygen from the bark of the peripheral roots, (& probably from that of all roots) by the combination of oxygen with carbonaceous matter. I think I have also proved that there is an electrical action always going on from the leaves to the rootlets. the air being positive & the earth negative. I have not yet worked out a sympathetic system on which these currents act, but since the sap is never in a quiescent state I have presumed it is kept moving by the electric forces passing from the air through the leaves to the roots. I have such a short time in the morning to work out my favorite studies but I have not yet been to get up the article for publication.3 It is very evident that Zoophites have the property of secreting gastric juice to render soluble albuminous matters.4 There is still a large field of discovery left, I suppose you are aware that the step in walking or running is synchronous with the pulse, or rather the pulse with the step. & however fast a person runs the action of the heart commences at the same moment. This is no doubt due to the whole mass of blood being lifted up by the movement of the body, the valves of the heart & vessels preventing the return of the blood, the intention being to supply oxygen in the same ratio for the disintegration of nervous & muscular tissues, it is a discovery I made some years since when I passed it on to my old friend, Sir J Hirshcell, from whom I received a letter corroborating my views, since then I have made accurate experiments with the Sphygmograph & proved my views correct.5 You may recollect the grapes I sent you, last season I cut off the vine which I believed caused the berries to assume their normal shape & allowed the Madresfield Court to grow about four times the size of the Black Hamburgh. & by this means the former overcame the established type, & the berries were those of the Madresfield Court. & splendid berries they were, I grow them in large tubs & do not water them for six weeks before they are ripe, & thus prevent splitting.6 believe me Yours very truly | Samuel Newington DAR 172: 37 1 2

3 4

5

6

A review of Movement in plants appeared in The Times, 20 November 1880, p. 9. The article has not been found. In his letter of 2 September 1875 (Correspondence vol. 23), Newington mentioned having written articles on the exudation of carbonic acid in solution from the rootlets of plants and the exudation of oxygen in solution, neither of which have been found. Newington was superintendent of the mental hospital at Ticehurst House, Sussex. The term zoophyte generally referred to any animal that superficially resembled a plant, including those now classified within the phyla Cnidaria (corals, sea anemones, true jellyfish, etc.) and Ctenophora (comb jellies); see, for example, Grant 1834. Newington had sent CD the letter from John Frederick William Herschel corroborating his views on pulse and step in 1875; see Correspondence vol. 23, letter to Samuel Newington, 17 September 1875. Herschel’s letter has not been found. In 1875, Newington had described and said he would send grapes from grafted vines of Black Hamburgh and Madresfield, varieties of Vitis vinifera (wine grape); see Correspondence vol. 23, letter from Samuel Newington, 2 September 1875.

November 1880

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To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   23 November [1880]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Nov. 23d My dear Dyer Very many thanks for your most kind note, but you think too highly of our work, not but what this is very pleasant.—2 I am deeply interested about Welwitschia. When at work on the pegs or projections, I could not imagine how they were first developed before they could have been of mere mechanical use.3 Now it seems possible that a circle between radicle & hypocotyl may be permeable to fluids & thus have given rise to projections so as to expose larger surface. Could you test Welwitschia with permanganate of potassium, if like my “pegs” the lower surface wd be coloured brown like radicle & upper surface left white like hypocotyl.—4 If such an idea, as yours of absorbing organ had ever crossed my mind, I wd have tried my hypocotyls in weak C.  of Ammonia to see if it penetrated on line of junction more easily than elsewhere.— I daresay projection in Abronia & Mirabilis may be an absorbant organ.5 It was very good fun bothering the seeds of Cucurbita by planting them edgeways, as would never naturally occur & then the peg could not act properly.6 Many of the Germans are very contemptuous about making out use of organs; but they may sneer the souls out of their bodies, & I for one shall think it the most interesting part of Natural History. Indeed, you are greatly mistaken if you doubt for one moment on the very great value of your constant & most kind assistance to us. I have not seen the pamphlet & shall be very glad to keep it.7 Frank,8 when he comes home will be much interested & pleased with your letter—. Pray give my kindest remembrances to Mrs Dyer.9 Ever yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin This is very untidy note, but I am very tired with dissecting worms all day.— Read last Chapter of our Book & then you will know whole contents.— P.S. | When next you walk in garden look under any tree on bare ground or on poor turf of Robinia pseudo-acacia for me,—& see if worms have drawn the petioles of leaves into mouths of burrows.10

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I want to know whether they uniformly or almost uniformly draw them in by basal, blunt end or by apex. I do not suppose that they are now at work, but by pulling up any old tuft you wd easily see which end of petiole was within mouth of burrow.— My whole soul is absorbed with worms just at present! Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Darwin: Letters to Thiselton-Dyer, 1873–81: ff. 209–11) 1 2 3

4

5

6 7 8 9 10

The year is established by the reference to Movement in plants. The letter from Thiselton-Dyer has not been found; it contained remarks on Movement in plants (see letter to W. E. Darwin, 23 [November 1880]). In Movement in plants, pp. 102–6, CD had discussed the role of the heel or peg in opening the seed-coats in species of Cucurbitaceae and several other plants; Joseph Dalton Hooker had mentioned ThiseltonDyer’s interest in this point (see letter from J. D. Hooker, 22 November 1880 and n. 5). CD had applied permanganate of potassium to the petioles in Megarrhiza californica, and to the peg in Cucurbita ovifera, noting that these organs were stained brown like the radicle, suggesting that they acted functionally like a root (see Movement in plants, pp. 81, 102–4). CD had described the heel at the base of the hypocotyl in Abronia umbellata (sand verbena) in Movement in plants, pp. 105–6; on a similar structure in Welwitschia mirabilis, see the letter from J. D. Hooker, 22 November 1880 and n. 5. See Movement in plants, pp. 103–4. Bower 1881 (see letter from W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, [after 23 November 1880], n. 2). Francis Darwin. Harriet Anne Thiselton-Dyer. CD reported on the manner in which leaves of Robinia pseudoacacia (black locust or false acacia) were drawn into worm burrows in Earthworms, pp. 81–2.

From W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   [after 23 November 1880]1 monocotyledons. When you say that the peg in Abronia is absorbent I suspect you mean in a different sense to what I do. Bower’s paper will come out in the January Q. J. M. S.2 I have been looking at worm-burrows here and it seems to me that in the case of Robinia either end of petiole is drawn in indifferently   But I have been only able to look at their behaviour on grass. It may be that the mechanical difficulties prevent their exercising the choice they might do on bare ground3 Believe me | yours sincerely | W. T. Thiselton Dyer Incomplete DAR 178: 105 CD annotation 1.1 monocotyledons … M. S. 1.3] crossed ink 1 2

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 23 November [1880]. In his letter to Thiselton-Dyer of 23 November [1880], CD had expressed an interest in ThiseltonDyer’s comments about Welwitschia from a now missing letter; CD had thought that the pegs or

November 1880

3

423

projections in the seedlings of Abronia (sand verbena) and W. mirabilis might be absorbent organs. Thiselton-Dyer used the term ‘absorbing organ’ in the typical botanical sense, i.e. the sense in which roots absorb water or leaves absorb sunlight (active absorption). CD clearly means it in the sense of staining (passive absorption), since he refers to trying potassium permanganate (KMnO4) on the peg; see ibid. and n. 4. Frederick Orpen Bower’s paper ‘On the germination and histology of the seedling of Welwitschia mirabilis’ (Bower 1881) was published in the Quarterly Journal of Microscopical Science in January 1881. CD had asked Thiselton-Dyer to observe whether worms drew the petioles of leaves of Robinia pseudoacacia (black locust or false acacia) into the mouths of their burrows, and, if they did so, by which end, the apex or base; see letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 23 November [1880].

To Frederick McDermott   24 November 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Nov. 24th 1880 Private Dear Sir I am sorry to have to inform you that I do not believe in the Bible as a divine revelation, & therefore not in Jesus Christ as the son of God.1 Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin Bonhams, New York (dealers) (21 September 2015) 1

In his letter of 23 November 1880, McDermott had asked whether CD believed in the New Testament.

From Raphael Meldola   24 November 1880 Offices | 50, Old Broad Street. | E.C. | Atlas Works, | Hackney Wick, | London, E. Nov. 24th. 1880 My dear Mr. Darwin, I must beg you to excuse the trouble I am about to put you to in asking your kind assistance in a small matter connected with Part II of Weismann’s “Studies”.1 I really feel bound in the first place, however, to offer you some explanation of the great delay which has occurred in the appearance of this work. Owing to the very small amount of my leisure time I took up the work in the first place with the idea of acting chiefly as editor—i.e. getting the translation done roughly at first & then revising it myself. I tried one translator who is a good German scholar but knows nothing of Biology, so that the revision of his work gave me far more trouble than if I had translated the whole of it myself. I then got one or two other translators to give me specimens of their work, but the result was the same—absolute nonsense! I determined therefore to do the whole work myself. Part II is now partly printed & I will I hope be out soon after Xmas. The Author & the reviewers have all expressed themselves satisfied with Part I—so I suppose I must be. Now to the object of this letter. Some time ago you were good enough to lend me ‘Kosmos’ for Dec. 1877 containing a paper by Fritz Müller which furnishes so

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many beautiful illustrations of Weismann’s conclusions that I propose to translate it (with the permission of the Editors— are you not one?) & give it as an Appendix to Part II. For this purpose I have just procured a copy of this No. of Kosmos, but on looking at the title of Fritz Müller’s paper (“Beobachtungen an brasialanischen Schmetterlingen”) I find that it is headed “III”, as though it were the third of a series of communications on this subject. If, without giving any great trouble, you could kindly let me know the Nos. of this publication which contain the previous papers I would order them (through Friedländer).2 It is possible that they may also contain observations bearing on the subject in hand & as ‘Kosmos’ appears to be in very few private libraries to which I have access & as I have no time to go reference hunting at the libraries of the learned Societies I hope you will pardon my troubling you. Please address to “21 John St. Bedford Row, London, W.C.3 I am extremely glad to hear such good accounts of your health & hope that we shall long hear reports equally favourable. I always saw that Sir C.  W.  Thomson had failed to grasp the idea of Natural Selection & am glad that an opportunity has occurred of putting him to rights on this subject.4 Yours very truly, | R. Meldola. DAR 171: 140 CD annotations 3.1 Some time ago … Fritz Müller 3.2] scored red crayon 3.6 “Beobachtungen … Schmetterlingen 3.7] underl red crayon End of letter: ‘I August. | II October 1877’5 blue ink 1

2

3

4 5

Meldola was translating August Weismann’s Studien zur Descendenz-Theorie (Weismann 1875–6). CD had subscribed to the translation (Weismann 1880–2), which was published in three parts; see Correspondence vol. 27, letter to Raphael Meldola, 12 December [1879]. CD had lent Meldola the October 1877 issue of Kosmos containing part two of ‘Beobachtungen an brasilianischen Schmetterlingen’ (Observations on Brazilian butterflies; F. Müller 1877); see Correspondence vol. 26, letter from Raphael Meldola, 2 January [1878]. R. Friedländer und Sohn was a bookseller and scientific publisher based in Berlin. Twenty-one John Street, London, was Meldola’s home address until 1886. This letter was sent from his work address; he worked from 1877 to 1885 at the Atlas Works, where he developed aniline dyes and photographic developers (Travis 2010, pp. 145 and 152–3). For CD’s critique of Charles Wyville Thomson’s understanding of natural selection, see the letter to Nature, 5 November [1880]. The annotations are notes for CD’s reply of 25 November 1880.

From G. E. Mengozzi1   24 November 1880 Rome | 3 Piazza del Popolo 24 Novembre 1880 Illustre Monsieur, Avec grand plaisir je reçu a temp Votre Portrait, firmé par Vous, à Londres. Je Vous en remercie infiniment.2

November 1880

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Ma primiere pensée à Rome, c’etait de convoquer la Magistrature de la Royale et Imperial Accademie “La Scuola Italica” pour Vous proposer à Primier Ancien d’Honneur de la même. À unanimité et avec entusiasme ils Vous ont accueilli en se tenants très honoreés d’avoir a Membre d’honneur le Prince vivent de la philosophie de la Nature. Moi en me faisant enterprête de Votre grand Esprit, j’ai assurée mes Collegues, que Vous aurai accepté avec bon gré, cet signe obsequieux que l’Italie il Vous offre, quoique soit peu de chose devant Vous. Dans cette occasion, moi comme Membre Fondateur depuis l’année 1860 (et le Roi d’Italie, Humbert 1er. Président General d’Honneur) et obbligée que je suis de Votre noble accueil faite à mes pauvres lettres, je me prend la liberté de Vous dédier un des mes livres; “La générations des animaux et nouvelle Classification des êtres naturels” ci Vous me le permettez il sera honorée et il acquêtera ce prix que il n’a pas en lui. Pour à présent je Vous prié d’agréer le livre que je Vous envoye comme signe de ma reconnaissance et devotion; avec ces sentiments je me repéte maintenent et toujours3 | De Vous Illustre Monsieur | Devouè | Comm. Profre G. E. Mengozzi M.D. Ill. Monsieur | Charles Darwin | Down— Londres DAR 202: 112 1 2 3

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. Mengozzi’s French (not his native tongue) was extremely poor. In his letter of 28 October 1880, Mengozzi had sent a portrait of CD and asked CD to sign it. Mengozzi had founded the Accademia Nazionale, la Scuola Italica, in 1860; Umberto I was king of Italy from 1878 to 1900. No copy of Nuova classificazione degli esseri naturali e saggio sulla generazione degli animali (New classification of natural beings and essay on the generation of animals; Mengozzi 1881) has been found in the Darwin Library–CUL or the Darwin Library–Down; it contained a dedication to CD on pp. vii–xxv.

To G. E. Mengozzi   [after 24 November 1880]1 [Down.] Dear Sir. I beg leave to acknowledge & thank you for your extremely k. l. of Nov. 24th & for the gift of your magnificent volume. I further beg that you will give to your Society my cordial thanks for the great honour which they have in so distinguished manner conferred on me.—2 I remain, Dear Sir | With much respect | Yours faithfully & much obliged | C. D. ADraftS DAR 202: 112v 1

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from G. E. Mengozzi, 24 November 1880.

426 2

November 1880

With his letter of 24 November 1880, Mengozzi sent Mengozzi 1881, which contained a dedication to CD on pp. vii–xxv, and told CD he had been made the first honorary member of the Accademia Nazionale, la Scuola Italica.

From O. A. Ainslie   2[5] November 188[0]1 48— Lincolns Inn Fields— | W. C Thursday Novr. 2〈5t〉h. | 188〈0〉 D〈ear〉 Dr Darwin I am really v〈ery〉 much obliged to you for your letter, & only sorry, that I should give you the trouble 〈o〉f writing—2 You are probably 〈a〉ware of the decease of my lamented Sister, Mrs Reynolds, in January—3 She had been some time prepared for the grea〈t〉 change, but her end at l〈a〉st was somewhat sudden— I think in my 〈n〉ote to you—I said “principal creditor”—(by a slip of the 〈pen〉 instead of “principal D〈ebtor”〉 to my Father—4 〈2 or 3 words〉 shall communicate with M〈r〉 Wedgwood about the old tit〈le〉 deeds—leases and mor〈tgages〉 which I fancy w〈ere〉 〈   〉ed to Miss Wedgwoo〈d〉5 〈1 or 2 words〉 Mrs Reynolds, but 〈      〉 not necessary I unders〈   〉d to complete the 〈      〉 I have had nothing to do with these matters as my sister—at My Father’s desire, I believe, acted through Dr Reynolds,6 when necessary   I do not care at present to make enquiries of Dr Reynolds, & therefore I intimated my desire, that this corre〈s〉pondence should be “privatim”— 〈      〉 I am tolerably sure that he 〈wou〉ld at once most frankly 〈answ〉er any question on the 〈      〉 〈t〉hat I might think 〈1 or 2 words〉 to ask him— 〈3 or 4 words〉 〈    〉ld associations 〈3 or 4 words〉 to obtain 〈poss〉ession of what remains 〈      〉 the Pond House or Tromer Property—& if it i〈s〉 again 〈s〉old, it is impossible 〈to〉 say (if it does not co〈   〉 〈   〉e) how long it may 〈      〉 it comes again in 〈the〉 Market— You are c〈   〉 〈      〉 respect to approximity 〈to〉 the name of the first alienee, through my Father’s agents, 〈as〉 I may call them—but as I 〈d〉o not wish to enter on that part of the case—at least at present—I may simply say, 〈t〉hat my Father thought Mr H7—was favoured by the Auctioneer—& the rese〈rve〉 bid was not adhered to— 〈      〉 I suppose be useless to 〈      〉 this made a mat〈ter〉 of 〈  〉ion now—& of course 〈2 or 3 words〉 idea of the k〈   〉 〈2 or 3 words〉 may be 〈4 or 5 words〉 Miss Wedgwood gave Mr 〈   〉 for the property, you wi〈ll〉 kindly let me know. Mr H〈   〉 〈   〉t a good deal on 〈      〉 〈   〉od— In this way I 〈      〉 〈b〉e able to form 〈a ju〉dgment—of what the 〈e〉xecutor may expect for it— I have room for the Basso relievo here, if it or they are really worth the carriage, but on this subje〈ct〉 I would probably spea〈k to〉 Dr Reynolds, & communicate with Mr Wedgwood.— My idea was I might miss an A〈d〉vertisement of the sale 〈of  Tr〉omer— Again thanking 〈you〉 for your letter | I have the honour | to be | Dear Sir | 〈Yours ve〉ry faithfully | 〈   〉ful— Ainslie Charles D〈arwin〉 | Dr—K〈ent〉 DAR 159: 11b

November 1880

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CD annotation Top of letter: ‘£4,500’ pencil 1 2 3 4 5

6 7

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from O. A. Ainslie, 23 November 1880; in 1880, the Thursday following 23 November was 25 November. CD’s letter has not been found; Ainslie had inquired about the sale of Tromer Lodge (see letter from O. A. Ainslie, 23 November 1880 and n. 2). Margaretta Susannah Reynolds. Robert Ainslie. Tromer Lodge was the home of Elizabeth Wedgwood, who had died on 8 November 1880 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). The sale of the house was evidently handled by Henry Allen Wedgwood and Hensleigh Wedgwood; their names appeared on the conditions of sale (London Borough of Bromley Archives, sale particulars collection, 1200/258). John Russell Reynolds. Robert Haswell.

To V. O. Kovalevsky   25 November [1880]1 From Mr. C. Darwin, Down, Beckenham. 25 November As you have not arrived today, I write one line to say that I shall be greatly pleased to see you here any day, C.D Thursday | Down— (Orpington St on the S. E. Ry.)2 ApcS Institut Mittag-Leffler 1 2

The year is established by Kovalevsky’s visit to CD in London (see n. 2, below). Kovalevsky had proposed visiting CD at Down (letter from V. O. Kovalevsky, [after 21 November 1880]); he and his wife, Sofia Vasilyevna Kovalevskaya, later met CD for lunch at Queen Anne Street, London (see letter to G. H. Darwin, 9 December [1880]) and possibly at Down on 29 November (letter from Emma Darwin to H. E. Litchfield, [28 November 1880] (DAR 219.9: 253)). Orpington Station was the closest to Down on the South Eastern Railway.

From M. T. Masters   25 November 1880 The Gardeners’ Chronicle Office, | 41 Wellington Street, Strand, W.C. | London Nov. 25 1880 My dear Sir/ I have just been glancing over your book on Plant Movements as a preliminary to a more careful & leisurely survey when opportunity offers— I cannot refrain from expressing my admiration of your labors and my great interest in what you say about Root movements— I see you quote Chatin as to the movement of the leaves of Conifers— I have paid a good deal of attention lately to this in several species including some under my own windows & I cannot help thinking Chatin has made a mistake— I always find the white surface exposed in the day time1

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I send you an extract from the Linnean Journal wherein the subject is alluded to but since it was published I have seen the movements in numerous other species but always in the day time.2 I have alluded to the matter in this week’s G. C.3 faithfully yrs. | Maxwell T. Masters C Darwin Esq DAR 171: 87 1

2

3

Masters’s name is not on the presentation list for Movement in plants (see Appendix IV) but CD had asked for Gardeners’ Chronicle to be sent a review copy; see letter to R. F. Cooke, 20 October 1880. In Movement in plants, p. 389, CD quoted a note by Joannes Chatin in Comptes rendus hebdomadaires des séances de l’Académie des sciences 82 (1876): 171–2 on the leaves of Pinus nordmanniana (a synonym of Abies nordmanniana) rising up at night to reveal the white under surface of the leaves. Masters sent his paper ‘Relations between morphology and physiology in the leaves of certain conifers’ from the Journal of the Linnean Society, Botany (Masters 1879). On p. 550, Masters observed that the white hue of Abies nordmanniana was more conspicuous when the branches were exposed to the full rays of the sun. See Gardeners’ Chronicle, 27 November 1880, pp. 692–4.

To Raphael Meldola   25 November 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Nov. 25/80 My dear Sir I can well believe that your labour must have been great. & everyone is bound to aid you in any way. No I of F. Muller’s paper is in the August no for 1877 No II— is in the October number 1877. Both these articles, I remember thinking excellent.1 I am not one of the Editors of Kosmos, only a kind of patron(!) & therefore cannot give permission; but when you write to Editors you can say that I have expressed a hope that permission would be granted; you acknowledging source of papers.2 Heartily wishing you success & in haste to catch first Post, I remain | Yours very faithfully | Ch. Darwin Oxford University Museum of Natural History (Hope Entomological Collections 1350: Hope/Westwood Archive, Darwin folder) 1 2

In his letter of 24 November 1880, Meldola had asked CD in which issues of Kosmos parts one and two of Fritz Müller’s paper on observations on Brazilian butterflies (F. Müller 1877) appeared. Meldola thought that CD was one of the editors of Kosmos and asked for his permission to translate F. Müller 1877, but CD had backed the journal only by allowing his name to appear in the full title, Kosmos: Zeitschrift für einheitliche Weltanschauung auf Grund der Entwickelungslehre in Verbindung mit Charles Darwin und Ernst Haeckel (Kosmos: journal for uniform worldview based on the theory of development in connection with Charles Darwin and Ernst Haeckel); see Correspondence vol. 25, letter from Ernst Krause, 11 March 1877.

November 1880

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From Wilhelm Pfeffer1   25 November 1880 Tübingen d. 25 Nov. 1880 Sehr geehrter Herr! Habe ich auch bis dahin in Ihrem Buche “The power of movements etc” nur herumblättern können, so genügte doch dieses, um einigen Einblick in die Fülle von Beobachtungen und geistreichen Combinationen zu erhalten, welche Sie auch hier wieder niederlegten. Jedenfalls drängt es mich Ihnen sogleich für die freundliche Zusendung Ihres Werkes meinen besten Dank auszusprechen.2 Hoffentlich kann ich mich in etwa 12 Jahre revanchiren, da morgen das Manuscript für den ersten Band eines Handbuches der Physiologie des Stoffwechsels und Kraftwechsels in die Druckerei wandert. Auch für den 2 Band ist alle Vorarbeit so weit fertig, dass ich hoffen darf in einem 12 Jahre auch diesen druckfertig abzuschliessen.3 Diese Arbeit hat mir leider keine Zeit gelassen irgend eine ausgedehnte Untersuchung anderer Art anzustellen, doch wird in nicht ferner Zeit wohl ein Heft physiol. Arbeiten von Schülern erscheinen.4 Uebrigens habe ich das hiesige botanische Institut, dessen Räumlichkeiten vortrefflich sind, allmählich mit einem sehr vollständigem physiologischem Apparat ausgestattet. Mit vorzüglicher Hochachtung | Ihr | ergebener | Dr. W. Pfeffer. DAR 174: 37 1 2 3 4

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. Pfeffer’s name is on the presentation list for Movement in plants (see Appendix IV). Pfeffer’s Pflanzenphysiologie: ein Handbuch des Stoffwechsels und Kraftwechsels in der Pflanze (Plant physiology: a handbook of metabolism and energy exchange in plants; Pfeffer 1881) was published in 1881. In 1881, Pfeffer founded the series of occasional papers Untersuchungen aus dem Botanischen Institut zu Tübingen (Investigations from the Botanical Institute of Tübingen).

From William Preyer   25 November 1880 Jena November 25, 1880 Dear Sir— The beautiful leading article in the Times of Nov. 20, 1880 on your new book awakens in me so vivid a desire to read it that I take the liberty of addressing myself directly to the author. Would you kindly instruct the publisher (is it Mr. Murray?) to send me a copy by book-post?1 It would take several weeks to get one through a bookseller here and I am rather impatient wishing particularly to know what methods you employed in studying the movements of plants. They may be applicable to animal embryos which I am investigating and the earliest movements of which have never been experimented on. At the same time I beg to be informed about your papers in “Nature” VIII. p. 417. 1873 (Origin of certain instincts) and in “Zoologist” VIII. 3488. 1873 (Perception in

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the lower animals).2 I would return the copies within one week, if you will kindly send them. But I do not wish to trouble you, if you have none left. Please accept my newest book not as merely “popular lectures”. It contains many special researches some of which may perhaps have some little interest for you.3 With my best compliments to Mrs. & Miss Darwin4 I remain Your’s | faithfully | Wm. Preyer | in Jena To Mr. Ch. Darwin | in Down DAR 174: 71 1 2

3 4

A review of Movement in plants appeared in The Times, 20 November 1880, p. 9; John Murray was CD’s publisher. Preyer’s name is on CD’s presentation list for Movement in plants (see Appendix IV). See Correspondence vol. 21, letters to Nature, [before 13 March 1873] and [before 3 April 1873]. The letters were printed in Nature, 3 April 1873, pp. 417–18, and 13 March 1873, p. 360 (reprinted in the Zoologist 2d ser. 8 (1873): 3488–9). A copy of Preyer’s Naturwissenschaftliche Thatsachen und Probleme, populäre Vorträge (Scientific facts and problems, popular lectures; Preyer 1880) is in the Darwin Library–Down. Emma and Elizabeth Darwin.

To Carlos Ribeiro   25 November 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) November 25. 1880 Dear Sir I am much obliged to you for your great kindness in having sent me your great work on Prehistoric Remains in Portugal & for your paper on Tertiary Formations.1 With much respect I remain | Dear Sir | Yours faithfully & obliged | Charles Darwin Laboratório Nacional de Energia e Geologia (Records of the Portuguese Geological Commission 1857–1918) 1

Ribeiro had sent the second part of his Noticia de algumas estações e monumentos prehistoricos (Report on some prehistoric sites and monuments; Ribeiro 1878–80) and his paper ‘Des formations tertiaires de Portugal’ (Tertiary formations of Portugal; Ribeiro 1880).

To M. T. Masters   [after 25 November 1880]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. My dear Sir I must write one line to thank you for your kind note.— I had great misgivings about Chatin, & I much wish that I had recollected your article; but it is now too late. I assumed that Chatin was quite trust worthy.2 Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin Smithsonian Libraries (Dibner Library of the History of Science and Technology MSS 405 A. Gift of the Burndy Library)

November 1880 1 2

431

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from M.  T.  Masters, 25 November 1880. In his letter of 25 November 1880, Masters drew CD’s attention to a possible mistake in the work of Joannes Chatin, which CD had quoted in Movement in plants, p. 389.

From R. F. Cooke   26 November 1880 50A, Albemarle Street, London. W. Nov 26 1880 My dear Sir We must print off immediately 500 more copies of the Movement of Plants, as we are in want of copies.1 I have written to Clowes & beg you will send any corrections at once    I have desired them not to wait2 Yours faithfully | Robt Cooke Chas Darwin Esq. DAR 171: 513 1 2

In his letter of 10  November  1880, Cooke had reported that 800 copies of Movement in plants had already sold out of the 1000 printed. In his letter of 8 November [1880], CD had asked Cooke how much it would cost for the type of Movement in plants to be kept up for two months at the printers, William Clowes & Sons.

From Francis Darwin to Édouard Heckel   26 November 18801 Down [Signed autograph letter dictated by his father, with indications on the movement of flowers conveyed to Heckel;2 it is the Council of the Royal Society that elects members and it is not customary to recommend someone.3] Aguttes (dealers) An Aristophil sale (17 November 2019, lot 43) 1 2 3

The date is given in the sale catalogue. Heckel was supervising the translation Movement in plants into French (Heckel trans. 1882; he had asked CD about the movement of corollas, stamens, and pistils in his letter of 23 September 1880. See letter from Édouard Heckel, 23 September 1880 and n. 5.

From W. E. Darwin   26 November [1880]1 Ridgemount, | Basset, | Southampton. Nov 26 My dear Father, I have today looked both here and at Rogers’s at the worm heap near the Robinias.2

432

November 1880

I have examined 7 to 9 in all. Owing to the wet they are battered and decayed, and the leaves broken and doubled in in some cases, and some of the leaves seemed to have been pulled in sideways. On the whole I think there were decidedly more drawn in by the tips of the leaves than by the stalk end; in 3 cases if not in 4 almost all the leaves were drawn down point first, but in these cases there were also some broken bits in a sideways position or crumpled, so that I could not say what would be the proportion in any one heap; but I certainly saw none where any large proportion of the leaves had been drawn in stalk downwards, in several cases they seemed to be almost equally divided. A month or so ago one could have decided the proportion fairly well. I looked at all I could find but no doubt I could find more if you would like me to look again. I return George’s note which is interesting, and I should like to hear if he makes out the law of the distances from crest to crest of the ripples.3 Please thank mother for her letter. We shall be a very small Christmas party and I fear we shall not have Horace & Ida.4 There was a long notice in the Standard yesterday, it is not worth looking at. It opened in a civil but condescending tone. I shall like to see Dr Hooker’s when at Down—.5 Your affect son | W E. Darwin I find Sara has returned George6 DAR 162: 110 CD annotation 4.1 I return … Down— 5.3] crossed blue ink 1 2

3

4 5

6

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to W. E. Darwin, 23 [November 1880]. In his letter of 23 [November 1880], CD had asked William to observe how worms drew the petioles of the leaves of Robinia pseudoacacia (black locust or false acacia) into the mouths of their burrows in his own garden and William Henry Rogers’s garden. See letter from G. H. Darwin, 19 November 1880; George Howard Darwin’s paper ‘On the formation of ripple-mark in sand’ discussed the distance between crests and the factors that affected wavelength (G. H. Darwin 1883, pp. 40–1). The letter from Emma Darwin to William has not been found. Both Horace and Ida Darwin and William and Sara Darwin were at Down for Christmas 1880 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). A review of Movement in plants appeared in the Standard, 25 November 1880, p. 2. In CD’s letter to William of 23 [November 1880], CD described Hooker’s letter about receiving a copy of Movement in plants as ‘very buttery’ (letter from J. D. Hooker, 22 November 1880). Sara Darwin; see n. 4, above.

From J. D. Hooker   26 November 1880 Nov. 26/80 Dear Darwin Huxley spoke to me yesterday about the pension for Wallace, which you proposed to me not very long ago, & which we both thought at the time would be a hopeless

November 1880

433

attempt under the circumstance of his Spiritualism, & the fact that he had obtained £500 by the bet on the Sphericity of the Globe.—1 H. tells me that the bet tells all the other way, for that he believes he gave the money to a charity: & if this be so, which I have no reason to doubt, though he certainly has the credit if the contrary—there remains only the Spiritualism: which should not I think be an objection to urging his claim,—though I am doubtful as to whether it should not be mentioned privately to the Minister. I am writing to Huxley to this effect. ie. asking his opinion.2 I need not add that if you & he decide I will follow & do my best. Ever aff Yrs | J. D. Hooker. Imperial College of Science, Technology and Medicine Archives (Huxley 5: 349) 1

2

CD had sent Thomas Henry Huxley a draft memorial and a list of potential signatories in support of a civil-list pension for Alfred Russel Wallace; see letter from T. H. Huxley, 14 November 1880. For Hooker’s and CD’s previous opinions on Wallace’s chances of a pension, see Correspondence vol. 27, letter from J. D. Hooker, 18 December 1879, and letter to A. B. Buckley, 19 December 1879. Wallace had denied that natural selection could account for the development of human intelligence and looked to spiritualist explanations; for his interest in spiritualism from the mid-1860s, see Kottler 1974 and Fichman 2004, pp. 139–210. In 1870, Wallace, a qualified surveyor, had accepted John Hampden’s challenge to scientific men to prove the convexity of a stretch of inland water, offering £500 if the proof was accepted by an intelligent referee. Wallace’s proof was accepted by the referee, who gave him the £500, but Hampden refused to accept the result and subjected Wallace to a twenty-year campaign of abuse. Although Wallace mostly won the many court battles that resulted, the legal costs were so great that he lost out financially. (See Raby 2001, pp. 206–7.) Hooker also informed Huxley of his objections (letter from J. D. Hooker to T. H. Huxley, 26 November 1880; Imperial College of Science, Technology and Medicine Archives, Huxley 3: 259).

From Ernst Krause1   26 November 1880 Berlin N.O. Friedenstrasse 11. 3 Tr. den 26.11.80. Hochverehrter Herr! Mit der Zusendung Ihres neuen Werkes: “The Power of Movement in Plants” haben Sie mir eine grosse Freude bereitet und ich danke Ihnen von ganzem Herzen dafür.2 Ich erstaune über die grosse Fülle von Arbeit und Experimenten, die Sie in demselben niedergelegt haben und ich glaube alle Welt wird dieses freudige Erstaunen theilen, immer von Neuem von Ihnen Arbeiten zu erhalten, welche ein ganzes Gebiet der Forschung reformiren, und oft wie die Arbeit eines Menschenlebens aussehen. Herr Dr. Hermann Müller in Lippstadt will die Güte haben, über den Inhalt des Werkes im Kosmos zu berichten, ich selber habe vor, dies in einer deutschen (nicht naturwissenschaftlichen) Revue zu thun.3 Der Kosmos dürfte in nächster Zeit vielleicht ganz eingehen. Der Verleger, welcher, wie es scheint, weder die Mittel noch die gehörige Energie besitzt, um das Unternehmen durch einige schwierige Jahre zu führen, ist entschlossen, dasselbe zu verkaufen, und wie ich höre, geht man damit um, es in eine Wochenschrift zu verwandeln. Da hiermit wahrscheinlich ein vollständiges Aufgeben des

434

November 1880

wissenschaftlichen Characters verbunden sein würde, so beabsichtige ich nicht, diese Wandlung mit durchzumachen, würde es vielmehr möglicherweise versuchen, einen andern Buchhändler für Wiederaufnahme des Journals in seiner bisherigen Form (mit verändertem Titel) zu interessiren.4 Von Herrn Fritz Müller aus Itajahÿ sind kürzlich betrübende Nachrichten eingelaufen. Sein Wohnort hat durch eine Ueberschwemmung zu leiden gehabt, bei der er sich (Mitte September) schwimmend, und bis über die Brust im Wasser watend, retten musste. Indessen hat er glücklicherweise keine Verluste in seiner Familie zu beklagen, und er hat mir vor einigen Tagen bereits wieder einige seiner stets so werthvollen Mittheilungen über neue Beobachtungen gesandt, als Zeichen, dass der Zwischenfall vollständig überwunden ist. Es befindet sich darunter ein kleiner polemischer Artikel gegen Wagner’s Absonderungstheorie und eine sehr interessante Beobachtung über Reproduction von Krebsfüssen, die in der Gestalt von Gliedern der muthmasslichen Vorfahren der Art auftreten. In der Abtheilung der Garneelen, der auch obiger Fall angehört, hat er ausserdem wieder einige höchst lehrreiche Metamorphosen beobachtet, über welche er demnächst einen ausführlichen Bericht senden will.5 Mit dem Wunsche, dass diese Zeilen Sie in erwünschtem Wohlsein antreffen mögen, zeichne ich, hochverehrter Herr | Ihr | dankbar ergebener | Ernst Krause DAR 169: 110 1 2 3 4

5

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. Krause’s name is on CD’s presentation list for Movement in plants (see Appendix IV). Hermann Müller’s review of Movement in plants appeared in Kosmos (H. Müller 1880e). Krause reviewed it in Die Gartenlaube under the pseudonym Carus Sterne (Sterne 1881). From vol. 9 in 1881, Kosmos was published by E. Schweizerbart’sche Verlagsbuchhandlung instead of Ernst Günther of Leipzig (run by Karl Alberts); the typeface changed from Fraktur to roman, and the journal continued to be published monthly until 1886. Krause continued as editor until 1882. For more on the flood that had occurred on 22 September 1880 and had risen to 14.6 metres, see West 2016, pp. 154–5. Fritz Müller published ‘Zur Kritik der Absonderungstheorie’ (Critique of segregation theory; F. Müller 1881c), ‘Haeckel’s biogenetisches Grundgesetz bei der Neubildung verlorener Glieder’ (Haeckel’s biogenetic law and the rebuilding of lost limbs; F. Müller 1881b), and ‘Farbenwechsel bei Krabben und Garneelen’ (Colour change in crabs and shrimps; F. Müller 1881a) in Kosmos. His more detailed report on the shrimps was ‘Atyoida Potimirim, eine schlammfressende Süsswassergarneele’ (Atyoida Potimirim, a mud-eating freshwater shrimp; F. Müller 1881d), also in Kosmos. Atyoida potimirim is a synonym of Potimirim potimirim, the tiny or neon shrimp. Wagner: Moritz Wagner.

To T. H. Huxley   [after 26 November 1880]1 [Down.] My dear Huxley I am so extremely glad that Hooker will sign.— You have managed the affair wonderfully. His former letter made me give up the ghost completely. I cannot see that there is the least necessity to call any minister’s attention to Spiritualism, or to repeat (what you said) to Gladstone—that Spiritualism is not worse than the prevailing superstitions of this country!2

November 1880

435

Hurrah— I am sanguine Yours affectionately | Ch. Darwin Imperial College of Science, Technology and Medicine Archives (Huxley 5: 349) 1 2

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from J.  D.  Hooker, 26 November 1880. In his letter of 26  November  1880, Joseph Dalton Hooker had provisionally agreed to sign the memorial that CD had prepared in support of a civil list pension for Alfred Russel Wallace but had wondered whether Wallace’s belief in spiritualism should be mentioned privately to the minister. For Hooker’s previous letter stating that Wallace’s chances of a pension were hopeless, see Correspondence vol. 27, letter from J. D. Hooker, 18 December 1879. William Ewart Gladstone was a correspondent of CD’s and visited Down on 11 March 1877 (see, for example, Correspondence vol. 27, letter from W. E. Gladstone, 24 July 1879, and Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). For Gladstone’s sympathy with spiritualist beliefs, see Windscheffel 2006.

To G. H. Darwin   [27 November 1880]1 [Down.] My dear George Hurrah for the old bloody Times,2 Murray says 500 copies urgently required, so I have looked to Photographs—3 There is one of B fig 147 & of both of 162, but none of fig 149— But my memory was not so badly to blame, as I have other splendid photographs of plants awake & after being shaken, but not so much depressed, as when asleep, & this misled me. yours affect. | C. Darwin DAR 210.1: 100 1 2

3

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from R. F. Cooke, 26 November 1880; see n. 3, below. The journalist and reform campaigner William Cobbett named the paper ‘The Bloody Old Times’ because of ‘its having uniformly advocated punishment, cruelty, proscription and blood against all those, in whatever country, who were striving for freedom’ (Cobbett’s Political Register, 16  October  1830, p. 507; Spater 1982, 2: 542–3). A review of Movement in plants appeared in The Times, 20 November 1880, p. 9. In his letter of 26 November 1880, Robert Francis Cooke, partner in the firm of CD’s publisher, John Murray, said that another 500 copies of Movement in plants were to be printed and asked for any corrections. George had expressed his disappointment at the quality of the woodcuts, and said that he had drawn figs 147, 149, and 162 from nature rather than from photographs as stated in Movement in plants, pp. 356, 358, and 385, respectively; see letter from G. H. Darwin, 19 November 1880. In his reply to George of 20 November [1880], CD said that he would check by looking at the original photographs.

To James Geikie   27 November 1880 Down | Beckenham, Kent. (&c). Novr 27th. 1880 My dear Sir. I received this morning your magnificent Book, & I thank you cordially. Before long I will read it, & have no doubt that it will give me as much or more pleasure

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November 1880

than your Great Ice Age—1 It delights me that you should have thought my notion about frozen snow & drift worth insertion.2 Believe me | My dear Sir | Yours very faithfully & obliged | Charles Darwin. Copy DAR 144: 333 1 2

Geikie had sent his Prehistoric Europe: a geological sketch (Geikie 1881); the second edition of his The great ice age and its relation to the antiquity of man was published in 1877 (Geikie 1877). In his letter of 22 July 1880, Geikie thanked CD for his permission to quote from two letters (see Correspondence vol. 24, letter to James Geikie, 16 November 1876, and this volume, letter to James Geikie, 19 July 1880) on differential movement in drifts (see J. Geikie 1881, pp. 141–2).

To Hermann Müller   27 November 1880 Down, Beckenham, Kent Nov: 27. 1880 My dear Sir — — — — — — — — I also had a letter from Dr. Ernst Krause by this post, telling me of the dreadful risk from a flood which your admirable brother, Fritz, has barely escaped from with his life.1 I rejoice that none of his family were lost. Has he lost many of his books, microscope, apparatus or other property? If he has suffered in this way, nothing would give me so much pleasure as to be allowed to send him £50 or £100. Do you think he would permit me to do so? The money would be sent solely for the sake of science, so that science should not suffer from his loss of property. Pray have the great kindness to advise me. Nothing would grieve me so much as to offend your brother, and nothing would please me so much as to be able slightly to assist him in any way. My dear Sir, Yours very sincerely | Charles Darwin Pray let me hear soon. Copy DAR 146: 442 1

Fritz Müller; see letter from Ernst Krause, 26 November 1880 and n. 5.

From Hermann Müller   27 November 1880 Lippstadt 27/11 1880. My dear Sir! My heartiest thanks for your work “on the power of movement in plants” which you have kindly sent to me.1 I have only read hitherto the introduction and Chap. XII and I. But this is sufficient to show the generality of the circumnutating movement in the development of plants and its paramount bearing on the origin of nearly all sorts of movements in plants, which hitherto separatedly and without connection have been studied and described.

November 1880

437

It is with the greatest admiration that I have learned the astonishingly simple fundamental idea of your researches, your sagacious methods of experimenting and of pursuing this idea in all its consequences, the overpowering army of your careful and accurate special observations, by which any doubt about the universality of the cirumnutating movement in the vegetable Kingdom is dispersed. It is, therefore, with high enjoyment, that I will read the rest of your new admirable work, which again has opened a new and most fruitful dominion of botanical research. Please to accept with indulgence my work on alpine flowers which in this days has been edited and which I have sent to you yesterday.2 My son resides in London since several weeks, but he is not yet acclimated there. In the next days he intends to make use of your kind offer to make your personal acquaintance3 With sincere admiration | yours | very faithfully | H. Müller. DAR 171: 317 1 2 3

Müller’s name is on CD’s presentation list for Movement in plants (see Appendix IV). Müller had sent his Alpenblumen, ihre Befruchtung durch Insekten: und ihre Anpassungen an dieselben (Alpine flowers, their fertilisation through insect agency and adaptations for this; H. Müller 1881). No record of CD’s meeting Müller’s son, Wilhelm Hermann Müller, has been found.

To William Preyer   27 November 1880 [Down.] Nov: 27th. 1880. My dear Sir It will give me much pleasure to send you a copy of my book, and I have directed Mr. Murray to send you one; but there may be a little delay, as I heard this morning that every copy was sold; but the type is yet up and more copies will be printed off directly.— I fear my methods will not be applicable to embryos.1 I enclose copies of the articles to which, I suppose, you refer, and which I discovered after a long search.— As I have no other copy I should be obliged if you would return them. I never wrote in the Zoologist, so I suppose something was copied out of Nature.2 Your book has not yet arrived, but probably will to-morrow, as they are often delayed a day or two by our Post.3 I am very much obliged to you for your kindness in having sent it to me. My dear Sir | Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin Copy DAR 147: 270 1

Preyer had asked CD to send him a copy of Movement in plants and hoped that some of the methods in it might be relevant to his studies of animal embryos; see letter from William Preyer, 25 November 1880. For the news that CD’s publisher, John Murray, was printing off more copies of Movement in plants, see the letter from R. F. Cooke, 26 November 1880.

438 2 3

November 1880

See letter from William Preyer, 25 November 1880 and n. 2. See letter from William Preyer, 25 November 1880 and n. 3; Preyer had sent Preyer 1880; a copy is the Darwin Library–Down.

From O. A. Ainslie to Francis Darwin   28 November [1880]1 48—Lincolns Inn | Fields. W.C. Advent Sun〈day〉 | No〈v〉r—28 〈1880〉 My dear Sir— As I shall proba〈bl〉y be very busy tomorrow, & Tuesday, & was very busy yesterday, I infringe on my general rule, in replying to your note on this day— I beg to thank you & your Father for it—2 The price of 〈the〉 property in question was, what I underst〈   〉 was given for it, so I am much obliged for a confirmation of 〈   〉e report—my Father & I— received— I am not sure, w〈   〉 the “owner”, you re〈    〉 is still ali〈   〉— w〈   〉 & have an i〈mp〉ression, 〈that〉 he is not—without referring to some paper〈s I〉 have, I think, if I remem〈ber〉 rightly, the name was —Haswell3 & not Haslam—but as one cannot be too particular, of 〈wha〉t one writes or says 〈    〉 anyone—especially in 〈the〉 event of future litiga〈tio〉n—which as I have 〈14 line〉 expressed, I have 〈14 line〉 〈   〉t or possible 〈   〉ll 〈      〉 of— I did not trouble your honoured Father with this correction— For 〈the〉 same reason I called Mr H—the first 〈  〉ee—and you—rightly cal〈   〉 〈   〉 owner—if he w〈as un〉der all the circumstan〈ce〉s of the case real (or rightful) owner— You imply very properly he had a legal ti〈t〉le to convey, & that possession, which is said to be nine tenths, parts or points of the Law— But I have wished to avoid, as far as I can, any reference to disputed title— Miss W〈edgwo〉od’s title was no dou〈bt〉 〈abso〉lutely bonâ f〈ide as far〉 as she was concerned—4    it is merely a very complicate〈d〉 question of prescription, w〈he〉ther I, as Heir at L〈a〉w of 〈my F〉ather, could do any th〈ing to〉 obtain a D〈ecr〉ee— 〈    〉 the Conveyance to H as wel〈l〉 perhaps without any fault on his part,) was invalid. My Father always considered his estate suffered £500—by the sale besides, or including, the 〈      〉s of the property itself—& supposing Mr H—spent £1500 on the property, which I think far above the real estimate & gave £1500 for it, which 〈I〉 think, is also above the mark. 〈   〉 [earned] £1500 by the 〈transact〉ion— If these figure〈s〉 〈1 or 2 words〉 〈   〉t, to my mind, i〈s〉 〈2 or 3 words〉 〈   〉nes— With many | 〈ki〉nd regards— 〈      〉 〈   〉in Dear Sir 〈      〉 〈   〉ly Oliver A. Ainslie Francis D〈arwin〉 〈PS〉— I omitted to tell Dr Darwin th〈a〉t my Father, when he settled with those responsible for the sale, protested ag〈ains〉t it— DAR 159: 11c 1

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from O. A. Ainslie, 23 November 1880.

November 1880 2

3 4

439

The note from Francis to Ainslie has not been found. Ainslie was inquiring about the sale of Tromer Lodge (see letter from O. A. Ainslie, 23 November 1880 and n. 2, and letter from O. A. Ainslie, 2[5] November 188[0]). Robert Ainslie had sold Tromer Lodge to Robert Haswell in 1862. Elizabeth Wedgwood had acquired Tromer Lodge in 1868; on the matter of the title, see letter from O. A. Ainslie, 23 November 1880, n. 3.

To J. D. Hooker   28 November [1880]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Nov. 28 My dear Hooker I shd. very much like to see Frank an F.R.S. before I die.2 It appears to me very doubtful whether a father ought to propose a son: I did not do so (or put my name at all down) in the case of George, but then there was the additional reason of my not knowing mathematicks.—3 Will you be so kind as to tell me what you think on this head? Should you object to proposing him? I am sure that this wd. please him much more than my doing so. But I forgot you are (I suppose) on the Council & cannot (I believe) back or propose a man. Will you let me hear what you think & about the Council. Like an ass I did not keep list of Council.4 Forgive your old friend for troubling you.— | Ever yours | C. Darwin P.S. I was delighted to get your note about Wallace—whom I pity much.— I have hardly ever wished for anything so much as to get him on the pension list.—5 DAR 95: 500–1 1 2 3 4 5

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from J. D. Hooker, 26 November 1880. Francis Darwin was elected a fellow of the Royal Society of London after CD’s death on 8 June 1882 (Record of the Royal Society of London). George Howard Darwin had been elected a fellow of the Royal Society on 12 June 1879 (Record of the Royal Society of London). Hooker was on the council of the Royal Society until 30 November 1880 (Proceedings of the Royal Society of London 29 (1879): 431; 31 (1880–1): 101). For Hooker’s letter about signing a memorial in support of a civil list pension for Alfred Russel Wallace, see letter from J. D. Hooker, 26 November 1880.

To Ernst Krause   28 November 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Nov. 28th 80 My dear Sir I must thank you for your most interesting letter.1 It is very bad news about Kosmos: I shall regret much its cessation, for I found in every number something which interested me greatly. Anyhow you must have the satisfaction of feeling that you have been an excellent editor, & have aided Science in every way.—2

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November 1880

It is, also, grievous news about Fritz Müller,—that is if he has lost his instruments & books. I have long looked on him as the best observer in the world. I have written to his brother, Hermann, to learn whether he has suffered much loss, & whether for the sake of Science, he would allow me to aid him in purchasing new microscopes &c &c.—3 I do not know when I have been so much astonished, as by your account of the Crustacean which repairs its legs by those of an ancestral form. If I understand the case, it must be a kind of localised reversion! This seems to me to support, the hypothesis of Pangenesis, which has hardly any friends in this world. I can conceive a small collection of molecules (ie one of my imaginary gemmules) remaining dormant in an organism for almost any length of time; but I think it will be difficult for Häckel to make others believe that certain molecules, of which the body is built, have gone on vibrating for countless generations in a peculiar manner, so as to form when occasion offers an ancestral limb. If I remember rightly the reproduced tail of Lacerta differs from the normal tail. I have given one case in some slight degree analogous, namely that of a hen which when barren assumed the male plumage of an ancestral breed, & not of her own breed.—4 But I did not intend to trouble you with my notions or about pangenesis.— My dear Sir | Yours sincerely | Chas. Darwin The Huntington Library (HM 36209) 1 2 3 4

Letter from Ernst Krause, 26 November 1880. See letter from Ernst Krause, 26 November 1880 and n. 4; Krause continued as editor of Kosmos until 1882. See letter to Hermann Müller, 27 November 1880. In his letter of 26 November 1880, Krause told CD about a short article by Fritz Müller, ‘Haeckel’s biogenetisches Grundgesetz bei der Neubildung verlorener Glieder’ (Haeckel’s biogenetic law and the rebuilding of lost limbs; F. Müller 1881b). For CD’s hypothesis of pangenesis, see Variation 2: 357–404; it was revised in Variation 2d ed. 2: 349–99. For Ernst Haeckel’s theory of heredity, perigenesis, see Haeckel 1876. Lacerta is a genus of lizards; for CD’s observations, see Journal of researches (1860), p. 390. For CD’s examples of hens that acquired male characteristics, see Variation 2: 51, 54, and 399.

To Walter White   28 November [1880] From Mr. C. Darwin, Down, Beckenham. Nov. 28th Could you do me the favour to give me a list of the Council of R. Soc. I believe members of the Council never back up certificates, & therefore it is necessary for me to know their names. I stupidly quite forgot to keep the last list.1 Yours sincerely | C. Darwin ApcS Postmark: N 29 80 Liverpool Central Library 1

See letter to J. D. Hooker, 28 November [1880] and n. 4.

November 1880

441

From Florence Dixie   29 November [1880]1 Bosworth Park. | Hinckley. | Leicestershire. Novber. 29th. r Dear M. Darwin. I have great pleasure in forwarding to you the Acc.t of my travels in Patagonia and trust the book will meet with your approval.––2 I fear you will find it devoid of much interest. While begging you to look on this my first literary production with leniency written as it was during the never ending interuptions of a London Season I hope that the hurried acc.t of a few of our adventures & occupations in that far off land will be of sufficient interest to carry you thro’ its pages.–– I venture at the same time to send you a little tragedy which I wrote some years ago as a child of 14.–– It was printed for private circulation at the request & after the death of the late Ld. Lytton but having given some offence I have since suppressd its circulation.3 With many apologies for what may appear presumptions on my part allow me to remain | yr.s very sincerely | Florence Dixie. DAR 162: 184 1 2 3

The year is established by the reference to Dixie 1880 (see n. 2, below). In her letter of 4 November [1880], Dixie offered to send CD a copy of Across Patagonia (Dixie 1880); CD’s copy is in the Darwin Library–CUL. Edward George Earle Lytton Bulwer-Lytton. A copy of Abel avenged: a dramatic tragedy (Douglas 1877), published under Dixie’s maiden name, Florence Douglas, is in the Darwin Library–CUL.

From J. D. Hooker   29 November 1880 Royal Gardens Kew Novr 29/80 Dear Darwin I see no good reason why a Father should not propose a son, though I think it would not be a wise course if the claim of the son was not a rather commanding one.1 The chief draw-back would be that, in case of the election being long delayed, the friends would feel for the two parties much more than if they were not visibly joined as it were in one candidature. I go off the Council tomorrow, & will if you like make a little enquiry as to Frank’s prospects of tolerably speedy selection,—having done which I would inform you, & act with the greatest pleasure exactly as you should wish.2 I have only one prior claim upon me, & that is Dr Dickie late Profr of Botany in Aberdeen, who has labored on Algae for upwards of 40 years, & published some 54 papers on them.3 Frank is certain to get in sometime, & in your life-time too! but he would be more certain of speedy selection if he had made more communications—4 His ability &

442

November 1880

the standard i.e. importance of his work are all that could be desired, but without looking it up I am not prepared to say that there is enough of it to make a sure claim for speedy selection; except there should be a dearth of older workers on the list, which is not likely. Be all this as it may, it will be a real pleasure to me to take care of Frank’s interests & foster them, whether or no I can make them available at once. Oliver succeeds me on the Council & he is a sure friend of Franks.5 I know you will not be angry with my cautions— Ever affy Yrs | Jos D Hooker. DAR 104: 146–7 1 2 3 4 5

See letter to J. D. Hooker, 28 November [1880]; CD wanted to propose Francis Darwin for fellowship of the Royal Society Society of London. Hooker was on the council of the Royal Society until 30 November 1880; see letter to J. D. Hooker, 28 November [1880] and n. 4. Hooker proposed George Dickie for fellowship of the Royal Society; he was elected on 2 June 1881 (Record of the Royal Society of London). Francis Darwin had communicated one paper, ‘On the protrusion of protoplasmic filaments from the glandular hairs of the common teasel’ (F. Darwin 1877), to the Royal Society. Daniel Oliver was elected as a member of the council of the Royal Society on 30 November 1880 (Proceedings of the Royal Society of London 31 (1880–1): 101).

From J. B. Innes   29 November 1880 Milton Brodie | Forres— 29 Novr. 1880— Dear Mr. Darwin, I heard from Hoole on Saturday, and as Downe gossip he says he understands Tromer Lodge is to be sold. If this is true, and if the land on the West side of the road is to be sold apart from the house I should be glad to have the offer of it, as at some future time it may be an advantage to the Parsonage.1 Probably neither of these ifs may prove realities. You will be glad to hear that Mrs. Hoole continues to improve.2 She gets out a good deal every day in spite of cold weather, takes, for her, quite long walks, & seems to be making a new start. In our, usually mild, country we have had an unusually early frost. I got my ice house filled on the 23d. The earliest date in any former year was the 6th. Decr. Since the 23rd there has been no frost, a furious Gale of wind on Friday. With my wife’s3 kindest regards, love to Mrs. Darwin, Believe me | Faithfully Yours | J Brodie Innes DAR 167: 38 1

Stanley Hoole lived at Downe Lodge. Tromer Lodge, Down, was vacant after the death of Elizabeth Wedgwood on 8 November 1880 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). Innes had considered buying the

November 1880

2 3

443

house in 1860, when he was perpetual curate of Down; see Correspondence vol. 8, letter to John Innes, 18 July [1860]. It was renamed ‘Tower House’ and advertised for sale in The Times, 4 June 1881, p. 15, and sold on 13 August 1881; the amount of land being sold with the house was much reduced from when the estate was sold to Elizabeth Wedgwood in 1862. See also letter from O. A. Ainslie, 23 November 1880. Innes’s niece, Alice Mary Hoole. Eliza Mary Brodie Innes.

To A. W. Howitt   [before 30 November 1880]1 [I also received a letter from Charles Darwin to whom I sent a copy from myself as he some seven years ago suggested to me to place on record all I could gather about the blacks.2 He writes me that after glancing through the book it seemed to him so important in our “new views and facts” that he at once sent it to his neighbour Mr McLennan who although in terribly bad health is striving to complete a book before he dies.3 When Mr Darwin gets the book back he says he shall read it again very carefully.] St Mark’s National Theological Centre Library (Tippett Collection TIP 70/10/30/1) 1 2

3

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from J. F. McLennan, 30 November 1880. The text is from a letter from Howitt to Lorimer Fison, 10 January 1881. In his letter to Howitt of [September 1874] (Correspondence vol. 22), CD had suggested that Howitt should write a book on the mental powers and beliefs of Australian aborigines. Howitt had sent Kamilaroi and Kurnai (Fison and Howitt 1880). John Ferguson McLennan accepted CD’s offer to lend him Fison and Howitt 1880; see letter from J. F. McLennan, 30 November 1880. McLennan died in 1881. He lived at Hayes Common, Kent, three and a half miles from Down (ODNB); his work on the origin of patriarchal family structures was published posthumously (McLennan 1885).

To W. E. Darwin   30 November [1880] [Down.] (Nov. 30th) My dear W. If you can get a fine day & can spare a day (but it is a horrid shame to bother so busy a man) I shd like to examine some castings from Beaulieu Abbey. Or Netley wd possibly do.—1 I shd like to have some from within the precincts of the Abbey, from the turf & not from the square places with trap-doors where the tiles are exhibited—also some castings from those square places with trap-doors.— I am awfully perplexed about the trituration of the swallowed fragments & cannot make up my mind. Very many thanks about Acacia petioles: if weather keeps mild the worms will perhaps work again & if so look under your Robinia.—2

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November 1880

Give my best of loves to Sara & my heart-felt sympathy for her misfortune in having married into such a dreadful family: our dear old mother feels the same for herself & for Sara.3 your affect. Father | C. Darwin Murray writes that 500 more copies of the Book must instantly be printed off.— instead of losing 1 or 2 hundred pound, Frank & I shall make a few pounds.4 Postmark: No 30 80 DAR 210.6: 163 1

2

3 4

In his letter to William of 23 [November 1880], CD wrote that he would know whether he needed William to acquire more worm-castings from Beaulieu Abbey, Hampshire, in a few days. Beaulieu is thirteen miles from Bassett, Southampton, where William lived; Netley Abbey is seven. For CD’s comments on the importance of trituration of small particles of stone in the gizzards of worms, see Earthworms, pp. 249–58. CD was probably unsure whether the rounding of the particles of stone was due to the action of the worm’s gizzard; see letter to W. E. Darwin, 17 December [1880]. William had made observations on how worms drew the petioles of the leaves of Robinia pseudoacacia (black locust or false acacia) into the mouths of their burrows; see letter from W. E. Darwin, 26 November [1880]. Sara Darwin. CD’s publisher John Murray had sold the initial print run of Movement in plants; see letter from R. F. Cooke, 26 November 1880. CD had estimated that he would make a loss on the initial 1000 copies printed, especially after considering the large number of review and presentation copies; see letter from R. F. Cooke, 4 November 1880, and letter to R. F. Cooke, 8 November [1880].

From J. F. McLennan   30 November 1880 Hayes Common Novr. 30 1880. My dear Mr. Darwin, I have not seen the work you mention & will be much obliged by your lending it to me.1 I know both writers however; Fison from Morgan’s paper; & Hewitt from a paper in Smyth’s “Aborigines of Victoria”   I had hoped I had written my last word on Australian Kinship on which I prepared about three years ago a chapter of some length for my book. But I had better see all they have to say. It is a deplorable instance of the helplessness of the human mind when speculating on false facts; & nearly all the so called facts about the Kamilaroi, Baralong &c, are obvious mistakes of observation. Besides this these excellent men are under the guidance of Mr. Morgan whose system, I say it deliberately, turns on a falsehood without uttering which he could not have moved. “When addressing a person who is not a relative they say my friend”.2 Lafilaū, from whom he mainly took his account of the Iroquois (without acknowledgement) says expressly the contrary & so without exception do all the Jesuit fathers.3 Where ever you find “the classificatory” system you find all strangers addressed by terms of relationship indicative of the respect sought to be paid to them. “My father” “My uncle” “My brother” &c..

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I have been very ill since Thursday last.4 This afternoon I feel better. My diet is now milk & lime water! Thank Dr. Frank for the copies of Nature & with kindest regards from my wife5 & self to you & Mrs. Darwin I am always | Yours sincerely J. F McLennan DAR 171: 26 1 2

3

4 5

See letter to A. W. Howitt, [before 30 November 1880]. CD had offered to lend McLennan Kamilaroi and Kurnai: group-marriage and relationship (Fison and Howitt 1880). Lorimer Fison contributed the appendices to Lewis Henry Morgan’s paper ‘Australian kinship’ (Morgan 1872). Alfred William Howitt contributed ‘Aborigines of Cooper’s Creek’ and the ‘System of consanguinity and kinship of the Brabrolong tribe, North Gippsland’ as appendices to Robert Brough Smyth’s Aborigines of Victoria (Smyth 1878, 2: 300–9 and 323–32). Morgan’s account of the Iroquois was League of the Ho-dé-no-sau-nee, or Iroquois (Morgan 1851). Joseph-François Lafitau, a Jesuit priest, had discussed the social organisation of the Iroquois in his Moeurs des sauvages amériquains, comparées aux moeurs des premiers temps (Customs of the American Indians compared with the customs of primitive times; Lafitau 1724). McLennan was gravely ill with consumption (ODNB). Francis Darwin; McLennan’s wife was Eleonora Anne McLennan.

From Hermann Müller   30 November 1880 Lippstadt Nov. 30., 1880. My dear Sir, I answer immediately your kind letter in order to moderate your apprehension about my brother Fritz. He has, indeed, suffered some damage by the unprecedented flood (the river Itajahy surpassed its normal level 1423 Meter!) but a moderate one, which will not seriously trouble him in his scientific researches.1 His books have been saved almost completely, likewise his microscope and apparatus, and he has already recommenced his scientific working. Two small but important articles have been lately sent by him to Dr. E. Krause for the Kosmos.2 I do not believe, therefore, that your generous offer would be accepted by my brother, but I will send him your letter in order to let him know how highly you value his work.3 I have continued the lecture of your admirable work until to Chapt. VI. with ever increasing interest.4 It would, indeed, be impossible to find out any matter of more universal bearing in the whole vegetable Kingdom! As you wish to hear soon about my brother I close this letter, as I am called off by my office until this evening With the greatest thankfulness | yours very sincerely | H. Müller. DAR 171: 316 1

2

See letter to Hermann Müller, 27 November 1880. Fritz Müller’s homestead was beside the Itajahy river (now called Itajaí Açu), about twenty-five miles inland from the town of Itajahy, in the north-east of Santa Catarina state in Brazil. It was later incorporated within the town of Blumenau. See letter from Ernst Krause, 26 November 1880 and n. 5.

446 3 4

December 1880

In his letter to Müller of 27 November 1880, CD offered £50 or £100 to Fritz Müller to cover any losses from the flood. Müller was reading Movement in plants; see letter from Hermann Müller, 27 November 1880. He later reviewed it in Kosmos (H. Müller 1880e).

From W. E. Darwin   1 December [1880]1

Bank— Dec 1

My dear Father, I shall soon manage a day for Beaulieu—. We have a Yankee cousin of Sara’s coming—and I can do him & the worms at the same time.2 I am extremely glad the book is going off so well.—3 We think of going to see the Roman Villa at Brading I of Wight on Friday   Is there any point you wish observed, I am told there are worms as big as eels there!.4 Sara sends her best love, she is quite aware what a half bred Darwin she is, but she has the decency to be delighted when any review speaks properly of you My love to Mother. Please tell Bessy5 I will enquire about what she wants. | Your affect son | W. E Darwin We were much interested in Mothers letter about Ld. Derby—6 Please say I shall be very glad of the Book if L.H.P do not want them.7 We had a smart dinner party last night—including Mrs. Fleming8 Cornford Family Papers (DAR 275: 84) 1 2

3 4 5 6 7

8

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to W. E. Darwin, 30 November [1880]. CD had asked William to collect some worm-castings from Beaulieu Abbey, Hampshire, in his letter of 30 November [1880]. The Cistercian abbey, founded in 1204, was a popular tourist attraction. Sara Darwin’s cousin has not been identified. After a positive review of Movement in plants appeared in The Times, 20 November 1880, p. 9, CD’s publisher had printed a further 500 copies (see letter from R. F. Cooke, 26 November 1880). Ruins of a Roman villa at Brading on the Isle of Wight had been discovered in 1879; a description of the uncovered remains appeared in the Antiquary (Nicholson 1881). Elizabeth Darwin. A letter from Emma Darwin to H. E. Litchfield, [28 November 1880] (DAR 219.9: 253) described a visit from Lord and Lady Derby (Edward Henry and Mary Catherine Stanley) and the various topics discussed. The Darwins visited Leith Hill Place, Surrey, the home of CD’s sister Caroline Sarah Wedgwood, from 11 to 15 December 1880. It is unclear what book William refers to; he would already have received a copy of Movement in plants, since his name is on CD’s presentation list (see Appendix IV). Ida Mary Sheldon Fleming.

To J. D. Hooker   1 December 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) December 1st 1880 My dear Hooker I thank you cordially for your advice. I never for a moment expected that Frank would be elected until 2 or 3 years had elapsed; for I know that even such men as Bates were not soon elected.—1

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The wish to be proposed now was wholly my doing; as Frank himself thought it would be better to wait. To save you trouble I enclose a list of Franks papers, which he has just drawn up at my request, & which perhaps you will be so good as to return hereafter.— I will follow your advice whatever it may be. Perhaps I had better get some younger man to propose him, if he is to be proposed.2 I daresay, however, it would be better to wait. I again thank you very truly | Ever yours | C. Darwin I need hardly add that if he is proposed & whoever proposes-him, I would send round the certificate for other signatures.— DAR 95: 502–3 1

2

See letter from J. D. Hooker, 29 November 1880. Hooker had advised CD about proposing Francis Darwin for fellowship of the Royal Society of London. Henry Walter Bates was first proposed for election to the Royal Society in 1879 by CD (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter to H. W. Bates, 26 January 1879). He was elected in June 1881 (Royal Society archives, GB 117 EC/1881/09). In the event, Francis was proposed by Michael Foster in January 1881 and elected in June 1882 (Royal Society archives, GB 117 EC/1882/09).

To W. E. Darwin   2 December [1880] [Down.] Dec. 2d.— My dear William. When you go to Brading take a measure with you & if the land is nearly level, so that fine earth cd. not have been washed down over the remains—measure how thick the vegetable mould is over them.1 The floor & walls will probably be covered by layer of rubbish which ought to be measured.— If floors have been uncovered, see whether they have sagged in middle.2 It is not likely that foundations of any wall will have been displayed but if this shd. have been done, look for burrows beneath wall—& for any recent casting on tops of broken-down walls or on floors.— By all means collect any castings from over the ruins, especially where soil happens not to be very thick.— James Geikie has sent me a grand & excellent book (containing my notions about gravel near Southampton) which when I have read I can lend you.—3 I wish you or I cd make out the relation of the brick-earth to the angular gravel. I suspect the former is the washings of the latter. I have much to write. your affect. | C. D.— Postmark: DE 2 80 DAR 210.6: 164 1

William planned to visit the ruins of a Roman villa at Brading on the Isle of Wight on 3 December 1880 (see letter from W. E. Darwin, 1 December [1880] and n. 4).

448 2 3

December 1880

For more on the parts of the villa uncovered by this time, see Nicholson 1881; particularly noted were the mosaic pavements. James Geikie had quoted from several of CD’s letters about gravel drift near Southampton in Prehistoric Europe: a geological sketch (see Geikie 1881, pp. 141–2, and letter from James Geikie, 22 July 1880 and nn. 1 and 2).

To J. B. Innes   2 December 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Dec. 2d 1880 My dear Innes I have delayed answering your note of the 29th, until hearing from the acting executor, Mr Hensleigh Wedgwood.1 He writes to day that the land will be sold by auction with the house: this will be soon, but date not yet fixed. I have an abominable number of letters to answer so pray excuse brevity; not that I can remember any news of this place worth telling you.— Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin Elizabeth Margaret Elliott Lucas (private collection) 1

See letter from J. B. Innes, 29 November 1880. Innes wanted to acquire some of the land adjacent to Tromer Lodge, the home of Elizabeth Wedgwood, who had died on 8 November 1880 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). No letter from Hensleigh Wedgwood on the subject has been found.

From William Preyer   2 December 1880 Jena Dec. 2, 1880 Dear Sir— I feel very much obliged to you for having sent me your new book, the results of which seem to inaugurate quite a new theory of irritability.1 Besides I think your graphic method may be applied to the chick in the egg. I shall try in spring.2 What you say about the origin of certain instincts which probably must be ascribed to “modifications” or “variations” of the brain, not to experience and habit, was quite new to me and is to a certain degree proved to be true by Brown-Séquards experiments and Westphals observations, which shew that epileptiform-movements may not only be artificially produced in guinea-pigs but that the young of such individuals show the same abnormal phenomena without having been pricked. I remember not exactly when and where this important fact has been published.3 But it confirms not only your theory, it proves also that such instincts which are of no “service to the species” may be inherited. I wish you could find time to write on “the marvellous facts of instinct” as indicated in your ‘Variation of Animals and Plants under domestication’ 1868 vol. 1, p. 8.4 With many thanks I enclose the short notes from ‘Nature’5 I am dear Sir your’s most faithfully | Wm. Preyer

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DAR 174: 72 1

2

3

4

5

See letter to William Preyer, 27 November 1880. Preyer’s name is on CD’s presentation list for Movement in plants (see Appendix IV). Preyer refers to CD’s theory that sensitivity to irritation was localised in specific areas of plants and transmitted to other parts, which then reacted in variable ways (Movement in plants, pp. 569–73). In Movement in plants, CD had employed line graphs to represent the circumnutation of different plant organs. Preyer was studying embryonic movement in vertebrates. His conclusions on different causes of embryonic movement were detailed in Specielle Physiologie des Embryo: Untersuchungen ueber Lebenserscheinungen vor der Geburt (Special physiology of the embryo: investigations into phenomena of life before birth; Preyer 1885, pp. 441–60). Preyer had asked CD for copies of letters on instincts that CD had written to Nature (see letter from William Preyer, 25 November 1880 and n. 2); in one of the letters, CD discussed the possibility that some instincts were the result of modifications of the brain (see Correspondence vol. 21, letter to Nature, [before 3 April 1873]). CD also discussed instincts as modifications of the brain in Descent 2d ed., p. 68. Charles Édouard Brown-Séquard had experimented on the artificial production of epileptic-like convulsions in guinea pigs and the transmission of these to offspring (Brown-Séquard 1860). Carl Westphal had noted further methods of inducing convulsions, but stressed the difference between these induced seizures and those of classical epilepsy in ‘Ueber künstliche Erzeugung von Epilepsie bei Meerschweinchen’ (On artificial production of epilepsy in guinea pigs; Westphal 1871). CD had proposed to investigate instinct as part of a projected work discussing variation of organisms in a state of nature (Variation 1: 8). He later gave the draft of his work on the subject to George John Romanes, who published it as an appendix to Mental evolution in animals (G. J. Romanes 1883, pp. 355–84). See letter from William Preyer, 25 November 1880 and n. 2. CD had sent copies of the articles with his letter to Preyer of 27 November 1880.

From W. E. Darwin   3 December [1880]1 Basset. Dec 3rd Dear Father I went today to the Roman Villa at Brading, and though I made out nothing very definite I will give you an account.2 The villa is on a ploughed field which has a fairly regular slope of nearly 3o towards the S or S.E. I should not wonder if the field had been in cultivation ever since the Romans; I tried the depth of mould in two places about 4 yards from each other, and it was rather over 3 feet, and 4 feet; but from what I was told by one man, and by the look of a hole in another part, & by the depth to bottom of foundations, I think it is over 5 feet deep in parts. The mould rests on a hard deep red compact sand, so hard that you could not dig it with a spade but required a pick the proprietor & finder of the villa told me.3 The remains consist of tessalated and I think sort of concrete pavements of little squares about 1  inch in size, surrounded by walls of about 1  foot in height. The tops of these walls were covered to various depths, in some cases only being 4 to 5 inches below the surface so that the owner told me that for the last 30 years he had occasionly struck them with his plough, and in other cases as much as 15 to 18 inches. I examined with the owner one spot of 15 inches in dept, and he said

450

December 1880

there was pure mould to within about 4 or 5 inches to top of walls, & then there was mixed mould and stones mortar and loose rubbish from the destroyed walls. *Where I saw the top of wall only 4 or 5 inches below the surface, there did not seem to be loose rubbish on top of them, but the mould on top did not appear to be so pure. Not far from where the top of walls appear so near the surface I saw by holes that had been dug that the mould was of a considerable depth therefore though the spot where the wall came so near the surface was perhaps 20 to 25 yards higher up in the field than the part I measured where there was a depth of 15 inches, I doubt whether the slope of rather less than 3o (or 1 in 19.) could have had much to do with it. The proprietor convinced me that the foundations, which were about 3 ft 6 (roughly) below the tessalated pavements and therefore about 5 ft 9 below the surface of the field where I examined it, rested on the hard red sand; therefore I cannot think that the foundations have sunk, but I had no chance of examining whether there were any worms which were working in the red sand, as only a very narrow ditch had been dug close to the wall which had been partly filled in, but we sounded down on to the red sand with a heavy pointed iron bar which came up all red; I saw no trace of red worm casting and I should think the sand would be too hard to tempt the worms down. The floors of most of the rooms were on the same level, but a few which were supposed to be offices as they had not ornamental pavement varied in level one with the other. On the whole the floors were level, but in 2 rooms which I measured by laying a board along them the floors sloped 1o degree in the same direction as the field itself. In one of the rooms with a beautiful tessalated pavement there was an uneven sinking at the lower end below the general level of the floor of 4  or 5  inches (I unfortunately forgot to measure this and I only judge by memory) the pavement was fairly perfect where this sinking was, but he told me that they had taken out 20 tons (probably meaning loads) of stones and rubbish from this spot so that one cannot say how much the weight had to do with it The largest room which is 40 by 18 at one end and 40 by 15 at the other, was very fairly level, though perhaps sloping a little to S.E. (the cantankerous agent of this part of building would not let me measure and was most indignant at my taking a worm casting) in one part there was a depression, (but not so great as in other room) where the tessalated pavement was gone, which had just the look as if it had been dripped upon thro’ a hole thro’ the roof; this floor had also had a mass of rubbish removed from it, and the agent said he supposed the depression to be caused by falling in of roof, which was made of heavy slabs of limestone or marble split into pieces of perhaps 34 of inch thick. The field itself was full of worm castings, and I was told by the under agent of the big room, that he had to continually sweep them off, especially on Monday morning. I saw several signs of castings on the edges of the room that had not been swept away, and I send you 3 samples which came up between the small square bits of pavement; these I took up myself from 3  different parts of the building— all

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the castings I saw looked like pure mould. The proprietor of the part I was able to examine said there were plenty of worms in the rubbish they had removed from the pavements. Where the hypocaust4 had been the floor of which was lower by 1 ft to 1 ft 6 than the tessalated pavement. I was able to examine to the depth of a foot or so the wall which separated the hypocaust from a room covered with pavement. This wall consisted of large flints lumps of chalk a large pieces of apparently not hard limestone full of shells and lumps of mortar; the interstices were full of mould and worm holes, and here & there was a casting, and it looked as if the mortar had to some extent been replaced by mould. Unfortunately I had no chance of seeing what was under the tessalated p. as they had not touched it in any place, but as the castings appeared all to be of pure mould, and as the floors has so fairly kept their level, it seems probable that the foundation of the pavements was made like the wall I have described as being next to and a foot or so lower than the pavement Would it not be likely that the worms might be continually bringing up mould through the pavement, and that any interstices in the rubble below would be filled up by worms working from outside, so that the mould would rise on the pavement without much if any sinkage. If there are any points to be examined I should enjoy going again. You will see by slip that villa was inhabited till 4th century. I should like the slip again5 I hope to go to Beaulieu soon.6 I shall like very much to see Geikie at Christmas7 Your affect son | W. E Darwin *all the walls of the house itself appeared to be about the same depth from the surface namely 15 to 18 inches   where I measured the depth was 15 inches, the agent of part of building where I was not allowed to measure said the depth was about 18— the part where there was only a depth of 4 to 5 inches seemed to be a narrow outhouse or passage with plain concrete bottom, in which I only saw one trace of a worm hole and no castings. DAR 162: 111 CD annotations 1.3 3o … S.E.] underl blue crayon 2.1 cultivation] underl blue crayon 2.3 over 3 feet,] underl blue crayon 2.3 4 feet;] underl blue crayon 2.5 5 feet deep] double underl blue crayon 2.5 mould … a hard] underl blue crayon 3.3 tops … depths,] underl red crayon 3.3 being … 5 3.4] underl red crayon 3.5 with his plough,] underl red crayon 3.5 15 to 18 inches. 3.6] underl red crayon 3.6 15] underl blue crayon 3.7 4 or 5] underl blue crayon

452

December 1880

3.15 The proprietor … sunk, 3.19] scored red crayon 3.19 the foundations have sunk,] underl red crayon 4.1 floors … rooms] underl red crayon 4.3 On … itself. 4.5] scored red crayon 5.1 In … it 5.6] scored red crayon 6.1 The largest … thick. 6.9] ‘Depression supposed to be caused by rubbish.’ blue crayon 7.1 The … building— 7.5] double scored red crayon 7.6 The … pavements. 7.8] scored red crayon 8.1 Where … pavement. 8.3] ‘Bits of stone often taken deep down into burrows & then may be reswallowed.’ pencil 9.2 the … mould. 9.4] scored red crayon 9.2 mould and worm holes, 9.3] underl pencil and red crayon 9.4 Unfortunately … sinkage. 10.4] crossed pencil 10.1 Would] ‘W’ over ‘W’ pencil 10.1 Would … sinkage. 10.4] ‘W’ scored pencil 12.1 You … again 12.2] double scored red crayon End of letter: ‘18 Chambers discovered at end of October | Latest coin 337 A.D.’ pencil 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to W. E. Darwin, 2 December [1880]. William was investigating worm activity at Brading on the Isle of Wight, where a Roman villa had been partly excavated earlier in 1880 (Nicholson 1881). William Munns was the farmer who had discovered the Roman remains on his farm (Nicholson 1881). In Roman villas, the hypocaust was a space under the floor in which heat from the furnace accumulated (OED). The slip has not been found; it was probably a printed description of the remains. Beaulieu Abbey (see letter from W. E. Darwin, 1 December [1880] and n. 2). CD had received a copy of James Geikie’s Prehistoric Europe: a geological sketch (Geikie 1881) and offered to lend it to William in his letter of 2 December [1880]. William and Sara Darwin were at Down from 23 to 29 December 1880 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)).

From James Paget   3 December 1880 Harewood Place | Hanover Square | London W. Decr. 3. 1880 My dear Darwin Let me thank you for your note and for the great pleasure I have had in even a partial reading of your new book—though it makes me feel that we must go beyond plants for a really elemental pathology—1 I wish I knew enough of crystals to work at them— I gladly take note of your promise to come to luncheon.2 Any day will do and the sooner after 1 the better for the longer time— Sincerely your’s | James Paget. DAR 174: 12 1

2

Paget’s name is on CD’s presentation list for Movement in plants (Appendix IV). CD had commented on Paget’s lecture on elemental pathology (Paget 1880; see letter to James Paget, 14 November 1880). See letter to James Paget, 14 November 1880. The Darwins were in London from 7 to 11 December 1880 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)).

December 1880

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From Friedrich Hildebrand   4 December 1880 Freiburg i/B. Decbr 4th 1880. Dear and honoured Sir, I intended to read first your new book and then to write to you, but now it seems to me, that this would last too long, so I do not hesitate any longer to give you my best thanks for your new kindness.1 I do not like to make much words and I beg your pardon, when I only say, that, after having done some glances into your book, my admiration of you is as great as it was ever before. In my lectures to the students there will be much more to say this winter about the movements of plants and your name will be mentioned again and again.2 The translation of the botanical garden—from one part of the town to another has almost taken all my time these two years and hindered me to work as I should have liked, but now I shall have more opportunity to make new observations and experiments.3 I beg you to give my remembrances to Mr Francis Darwin and remain | Dear Sir | yours | respectfully | Hildebrand DAR 166: 216 1 2 3

Hildebrand’s name is on CD’s presentation list for Movement in plants (Appendix IV). Hildebrand was professor of botany at Freiburg im Breisgau. Hildebrand was director of the Freiburg im Breisgau botanic garden, which moved to new premises in 1878; in 1879 he opened the Botanical Institute (Correns 1916, pp. 31–2).

From J. D. Hooker   4 December 1880

Royal Gardens Kew Dec 4/80

Dear Darwin I quite hope that Frank will let me propose him for the Royal at once:—assuming that I should not run him against Dickie,1 who will I should hope get in at once, as Huxley2 highly approves my bringing him forward. We might then hope for Frank’s election in 1882. What do you think of the Haughton & Starkie Gardener correspondence in “Nature”? It appears to me that neither of them have the smallest notion of the biological factors of the problem they are blundering about.— They both assume that the only element that has to do with the restriction of Araucaria Cunninghamii to its limited area in Australia is Climate!3 Ever affy yrs | Jos D Hooker The Grays return to Kew on Monday for 2 months, & we now talk of all going South in February4 DAR 104: 148–9

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Francis Darwin; see letter to J. D. Hooker, 1 December 1880 and n. 2. George Dickie was proposed for fellowship in the Royal Society of London by Hooker on 7 February 1881 and elected on 2 June 1881 (Royal Society archives, GB 117 EC/1881/09). Thomas Henry Huxley. In his article ‘A chapter in the history of the coniferæ’, Nature, 1 July 1880, pp. 199–202, John Starkie Gardner hypothesised that trees of the genus Araucaria, which was restricted to the southern hemisphere, originated and became differentiated in the northern hemisphere. A letter from Samuel Haughton published in Nature, 7 October 1880, pp. 532–3, referred to Gardner’s article and challenged geologists of the uniformitarian school to explain how the climate of Bournemouth could have been similar to that of Queensland, Australia. Letters to the journal continued the discussion on climate (see Nature, 4 November 1880, pp. 8–9; 18 November 1880, pp. 53–4; 2 December 1880, pp. 98–9). Further letters on the topic by Gardner, Haughton, and others appeared in Nature up to 24 February 1881. Araucaria cunninghamii (Moreton Bay pine) is a tree species native to parts of New Guinea and Australia (Queensland). Asa and Jane Loring Gray had been in Paris from around October 1880; they travelled through Italy with Hooker and his wife, Hyacinth Hooker, in the spring of 1881 ( J. L. Gray ed. 1893, p. 701).

From Ernst Krause1   4 December 1880 Berlin, | Friedenstrasse 11. 3. Tr. den 4.12.80. Hochverehrter Herr! Ihr gütiges Schreiben vom 28.t Nov.:, welches ich einer kleinen Reise wegen, erst heute empfing, verursachte mir eine grosse Freude.2 Ich glaube Ihnen versichern zu können, dass die Pangenesis-Theorie auf dem Continente mehr Anhänger hat, als die Perigenesis-Theorie, die den Meisten nur als ein Bild erscheint, was momentan bestechen kann. Viele stossen sich nur an dem Worte “Keimchen”, weil sie dabei an Knospen u. dergl. denken, während doch jedes Partikelchen organisirter Materie diesem Begriffe entsprechen kann.3 Da Ihnen die Mittheilung über Fr. Müllers Beobachtung von Interesse ist, und es möglicherweise, weil das Januarheft des Kosmos bereits gefüllt ist, noch vier Wochen dauern kann, bis sie im Kosmos erscheint, so füge ich Ihnen eine Abschrift derselben bei, weil ich fürchte, dass Ihnen meine kurze Mittheilung darüber eine nicht ganz genaue Idee gegeben haben möchte.4 Die betreffende Mittheilung lautet, wie folgt: “Wenn bei Krebsen verlorene Glieder sich neu bilden, haben sie mehrere Häutungen zu bestehen, ehe sie ihre volle Grösse und ihre regelrechte Gestalt wiedererlangen. Wie bei der Entwicklung des ganzen Thieres, geschieht es auch bei dieser Neubildung einzelner Gliedmassen nicht selten, dass die früheren Zustände den Gliedmassenbau der Vorfahren wiederholen. Zwei hübsche Beispiele bot mir eine kleine Garneele des Itajahy (Atyoida Potimirim)5    Die Scheeren der beiden ersten Fusspaare des Mittelleibes sind bei dieser Art in ganzer Länge gespalten, so dass sie fast nur aus den beiden Fingern, ohne eigentliche Hand bestehen; das Enddrittel jedes Fingers trägt einen dichten Pinsel sehr langer Borsten. Bei einer in Neubildung begriffenen Scheere war eine deutliche Hand vorhanden, fast so lang wie die Finger, und von diesen war der bewegliche ein wenig länger, als der unbewegliche Daumen. So erinnerte die junge Scheere an die in der verwandten

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Gattung Caridina gewöhnliche Bildung (wie sie Milne Edwards von C. typus, Heller von C. Desmarestii gezeichnet hat),6 zeigte sich jedoch noch ursprünglicher darin, dass die Finger nicht löffelartig ausgehöhlt und am Ende nur mit sehr wenigen ganz kurzen Dornen besetzt waren. Noch schlagender ist der zweite Fall. Beim dritten und vierten Fussspaare des Mittelleibes trägt der Schenkel an seinem Unterrande drei, seltener vier starke bewegliche Dornen und ein solcher steht an der Aussenseite nahe dem Ende des Schenkels; das letzte Glied dieser Füsse hat ausser dem starken Enddorn, seinen Unterrand mit 5–8 krummen Dornen bewehrt. Das fünfte Fusspaar weicht dadurch ab, dass der Unterrand des Schenkels nur einen oder zwei bewegliche Dornen besitzt und dass der lange grade Unterrand des letzten Gliedes einen Kamm trägt, der aus zahlreichen (bis gegen 40) dichtstehenden, schlanken, graden Dornen gebildet ist. Ein in Neubildung begriffnen, der Häutung naher Fuss des fünften Paares zeigte nun den etwas gebogenen Unterrand des letzten Gliedes in seinen beiden letzten Dritteln mit etwa fünfzehn ziemlich weitläufig stehenden, meist ebenso begogenen Dornen besetzt, während unter der Haut schon ein prächtiger regelrechter Kamm für die nächste Häutung fertig lag. Der Schenkel trug, wie der des dritten und des vierten Fusspaares, drei grosse bewegliche Dornen am Unterrande; unter der Haut aber lagen nur zwei neue Dornen, so dass also der Schenkel nach der Häutung nicht mehr denen der vorangehenden Fusspaare, sondern dem anderen desselben Paares geglichen haben würde. Man darf diesen Befund wohl dahin deuten, dass bei den Vorfahren der Atÿoida die drei letzten Fusspaare gleichgebildet waren und dass erst später das fünfte Paar einen oder zwei der Schenkeldornen verlor und an seinem Ende einen Kamm zum Reinigen namentlich der Hinterleibsfüsse erhalten habe.” Was die Angelegenheit des Kosmos betrifft, so höre ich, dass der Verleger, hinter meinem Rücken (!) die Zeitschrift an einen andern Buchhändler verkauft hat (Herrn E.  Koch7 in Stuttgart, den Verleger Ihrer Werke)    Derselbe geht damit um, den Kosmos in eine Wochenschrift zu verwandeln, als deren Redacteur der bekannte Reisende u. Geograph Friedrich von Hellwald8 ausersehen sein soll. Da dieser auf geographischem und ethnologischen Gebiete ungemein fruchtbare Autor von Naturwissenschaften (Physik, Chemie, Botanik, Zoologie, Geologie, Astronomie) auch nicht die leiseste Ahnung besitzt, so werden die deutschen Vertreter des Darwinismus diese buchhändlerische Speculation allgemein verabscheuen, da es sich hierbei nur um eine offenbare Schädigung der Sache handeln kann. Man räth mir nun, ich möchte die Monatschrift in der bisherigen Form in einem andern Verlage fortsetzen, aber ich weiss nicht, ob ich einen Verleger finden werde, der hierzu den Muth besitzt. Die Mitarbeiter würden mit wenigen Ausnahmen sämmtlich meiner Zeitschrift getreu bleiben, da man allgemein annimmt, dass eine darwinistische Zeitschrift unter Hellwald’s Leitung der Sache nicht nützen kann. Ich für meine Person würde viel lieber die Zeitschrift völlig und ohne Nachfolge eingehen, als sie in völlig unberufene Hände ausgeliefert sehen. Prof. Haeckel, Dr. Fritz u. Hermann Müller9 und viele andere sind genau derselben Ansicht. Aber gegen BuchhändlerComplotte ist schwer anzukämpfen.

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Dass Professor Jaeger in Stuttgart das Unglück gehabt hat, unter einen Eisenbahnzug zugerathen habe ich soeben mit der grössten Theilnahme in den Zeitungen gelesen.10 Die Räder sollen ihm über die Beine gegangen sein, und die Amputation des einen Beines nöthig machen. Hoffentlich ist das Unglück nicht so gross, wie es aus der Nachricht erscheinen könnte. Man klammert sich bei solchen Schreckensbotschaften gern an die Hoffnung, dass es eine falsche Nachricht sein könnte. Ich wünsche sehr, Ihnen ein ander Mal erfreulichere Mittheilungen machen zu können und zeichne, hochverehrter Herr | In innigster Dankbarkeit | Ihr | ergebenster | Ernst Krause DAR 169: 111 1 2 3

4

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7 8 9 10

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. See letter to Ernst Krause, 28 November 1880. In the German translation of Variation, Julius Victor Carus had translated the word ‘gemmule’ as ‘Keimchen’, a diminutive form of ‘Keim’, which can be translated as ‘bud’, ‘sprout’, or ‘germ’ (see Carus trans. 1873, p. 492 and passim). CD had expressed the opinion that the case of limb regeneration Krause had mentioned could be better explained by CD’s theory of heredity, pangenesis, than by Ernst Haeckel’s theory, perigenesis (see letter to Ernst Krause, 28 November 1880 and n. 4). On pangenesis, see Correspondence vol. 13, letter to T. H. Huxley, 27 May [1865]; on perigenesis, see Correspondence vol. 24, letter from Ernst Haeckel, 9 May 1876. Fritz Müller’s short communication, ‘Haeckel’s biogenetisches Grundgesetz bei der Neubildung verlorener Glieder’ (Haeckel’s biogenetic law in the regeneration of lost limbs; F. Müller 1881b), the text of which is copied in full in this letter, appeared in the February 1881 issue of Kosmos. Atyoida potimirim is a synonym of Potimirim potimirim, a species of freshwater shrimp of the family Atyidae, known in Brazil as the tiny or neon shrimp. The genus Caridina is also in the family Atyidae. Henri Milne-Edwards figured C. typus (Australian amano shrimp) in Milne-Edwards 1834–40, Atlas, Pl. 25 bis, figs. 4 and 5. Camil Heller figured C. desmarestii (a synonym of Atyaephyra desmarestii) in Heller 1863, Pl. VIII, fig. 3. Eduard Koch was the head of E. Schweizerbart’sche Verlagsbuchhandlung. Friedrich von Hellwald was at this time the editor of the popular weekly Das Ausland. Fritz and Hermann Müller were regular contributors to Kosmos. Gustav Jäger had been a co-editor of Kosmos from 1877 to 1879. The newspaper report has not been identified; Krause later discovered that the report referred to another person (see Correspondence vol. 29, letter from Ernst Krause, 2 January 1881).

To J. D. Hooker   5 December 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Dec. 5 1880 My dear Hooker I thank you much for being willing to propose Frank; I had begun to doubt whether I had not been too impudent in asking such a veteran to propose him, & was a little vexed with myself.— I do not see how your proposing him can interfere in the least with the higher claims of anyone else.— If you have not thrown away the list of Frank’s papers please return them; & then I will fill up a certificate & send it you for signature & afterwards get other signatures.1 But probably I shall not be

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able to do this for about 10 days, as on Tuesday morning we go to “6 Queen Anne St” until Saturday, whence for a few days to Leith Hill Place.2 I fear that there is no chance of our seeing you in London. Again thanking you warmly | My dear Hooker | Ever Yours | Ch. Darwin I did not attend to or care about the Haughton controversy; it seemed chiefly about the range of a single or at most two species.—3 I should have hugely enjoyed talking over with you Wallace’s book.—4 Can you give me seeds of Commelyna cœlestis? I have applied to Thompson of Ipswich, & he has not any.—5 DAR 95: 504–5 1

2

3 4

5

See letter from J. D. Hooker, 4 December 1880 and n. 1. Francis Darwin was to be proposed for fellowship of the Royal Society of London. Proposal certificates listed the candidate’s publications. In the event, Francis was proposed by Michael Foster in January 1881 and elected in June 1882 (Royal Society archives, GB 117 EC/1882/09). The Darwins were in London at the home of CD’s brother, Erasmus Alvey Darwin, from 7 December 1880, then travelled to Leith Hill Place, Surrey, on 11 December, and returned home on 15 December (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). See letter from J. D. Hooker, 4 December 1880 and n. 3. Samuel Haughton had argued against a uniformitarian view of geological change in a series of letters published in Nature. See letter from J. D. Hooker, 22 November 1880, and letter to J. D. Hooker, 23 November 1880. Alfred Russel Wallace’s recently published work, Island life (Wallace 1880a), had been dedicated to Hooker. Commelina coelestis is dayflower; CD’s notes, dated 24 December 1880 to 11 January 1881, on geotropism in young cotyledons of this species, are in DAR 67: 60–4. William Thompson (1823–1903) owned a nursery in Ipswich.

From Edouard Strasburger1   5 December 1880 Jena le 5/12 | 1880. Très honnoré Monsieur. Permettez moi de vous remercier bien sincèrement du beau cadeau que vous m’avez fait.2 Je ne sais vraiment ce que je dois admirer davantage en vous: la finesse de vos observations, ou cette vigeur, cette force infatigable de travail, que vous avez du Vous conserver jusque dans un âge si avancé. Je me réjouis de voir Monsieur Votre fils Vous seconde si bien dans vos recherches et je Vous en félicite cordialement.3 Agréez, je Vous prie, l’assurance de ma plus haute considération et de tout mon devouement. E. Strasburger DAR 177: 266 1 2 3

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. Strasburger’s name is on CD’s presentation list for Movement in plants (Appendix IV). The title page of Movement in plants acknowledged the assistance of Francis Darwin.

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From Federico Delpino1   6 December 1880 Genoa addì 6 Xbre 1880 Venerando mio maestro! La ringrazio per il dono del suo grande lavoro sui moti delle piante; è uno nuovo titolo di straordinaria benemerenza verso la scienza.2 La fitofisiologia odierna delirava, e la S.V. la rimette sul retto sentiero. Poche settimane prima di ricevere il suo libro, nel discorso inaugurale che io feci nella Università di Genova, io lamentava che la moderna fisiologia vegetale commetteva il deplorabile errore di ritenere per azioni dirette e non riflesse le influenze della luce e della gravità e i moti che ne derivano.3 Ora la S.V.  ha nel campo sperimentale smascherato questo gravissimo errore.4 Mille felicitazioni ed augurii! | Suo ossequentissimo | ammiratore | Federico Delpino P.S. Mi prendo la libertà di | spedirle la mia fotografia.5 DAR 162: 157 1 2 3

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For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. Delpino’s name is on CD’s presentation list for Movement in plants (Appendix IV). In his inaugural lecture, Il materialismo nella scienza (Materialism in science; Delpino [1880]), Delpino attacked the materialist view that plant physiology could be explained purely in physico-chemical terms and argued that plants had what he called a perception of their own needs so that their responses to external stimuli were mediated by internal reactions (Delpino [1880], pp. 22–5). Among CD’s experimental findings was the discovery that sensitivity was localised in particular parts of plants, which signalled to other parts, which responded with various movements. For example, the sensitive part of the radicle or embryonic root was the tip, but movement occurred throughout the length, indicating that the tip directed the movement. CD compared the process to the action of the brain in lower animals (Movement in plants, p. 573). The photograph has not been found.

To T. H. Huxley   [7 December 1880]1 6. Queen Anne St | Cavendish Sqr Tuesday My dear Huxley I shd. very much like to see you for 5 minutes to hear about the Wallace affair.—2 Will you send me a card telling me at what hour in the morning of Thursday or Friday, you will be at Kensington? We leave London early on Saturday morning—3 It is of no real consequence if you could not see me, & I may not be up to coming.— Ever yours | Ch. Darwin Imperial College of Science, Technology and Medicine Archives (Huxley 5: 355) 1

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from T.  H.  Huxley, 7 December 1880; in 1880, 7 December was a Tuesday.

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CD was trying to obtain a government pension for Alfred Russel Wallace and had enlisted Huxley’s help in getting signatures for the memorial (see letter to T. H. Huxley, 13 November 1880). The Darwins were in London from 7 to 11 December 1880 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)).

From T. H. Huxley   7 December 1880 4 Marlborough Place, | Abbey Road. N. W. Dec 7 1880 My dear Darwin You will find me at South Kensington either Thursday or Friday morning up to 1. P.M. & very glad to see you—1 I have been horridly busy for the last week or ten days & so the Wallace business did not press home [but] it stand over2 Ever | Yours very faithfully | T H Huxley DAR 166: 354 1 2

Huxley was professor of natural history at the Royal School of Mines, South Kensington, London. CD and Huxley were trying to obtain a government pension for Alfred Russel Wallace (see letter to T. H. Huxley, [7 December 1880] and n. 2).

From T. M. Reade   7 December 1880 Decr 7th 80 My dear Sir Will you kindly read the letter of Topley’s in the Geo. Mag I send you. p—573— You are quoted by him as an authority in favor of the views of the permanence of the positions of Oceans & Continents through all geological time—1 It appears to me after reading what you say in the 4th Edition of your “Origin of Species” that the words Mr Topley quotes, mostly the qualifying “if ”. scarcely bear out the inference he wishes drawn—2 You put the views forward distinctly as an hypothesis to meet certain difficulties in the evidence of geology with respect to evolution— The question is a very important one and can scarcely be settled by quoting authority— it is a matter of evidence. Faithfully Yours | T. Mellard Reade Dr. Chas Darwin FRS. &c Will you kindly return the Magazine.— Contemporary Copy3 University of Liverpool Library (TMR2.D.1.3) 1

William Topley’s letter appeared in the Geological Magazine, December 1880, pp. 573–4. Topley quoted a passage from Origin 3d ed., p. 335, and commented on an article by Reade in the September issue of the journal, ‘Oceans and continents’ (Reade 1880).

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See Origin 4th ed., p. 373; the passage quoted from the third edition is essentially unchanged in the fourth. The copy was made by Reade.

From Arnold and Carolina Dodel-Port1   8 December 1880 Zürich, 8. December 1880. Herrn Charles Darwin in Down. | (England.) Hochgeehrtester Herr! Vor 2 Tagen erhielt ich unter Kreuzband Ihr durch J. Murray an mich adressirtes Werk: “The power of movement in plants”, welches Exemplar Sie mir zu dediciren die Güte hatten.2 Es ist wohl nicht nothwendig, Sie zu versichern, dass Sie mir durch diese herrliche Gabe eine sehr grosse Freude bereitet haben. Das hier behandelte Thema ist von so grossem Interesse, dass es gewiss nicht nur die Botaniker von Fach, sondern auch Zoologen & Biologen im weiterer Sinne fesseln wird. Mit grossem Vergnügen lesen wir von Zeit zu Zeit in den Zeitungen & Zeitschriften, dass Sie sich trotz der reichen Fülle von Jahren noch munter befinden und es ist unser herzlichster Wunsch, dass es noch recht lange so bleiben möge. Es sind nun fast 10 Jahre her, seit ich gewagt habe, an der Züricher Universität den Darwinismus zum ersten Mal öffentlich zur Sprache zu bringen. Vorher verhielten sich die berufenen Vertreter der biologischen Disciplinen unserer Hochschule entweder ganz abweisend oder aber indifferent. Ich bin bekanntlich mit meinen Vorlesungen über die neue Lehre auf heftigen und auch auf verkappten heimtückischen Widerstand gestossen.3 Die Gegner aller Farben haben sich damals vereiniget, um mir das Leben und Lehren zum Theil recht sauer zu machen. Fast  10  Jahre lang haben sie mich unterdrückt, weil ich eine lebendige Idee zu vertreten wagte. Ja, die Behörden des eidgenössischen Polytechnicums in Zürich haben mir sogar das Abhalten eines Collegs über Darwinismus verboten, während man an der Hochschule etwas freisinniger handelte. Im Juni letzthin wurde ich denn auch zum ausserordentlichen Professor der Botanik an der Universität ernannt.4 Bei diesem Anlass hat sich auch herausgestellt, dass der Darwinismus während der letzten 10  Jahre an der Hochschule Boden gewonnen hat. Mit Ausnahme des alten Oswald Heer erklären nun alle Lehrer der Botanik & Zoologie an der Universität und am Polytechnicum dahier, dass sie Darwinianer seien. Sie sehen, dass die Macht der Ideen stärker ist, als das althergebrachte Vorurtheil. Wir dürfen also jetzt mit dem Stand der Dinge zufrieden sein. Von unserm “Anatomisch-physiolog: Atlas der Botanik” habe ich Ihnen vor 10 Tagen die IV. Lieferung gesandt, die Sie nun wohl erhalten haben.5 Die Vollendung des Werkes ist—Gesundheit vorausgesetzt—gesichert. Bis Sommer  1882  dürfte der Atlas vollendet sein.6 (Im August 1880 erschien die englische Ausgabe bei Johnston in Edinburgh & London.)7

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Unsere besten Wünsche für Ihr Wohlbefinden & unsere Empfehlungen an Sie & Ihren Herrn Sohn, Francis Darwin, Ihren braven Mitarbeiter: | von Ihren dankbarst ergebenen | Dr. A. & C. Dodel-Port DAR 162: 199 1 2 3 4 5

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For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. Dodel-Port’s name is on CD’s presentation list for Movement in plants (Appendix IV). The book was sent by CD’s publisher, John Murray. On the reception of Dodel-Port’s early lectures, see Correspondence vol. 22, letter from Arnold Dodel, 13 December 1874. Arnold Dodel-Port had held the position of privat-dozent (lecturer) in botany at Zurich since 1870 (Historisches Lexikon der Schweiz). The plates of the Anatomisch-physiologischer Atlas der Botanik (Anatomical-physiological atlas of botany; Dodel-Port and Dodel-Port 1878[–83]) were published in seven instalments. In the accompanying volume of text, each section is separately paginated, since the plates and text did not appear in the order in which they were numbered. CD’s copy of the work has not been found. Dodel-Port had sent CD the first part of the atlas in June 1878 and mentioned that a publisher might approach him about an English translation (see Correspondence vol. 26, letter from Arnold Dodel-Port, 12 June 1878). CD had promised to recommend a translation of the work ‘in the strongest possible terms’ (ibid., letter to Arnold Dodel-Port, 15 June 1878). Further parts were sent in 1879 (see Correspondence vol. 27, letters to Arnold Dodel-Port, 12 February 1879 and 6 October 1879). The work was completed in 1883; at that time a revised title page for the volume containing the description of the plates was issued with the title, Erläuternder Text zum anatomisch-physiologischen Atlas der Botanik (Illustrated text for the anatomical-physiological atlas of botany). For the English translation, see Dodel-Port and Dodel-Port 1880–3. The cartographical publishing firm W. & A. K. Johnston was based in Edinburgh (Post Office Edinburgh directory).

From Hermann Vöchting   8 December 1880 Basel, 8. Dec. 1880. My dear Dr. Darwin. Since the announcement of your new work I had daily expected it, and was greatly and most agreeably surprised in getting a specimen of your own hand.1 Allow me firstly and above all to tell you my best thanks for this most valuable present. From the day when it was delivered to me, your book has been almost my only reading, and the latter has given me the greatest delight. I am sure, the multitude of new facts detected by you and the conclusions you have drawn from them, will have a reforming influence on a great part of botanic physiology. In congratulating you to this new publication I can merely tell, that it is only rivalled by the former works of the same great author. Your book was the more important for me, because I was led on ground of own researches not yet published to results quite according to several of yours. For instance I was since long time convinced the bending of a horizontal radicle not being the direct effect of gravitation, but caused by the tip. To much occupied with

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other objects I had as yet not made any attempts to verify my conjecture, and am now much surprised by the most ingenious method you have shown the foundation of my supposition.2 With this letter I take permission to send you some little publications made by myself in the last years, begging not to deal to hard with the trials of a beginner.3 I should have dispatched them sooner, but I thought them scarcely worthy enough for this purpose, and from this cause alone you will excuse the delay. In a future time I hope to appear before you with better works— More than nine years have elapsed since you honored me with the allowance of paying you a visit in the Down.4 I shall never forget this day, the finest remembrance I have taken with me from my abode in England. Paying my best respects to Mr. Francis Darwin and repeating my thanks for your work, I remain, my dear Dr.  Darwin, in high veneration | always and sincerely yours | H. Vöchting. DAR 180: 9 CD annotation Top of letter: ‘My dear F. I have thought that you wd like to see this letter. I have utterly forgotten the man. C. D.’ pencil 1 2

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Vöchting’s name is on CD’s presentation list for Movement in plants (Appendix IV). CD and Francis Darwin performed numerous experiments demonstrating that the sensitivity of the radicle or embryonic root was located at the tip of the organ (see, for example, Correspondence vol. 27, letter to Francis Darwin, [before 5 June 1879]; see also Movement in plants, pp. 572–3). Vöchting sent an offprint of his PhD dissertation, which appeared in the Jahrbücher für wissenschaftliche Botanik, ‘Beiträge zur Morphologie und Anatomie der Rhipsalideen’ (Contributions on the morphology and anatomy of the Rhipsalideae; Vöchting 1873), as well as his work ‘Der Bau und die Entwicklung des Stammes der Melastomeen’ (The structure and development of the stem of the Melastomaceae; Vöchting 1875). CD’s copies are in the Darwin Library–Down. Vöchting also sent a copy of his book Über Organbildung im Pflanzenreich (On organ formation in the plant world; Vöchting 1878); CD’s copy, annotated by both him and Francis, is in the Darwin Library–CUL. No record of Vöchting’s visit has been found, but he spent three months in 1871 at the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, and visited CD during this time (see Fitting 1919, p. 43).

From Hugo de Vries   8 December 1880 Amsterdam 8 Dec 1880 Dear Sir! I am very much obliged to you for your great kindness of sending me your Work on the Power of Movement in plants, which I have read with the greatest interest.1 I was much pleased to learn by your experiments that circumnutation is a general phenomenon in all growing plants, and that it is the basis of most of the other movements of vegetable organs. The little oscillations you describe in these circumnutating movements seem to remind of the “stossweise Aenderungen des Wachsthums” of Sachs.2 For if it is allowed to assume that these little “shocks” do not

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occur at the same time on all sides of the growing organ, the result must be a similar movement as those described by you. I was especially interested by your experiments on the movements and the curious sensitiveness of the roots and plumules of young seedling-plants, which I hope to repeat as soon as I shall have an occasion, for I desire very much to observe myself these interesting and unexpected phenomena.3 I always remember the great pleasure, I had in repeating the experiments, described in your work on Insectivorous plants, with all those species, which I could procure either in botanical gardens or on excursions.4 By so doing I not only obtained a better knowledge of the subject, but often had the opportunity of showing these phenomena to others. And now I always cultivate some Utricularia, Drosera and Pinguicula, so as to be able to show their insectivorous habits to my students every year. Your considerations on the embryology of leaves remembered me the curious case afforded by the young plants of Sium latifolium, which have their leaves divided in a much higher degree than the pinnated leaves of the older plants, and so show their descent from an Umbelliferous type with highly divided leaves.5 So your experiments and remarks on the danger, occasioned by the radiation during cold nights, suggested to me, that perhaps the hairs of plants might in many cases have been acquired for the same purpose as the sleeping movements, and that this supposition would account for the curious instance that so many leaves are covered with hairs when young, and lose them when growing older.6 In your Work you often speak of my papers on the same subject, and I am much indebted to you for your very kind judgment on them, which will be a stimulus to me in endeavouring to contribute my part to the advancement of science.7 With many thanks | Yours sincerely. | Hugo de Vries. DAR 180: 25 1 2

3 4 5 6

7

De Vries’s name appears on CD’s presentation list for Movement in plants (Appendix IV). ‘Stossweise Aenderungen des Wachsthums’: sporadic changes in growth (German). Julius Sachs had used this expression in his article ‘Ueber den Einfluss der Lufttemperatur und des Tageslichts auf die stündlichen und täglichen Aenderungen des Längenwachsthums (Streckung) der Internodien’ (On the impact of air temperature and daylight on the hourly and daily changes in linear growth (elongation) of internodes; Sachs 1872, p. 103) to describe small changes in the direction of growth not due to external causes. For CD’s description of the irregular movements he described as circumnutation, see Movement in plants, pp. 1–2. CD had described the movement of radicles or embryonic roots, noting that only the tips were sensitive (see Movement in plants, pp. 129–200). De Vries had mentioned repeating experiments described in Insectivorous plants while in Sachs’s laboratory in the summer of 1875 (see Correspondence vol. 23, letter from Hugo de Vries, 7 November 1875). Sium latifolium (wideleaf water-parsnip) is in the carrot and parsley family, Apiaceae; Umbelliferae is a synonym of Apiaceae. In Movement in plants, pp. 284–97, CD had described a number of experiments preventing leaves from assuming a vertical position at night (nyctitropism) and concluded that these movements protected the upper surfaces of leaves from radiation and cold. See Movement in plants, pp. 2, 6, 108, 217, 267–8, 283, 440–3, 485, 502, and 557. The work most cited by CD was Vries 1872.

464

December 1880

To G. H. Darwin   9 December [1880]1

6. Q. A. St Dec. 9th

My dear George The Kowalevskys have been to lunch & a very interesting visit it was—2 Madame has been greatly interested by your papers & if you can spare a copy of your last one do send her one to “13 Montagu Place Russell Sqr.”—3 I never saw such a funny little woman   she bubbled over with enthusiasm about Sir W. Thomson’s papers & work— She was indignant with Cayley & declares that he makes his work far more difficult than it really is.—4 Yours affect | C. Darwin I am half-dead with K. grating Voice.— DAR 210.1: 101 1 2

3

4

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to V. O. Kovalevsky, 25 November [1880]. Sofia Vasilyevna Kovalevskaya and Vladimir Onufrievich Kovalevsky. Kovalevsky had planned a visit to Down on 25 November but was unable to go (see letter to V. O. Kovalevsky, 25 November [1880]). The Darwins were in London from 7 to 11 December 1880 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). George had been working on problems associated with the rotation of a viscous or elastic body; his most recent paper was ‘On the analytical expressions which give the history of a fluid planet of small viscosity, attended by a single satellite’ (G. H. Darwin 1880). Kovalevskaya was interested in the rotation of a rigid body around a fixed point; she later published a prize-winning essay on the topic (Kovalevskaya 1889). For more on her contributions to mathematics, see Koblitz 1983. Arthur Cayley was a professor of mathematics at Cambridge. William Thomson was well known for his work in thermodynamics and the age of the earth; he had encouraged George in his work on secular cooling.

To T. H. Huxley   9 December 1880

6. Queen Anne St Dec. 9th. 1880

My dear Huxley Whilst returning home, I thought of your second proposal, & it seems to me that if any such document was presented to a man like Ld. Aberdare, he would say “what the devil do I care what he wishes”.1 And as for Owen he would send the whole concern to the Devil rather than sign2—not that his signature signifies very much.— Whatever you decide on all points that will I do.— Ever Yours | Ch. Darwin Imperial College of Science, Technology and Medicine Archives (Huxley 5: 351) 1

2

CD had planned to meet with Huxley to discuss the memorial to obtain a government pension for Alfred Russel Wallace (see letter to T. H. Huxley, [7 December 1880]). Henry Austin Bruce, first Baron Aberdare, was president of the Royal Geographical Society; CD had offered to approach Bruce to sign the memorial (see letter to T. H. Huxley, 13 November 1880). Richard Owen and CD had not been on speaking terms since shortly after the publication of Origin, when Owen had written what CD described as a ‘spiteful’ review (see Correspondence vol. 8, letter to J. S. Henslow, 8 May [1860]).

December 1880

465

From Ernst Krause1   9 December 1880 Berlin N.O. Friedenstr. 11. 3 Tr. den 9.12.80. Hochverehrter Herr! Meine Absicht ist heute nur Ihnen mitzutheilen, dass ich das abscheuliche Buch von S. Butler: Unconscious Memory gestern empfangen und durchgelesen habe.2 Es würde, falls Sie nichts dagegen einzuwenden hätten, meine Absicht sein, demselben im “Kosmos” zu antworten, darin zu sagen: 1, dass Sie mir lange vor Ersche〈i〉nen seines Buches, Ihre Absicht meinen Artikel übersetzen zu lassen zu erkennen gegeben haben, 2, dass Sie nicht nur die betreffenden Interpolationen contra Butler nicht veranlasst, sondern mir im Gegentheil gerathen hatten, von dem Buche gar keine Notiz zu nehmen.  3, dass ich dem Butler’schen Buche in Bezug auf Erasmus Darwin für die revidirte Ausgabe absolut nichts verdanke.3 Sagen Sie mir, bitte, mit zwei Worten, wenn Sie es lieber sehen, dass ich das Buch ignorire. Ich glaube in der That, dass es diesem Querulanten, dem offenbar nur darum zu thun ist, mit Ihnen einen Streit zu haben—denn nur darum preist er auf den ersten Seiten Ihren Namen4—mit seinem Buche so gehen wird, wie mit dem AthenäeumArtikel: Niemand wird von dieser zu einem Elephanten aufgebläheten Mücke sprechen. Ich kann Ihnen nicht sagen, wie schmerzlich es mir ist, dass ich dazu beigetragen habe, Ihnen diesen vor keinen Mittel zurückschreckenden Gegner auf den Hals zu hetzen, denn eine derartige bodenlose Gemeinheit war nur denkbar und ist nur erklärlich, weil ihm der versetzte Hieb, bis ins Mark gegangen ist. Allerdings habe ich nicht das Gefühl, ihm zuviel gethan, oder ihn ungerecht beurtheilt zu haben, er verdiente im Gegentheil noch viel schlimmer mitgenommen zu werden.5 Verzeihen Sie, hochverehrter Herr, diese unerfreulichen Früchte | Ihrem | von Herzen ergebenen | Ernst Krause DAR 92: B60 1 2

3

4 5

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. Samuel Butler’s Unconscious memory (Butler 1880) was published in November 1880 (Publishers’ Circular, 15 November 1880, p. 1001). In a chapter titled ‘The manner in which Mr. Darwin met “Evolution, old and new” (Butler 1880, pp. 58–79), Butler accused CD and Krause of making unacknowledged use of his earlier work, Evolution, old and new (Butler 1879). Krause was the editor of the journal Kosmos. For Butler’s earlier accusations against CD and Krause in regard to Erasmus Darwin, made in a letter to the Athenaeum, see letter to H. E. Litchfield, 1 February [1880], enclosure 1. When Butler 1879 first appeared, CD had advised Krause to ignore the work (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter to Ernst Krause, 9 June [1879], and this volume, letter to Ernst Krause, 9 February 1880). By ‘revised edition’ (revidirte Ausgabe), Krause means the essay published in Erasmus Darwin, revised from the article in Kosmos (Krause 1879a). Krause further revised and expanded the essay for the German edition (Krause 1880). In the introduction to Butler 1880, pp. 2–4, Butler discussed the widespread approbation of CD’s theory of evolution, before launching into his critique of it. For Krause’s critique of Butler 1879, see Krause 1879b.

466

December 1880

To T. M. Reade   9 December 1880 [6 Queen Anne Street,] London Dec. 9th 1880 My dear Sir I am sorry to say that I do not return home till middle of next week, & as I order no pamphlets to be forwarded to me by post, I cannot return the Geolog. Mag. until my return home.—1 Nor could my servants pick it out of the multitude which come by the Post. As I remarked in a letter to a friend, with whom I was discussing Wallace’s last book, the subject to which you refer seems to me a most perplexing one.2 The fact which I pointed out many years ago that all Oceanic islds are volcanic (except St. Paul’s, & now this is viewed by some as the nucleus of an ancient volcano) seems to me a strong argument that no continent ever occupied the great oceans.— Then there comes the statement from the Challenger that all sediment is deposited within 1 or 200 miles from the shores; though I shd. have thought this rather doubtful with respect to great rivers like the Amazons.—3 The Chalk formerly seemed to me best case of an Ocean having extended where a continent now stands, but it seems that some good judges deny that the chalk is an oceanic deposit.4 On the whole I lean to the side that continents have since Cambrian times occupied, approximately, their present positions.5 But as I have said the question seems a difficult one, & the more it is discussed the better. Believe me | My dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin P.S. I have been compelled to write this note in haste— University of Liverpool Library (TMR1.D.7.7) 1

2

3

4 5

See letter from T.  M.  Reade, 7  December  1880 and n. 1; Reade had sent a copy of the Geological Magazine by the same post as his letter. The Darwins were in London from 7 to 11 December 1880; from 11 to 15 December, they stayed at Leith Hill Place, Surrey, the home of CD’s sister Caroline Sarah Wedgwood (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). Alfred Russel Wallace’s book Island life (Wallace 1880a) included a section on geological age and climate (ibid., pp. 203–29), and a discussion of the permanence of continents and oceans (ibid., pp. 81–102; see p. 82 for Wallace’s critique of Reade on the question of whether oceans had once been dry land). CD discussed Wallace 1880a with Joseph Dalton Hooker (letter to J. D. Hooker, 23 November 1880). CD had discussed the volcanic origin of oceanic islands in Volcanic islands, pp. 124–9. CD concluded that St Paul’s Rocks (Saint Peter and Saint Paul Archipelago) were the top of a submarine mountain (see ‘Beagle’ diary, p. 36). On the extent of shore deposits as surveyed by HMS Challenger, see Murray 1876, p. 519. Wallace cited John Murray (1841–1914) on this point in Wallace 1880a, pp. 83–4. See Wallace 1880a, pp. 87–9. See Origin 6th ed., pp. 288–9.

From T. M. Reade   10 December 1880 Canning Chambers, | 4, South John Street, | Liverpool, Decr 10th. 1880 My dear Sir— I am much obliged to you for expressing your views so fully on the subject of Oceans & Continents   My enquiry was made to know if Mr Topley had correctly

December 1880

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represented them1 —No doubt the fact that these oceanic islands are volcanic is an argument in favour of the views you hold but on the other hand if continents had resisted & become submerged to the depth of the water surrounding these islands it is highly improbable that any palæozoic or secondary rocks would appear above the surface —All the high ranges of mountains are tertiary & the highest points mostly volcanic— Mr Judd has pointed out very forcibly that the reason the older mountain ranges are lower than the newer ones is because of the waste they have suffered which goes on at a much more rapid rate in the higher regions of the Atmosphere.2 Probably also many of these oceanic islands have been formed since the submergence of land—if there existed any— There is also an argument to be drawn from analogy which I think of some force— If we look at the surface of the moon we find it covered most thickly over with volcanic rings—intersecting one another in every conceivable manner.  If such a length of time as from the present to the Cambrian had elapsed without the oceanic areas distinctly altering should we find such an extent of level bottom in the oceans as the soundings disclose? There being no atmosphere in the moon the volcanic rings remain, the reason the earth presents such a difference in its surface configuration to that of the moon I maintain is solely on account of the ejected matter of volcanoes on the earth being worn away by atmospheric influences & made into sedimentary rocks (see my Moon & the Earth published by Bogue)—3 During the whole of this time also carbonate of lime would have been continuously deposited as ooze in these great ocean areas and as corals round some of the oceanic Islands— It would have been abstracted to that extent which is considerable from the sedimentary rocks which have been constructed & reconstructed since the Cambrian times & these rocks having the carbonate of lime only returned to them in part would have become progressively less calcareous— Instead of this the reverse is the case & analogies of water in various parts of the world show that the newer rocks are on the whole more calcareous— I fully agree with you that it is a “perplexing” subject— I would prefer those who differ from the views expressed in my “Oceans & Continents” meeting the arguments instead of referring to complaints—4 I have given the subject considerable attention lately & can only say that there are immeasurable circumstances to be taken into consideration in attempting to settle it which do not seem to have entered Mr Wallaces head—5 Of course I may be all wrong in my ideas but I could quote some eminent geologists who have written agreeing with me but I dont believe in that sort of argument. Again thanking you for indicating your present views on the subject & knowing you are quite prepared to change them if you see sufficient cause | I remain | Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | T. Mellard Reade Chas Darwin— I must apologise for troubling you with so much writing but being deeply interested must be my excuse DAR 176: 31

468 1

2 3

4 5

December 1880

See letter to T. M. Reade, 9 December 1880; CD confirmed his belief that the position of oceans and continents had not changed since the Cambrian period. William Topley had quoted a passage from Origin 3d ed., p. 335, in support of his views in a letter that appeared in the Geological Magazine, December 1880, pp. 573–4 (see letter from T. M. Reade, 7 December 1880). John Wesley Judd made this argument in Judd 1876, pp. 530–7; Alfred Russel Wallace had criticised Judd on this point in Island life (Wallace 1880a, p. 173 n.). Reade’s presidential address to the Liverpool Geological Society on 12 October 1875 was published in the society’s Proceedings (T. M. Reade 1875) and appeared as an offprint entitled ‘On the moon and the earth’. At this time, it was generally accepted that craters on the moon were the result of volcanic action (see, for example, Nasmyth and Carpenter 1874, pp. 89–116). See n. 1, above. Reade’s paper ‘Oceans and continents’ (Reade 1880) appeared in the Geological Magazine, December 1880, pp. 385–91. Wallace had written on the permanence of continents and oceans in Wallace 1880a, disagreeing with Reade on several points (ibid., pp. 81–102; see letter to T. M. Reade, 9 December 1880 and n. 2).

From G. J. Romanes   10 December 1880 18 Cornwall Terrace, Regent’s Park, N.W.: December 10, 1880. I return by this post the book on Hybridism, with many thanks.1 It has been of great use to me in giving an abstract of the history. I have read your own book with an amount of pleasure that I cannot express.2 One idea occurred to me with reference to luminous stimulation, which, if it has not already occurred to you, would be well worth trying. The suggestion suggests itself. How about the period of latent stimulation in these non-nervous and yet irritable tissues? And especially with reference to luminous stimulation it would be most interesting to ascertain whether the tissues are affected by brief flashes of light. If you had an apparatus to give bright electrical sparks in a dark room, and were to expose one of your plants to flashes of timed intervals between each other, you might ascertain, first, whether any number of sparks in any length of time would affect the plants at all; and second, if so, what number in a given time. I should not wonder (from some of my experiments on Medusæ, see ‘Phil. Trans.’ vol. clxvii. pt. ii. pp. 683–4)3 if it would turn out that a continuous uninterrupted series of sparks, however bright, would produce no effect at all, owing to the plant tissues being too sluggish to admit of being affected by a succession of stimuli each of such brief duration. But if any effect were produced, it would still be interesting to make out whether this interrupted source of flashing light were considerably less effective than a continuous source of the same intensity. Very sincerely and most respectfully yours, | geo. j. romanes. E. D. Romanes 1896, pp. 103–4 1 2 3

CD had sent Romanes Die Pflanzen-Mischlinge (Plant hybrids; Focke 1881) by Wilhelm Olbers Focke (see letter to G. J Romanes, 14 November [1880] and n. 4). Romanes’s name appears on CD’s presentation list for Movement in plants (Appendix IV). In his paper on the locomotor system of medusae (G. J. Romanes 1877, pp. 683–4), Romanes had measured the response of the hydromedusa Tiaropsis polydiademata (a synonym of Mitrocomella polydiademata) to bursts of light.

December 1880

469

From T. H. Huxley   11 December 1880 Science and Art Department | South Kensington Dec 11. 1880 My dear Darwin Inclosed I send the draft of the memorial but a hard piece & much alteration in the last as struck me on re-reading it.1 Also the list of people to send it to which I wrote out as we were talking2 I don’t think your suggestion about Aberdare cutting up rough worth one single straw—so I tell you—but perhaps it is better to have the thing in the ordinary fashion3 Ever | Yours very faithfully | T H Huxley I send this on spec to Queen Anne Str.4 DAR 166: 355 1 2 3 4

The draft memorial for Alfred Russel Wallace has not been found (see the letter to T. H. Huxley, 9 December 1880 and n. 1). An earlier version, in CD’s hand, is in DAR 91: 95–8 (see Appendix VI). Huxley’s list has not been found, but a list of potential signatories, written partially in CD’s hand, is in DAR 91: 99–100. CD was doubtful about presenting the memorial to Henry Austin Bruce, first Baron Aberdare (see letter to T. H. Huxley, 9 December 1880). CD had been staying at 6 Queen Anne Street, London, the home of Erasmus Alvey Darwin, since 7 December 1880, but travelled to Leith Hill Place, Surrey, on 11 December (see ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)).

From James Torbitt   11 December 1880 J. Torbitt, | Wine Merchant. | 58, North Street, | Belfast. 11 Decr 1880. Charles Darwin Esqr. | Down. My dear Sir, In the two private notes I failed to convey my ideas.1 What I wanted was, that you should look at the product, and express an opinion as to its value, if you found it proper to do so.2 Best thanks for all your kindness | most respectfully yours | James Torbitt DAR 178: 169 1 2

The private notes have not been found (see letter to James Torbitt, 29 October 1880). Torbitt had tried to interest CD in a secret process that related to waste food use (see letter to James Torbitt, 29 October 1880, and A. Evans et al. 1996, p. 8).

From S. H. Haliburton   12 December [1880]1 Bridge House | Richmond | S.W. Decr. 12th.— Dear Charles Darwin It is no use! I cannot resist writing to tell you, what a real & great pleasure it was to me, to see you, & such a goodly Assemblage of Darwins besides, a gratification I had hardly hoped for—2 You are one of my oldest remaining friends, & you

470

December 1880

are so happily associated with the palmy days of yore, that it is indeed a heartfelt satisfaction to me to see you, & to feel assured, that old times are still fresh in your memory, & your friendly regard unabated—3 I can only hope this satisfaction may be renewed at no very distant period for Life is short, & uncertain; But while it lasts, believe that I am always most affectionately your’s, | S. H. Haliburton. PS.| Our meeting had but one drawback, you called me “Mss. Haliburton” twice— This offence must not be repeated—4 DAR 99: 209–10 CD annotation Top of letter: ‘done’ 1 2 3 4

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to S. H. Haliburton, 13 December 1880. Haliburton had visited CD and Emma Darwin at the home of Erasmus Alvey Darwin some time during their stay in London from 7 to 11 December 1880 (see letter to S. H. Haliburton, 13 December 1880). Haliburton had been a close friend and neighbour of CD before the Beagle voyage. See letter to S. H. Haliburton, 22 November 1880.

To Ernst Krause   [12 December 1880]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. [Leith Hill Place, Surrey.] Sunday morning (Away from Home return on Wednesday)2 My dear Sir I am writing in a great hurry on account of Sunday Post.— I am much pleased that you will answer Mr Butler— I have been advised not to do so.—3 What you say in your letter is perfectly true.— Your conduct towards me has been in every respect & at all times most generous.— I think that your answer had better be short.— Butler has written an abusive letter about me to the newspaper & I have written to a friend to send it you as soon as possible.4 I have not read & do not intend to read a word which he writes— I really think that he is half insane & a lady who knows him well, says it is extreme vanity— Pray send me a corrected proof of your answer. Yours ever gratefully | Ch. Darwin In great Haste The Huntington Library (HM 36203) 1 2

3 4

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from Ernst Krause, 9 December 1880. The Sunday following 9 December 1880 was 12 December. The Darwins had visited CD’s brother, Erasmus Alvey Darwin, in London from 7 December 1880; from 11 December, they stayed at Leith Hill Place, Surrey, the home of CD’s sister Caroline Sarah Wedgwood. They returned home on Wednesday 15 December (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). See letter from Ernst Krause, 9 December 1880 and n. 2. Krause was planning to respond to Samuel Butler’s Unconscious memory (Butler 1880). Butler’s letter appeared in the St James’s Gazette, 8 December 1880, p. 5.

December 1880

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To James Geikie   13 December 1880 Down. | Beckenham, Kent &c. [Leith Hill Place, Surrey.] Dec 13th. 1880. My dear Sir. You must allow me the pleasure of thanking you for the great interest with which I have read your Prehistoric Europe—1 Nothing has struck me more than the accumulated evidence of interglacial periods & assuredly the establishment of such periods is of paramount importance for understanding all the later changes on the earth’s surface.2 Reading your book has brought vividly before my mind the state of knowledge or rather ignorance, half a century ago, when all superficial matter was classed as Diluvium & not considered worthy of the attention of a Geologist.— If you can spare the time (though I ask out of mere idle curiosity) I should like to hear what you think of Mr. Mackintosh’s paper illustrated by a little map with lines showing the courses or sources of the erratic boulders over the midland counties of England.—3 It is a little suspicious their ending rather abruptly near Wolverhampton, yet I must think that they were transported by floating ice— Fifty years ago I knew Shropshire well, & cannot remember anything like till,—but abundance of gravel & sand beds with recent marine shells. A great boulder which I had undermined on the summit of Ashly Heath 7203 (?) ft above the sea rested on clean blocks of the underlying red sandstone.4 I was, also, greatly interested by your long discussion on the löss;5 but I do not feel satisfied that all has been made out about it— I saw much brick earth near Southampton in some manner connected with the angular gravel, but had not strength enough to make out relations— It might be worth your while to bear in mind the possibility of fine sediment washed over & interstratified with thick beds of frozen snow, & therefore ultimately dropped irrespective of the present contour of the country. I remember as a boy—that it was said that the floods of the Severn were more muddy when the floods were caused by melting snow, than from the heaviest rains; but why this should be so I cannot see. Note. (I have run short of paper & am away from home).6 Another subject has interested me much. viz. the sliding & travelling of angular debris   Ever since seeing the “Streams of Stones at the Falkland Islands—I have felt uneasy in my mind on this subject— I wish Mr Kerr’s notion could be fully elucidated about frozen snow.7 Some one ought to observe the movements of the fields of snow which supply the glaciers in Switzerland. Yours is a grand book, & I thank you heartily for the instruction & pleasure which it has given me.— Pray believe me. | My dear Sir. | Yours sincerely— | Ch. Darwin For Heavens sake forgive the untidiness of this whole note.— Copy DAR 144: 334 1

Geikie had sent CD a copy of Prehistoric Europe: a geological sketch (Geikie 1881; see letter to James Geikie, 27 November 1880).

472 2 3 4

5 6

7

December 1880

Geikie devoted two chapters of his work to a discussion of the evidence of interglacial epochs, or periods of warmer climate interspersed with colder periods during the Ice Age (see Geikie 1881, pp. 252–330). Daniel Mackintosh had published the results of a survey on drift-deposits of the erratic blocks of England and Wales (Mackintosh 1879). CD had written about the boulder in 1842 in his ‘Ancient glaciers of Caernarvonshire’, p. 186 n. Ashley Heath is in Staffordshire. CD’s note on the boulder, made in June 1846 when he was visiting relatives at Maer, is in DAR 5: B31–2. See also Correspondence vol. 27, letter to Daniel Mackintosh, 9 October 1879; Mackintosh had mentioned the boulder in Mackintosh 1879, p. 442. See Geikie 1881, pp. 143–68; löss or loess is a sedimentary deposit of silty or loamy material. This phrase is written in the margin of the copy, at a point where the copyist notes the paper changed. CD was writing from Leith Hill Place, Surrey, the home of his sister Caroline Sarah Wedgwood. The Darwins returned home on 15 December (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). CD discussed the gravel found on the Falkland Islands in South America, p. 21; he suggested that its occurrence might be the result of ice action. In Geikie 1881, p. 229, Geikie had referred to Washington Caruthers Kerr’s Report to the Geological Survey of North Carolina (Kerr 1875, p. 156); Kerr argued that successive freezing and thawing contributed to the downward movement of gravels, resulting in deposits similar to those caused by glacial drift.

To S. H. Haliburton   13 December 1880 Leith Hill Place | Dorking Dec. 13. 1880 (Home tomorrow) My dear Sarah It was very good of you to write, & your note has given me much pleasure.1 It is not too common to find anyone in this world as true as steel. Your postscript is your own dear old self.—2 Immediately you left (Queen Anne St. Emma & I said to one another we must try when the weather gets a little better, whether she will face the dullness of Down & pay us a little visit.3 So that in the early spring you will have to make up your mind. I had hoped to call & see whether Mrs. Biddulph would admit me, & had got her address, but a Russian naturalist came to luncheon & dinned me half to death & then an American naturalist, & I was half dead.4 But next time that I am in London I will try. I think that there must be some Mrs Biddulph living in Leamington, for I was told so positively that our Mrs Biddulph lived there, that I have thought of enquiring. In former years I was, also, rarely fit to see anybody.5 Let me call you | my dear old friend | Yours affectionately | Charles Darwin Caroline is a little better & came down to dinner the first time for three months. She sends you her very kind love.6 DAR 185: 25 1 2 3 4

See letter from S. H. Haliburton, 12 December [1880]. Haliburton had chided CD for addressing her as Mrs Haliburton (letter from S. H. Haliburton, 12 December [1880]). Haliburton had visited CD and Emma at CD’s brother’s house, 6 Queen Anne Street, London. Fanny Myddelton Biddulph lived at 26 Grosvenor Place, London (Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/98/92/5)). The Russian naturalist was Vladimir Onufrievich Kovalevsky, who visited with his wife, Sofia Vasilyevna Kovalevskaya. The

December 1880

5 6

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American naturalist has not been identified, but may have been Asa Gray, who was working at Kew between December 1880 and March 1881 ( J. L. Gray ed. 1893, 2: 713–14). For more on CD’s health and periods of illness, see Correspondence vol. 13, Appendix IV. The Darwins were staying at Leith Hill Place, Surrey, the home of CD’s sister, Caroline Sarah Wedgwood. Caroline had been ill since October (see letter to T. H. Farrer, 1 October 1880).

To James Paget   13 December 1880 [Leith Hill Place, Surrey.] Dec. 13th, 1880. Perhaps you would like to see a very small “tumour” on a lateral branch of the Silver Fir, caused by an Œstrum, as stated (with references) in my Power of Movement in Plants.1 These tumours are sometimes almost as big as a child’s head. At what age they emit the upright shoot, I do not know. Paget 1901, p. 409 n. 1

See Movement in plants, pp. 188–9. The oestrum or parasite was identified as Aecidium elatinum (a synonym of Melampsorella caryophyllacearum, fir broom rust). For more on CD’s and Francis Darwin’s research on the topic, see Correspondence vol. 27, letter from Francis Darwin, [after 2 June 1879]. Paget had recently given a lecture that included a discussion of plant pathologies (see letter from James Paget, 12 November 1880, and letter to James Paget, 14 November 1880).

To G. J. Romanes   13 December 1880 Leith Hill Place Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Dec. 13th 80 (return home tomorrow) My dear Romanes Your suggestion seems to me an excellent one, but we have no apparatus.1 I will, however, show your note to Frank.2 Certainly alternations of light & darkness at long intervals stimulates plants. Wd. it not be worth your while to try seedlings of Canary grass or cabbage?—3 The former wd be best.— A whole pot of seedlings cd be tried together. They are exqui〈sitely〉 sensitive to light. They migh〈t〉 be tried now, but possibly it might be a little better in early spring.— We staid in London on ou〈r〉 road here for 3 days & I had hoped to see you, but I had to see other people, & by the afternoon was dead beaten each day.—4 I am delighted that my book has interested you.—5 I suppose that you have cases of dogs calling on each other & tempting one another to go out hunting by themselves.— There is a case here of pet dogs in 2 houseses about 12 mile apart, & their owners have agreed to shut up their dogs on alternate weeks, so that the 2 are never free at the same time for if they are, they will 〈go〉 hunting.—

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My dear Romanes | Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin I hear that Mr S. Butler abuses me as 〈a〉 liar & scoundrel in his new book, but I 〈do〉 not intend to look at it—6 Bodleian Library (MS.Eng.d.3823 ff. 6–7) 1 2 3

4 5 6

See letter from G. J. Romanes, 10 December 1880 and n. 3. Francis Darwin had assisted CD with experimental work for Movement in plants. Canary grass is Phalaris canariensis; cabbage is Brassica oleracea. CD and Francis had studied the light response of cotyledons of P. canariensis, and noted the localised sensitivity as well as differences in response-time and angle of inclination of seedlings grown in the dark compared with those grown in light (see Movement in plants, pp. 455–77). The Darwins stayed in London from 7 to 11 December 1880 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). On CD’s visitors while in London, see the letter to S. H. Haliburton, 13 December 1880 and n. 3. See letter from G. J. Romanes, 10 December 1880 and n. 2. Samuel Butler’s Unconscious memory contained a chapter titled ‘The manner in which Mr. Darwin met “Evolution, old and new”’ (Butler 1880, pp. 58–79); Butler accused CD and Ernst Krause of making unacknowledged use of Butler’s earlier work, Evolution, old and new (Butler 1879).

To James Torbitt   13 December 1880 Down, [Leith Hill Place, Surrey.] Dec. 13, 1880. My dear Sir Absence from home has prevented me from at once thanking you for your report, which appears to me satisfactory and I hope satisfies you.1 I will get it copied and send it to Mr. Caird and to Mr. Farrer; but the latter has been seriously unwell and all his official duties, I fear, are in arrear.2 I will then call their attention to your offer to send them some of the varieties. You will remember that I hold money subscribed in aid of your experiments. As I am still away from home, I forget the exact sum, £75, or £80, or £85, I think. Will you kindly let me hear about this. I should like to return some to the subscribers. I do not want a penny back of what I subscribed, for it has been a pleasure to me to aid you in your noble endeavours to confer on your country a public benefit. I do not think that Mr. Farrer would care about any part of his subscription being returned. Please tell me how you are situated, and then when I send copies of your Report, I can report to the subscribers about the money. I told Mr. Caird that I held the above amount to be advanced to you or partly or wholly returned to him for the co-subscribers.3 Under the present dreadful state of Ireland, I fear it will be impossible to attract Mr. Forster’s attention.4 With renewed good wishes for your success in all ways, I remain, | My dear Sir | Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin. Copy DAR 148: 124

December 1880 1

2

3 4

475

Torbitt’s report has not been found. CD was writing from Leith Hill Place, Surrey, the home of his sister, Caroline Sarah Wedgwood. The Darwins returned home on 15 December (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). James Caird and Thomas Henry Farrer had helped raise funds for Torbitt, who was carrying out largescale experiments aimed at producing blight-resistant potatoes. CD evidently sent the report to Farrer and asked him to pass it on to Caird (see letter to T. H. Farrer, 30 December 1880). See letter to James Caird, 24 March 1880. William Edward Forster was chief secretary for Ireland. Following the return of potato blight in 1879, Forster had introduced legislation in June 1880 to compensate evicted tenants under certain conditions. When the bill failed, Forster recommended that the Irish Land League leadership should be prosecuted for incitement. By December 1880, he faced ferocious opposition in the House of Commons. (ODNB; for more on the Land League and government policy on property rights at this time, see Comerford 2016.)

To James Murie   14 December [1880]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station Orpington. S.E.R.) [Leith Hill Place, Surrey.] Dec. 14th Tuesday r My dear D. Murie Would you have the kindness to send me a P. Card with Prof. Allman’s address on next Friday & Saturday, as I wish to communicate with him promptly, & believe that he is sometimes in London & sometimes in the country. I daresay as he is our President you will know his address.—2 Believe me | Yours very faithfully | Ch. Darwin Linnean Society of London (LL/4) 1 2

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to G. J. Allman, 17 December 1880. Murie was assistant secretary of the Linnean Society; George James Allman was president.

From G. J. Romanes   14 December 1880 Linnean Society, Burlington House, Piccadilly, London, W.: December 14, 1880. My dear Mr. Darwin,— I am glad that you think the experiment worth trying. As you say you have not got the requisite apparatus for trying it, I have written to Professor Tyndall to see if he would allow it to be carried through at the Royal Institution.1 If I had known you were in town I should have called to tell you about the Echinoderms.2 My paper on them is now written (70  pages), so I have begun to come here (Burlington House) to read up systematically all the literature I can find on animal intelligence. Hence it is that, having left your letter at home, and not remembering the address upon it, I have to send this answer to Down.3

476

December 1880

[Butler] is a lunatic beneath all contempt—an object of pity were it not for his vein of malice.4 Very sincerely and most respectfully yours, | geo. j. romanes. E. D. Romanes 1896, p. 104 1

2 3

4

See letter from G. J. Romanes, 10 December 1880, and letter to G. J. Romanes, 13 December 1880. Romanes had suggested that experiments similar to those he had performed on medusae could be tried on plants. John Tyndall was superintendent of the Royal Institution of Great Britain. The Darwins were in London from 7 to 11 December 1880 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). Echinodermata is the phylum of sea urchins, starfishes (sea stars), brittle stars, sea lilies, and sea cucumbers. Romanes’s paper, co-authored with James Cossar Ewart, was on the locomotor system of echinoderms (G. J. Romanes and Ewart 1881 (see letter from G. J. Romanes, 5 November 1880). It was delivered as the Croonian lecture of the Royal Society of London on 24 March 1881. Romanes was working on his book, Animal intelligence (G. J. Romanes 1882; see letter from G. J. Romanes, 22 April 1880). A dash was printed instead of the name in the printed source of this letter. Samuel Butler had devoted a chapter of his latest book, Unconscious memory (Butler 1880), to an attack on CD and Ernst Krause for unacknowledged reaction to Butler’s work (see letter to G. J. Romanes, 13 December 1880 and n. 6).

From Francis Darwin   [before 15 December 1880]1 4 Bryanston St My dear Father, If you dont want anything I think I will stay here till after the Linn Soc, but if you do I can come down quite well on Wednesday pm till Thursday pm if you telegraph.2 Will you please send me the abstracts of my papers registered to Bry Street3    Each abstract consists of one sheet of paper, and they are clipped with 2 or 3 (not more) other sheets, and lie on my little straw table; but please & for goodness sake as Ubbadub4 says dont hunt but write & say they cant be found & I will come on Thursday & get them. I have my potash M.S. here to go on with.5 Yrs affec | F.D I have made short abstracts of my papers for Nature. but I’m afraid they are too short to be interesting.6 DAR 274.1: 62 1 2 3 4 5

The date is established by the date on which Francis’s papers were read at the Linnean Society (see n. 2, below). Francis presented two papers at the Linnean Society on Thursday, 16 December 1880 (F. Darwin 1880a and F. Darwin 1880b). Four Bryanston Street, London, was the home of Henrietta Emma and Richard Buckley Litchfield. Bernard Darwin. Francis had been experimenting with potash (see letter to G. H. Darwin, 30 May [1880]). He began these experiments based on Julius Sachs’s suggestion that potash was exuded from leaves (see Correspondence vol. 26, letter from Francis Darwin, [4–7 August 1878], and Correspondence vol. 27, letter to Edward Frankland, 8 February 1879).

December 1880 6

477

Francis summarised his two papers in Nature, 23 December 1880, pp. 178–81. See letter to Francis Darwin, 27 December [1880].

From G. E. Mengozzi1   15 December 1880 Rome | 3 Piazza del Popolo 15. 10mbre. 1880 Illustre Monsieur C’etait pour moi et mes Collegues, composants la Magistrature de la Royale et Imperiale Accademie “La Scuola Italica” de Rome, une grande consolation l’avoir appris par Votre lettre derniére, que Vous avez acceptè la nomination à Membre d’Honneur de la même Accademie.2 Dans quelques jours aura lieux une Séance pour en éffectuer à unanimité Votre éléction et aprés Vous envoyer le relatif Diplóme, comme on à dejà participé au Président Genl. Honoraire le Roi d’Italie Humbert 1er. et le Senateur M. Giacchi, Vice President Effectif,3 Votre généreuse acceptation qui apporte majeur lustre a la Royale Assemblée et utilité pour l’avancement des doctrines naturelles que Vous cultivez. Dans ma derniéres lettre je Vous avait priez d’agréer la dédicace de un des mes ouvrage, sur la: Génération des animaux, et Nouvelle Classification des Êtres Naturels;4 de cet ouvrage je vous envoye à présent trois Tableaux Synoptiques, pour qui Vous puissiez-le voir synthètiquement et abrégè. Cette dédicace par Vous accepté trouvera accession parmis les savants, et sera honorée de la leur critique de quoi je désire pour me tenire sûre en propos. Je sait que je n’ai pas aucun titre ni mérite pour obtenir de Vous si grand honneur et encouragement; mai, je connait la bienfaisance de Votre ésprit et j’en doute pas de Votre adhèsion. J’ai relus avidement les dernières pages de votre ouvrage par Vous indiquées; “Variations des animeaux et des Plantes sous l’êtat de domestication”.5 Le resultat dans ma pensée était que pendant qui est demontré par la organografie comparée et par Vos recherches sur la cause génétique des existences, que chaque être, y compris l’homme, à origine par une préexistente forme, pour ça il ne vient pas annullée la Divinitè etant l’existence de Dieu assez clairement et sufficentement demontrée par l’intelligence humaine, parce que la même est plus élevée comparativement à celle des toutes autres existences, ainsi comme sagement vous dites dans le grand volume sur l’Origine de l’homme; c’est à dire, que seulement pour l’élévation des facultées intellectuelles l’homme pervient reconaître l’existence de un créateur et Regulateur de l’Univers; l’amoureux createur, comme Vous m’ecrivait. Dans la sûretè que Vous Vous daignerez d’accepter la dedicace de mon pauvre ouvrage du quel je Vous envoye unis à la presente lettre, les tableaux synoptiques; je Vous remercie en anticipation pendant que à present et toujours je me repéte | Très devoué et obbligé | Comm. Profr. G. E. Mengozzi M.D. P.S. On m’á dit que Vous avez pubbliée un nouveaux ouvrage: The power of Movement in the Plants, est il vraie?6

La generazione può essere

Sessuale

Asessuale

Polipi

Bisessuale

Dioica

Monoica

Unisessuale (con ovario semplice

Fissipara

Gemmipara

Con antagonismo

Senza antagonismo dei sessi

Con ermafroditismo perfetto

Con ermafroditismo imperfetto

Radiari

Vero accopianmento

Coll’azione separata – – – – –

Coll’azione riunita di ambi i sessi

In cui ogni individuo si feconda da se medesimo

In cui si richiede l’accopiamento di due sessi

Quadro Sinottico sulla Generazione

Tutti i vertebrati a sangue caldo; tutti i Rettili, escluso l’ordine delle Rane; i Pesci cartilaginosi e molti articolati.

In molti Pesci ossei. Salamandre ecct.

Nelle Rane escluse le salamandre

Quasi tutti i Molluschi

Elici, Limaci, Aplisie

478 December 1880

[Enclosure 1]

Lo svolgimento dell’uovo può avvenire

Nel corpo materno

Fuori del corpo materno

Internamente

Esternamente

Con influenza materna

Senza influenza materna

Nell’utero

Nella cloaca

Cogli organi incubatori

Cogli organi nutricatori

Per mezzo di un incubazione

Coll’azione del calore

Vivipari

Ovo-vipari

Ovipari imperfetti e di transizione

Ovipari perfetti

Quadro Sinottico sullo svolgimento delle uova

December 1880 479

[Enclosure 2]

G. E. Mengozzi. Mengozzi 1881, frontispiece. From the collection of The Royal College of Surgeons of England. Image by Wellcome Collection. Public Domain Mark 1.0.

Tutti gli esseri Naturali, possono dividersi in …

DAR 171: 155

Combinati (corpi composti)

Liberi (corpi semplici)

Transitori (esseri organici)

Permanenti (esseri anorganici)

Splanchiferi

Asplanchici

Cristalizzati (Solidi)

Animali priopriamente detti

Vegetabili ed animali primitivi

Cristalizzabili (Liquidi e fluidi elastici)

Encefalozoari (Vertebrati)

Gangliozoari (Invertebrati)

Ramosi (Piante)

Globosi (Tutti gli esseri organici più semplici).

Quadro Sinottico sulla Classificazione degli esseri Naturali

[Enclosure 3] Teleocefali (Mammiferi ed Uccelli).

Ateleocefali (Rettili e Pesci).

Midollari (Articolati).

Nervosi (Molluschi e Radiari)

December 1880 481

482

December 1880

CD annotations 4.1 Cette … domestication”. 6.2]: ‘X’ pencil Third enclosure: ‘Very much obliged for your courteous & very interesting letter & He has published Power of M will direct his publisher to send you a copy’7 pencil 1 2 3 4

5 6 7

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. Mengozzi’s French (not his native tongue) was extremely poor. See letter to G. E. Mengozzi, [after 24 November 1880]. Umberto I; Michele Giacchi. See letter from G. E. Mengozzi, 24 November 1880. The book, Nuova classificazione degli esseri naturali e saggio sulla generazione degli animali, published in 1881, contains a long introductory dedication to CD (Mengozzi 1881, pp. vii–xxv). See letter to G. E. Mengozzi, [before 28] October 1880; CD advised Mengozzi to read the last pages of Variation. The French translation was Moulinié trans. 1868. Movement in plants was published on 6 November 1880 (Freeman 1977). CD’s annotations are notes for his reply to Mengozzi, which has not been found. Mengozzi’s name is not on CD’s presentation list for Movement in plants.

From James Torbitt   15 December 1880 J. Torbitt, | Wine Merchant. | 58, North Street, | Belfast. 15 Decr 1880. Charles Darwin Esqr. | Down. My dear Sir, In continuance of my last respects—1 Under date of Saturday last Mr Forster wrote me that “owing to his numerous and pressing official engagements he regrets that he is at present unable to attend to the matter of growing disease-proof potatos”2 I forward today a dozen copies of enclosed to Downing Street, and shall send you reply on receipt thereof. Most respectfully | my dear Sir | James Torbitt [Enclosure] of grea〈t〉 importance in the opinion of Sir Joseph Hooker, Mr Caird CB and others3 RIGHT HON. W. E. GLADSTONE,4 First Lord of the Treasury, &c. Right Hon. Sir, A Committee of the House of Commons has recommended that the Government should now undertake the work of producing new varieties of the potato, for National purposes.5 Now, I most respectfully beg leave to state that, acting under the strong encouragement, and even pecuniary assistance, of some of the highest authorities on this subject in the Kingdom, I have been engaged on this work during the last six years, and upon a scale far larger than was ever before attempted. During each year I have grown 5,000 varieties of the plant, selected the best of those varieties which were disease-proof, and what is of vast importance, I have intercrossed— cross-bred—these best disease-proof varieties, and I have now in my possession seed cross-bred during three generations, each generation having been disease-proof. That disease-proof varieties

December 1880

483

have been obtained I can adduce ample evidence, of which I most respectfully beg leave to submit a specimen:—Captain C. R. Barton, J.P., D.L., The Waterfoot, Pettigo, County Fermanagh, grew for me last season 82 disease-proof varieties of 1879, and he reports to me that in not one of these 82 varieties is there any disease whatever.6 Under these circumstances, I would most respectfully propose that, next season, I should launch into life one hundred thousand new varieties of the plant, each single variety being endowed with vitality sufficient to gather from the air, and from the earth, millions of tons of food. And these new varieties, during the first years of life yield enormous crops. Knight found 34 tons;7 I have found 24 tons, while the average yield of old varieties is not more perhaps than 6 tons per acre—one fourth very often rotten. And I would estimate the advantages to be gained by growing new varieties as follows:—five to ten millions per annum saving, by suppression of the disease; twenty to thirty millions from doubled crops; and twenty to thirty millions from doubled area of cultivation. It would mean a supply of home grown food sufficient to defy foreign competition, and at the same time maintain intact, the rental of England—and to Ireland it would mean peace.8 Praying for inquiry into the matter, | I am, most respectfully, | Right Honourable Sir, | Your most obedient servant, | JAMES TORBITT. Belfast, 15th Dec., 1880. DAR 178: 170, 171/3 1 2 3 4 5

6 7 8

See letter from James Torbitt, 11 December 1880. See letter to James Torbitt, 13 December 1880 and n. 4. William Edward Forster was chief secretary for Ireland. This sentence was added in an unknown hand at the top of the printed letter. Joseph Dalton Hooker and James Caird. CB: Companion of the Bath (a British order of chivalry). William Ewart Gladstone was prime minister at this time (ODNB). The Report on potato crop was published on 9 July 1880. The select committee had been formed in May 1880 to inquire into the best means of diminishing the frequency and extent of potato-crop failures; Torbitt had not been asked to give evidence by the committee. Charles Robert Barton had been growing potatoes supplied by Torbitt since 1876 (see Correspondence vol. 26, letter from James Torbitt, 15 March 1878, enclosure). Torbitt had previously referred to the potato experiments of Thomas Andrew Knight in the enclosure to his letter of 24 February 1878 (Correspondence vol. 26). The failure of the potato crop in Ireland in 1879 had contributed to the eviction of tenant farmers, the formation of the Irish Land League, and violence against English landlords (see Comerford 2016).

From W. R. Browne   16 December 1880 38, Belgrave Road,|London, S.W. 16 December, 1880. Sir, I am authorized by His Grace The Archbishop of Canterbury1 to inform you that he has consented to the request contained in the Memorial, of which I enclose a copy, and that it will give him much pleasure if you are able to attend the proposed Private Conference, which is to be held at Lambeth Palace, on Friday, January 7th, 1881, at 3 p.m.

484

December 1880

A reply to the above address will be a favour. Yours truly, | Walter R Browne The Archp particularly hopes you may find yourself able to to be present. The names attached to the Memorial are as follows: g. g. stokes. balfour stewart. h. c. sorby. p. g. tait. g. e. paget. george rolleston. t. g. bonney. c. wyville thomson.

g. d. liveing. w. k. parker. g. m. humphry. j. h. gladstone. w. h. dallinger. j. w. reynolds. james stuart.  j. m. wilson.

[Enclosure] We, the undersigned, respectfully solicit the attention of Your Grace to the following Statement. 1. Almost the whole of intelligent modern Infidelity rests on the assumption that the proved conclusions of modern Science are hopelessly at variance with the fundamental doctrines both of natural and of revealed religion. 2. We believe this assumption to be unwarranted by the facts of the case; and we have reason to think that our belief is shared by a large number of men of high eminence in all departments of knowledge. 3. Nevertheless, while those who hold the assumption to be true are continually impressing this fact upon the world, those who, like ourselves, hold it to be false, are mostly found from various motives, to keep the belief to themselves. 4. The result of this is that the case in favour of Religion is very much left to go by default; and the reading public are naturally led to conclude that the breach between Religion and Science is admitted by all Scientific men. 5. In these circumstances it seems to us desirable that men of Science who do not hold the above assumption should confer together as to the means of accomplishing two objects: (1) to bring the weight of their authority to bear on the judgement of the reading public, as a counterpoise to the authority of those who maintain and promulgate the above assumption; (2) to investigate fully the real relations between Religion and modern Science, and this under two heads, (a) an examination into the conclusions of Science, especially those of the inexact Sciences, to determine which are really proved and which are not; (b) an examination into the doctrines of Religion to determine where they come in contact with the proved conclusions of Science, whether they are at variance with them, and if so, whether they can be modified into accordance with them: and if not, how far the two can be held together. 6. We respectfully submit that these objects are of the very first importance to the interests of Religion, and therefore may claim the attention of all those to whom those interests are confided.

December 1880

485

7. Recognizing the sympathy which Your Grace has already evinced towards these objects, and the steps you have taken towards realising them, we venture to solicit you to summon and preside at a Private Conference, as suggested above, where the best means of attaining them may be discussed. To HIS GRACE THE ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY. Cambridge University Library (MS Microfilm10682); DAR 202: 17 1

Archibald Campbell Tait was the archbishop of Canterbury.

From Otto Hahn   16 December 1880 Reutlingen | Würtemberg | Germany 16 December 1880 Dear Sir! I thank you for your kind letter of 4. Novbr. and send you now my book “Die Meteoriten und ihre organismen”.1 Professor Dr. Quenstedt (Tübingen) declared, that he had never seen such structure in any mineral or rock: the same declared that the corals and minerals of my book are veritable corals and crinoids.2 It is now the beginning of life on earth—the beginning of the earth itself nearly sure and it is found a confirmation for your immortal discoveries. I am dear Sir Your | faithfull | Dr Otto Hahn DAR 166: 83 1

2

CD’s letter has not been found. CD’s copy of Die Meteorite (Chondrite) und ihre Organismen (Meteorites (chondrites) and their organisms; Hahn 1880) is in the Darwin Library–Down. Hahn believed he had found various organisms in a stony (chondritic) meteorite. No publication by Friedrich August Quenstedt with these comments has been identified.

To Hermann Vöchting   16 December 1880 Down | Beckenham Kent (&c) Decr. 16. 1880 My dear Sir. Absence from home has prevented me from sooner thanking you for your kind present of your several publications—1 I procured some time ago your “Organbildung &c.”—but it was too late for me to profit by it for my book, as I was correcting the press,— I read only parts, but my son Francis read the whole with care and told me much about it, which greatly interested me.2 I also read your article in Bot. Zeitung3 My son began at once experimenting to test your views & this very night will read a paper before the Linnean Soc, on the roots of Rubus, & I think that you will be pleased to find how well his conclusions agree with yours.—4 He will of course send you a copy of his paper when it is printed   I have sent him your letter which will please him if he agrees with me, for your letter has given me real pleasure and I did

486

December 1880

not at all know, what the many great physiologists of Germany Switzerland & Holland would think of it— I was quite sorry to read Sachs’ views about root forming matter &c. for I have an unbounded admiration for Sachs.—5 In this country we are dreadfully behind in Physiological Botany— Once again thanking you for your very kind letter I remain | My dear Sir. | Yours sincerely. | Ch. Darwin. The copy of your work which I procured shall be sent to the Royal or Linnean Society as on reflexion we think it would be most useful.—6 Copy DAR 148: 197 1 2 3 4

5

6

See letter from Hermann Vöchting, 8 December 1880 and n. 3. CD was away from home from 7 to 15 December 1880 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). CD’s copy of Vöchting 1878, annotated by both him and Francis Darwin, is in the Darwin Library– CUL. Vöchting’s article was a reply to Julius Sachs’s critique of the theory of fixed polarity expressed in Vöchting 1878 (see Sachs 1880 and Vöchting 1880). Francis’s paper was ‘The theory of the growth of cuttings; illustrated by observations on the bramble, Rubus fruticosus’ (F. Darwin 1880b). Francis had tested the competing theories of Vöchting and Sachs regarding the growth of roots and branches from cuttings; he concluded that Vöchting was correct in claiming that the development of specific organs at the apex and base of the cutting was principally determined by the morphology of the cutting independent of gravitation. Vöchting had told CD that Movement in plants would have ‘a reforming influence on a great part of botanic physiology’ (letter from Hermann Vöchting, 8 December 1880). CD was aware that Sachs had different views on several aspects of plant movement, notably the function of the root tip (see, for example, Correspondence vol. 27, letter to Francis Darwin, 28 June [1879]). There is a copy of Vöchting 1878 in the library of the Linnean Society; no copy has been found at the Royal Society of London.

To G. J. Allman   17 December 1880 Down D 17/80 My dear Prof Allman Will you be so kind as to read over the enclosed memorial, about which I feel the deepest interest.1 If you agree, will you sign it and append “Pres Linnean Soc”. Huxley & I think it best to get only about a dozen signatures and all of men who have done good scientific work.2 Hooker & Lubbock will sign—3 It will save a day’s post if you will place the memorial in the envelope addressed to Prof Flower Pres Zoolg Soc—4 Believe me my dear Prof Allman | Yours very sincerely | Ch Darwin Copy DAR 143: 18 1

The enclosure was the memorial to obtain a government pension for Alfred Russel Wallace. It has not been found, but there is a draft of it in DAR 196: 3; for a transcription, see Appendix VI.

December 1880 2

3 4

487

Allman was president of the Linnean Society. CD and Thomas Henry Huxley had discussed the wording of the memorial when CD was in London earlier in the month (see letter from T. H. Huxley, 11 December 1880). Joseph Dalton Hooker and John Lubbock. William Henry Flower was president of the Zoological Society of London.

To W. E. Darwin   17 December [1880]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Dec. 17th My dear old W. I have carefully washed & examined the 4  castings from Brading & they have yielded a large number of bits of tiles or bricks, which are more or less rounded, & a multitude of bits of mortar & white calc. cement.—2 But it is extremely difficult to judge whether the rounding is due to the action of the gizzards of worms.— I am very much obliged for the great trouble which you took about the Brading ruins & I am very glad to have your account.3 Everything agrees pretty closely with what I have seen or heard elsewhere.— It is odd some of the floors having subsided in the line of slope of the field.— There are 2 questions, which you may perhaps be able to answer: are the ruins in the upper or lower part of the field which slopes at about 3°; for if in the lower part much earth will have been washed down. Secondly can you remember whether the floor of the great room (40 ft x 18 ft) whence you got the castings, lay at some considerable depth beneath the surface of the field.— I return slip to avoid chance of loss. Judging from letters from Germany the “Power of Movement” will prove a good hit in Phys. Botany. There is no one in this country who knows anything of the subject.—4 It will be very nice seeing you & Sara here so soon.—5 When you have any leisure (if such time ever comes) try & make out relation of the brick earth near you to the angular gravel-bed. Ever yours affect | C. Darwin American Philosophical Society (Mss B.D25) 1 2 3 4

5

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from W. E. Darwin, 3 December [1880]. William had visited the recently uncovered Roman villa at Brading on the Isle of Wight (letter from W. E. Darwin, 3 December [1880]). Calc.: calcareous (i.e. composed of calcium carbonate). For William’s description of the ruins and surrounding area, see the letter from W. E. Darwin, 3 December [1880]. CD had received several letters from German correspondents praising Movement in plants (see, for example, letter from Friedrich Hildebrand, 4 December 1880, and letter from Hermann Vöchting, 8 December 1880. William and Sara Darwin arrived at Down on 23 December 1880 and stayed until 29 December (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)).

488

December 1880

To W. H. Flower   17 December 1880 Down. Beckenham. Kent. Decr 17th. 1880 My dear Flower Please read over enclosed, about which I feel a very deep interest, & if you think fit sign it, appending “Pres. Zoologo. Soc.”—1 Please return it as soon as you can in enclosed envelope— I have asked Allman to forward it to you.2 There will be, only about a dozen signatures & all of good men.— Hooker, Huxley & Lubbock have agreed to sign—3 I sincerely hope that you may approve— Believe me | Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin Copy DAR 144: 130 1 2 3

The enclosure was the memorial to obtain a government pension for Alfred Russel Wallace. It has not been found, but there is a draft of it in DAR 196: 3; for a transcription, see Appendix VI. George James Allman received this letter enclosed with the letter to him of 17 December 1880. Joseph Dalton Hooker, Thomas Henry Huxley, and John Lubbock.

From G. J. Romanes   17 December 1880 18 Cornwall Terrace, Regent’s Park, N.W.: December 17, 1880. My dear Mr. Darwin,— Just a line to let you know that Professor Tyndall has kindly placed at my disposal the apparatus required to conduct the experiment with flashing light.1 Frank’s papers at the Linnean were, as you will probably have heard from other sources, a most brilliant success, as not only was the attendance enormously large and the interest great, but his exposition was a masterpiece of scientific reasoning, rendered with a choice and fluency of language that were really charming.2 I knew, of course, that he is a very clever fellow, but I did not know that he could do that sort of thing so well. I have now got a monkey. Sclater let me choose one from the Zoo, and it is a very intelligent, affectionate little animal.3 I wanted to keep it in the nursery for purposes of comparison, but the proposal met with so much opposition that I had to give way. I am afraid to suggest the idiot, lest I should be told to occupy the nursery myself.4 Very sincerely and most respectfully yours, | geo. j. romanes. E. D. Romanes 1896, pp. 104–5 1 2

See letter from G. J. Romanes, 14 December 1880 and n. 1. John Tyndall was superintendent of the Royal Institution of Great Britain. Francis Darwin read two papers at the meeting of the Linnean Society on 16 December 1880 (see F. Darwin 1880a and 1880b).

December 1880 3

4

489

CD had first suggested that Romanes try keeping a monkey to observe its mental capacity in a letter of 20 August 1878 (Correspondence vol. 26). Philip Lutley Sclater was secretary of the Zoological Society of London. Romanes alludes to a comment in the letter to G. J. Romanes, 2 September [1878] (Correspondence vol. 26). Francis Darwin had jokingly remarked that Romanes should keep an idiot, a deaf-mute, a monkey, and a baby in his house. At this time the term ‘idiot’ was used in both law and medicine to refer to a person congenitally deficient in reasoning powers (OED). Romanes’s daughter, Ethel Georgina, had been born on 19 February 1880 (E. D. Romanes 1918, p. 42). In the event, the animal, identified by Romanes as a brown capuchin monkey, Cebus fatuellus (a synonym of Sapajus apella, the tufted capuchin), was kept by Romanes’s sister Charlotte Elizabeth Romanes (for her diary of observations on the monkey, see G. J. Romanes 1882, pp. 484–95).

To W. R. Browne   18 December 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) December 18th 1880 Sir The state of my health will not allow me to attend the meeting at Lambeth Palace, though I should feel it an honour to meet there so many distinguished men.1 It would, however, not be sincere on my part to assign want of strength as the sole reason for not attending, in as much as I can see no prospect of any benefit arising from the proposed conference.2 I beg leave to remain, Sir, | Your obedient servant | Charles Darwin LS (photocopy) British Library (Surrogate RP 7385) 1 2

See letter from W. R. Browne, 16 December 1880. The aim of the meeting, which was to be held in January 1881, was to challenge the assumption that science and religion were irreconcilable. In a draft of this letter in DAR 202: 17, in place of the clause that begins ‘in as much’, CD had written ‘for many [interl] parts of the Bible [above del ‘Old Testament’] seem to me quite irreconcilable, with what *(according to my judgement)[interl] is presently [interl] known of the history of the organic & inorganic world’.

To James Torbitt   19 December 1880 Down, Dec. 19, 1880. My dear Sir I am extremely sorry to trouble you again but I have not made my meaning clear to you.1 I hold in my hands £90 (as by annexed slip of paper) subscribed in aid of your experiments. Now I do not understand whether you now require part or the whole of this sum. If you do not, I would propose to the subscribers that I should retain part or the whole, as they may decide, in aid of your experiments next year. As soon as I hear again from you, I will draw up a statement and send it to Mr. Farrer and Caird with respect to money advanced by me and my brother to you and of what

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I still hold in hand.2 I will then state your wishes for next year and just suggest to them to allow me to retain a part or all the money for next year. I will then also send copies (already made) of your letter and Report of Dec. 11th, calling their attention to your offer of sending them varieties and telling them no result from your letter to Mr. Forster.3 You speak in your letter of repaying me my advance of £150 and that by my brother of £25.4 Your conduct has always been most handsome and straight-forward, but unless you should make good profit from sale of the varieties I want no repayment, nor, as I believe, would my brother. With respect to the other subscribers I certainly should like to return a part of the £90 to the subscribers, or get their permission to retain it for next year. A single line in answer will suffice, and I will then write at once to Mr. Farrer and Caird. Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin Copy DAR 148: 125 1

2 3

4

CD’s most recent extant letter to Torbitt was that of 13 December 1880, in which he asked about Torbitt’s plan for the funds that had been subscribed for his experiments aimed at producing blightresistant potatoes. Torbitt’s reply of 15 December 1880 made no mention of the subscribed money. There is a missing letter from Torbitt, dated 17 December 1880 (see letter to T. H. Farrer, 30 December 1880). Thomas Henry Farrer and James Caird had helped raise funds for Torbitt. The slip of paper mentioned has not been found; for the subscribers, see the letter from T. H. Farrer, 8 March 1880. The letter and report from Torbitt have not been found. William Edward Forster was chief secretary for Ireland. Torbitt had reported that Forster told him he could not help with the matter (see letter from James Torbitt, 15 December 1880). See letter to James Torbitt, 4 March 1880, and letter from James Torbitt, 12 March 1880; Erasmus Alvey Darwin had sent a cheque for £25 to Torbitt. CD pledged £50 in addition to the £100 he sent in 1878 (see Correspondence vol. 26, letter from James Torbitt, 6 March 1878).

To Patrick Geddes   20 December 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Dec 20th 1880 Dear Sir You are perfectly welcome to copy for the Encyclop. Brit. any of the figures in my Insectivorous Plants.—1 Pray forgive the manner of directing the envelope, but no one in my house could read your signature.2 Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin National Library of Scotland (MS.10521) 1 2

Geddes’s article ‘Insectivorous plants’ was published in Encyclopaedia Britannica 9th ed., 13: 134–40. Of the sixteen illustrations, eight are from Insectivorous plants. The letter from Geddes has not been found

December 1880

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From James Geikie   20 December 1880 Perth Dec. 20. 1880 My dear Sir I am much pleased to hear that “Prehistoric Europe” has interested you, and that you are of opinion that the establishment of “interglacial epochs” is of some importance.1 Evidence on this head is continually increasing: only a few days ago I heard from Dr. Penck of the Geol. Survey of Saxony that the well-known lignites of Imberg in Bavaria are interglacial.2 The section he gives as follows: Ground-moraine Conglomerate Lignite with clay Conglomerate Lignite Conglomerate Ground-moraine

—— —— —— —— —— —— ——

mètres 20. 3. 0.5 2. 1 10. to 15. 10.

The section is exposed for some 400 mètres—so that there is no doubt about the matter. Mr. Mackintosh’s paper I read with much interest, but without being convinced that any of his erratics have been floated by sea-ice.3 The “intercrossings” of boulders upon which he rests his belief, are not unknown in Scotland in our till. Thus over a belt of country extending from Ayrshire in the west to the coast of Berwickshire in the east we find similar & even more remarkable intercrossings of boulders than any of those cited by Mr. Mackintosh. Boulders from the Northern Highlands are here mixed with erratics which have come from the Southern Uplands. The belt of land is simply the debateable grounds which mark the meeting of the ice-flow from North & South respectively, and over which now the one and now the other ice-stream prevailed. Then we have evidence in Forfarshire & Aberdeenshire of a similar crossing of boulders upon the low maritime tracts—and these we explain by the pressure exerted by the Scandinavian ice-sheet which now & again [pushed] back the Scotch ice. Similar intercrossings of boulders are common in Scandinavia and in North Germany, and to some of these I refer in a Note in Appendix of Prehistoric Europe.4 The origin or cause of such intercrossings is clearly revealed in the glacial phenomena of the Rhone valley between Bourg & Lyons etc. In the beautiful map of M. M.  Falsan & Chantre, we see that boulders have crossed each other at all angles.5 Nay, in some cases it is proved that the boulders have travelled in exactly opposite directions! Thus in the Valromey glacial striae & boulders indicate the passage of a glacier down the valley—while many erratics occur in the valley even up to its

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head which indicate a flow of ice up the valley! Falsan & Chantre show that before the Great Rhone glacier had reached its greatest development numerous glaciers came down from the hills of Savoy & Dauphiny, but by & by the great ice-streams of the Rhone overwhelmed these local glaciers—grinding over their moraines & commingling them with its own. In many cases the flow of the Rhone glacier was at acute & right angles to the course of the local glaciers, & even in some cases flowed up the smaller valleys & passed across dividing cols. Of course when the Rhone glacier decayed in importance, the local glaciers again became independent, and a new series of “intercrossings” of moraine-material & erratics took place. In some such way I believe the “intercrossings” of the boulders referred to by Mr. Mackintosh must be explained. The objections that might be urged to the “iceberg” origin of the English erratics are many and strong, but I hesitate to bore you with them; and they are probably already present in your mind. During the growth or increase and subsequent gradual disappearance of the great mer de glace that filled up the basin of the Irish Sea, there must have been many modifications in the ice-flow of the contiguous tracts in north-west of England—quite enough I can conceive to give rise to the crossing of boulders again & again. I may mention that I spent some time this past Autumn in in studying the drifts of South Wales & the borders of the Bristol Channel. I could find no trace of marine action anywhere, altho’ I was constantly on the outlook for it among the drifts. I traced boulder-clay from the hills right down to the margin of the recent marine flats. In the hill-valleys the boulder-clay is covered with much angular débris, some of which appeared to be truly morainic, while much seemed to me to point rather to the action of névé, frost & thaw etc.— in fact to be of the same nature as the “Head” of Cornwall. In the low maritime tracts the till is overlaid with morainic or “diluvial” gravel & sand, of the same character as the similar deposits in Scotland & Sweden etc. Enclosed is a paper by Mr. Kerr which may interest you, if you have not already seen it.6 Pray do not trouble to return it, as I have another copy. I hope you will excuse this long & I fear somewhat incoherent letter—and with highest regards, believe me | Sincerely yours | James Geikie DAR 165: 32 1

2 3 4 5

6

See letter to James Geikie, 13 December 1880 and nn. 1 and 2. CD had just read Prehistoric Europe: a geological sketch (Geikie 1881) and was particularly interested in the evidence Geikie provided for the existence of intervening warmer periods during the Ice Age, known as interglacial epochs. Albrecht Penck was an assistant geologist for the Land Survey of Saxony (Landesaufnahme in Sachsen). Amberg is in the Upper Palatinate, Bavaria. Daniel Mackintosh suggested that the intercrossing of routes taken by boulders was a result of currents changing course with the rising and falling of the seabed (Mackintosh 1879, p. 427). See Geikie 1881, pp. 565–6. The map of the Bourg region was one of six maps made by Albert Falsan to accompany the monograph by him and Ernest Chantre, Monographie géologique des anciens glaciers et du terrain erratique de la partie moyenne du bassin du Rhône (Geological monograph on the ancient glaciers and erratic terrain of the middle part of the Rhone basin; Falsan and Chantre 1875–80, Atlas: map 1). CD’s copy of Washington Caruthers Kerr’s ‘Gold gravels of North Carolina’ (Kerr 1880) is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL.

December 1880

493

To Otto Hahn   20 December 1880 Down | Beckenham Kent December 20. 1880 Dear Sir I am much obliged for the gift of your magnificently illustrated work and your very courteous letter.1 If you succeed in convincing several judges as truthworthy as Professor Quenstedt,2 you will certainly have made one of the most remarkable discoveries ever recorded. I remain Dear Sir | your faithfull and obliged | Charles Darwin Copy DAR 251: 3334 1 2

See letter from Otto Hahn, 16 December 1880 and n. 1. Hahn sent a copy of Hahn 1880. Friedrich August Quenstedt.

To J. D. Hooker   20 December 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Dec. 20th My dear Hooker I send the certificate for your signature, & I hope & believe that your adopted child will not disgrace you.—1 Please ask Dyer, whether he will be so kind as to back up Frank.—2 The memorial for Wallace has just started on its rounds for signature, & has met with the most cordial reception in the two first cases.3 I have thought of keeping your name rather low down, so as to end the short list with a flourish. Ever my dear Hooker | Yours affect | Ch. Darwin Your old envelope will serve to return the Certificate DAR 95: 507–8 1

2 3

See letter to J. D. Hooker, 5 December 1880. Francis Darwin was being proposed for fellowship of the Royal Society of London; Hooker had agreed to propose him, but, in the event, Francis was proposed by Michael Foster in January 1881 and elected in June 1882 (Royal Society archives, GB 117 EC/1882/09). William Turner Thiselton-Dyer also signed the certificate for Francis. CD had prepared a memorial to obtain a government pension for Alfred Russel Wallace (see letter to W. H. Flower, 17 December 1880 and n. 1).

To G. J. Romanes   20 December 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Decr 20 80 My dear Romanes Your note has pleased me extremely & I thank you heartily, for Frank seemed to think that his papers were complete failures, as far as interesting or making anyone understand what they were about.—1

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December 1880

But I write now to make a few trifling suggestions about your experiments.— I wd advise Canary grass & cabbage seedlings when only 14 or 12 inch high. Your pots must be filled with earth up to very top, otherwise the rim will shade the seedlings— They ought to be grown in complete darkness, & so kept until experimented on. This makes them more sensitive to light, & allows them to grow quite upright.2 I am so ignorant that I do not know what effect a rapidly intermittent light has on the nervous system of animals, but I can clearly see that any manner of comparing the sensitiveness in the two kingdoms cannot fail to be interesting. Your last sentence amused me. Mrs. Romanes is quite right not to allow the monkey to enter the nursery, for how dreadful it would be if the monkey received more attention than the baby!3 It seems to me very wise your observing a monkey closely.— Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin American Philosophical Society (Mss.B.D25.576) 1 2

3

See letter from G. J. Romanes, 17 December 1880. Francis Darwin had read two papers at the meeting of the Linnean Society on 16 December 1880 (F. Darwin 1880a and 1880b). Canary grass is Phalaris canariensis; cabbage is Brassica oleracea. Romanes was planning to experiment on the sensitivity of plants to different types of exposure to light (see letter from G. J. Romanes, 14 December 1880 and n. 1). CD had performed some experiments of this nature for Movement in plants (see letter to G. J. Romanes, 13 December 1880 and n. 3). See letter from G. J. Romanes, 17 December 1880 and n. 4. CD refers to Romanes’s wife and child, Ethel and Ethel Georgina Romanes.

From W. R. Browne   21 December 1880 38 Belgrave Road | SW Dec 21 80 Dear Sir, I regret to learn that your health will in any case prevent your attending the proposed Conference at Lambeth: but to prevent your having any misconception as to its objects, I venture to enclose a proof of the Proceeding as at present sketched out.1 I know the Abp2 is anxious to obtain expressions of opinion, even from those who do not see the desirability of holding such a meeting; & that he wd particularly value such an expression from you. I am sure therefore he wd be obliged if, in returning the paper, you could kindly make any remarks either on particular points, or on the subject in general. Yours truly | Walter R Browne Chas Darwin Esq FRS DAR 202: 18 1 2

See letter to W. R. Browne, 18 December 1880 and n. 1. The enclosure has not been found. ‘Abp’: archbishop; the archbishop of Canterbury, Archibald Campbell Tait.

December 1880

495

To Daniel Mackintosh   21 December 18801 Down, Beckenham, Kent, [A letter on botanical matters … writes to thank the recipient for his ‘… interesting letter.2 I write now to send you an article, I just received from J. [Geikie], which may interest you & may be returned at your leisure.’3 Perhaps referring to a botanical experiment, he continues: ‘You will see that it is important to know whether the laminae of slate has ever been bent up-hill.’4] Incomplete5 Christie’s, New York (dealers) (9 June 1999) 1 2

3

4 5

The date is given in the sales catalogue. The correspondent has been identified by the relationship between this letter and the letter from Daniel Mackintosh, 24 December 1880. The letter from Mackintosh has not been found, but see the letter from Daniel Mackintosh, 21 November 1880. The subject matter was geological rather than botanical. In geology, laminae are layers of rock; in botany, they are leaf blades (see n. 4, below). CD had mentioned Mackintosh’s paper on drift-deposits (Mackintosh 1879) to James Geikie in a letter of 13 December 1880. Geikie was not convinced by Mackintosh’s view that the intercrossing of erratic boulders was a result of changes in sea level; he sent CD a paper by Washington Carruthers Kerr in which Kerr proposed that the uplift of slaty rocks was caused by a phenomenon he called ‘frost drift’ (Kerr 1880; see letter from James Geikie, 20 December 1880). CD sent the paper to Mackintosh (letter from Daniel Mackintosh, 24 December 1880). CD evidently thought that the bending of laminae, or thin layers of rock, resulted from the process of alternate freezing and thawing that Kerr described as ‘frost drift’ (see n. 3 above). The original letter is complete and is described in the sale catalogue as being one page long.

To W. R. Browne   22 December 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Dec 22 1880 Dear Sir I am much obliged for your very courteous note.1 I regret that it wd be impossible for me to explain the causes of my disbelief in any good being derived from the conference, without treating the subject at inordinate length. I will only add that in my opinion, a man who wishes to form a judgment on this subject, must weigh the evidence for himself; & he ought not to be influenced by being told that a considerable number of scientific men can reconcile the results of science with revealed or or natural religion, whilst others cannot do so. I beg leave to remain | Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Charles Darwin LS (photocopy) British Library (Surrogate RP 7385) 1

See letter from W. R. Browne, 21 December 1880. Browne had invited CD to a conference at Lambeth Palace, London, about the compatibility of modern science with religious belief.

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December 1880

To Albert Günther   22 December [1880]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Dec. 22d r My dear D. Günther I am extremely anxious that you should consider a Memorial which will be sent you in 2, 3, or 4 days.2 It has just occurred to me that may not be at the Museum towards the close of this week, & as delay would be very injurious will you kindly send me on a Post Card your address for Friday & the few succeeding days. I trust that you will forgive me for troubling you & remain, Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin Shrewsbury School, Taylor Library 1 2

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to Albert Günther, 27 December 1880. CD had prepared a memorial to obtain a government pension for Alfred Russel Wallace (see letter to W. H. Flower, 17 December 1880 and n. 1).

To J. L. Hawkins   23 December 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) December 23d 80 Dear Sir I am much obliged for your very courteous note & kindness in sending me a correction.1 I was not at all aware that cats avoided certain species of mice, though I knew that they would not eat shrews. Perhaps Col. Newman was mistaken.2 Should I ever again correct the Origin, (which is not very likely) I would modify the passage.—3 I remain | Dear Sir | Yours faithfully & obliged | Charles Darwin Private collection 1 2 3

The letter from Hawkins has not been found. According to the letter from H. M. Wallis, 27 March 1881 (Correspondence vol. 29), Hawkins wrote about ‘mice in their relation to cats & hawks’. CD had cited Henry Wenman Newman’s information on cats catching mice (Newman 1851) in Origin, p. 74. The passage was not altered in subsequent editions. The final printing of Origin made during CD’s lifetime was the 1876 reprint of Origin 6th ed.

To D. F. Nevill   23 December 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) December 23. 1880 Dear Lady Dorothy Nevill I thank you for your kindness in writing to me.1 I have heard of a good many cases of one breed being so prepotent over another, that a cross seems to produce hardly any effect.—2

December 1880

497

I do not think that I shall be in London for some time, but whenever I am, I will have the pleasure of calling on your Ladyship & beg leave to remain | Yours very faithfully | Charles Darwin Cleveland Health Sciences Library (Robert M. Stecher collection) 1 2

Nevill’s letter has not been found. CD discussed prepotency in Variation 2: 65–71.

From James Torbitt   23 December 1880 J. Torbitt, | Wine Merchant. | 58, North Street, | Belfast. 23 Decr 1880. Charles Darwin Esqr. | Down. My dear Sir No amount of writing to you would be any trouble to me— In reply to your letter of 19th. last if you plea〈s〉e I would prefer tha〈  〉 you should hold the £90 till say 10th. prox. when I will know how I stand—in any case the whole of the money subscribed is a first charge on the new varieties, which is only just.1 Might I beg of you to read enclosed, and, if I have no reply, say should I ask Mr Gladstone’s liberty to send it to the press, or should I address the papers direct.2 I think it should attract attention some where I am my dear Sir | most respectfully | James Torbitt. [Enclosure] RIGHT HON. W. E. GLADSTONE, First Lord of the Treasury, &c. Right Hon. Sir, In addition to my proposal to produce next spring 100,000 new varieties of the potato, I would most respectfully suggest that they should be distributed gratis to the people, through the Post Office; they would weigh only a few ounces each, and the distribution would cost nothing. Probably 20,000 or 30,000 of them would be disease-proof, and there would be no lack of applicants. And further, I would most respectfully propose, that this process of production and distribution should be continued year by year until the whole kingdom should be flooded with disease-proof new varieties. And the necessity for the production of multitudes of varieties, if the maximum power of the plant is to be made available, is two-fold—first, because it is many years before one variety attains to any considerable bulk, or becomes of any value; second, because the yield of tubers, of newdisease-proof varieties, is enormous during the first few years of life; but after a few years (more or less according to the constitution of the variety) it begins to fall off, and the varieties begin to become subject to the disease; and when this double defect reaches a certain point, those varieties ought to be discarded, and new lives substituted; consequently, new varieties should be continually coming forward in multitudes, to replace those wearing out.

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December 1880

I most respectfully beg leave to submit herewith “Knight’s” opinion on this subject, and the results of his experiments in growing new varieties; and given the means, I am now prepared to supply to every man in the kingdom who may want it, with a new variety of the potato, which shall be so prolific, and so free from disease, that it shall give, after separating any small proportion of diseased tubers, which may be found, a larger yield of sound tubers than the old varieties give of sound and diseased tubers taken together. I am, most respectfully, | Right Honourable Sir, | Your most obedient servant, | JAMES TORBITT. 58, North Street, Belfast, | 23rd Dec., 1880. DAR 52: E5; DAR 178: 171 ff. 1–2 1 2

See letter to James Torbitt, 19 December 1880. The money had been subscribed to further Torbitt’s work on developing a blight-resistant variety of potato. The letter to William Ewart Gladstone that Torbitt enclosed was mentioned in reports in the Globe, 17 January 1881, p. 2, the South Wales Daily News, 20 January 1881, p. 2, the Herts & Cambs Reporter & Royston Crow, 21 January 1881, p. 2, the Southend Standard and Essex Weekly Advertiser, 21 January 1881, p. 2, the East Kent Gazette, 22 January 1881, pp. 2–3, and several other newspapers.

From Daniel Mackintosh   24 December 1880 36 Whitford Road, | Tranmere, | Birkenhead Dec. 24th 1880 Dear Sir,— I have to thank you for lending me the American pamphlet which has caused me to add to what I have already written, the enclosed remarks of which I have retained a copy, & which you need not return.1 Mr.  Strahan of the Geol. Survey, has described in some memoir (as he has informed me) somewhat similar phenomena to those on Moel Tryfan which he observed in Cheshire in thin layers of Keuper marl, and which he feels sure must have been caused by floating ice.2 Yours truly, | D. Mackintosh. [Enclosure] Bent and shattered edges of Slaty Laminæ The section in which these appearances occur bears no real resemblance to some which have been found in districts where traces of ice-action are absent, in England, the United States, &c. The finely laminated sand on Moel Tryfan shews no sign of having been disturbed by the percolation of rain-water or frost, while the numerous shell-fragments arranged, along with very small pebbles, in continuous layers, have probably been preserved (as Darbishire long ago suggested)3 by the clay above the sand (which last spring was about ten feet thick) preventing the downward passage of acidulated rain-water. The erratic stones on Moel Tryfan could only have been brought by ice which must have stranded on the mountain before it could have left

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its erratic freight; and why have recourse to any other cause for the bending and shattering of the slates, seeing that ice not only capable of accomplishing the task, but likewise of producing the wonderful associated phenomena, must at one time have been present. (The upper limit of the bent part of the slates inclines a very little, but not the line marking the commencement of the bending, somwhat like this—)

DAR 171: 12 1 2

3

See letter to Daniel Mackintosh, 21 December 1880 and nn. 3 and 4. CD sent a paper by Washington Carruthers Kerr (Kerr 1880). Aubrey Strahan, an assistant geologist with the Geological Survey of England and Wales, described the deposits in ‘On the lower Keuper sandstone of Cheshire’, but did not mention floating ice; he argued that the regularity of the bedding suggested ‘deposition in tranquil water’ (Strahan 1881, p. 397). Robert Dukinfield Darbishire, in his paper ‘On the marine shells in stratified drift at high levels on Moel Tryfaen, Carnarvonshire’ (Darbishire 1863, p. 178), had suggested that the sandy clay tended to preserve the fossil shells found below.

To J. M. Herbert   25 December [1880]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Dec. 25th My dear Old Friend I was glad to receive your card, but I wish it had been accompanied by a note, telling me a little about yourself—how your health & strength is, & how you support your solitary life.— I shd, also much like to hear anything about Whitley.2 Though we have no communication my memory often goes back to Cambridge days, & not long ago the scene of receiving the microscope with the anonymous note came most vividly before my mind.—3 My youngest son Horace now lives with his charming little wife in Cambridge; & when I walked this summer through the courts of St. Johns, I thought of Van John & old days.4 Oh dear, life was worth then living, not that I have anything to complain of. My seven children have never given us a moments uneasiness, except on the score of health,—three of them ailing though not seriously, having inherited my poor constitution.5 They are good dear affectionate children, & some of them will do good work. My health is better than it used to be, but I live in a perpetually half knocked-up condition. I go on working at Science & in fact I am turned into a sort of machine for observing facts & grinding out conclusions, & am never happy except when at work.— But I have written too much about myself.— Do sometime let me hear something about yourself. Farewell | my old friend | Yours ever sincerely | Ch. Darwin My wife desires to be very kindly remembered to you.— American Philosophical Society (Mss.B.D25.577)

500 1 2

3

4

5

December 1880

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from J.  M.  Herbert, 28 December 1880. The card has not been found; it was sent by Herbert’s wife, Mary Charlotte Herbert (see letter from J. M. Herbert, 28 December 1880). CD and Charles Thomas Whitley were contemporaries at Shrewsbury School and Cambridge University. Herbert had sent the microscope to CD with an anonymous note (see Correspondence vol. 1, letter from [ J. M. Herbert], [early May 1831]). In a letter to Herbert of 21 November 1872, CD had written, ‘Do you remember giving me anonymously a microscope? I can hardly call to mind any event in my life which surprised & gratified me more.’ Horace Darwin and his wife Ida lived in Cambridge, where Horace designed and made scientific instruments. St John’s was Herbert’s college when he was a student at Cambridge. ‘Van John’: university slang for vingt-et-un, a card game (Freeman 1978). CD may refer to his sons William Erasmus Darwin, George Howard Darwin, and Horace Darwin (see Correspondence vol. 20, letter to W. D. Fox, 29 October [1872] and n. 6).

To James Torbitt   25 December 1880 Down, Dec. 25, 1880. My dear Sir I will wait till I hear again from you before writing to the subscribers; but I hope that it will not be much after the 10th, as I think that I ought soon to report.1 With respect to your letter to Mr.  Gladstone I should think under the present state of affairs, it would be quite hopeless to attract his attention; but I can see no objection to your publishing the letter, that is publickly writing to him. It would aid in calling attention to your work.2 I should fear that the P. Office would object to your plan of distribution, and say that it would give openings to fraud.3 But on all these points my opinion is worth no more than that of any man of common sense. My dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin Copy DAR 148: 126 1 2 3

See letter from James Torbitt, 23 December 1880 and n. 1. Torbitt had enclosed a copy of a printed letter to William Ewart Gladstone and asked CD for his opinion on whether to make it public (see letter from James Torbitt, 23 December 1880 and n. 2). In his letter to Gladstone, Torbitt proposed distributing new potato varieties through the Post Office (see letter from James Torbitt, 23 December 1880, enclosure).

From F. J. Cohn   26 December 1880 Breslau 26 Dec. 1880 My dearest Sir I can not let finish the year before I did send you my kindest thanks for the admirable present you forwarded to the whole scientific world as well as to myself.1 It is a fresh leaf to the wreath you have gained in the battle of science, evergreen as

December 1880

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all the other’s which adorn your brow. Immediately after having received your book, I went about studying and repeating the principal experiments upon which you have founded your theory of circumnutation; of course I succeeded in ascertaining the curious curves the apex of a growing plant describes; as for your experiments about the sensitive qualities of the top of the radicle, most of your results were not foreign to me as I was engaged many years ago with studying the germination of seeds (my inaugural dissertation treats a “symbola ad seminis physiologiam, and the researches of Ciesielksy were made in my laboratory,);2 several important facts you did discover, I am about of ascertaining by repetition of your experiments. I wish, I could personaly discuss with you the many questions your book arouses, for to write about requires rather a book than a letter. In the whole I agree totally with you; I am quite sure that in plants exist tissues—which are only sensitive and transmit a stimulus to other tissues which are not sensitive but contract or swell by irritation. But I am not convinced that the theory of alternative turgenscence which you adopt for the circumnutation and other movements, does touch the truth, as you and most German physiologists accept.3 If I am not mistaken the force of movements does not dwell upon the quantity of water but upon the quality of protoplasm; the latter, in plants not less than in animals, is the truly contractile substance; and all theories which propose an essential difference between the movements of plants and animal’s cells, walk out of the right way.4 As far as my own observations go, which however, I confess, are not yet concluding, the movements of vegetable tissues (circumnutation, heliotropism etc) depend upon changes in the shape of the protoplasmic bodies of the cells (they become longer but thinner etc.) without change of volume (conservative of turgescence) or the changes of turgensie are only secondary ones. The changes of shape are conformable to some purpose or useful to the plant and therefore acquired by heredity:— But this is a theme for a long dissertation and so I refrain from; I may only add that my views repose mostly upon the study of unicellular plants where the biological facts are more palpable than in the higher and more complicated classes (cf. Oscillaria, a very fine speciman of circumnutation).5 I don’t know if I should dare to express how much I admire in your last book as much as in your former, all the qualities of a great biologist and philosopher May to you be reserved a long series of happy years for the benefit of human knowledge. So I send you my kindest congratulations for the coming new year | and many happy returns of this day, | Truly yours Ferdinand Cohn DAR 161: 206 1 2

3

Cohn’s name is on CD’s presentation list for Movement in plants (Appendix IV). Cohn’s inaugural dissertation Symbola ad seminis physiologiam (Contribution on the physiology of seeds; Cohn 1847) was a study of germination in ripe and unripe seeds. Theophil Ciesielski, a student of Cohn’s, had published on tip sensitivity in roots and radicles in Cohn’s journal, Beiträge zur Biologie der Pflanzen (Ciesielski 1872). In Movement in plants, p. 99, CD had stated, ‘Circumnutation depends on one side of an organ growing quickest (probably preceded by increased turgescence), and then another side, generally almost the opposite one, growing quickest’.

502 4

5

December 1880

CD had argued that curvature of cotyledons when exposed to light showed that light acted more as a stimulus, similar to the effect on the nervous system of animals, and not in a direct manner on the cell or cell-walls that contracted or expanded (Movement in plants, p. 461). He also discussed hygroscopic movements (ibid., p. 489), but did not mention contractile properties of protoplasm. CD had described the circumnutation of an Oscillaria (at that time, classified as a thallogen or plant with no differentiation such as algae, but now considered to be a form of cyanobacteria; see Movement in plants, p. 259).

To Ernst Krause   26 December 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Dec. 26th 1880 My dear Sir Since I wrote to you my sons have been looking into Mr. Butler’s ‘Unconscious Memory’; & they inform me that he refers to your quotation from Buffon & another passage in ‘Erasmus Darwin’ (pp 147, 134  of the English Translation) as having apparently been taken from his ‘Evol. Old & New’ (pp 119 & 21).1 My sons say, after examining the passages carefully, that your quotations & the remark as to Coleridge have the appearance of having been taken from Mr. B.’s book.2 I have not looked into the question myself, but I think that if you publish anything as to the matter in Kosmos, it would be well for you to give a clear explanation on this point.— You will understand that I am not taking any public notice of Mr. Butler’s attack on myself, & I would ask you to be kind enough to confine anything you may write on the matter as much as possible to the part you have yourself taken in the Life of Erasmus D.—3 Pray excuse me for troubling you, but I thought that it might be useful to you to hear the impression of my sons in relation to the above points.— Believe me, my dear Sir | yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin The Huntington Library (HM 36210) 1

2

3

See letter to Ernst Krause, [12 December 1880]. Samuel Butler’s Unconscious memory contained a chapter in which Butler accused CD and Krause of making unacknowledged reference to Butler’s earlier work, Evolution, old and new (Butler 1880, pp. 58–79; Butler 1879). Both Krause and Butler refer to an article in the Athenæum, 27 March 1875, p. 423, as the source for remarks by Samuel Taylor Coleridge (see Erasmus Darwin, p. 134, and Butler 1879, p. 21). The quotation from Georges Louis Leclerc, comte de Buffon, on pigs is not given a source in Erasmus Darwin, p. 147, but is cited in Butler 1879, p. 120, as ‘Tom. v. p. 104, 1755’ (a reference to Buffon et al. 1749–1804, 5: 104). Krause and CD co-authored Erasmus Darwin; Krause’s section was a revised version of an earlier article (Krause 1879a).

To G. D. Campbell   [before 27 December 1880]1 [Down.] My Lord Duke I hope that your Grace will excuse the liberty which I take in asking you to read the enclosed copy of a memorial, in which I take the deepest interest.2 I am aware

December 1880

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that you disagree with many of Mr Wallace’s scientific views;3 but I believe that this disagreement, if it were to have any influence on your judgment, would lead you to look as favourably as possible on other points of his scientific career.— Supposing for a moment, that your Grace, would have signed the memorial as a simple scientific worker, would it be asking too great a favour to request you to inform Mr. Gladstone to this effect; or as the memorial will soon be printed will you allow me to mention this fact in a private letter to Mr Gladstone, if he cannot spare time to receive a Deputation.)4 The memorial will be signed exclusively by men who for their special scientific work, or for their positions as Presidents of Scientific Societies, have some claim to be heard.— If my request is unworthy one, I hope that your Grace will believe that this is due to this is entirely due to my ignorance of what is customary, as to Govt I beg leave to remain my Lord Duke [with sincere regards] | yours faithfully | Ch. D. ADraftS DAR 202: 23 1 2 3 4

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to Albert  Günther, 27 December 1880. The enclosure was the memorial to obtain a government pension for Alfred Russel Wallace. It has not been found, but there is a draft of it in DAR 196: 3; for a transcription, see Appendix VI. Campbell was a proponent of design in nature; his book The reign of law (Campbell 1867) was critical of CD’s theory. Wallace had written a critical review of Campbell’s book (Wallace 1867). As a member of the government (lord privy seal), Campbell could not sign the memorial, but he did write a letter to the prime minister, William Ewart Gladstone, expressing his approval (see letter to T. H. Huxley, 27 December 1880).

To George Bentham   27 December 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Dec 27 1880 My dear Mr Bentham If you would not object to sign the enclosed Certificate for my son Francis, it would greatly please him & me.1 Though he has done no systematic work, some of his Botanical papers appear to me to possess some value.—2 If, however, you doubt whether my son ought to be proposed, I trust that you will merely return the certificate without your signature in the enclosed envelope.— Believe me, my dear Mr Bentham | Yours sincerely | Charles Darwin Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Bentham Correspondence, Vol. 3, Daintree–Dyer, 1830–1884, GEB/1/3: f. 723) 1 2

Bentham’s signature appears on Francis Darwin’s certificate of proposal for fellowship of the Royal Society of London; Francis was elected on 8 June 1882 (Royal Society archives, GB 117 EC/1882/09). In addition to his work in physiological botany, Francis had also worked on animal morphology and physiology.

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December 1880

To Francis Darwin   27 December [1880]1 [Down.] My dear F. I think that you have told everything important in your abstract in an excellent manner.2 Every part is as clear as daylight.— Pray give my kindest remembrances to Marshall, Marshall & Co.— No, this is too impudent, give my kindest remembrances to them as simple Christians3 Ever yours affect | C. D Dec. 27th DAR 211: 68 1 2

3

The year is established by the reference to the Marshalls (see n. 3, below). Francis had recently presented two papers at the Linnean Society (F. Darwin 1880a and F. Darwin 1880b; he summarised these in Nature, 23 December 1880, pp. 178–81 (see letter from Francis Darwin, [before 15 December 1880]). Francis and his son, Bernard Darwin, had gone to Coniston (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). CD had stayed at the Waterhead Hotel, Coniston, on Victor Marshall’s Monk Coniston estate, in 1879. Marshall’s wife was Victoria Alberta Alexandrina Marshall; his cousin William Cecil Marshall was a friend of CD’s son Horace Darwin at Cambridge and had designed extensions to Down House (Freeman 1978).

To Albert Günther   27 December 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Dec. 27th 1880 r My dear D Günther Enclosed is the Memorial about which I take a very deep interest.1 Will you kindly read & consider it, & if you approve, I hope that you will sign, appending your official title at the Museum.2 We intend to get only a few signatures, viz of 〈men〉 who from their special studies, or as Pres. of Scientific Socs. have some claim to be heard. Hooker, Lubbock & Huxley will sign.3 The D. of Argyll has written to Mr Gladstone that he highly approves of the Memorial.4 Now I want to ask a favour of you, unless for any reason you dislike granting it, namely, to send the memorial to Owen; you might say that you had been asked to lay it before him, as his signature wd carry great weight. If he asks who originated the memorial you will of course have to 〈tell〉 him that it was I; & this w〈ill〉 I fear prejudice him against it. I could not myself send it as I have not spoken to him for 20 years.5 I enclose an envelope for the return of the memorial, as time is of consequence on account of the meeting of Pa〈r〉lt. Pray forgive me for troubling you & believe me | My dear Dr Günther | Yours very faithfully | Charles Darwin I thank you much for giving me your address so fully.6 There has been great delay owing to the disturbance of the Post.— Lord Aberdare7 signed it on the 23d & I have received it only this morning!

December 1880

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LS(A) Shrewsbury School, Taylor Library 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

The enclosure was the memorial to obtain a government pension for Alfred Russel Wallace. It has not been found, but there is a draft of it in DAR 196: 3; for a transcription, see Appendix VI. Günther was keeper of the zoological department at the British Museum. Joseph Dalton Hooker, John Lubbock, and Thomas Henry Huxley. The letter of George Douglas Campbell, eighth duke of Argyll, to William Ewart Gladstone has not been found, but see the letter to G. D. Campbell, [before 27 December 1880]. Richard Owen and CD had not been on speaking terms since shortly after the publication of Origin (see letter to T. H. Huxley, 9 December 1880 and n. 2). See letter to Albert Günther, 22 December [1880]; Günther’s reply has not been found. Henry Austin Bruce, first Baron Aberdare, was president of the Royal Geographical Society.

To T. H. Huxley   27 December 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Dec. 27th 1880 My dear Huxley. Spottiswoode, Allman, Flower, Ld. Aberdare & Ramsay have signed & all have expressed themselves strongly in favour of the Memorial.1 There has been much delay in getting the signatures, but I hope there will be less delay in future, for I will send addressed envelopes with notes, one within another.— The D. of Argyll highly approves, & has written to Mr. Gladstone.—2 Now I want your decision on a knotty point. I suppose a small Deputation wd. be the best plan, but under present circumstances I shd.  think Gladstone could not spare time, & we shd.  be shunted off to his secretary, or altogether refused.—3 It has therefore occurred to me that perhaps the best plan wd.  be for me to write a short note to Mr. G. with the Memorial, saying why we did not ask him to receive a Deputation. I could somehow show how anxious I was on subject, & call his attention to the fact that all the men who signed were from their studies or their positions qualified to judge.— I could offer to answer any questions with respect to Wall4 But then wd. it suffice for me to say that I had been asked to send the Memorial to him, if the asking is only by you & myself: ought you or I to consult at least some one else? Shd I write to Spottiswoode, or wd this be troubling him for nothing? If on the other hand you think we had better ask Mr. G. to receive a Deputation, of whom shd. it consist? Would you attend? I wd. gladly come up, & I cd. ask Lubbock,5 but I do not in the least know whether he wd. agree.— Please let me hear what you decide.— Ever yours truly | Ch. Darwin Imperial College of Science, Technology and Medicine Archives (Huxley 5: 354) 1

2

William Spottiswoode, George James Allman, William Henry Flower, Henry Austin Bruce, first Baron Aberdare, and Andrew Crombie Ramsay had signed the memorial for a government pension for Alfred Russel Wallace. The letter of George Douglas Campbell, eighth duke of Argyll, to William Ewart Gladstone has not been found, but see the letter to G. D. Campbell, [before 27 December 1880].

506 3 4 5

December 1880

CD probably alludes to the political ramifications of the recent potato famine in Ireland (1879–80) and the Land League agitation (ODNB s.v. Gladstone, William Ewart). ‘Wall’: Wallace. John Lubbock was the Liberal MP for London University.

From Henry Johnson   27 December [1880]1 Burnham | Somerset Dec 27. My dear Darwin The Shrewsbury Newspaper of 2  or 3  days ago contained a Paragraph that destressed me very much. It said that you were very ill & I cannot help writing a line to ask you to be so kind as to let me know, some thing about yourself.2 I am here in such an out of the way place that I cannot learn anything about you except from your self or some of your family. I trust in Goodness you will be able to send me more comforting news about yourself. I fear & have long feared that you were not careful enough of yourself. If one of your Family would write me a few lines I should be for ever obliged & thankful. Believe me | dear Darwin your affectionate old Friend | Henry Johnson. Mary3 is with me & quite participates in my anxiety for news. DAR 168: 71 1 2

3

The year is established by the reference to a newspaper report (see n. 2, below). The report in the Shrewsbury paper has not been identified, but short reports appeared in several newspapers stating that CD was confined to his bed but able to read and converse (see, for example, the Sheffield and Rotherham Independent, 23 December 1880, p. 5). Mary Elisabeth Johnson was Johnson’s daughter.

To Francis Darwin   [after 27 December 1880]1 [Down.] My dear F. Your water-proof coat was left behind, & then your leggings were found, so we have sent off 2 parcels by Rail to you.—2 Enclosed 2 letters.—3 The D. of Argyll, hurrah, has written most civilly to say that he has written to Mr Gladstone to say that he highly approves of pension for Wallace.—4 The Duke wants to come to Down—the Lord have mercy on me—but I shall write & offer to call on him when next in London.—5 There is Bot Zeitung with article by Stahl on relation of forms of cells to intensity of Light—6 I will not send it unless so new— Yours affect.— Kiss Dubbah7 for me | C. D.— DAR 211: 69

December 1880 1 2 3 4

5 6

7

507

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to Francis Darwin, 27 December [1880]. Francis was staying in Coniston (see letter to Francis Darwin, 27 December [1880] and n. 3). The enclosures have not been found. The letter from George Douglas Campbell, the duke of Argyll, has not been found. CD was circulating a memorial to obtain a government pension for Alfred Russel Wallace. As a member of the government (lord privy seal), Campbell could not sign the memorial, so he wrote a letter to the prime minister, William Ewart Gladstone, expressing his approval. No letter has been found concerning the visit, but CD visited Campbell in London on 28 February 1881 (see Correspondence vol. 29, letter to G. H. Darwin, 27[–8] February [1881]). The article by Ernst Stahl in Botanische Zeitung, 17 December 1880, was ‘Ueber den Einfluss der Lichtintensität auf Structur und Anordnung des Assimilationsparenchyms’ (On the influence of light intensity on the structure and sequence of assimilation of the parenchyma; Stahl 1880b). George John Romanes was planning to experiment on the effect of brief flashes of light on plant tissues (see letter from G. J. Romanes, 10 December 1880). Bernard Darwin.

From George Bentham   28 December 1880 25, Wilton Place. | S.W. Decr 28/80 My dear Mr Darwin I have the greatest pleasure in signing the enclosed certificate though I have strongly resisted the depreciation of systematic Botany now prevalent in Germany   I have never underrated the paramount importance of physiological studies especially when carried out as Mr Francis Darwin has been doing1 Ever yours sincerely | George Bentham DAR 160: 172 1

See letter to George Bentham, 27 December 1880 and n. 1. For a German perspective on the development of systematic botany in Germany around this time, see Strasburger 1895, pp. 249–57.

From Albert Günther   [28 December 1880]1 British Museum Tuesday Morning Dear Mr. Darwin I have only a minute to spare after returning the memorial which I sign with the greatest pleasure.2 Owen has not been seen or heard of for some days; & I do not know whether he is at home. Unfortunately, my relations to him are not of so intimate a nature, as to allow me to make enquiries as to his present whereabouts; if he had been here, I should have asked him without hesitation; but I do not care to intrude into his house.3 A letter would not do, as he may be from home. In great haste | Yours very truly | A Günther DAR 165: 257

508 1 2 3

December 1880

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to Albert  Günther, 27 December 1880. The Tuesday following 27 December 1880 was 28 December. See letter to Albert Günther, 27 December 1880 and n. 1; the memorial was to obtain a government pension for Alfred Russel Wallace. See letter to Albert Günther, 27 December 1880 and n. 5. Richard Owen was superintendent of the natural history departments at the British Museum.

From J. M. Herbert   28 December 1880 Rocklands | Ross. | Kerne Bridge Station | Telegrams to Ross. 28 Decr. 1880 My dear Darwin, Your very kind & affectionate letter has much cheered me—tho’ it was extracted from you by my wife sending you the Xmas Card, without my authority.1 A young friend of hers has produced a great many sketches of Pigs in various human attitudes, & playing childrens’ games, of which I send Mrs. Darwin 3 Specimens—and having exhausted her porcine vein, she sent some imaginary specimens of Antediluvians, which my wife thought might win a smile from you, even if you did not recognize any conformity to the prehistoric types—and I believe it was done in the hope of receiving your autograph to be inserted in her Book of Autographs of British & European Celebrities.2 It appears from your letter that you have not heard of my 2d. Marriage, tho’ it took place 3 14 years ago. It has been to me one continuous source of comfort & happiness— She was Mary Phillpotts, a great niece of the Bishop of Exeter—3 I have not heard from Whitley but once since his Wife’s death, which happened several months ago to the great destruction of his happiness; for never were man & Wife better suited for each other, or more devoted to each other, than they were—4 He has generally very fair health—but a delicate throat often obliges him to winter at Bournemouth, or some sheltered place on the South Coast. I don’t think I have ever met but one of your Sons, & him I casually met on the Railway travelling with my friend Archdeacon Crawley; & I challenged him to be your Son from his likeness to you in voice & features.5 When will you be content with the fame, which the amazing amount of your good work has secured for you? It seems to me that in the estimation of Europe, you already stand on a higher pedestal than Cuvier6—And I feel it to be one of the real joys of my life to be acknowledged by you as a friend— With kindest remembrances to Mrs. Darwin, & every kind wish for yourself & all your family; I am always— | Very truly yrs | J. M. Herbert C. Darwin Esq DAR 166: 187 1 2

See letter to J. M. Herbert, 25 December [1880]. Herbert’s wife was Mary Charlotte Herbert. The friend has not been identified and the sketches have not been found.

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Herbert and his second wife were married on 4 September 1877 (England, select marriages, 1538–1973 (Ancestry.com, accessed 27 June 2019)). The bishop of Exeter was Henry Phillpotts. Charles Thomas Whitley, Herbert, and CD were contemporaries at Cambridge. Whitley’s wife, Frances Whitley, had died on 15 December 1879. William Crawley was archdeacon of Monmouth; his son, Charles Crawley, was a friend of Francis Darwin, so Francis was probably the son the Herbert had met. Georges Cuvier.

From T. H. Huxley   28 December 1880 4 Marlborough Place, | Abbey Road, N. W. Dec 28th | 1880 My dear Darwin I do not see the least good in a deputation and as you suggest, I doubt if Mr Gladstone would receive one at present1 It appears to me that far the best course would be for you to send the Memorial yourself to Mr Gladstone accompanied by a private note—2 You have drawn up the Memorial & the people who have signed it have done so knowing it was to be sent to the Prime Minister & then returned it to you— You are therefore justified in seeing that it reaches its destination in any way you think best and I have no doubt whatever that sending it yourself is the best way— Mr. Gladstone can do a thing very gracefully when he is so minded and unless I greatly mistake he will be so minded if you write to him— We have had all the chicks (& the husbands of such as are therewith provided) round the Christmas table once more and a pleasant sight they were though I say it that should’n’t— Only the granddaughter left out the young woman not yet having reached the age when change & society are valuable3 I don’t know what you think about about anniversaries— I like them being always minded to drink my cup of life to the bottom & take my chance of the sweets & bitters With the warmest good wishes for the New Year from all of us to all of you | Ever Yours faithfully | T H Huxley P.S. My wife4 is a little better. It is therefore with the utmost difficulty that I can restrain her from waiting upon everybody— DAR 166: 356 1

2 3

4

See letter to T. H. Huxley, 27 December 1880. The memorial for a government pension for Alfred Russel Wallace had been organised by CD; he had asked Huxley about the best way to present it to the prime minister, William Ewart Gladstone. See Correspondence vol. 29, letter to W. E. Gladstone, [4 January 1881]. Huxley had two married daughters: Jessie Oriana, whose husband was Frederick William Waller, and Marian, whose husband was John Collier. His other children were Leonard Huxley, Rachel Huxley, Nettie Huxley, Henry Huxley, and Ethel Gladys Huxley. Oriana Huxley Waller had been born on 11 February 1880 (BMD (Death index) s.v. Haynes, Oriana Huxley). Henrietta Anne Huxley.

510

December 1880

To Henry Johnson   28 December [1880]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Decr 28th My dear Johnson I am as well as ever I am & working away on worms.2 Heaven knows how the report arose; but this morning my son had a letter from Lady Thompson in Scotland, asking about me & saying she had read in a Scotch newspaper that I was dangerously ill!3 The false report has done me one good turn in bringing me so extremely kind a letter as that of yours.— My dear Johnson | Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin Private collection 1 2 3

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from Henry Johnson, 27 December [1880]. CD had begun writing on the action of worms in the autumn of 1880 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). Frances Anna Thomson was a friend of George Howard Darwin. A short report appeared in the Aberdeen Weekly Journal, 25 December 1880, p. 5, stating that CD was confined to his bed but able to read and converse. The same report had appeared in other newspapers, including the Sheffield and Rotherham Independent, 23 December 1880, p. 5.

To H. W. Bates   [before 29 December 1880]1 [Down.] Private Huxley thinks that the Presidents had better sign in a body, so that the Memorial shall be sent to you afterwards for your signature with an envelope addressed to Sir J. Hooker, if you will forward it without delay.—2 C. D As I do not know Ld. Aberdare’s address I have not enclosed an envelope: could you write outside the envelope “To be forwarded if not at home”; for it is very important that the Memorial shd. reach Mr Gladstone before Parliament meets—3 I have got the Duke of Argyll to write a private letter to Mr. G.  in favour of the pension.—4 Cleveland Health Sciences Library (Robert M. Stecher collection) 1 2

3 4

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to H. W. Bates, [29 December 1880]. Thomas Henry Huxley was advising CD on the memorial for a government pension for Alfred Russel Wallace. CD had explained that he wanted Joseph Dalton Hooker to sign near the end of the memorial ‘so as to end the short list with a flourish’ (letter to J. D. Hooker, 20 December 1880). Henry Austin Bruce, first Baron Aberdare, was president of the Royal Geographical Society; Bates was assistant secretary. William Ewart Gladstone was the prime minister. See letter to G. D. Campbell, [before 27 December 1880]. George Douglas Campbell, eighth duke of Argyll was a member of the government (lord privy seal), so could not sign the memorial.

December 1880

511

To H. W. Bates   [29 December 1880]1 Down Beckenham Kent My dear Bates. After signing the Memorial, please put it in enclosed envelope & post it without loss of time to Sir J. Hooker.—2 Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin P.S | I am inclined to think that you had better annex your official Title to your signature, but please do as you think best.—3 Cleveland Health Sciences Library (Robert M. Stecher collection) 1 2

3

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to P. L. Sclater, 29 December 1880. This letter would have been enclosed with the letter to Sclater. See letter to H.  W.  Bates, [before 29 December  1880] and n. 2. The memorial for a government pension for Alfred Russel Wallace was being circulated by having signatories forward the memorial to the next person for whom an envelope had been provided, thus reducing the time needed to get all the signatures. CD had wanted Joseph Dalton Hooker to sign near the end of the memorial. Bates was assistant secretary of the Royal Geographical Society.

To J. S. Burdon Sanderson   29 December 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Dec 29th 1880 r My dear D Burdon Sanderson. If you would not object to sign the enclosed certificate for my son Francis, it would greatly please him & me.— But you must not think of doing so if you doubt about the propriety of his candidateship.1 I enclose an addressed envelope. & remain | Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin Please enclose a slip of paper with the date of your Lecture at R. Institution.—2 University of British Columbia Library, Rare Books and Special Collections (Darwin - Burdon Sanderson letters RBSC-ARC-1731-1-24) 1 2

Burdon Sanderson’s signature appears on Francis Darwin’s certificate of proposal for fellowship of the Royal Society of London; Francis was elected on 8 June 1882 (Royal Society archives, GB 117 EC/1882/09). Burdon Sanderson read his lecture on ‘Excitability in plants and animals’ at the Royal Institution of Great Britain on 25 February 1881 (Nature, 9 December 1880, p. 130).

To J. D. Hooker   [29 December 1880]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) My dear Hooker Will you please read the enclosed Memorial & as I hope sign it, & then put it in enclosed envelope for Huxley.—2 No time shd be lost on account of the meeting of Parliament.—3 Ever yours | Ch. Darwin Jeffrey Winograd (private collection)

512 1

2

3

December 1880

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to P. L. Sclater, 29 December 1880. This letter would have been enclosed in the letter to H. W. Bates, [29 December 1880], itself enclosed in the letter to Sclater. The memorial was to obtain a government pension for Alfred Russel Wallace. It has not been found, but there is a draft of it in DAR 196: 3; for a transcription, see Appendix VI. Thomas Henry Huxley would be the last to sign before CD submitted it to the prime minister, William Ewart Gladstone. Parliament would convene on 6 January 1881 ( Journals of the House of Commons. Session 1881).

To T. H. Huxley   [29 December 1880]1 Down Beckenham Kent My dear Huxley I have asked Hooker to forward the memorial, & after signing it, please place it in the enclosed envelope. for me.2 N.B. Letters placed in pillar post even so late at night reach Down at noon next day.— I read a few days ago in the Times a splendid Lecture by you before the Zoolog. Soc on Evolution.—3 How I do hope that all our trouble about the memorial may be successful.— Ever Yours | Ch. Darwin Imperial College of Science, Technology and Medicine Archives (Huxley 5: 363) 1 2 3

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to P. L. Sclater, 29 December 1880. Joseph Dalton Hooker was the most recent person to receive the memorial for a government pension for Alfred Russel Wallace (see letter to P. L. Sclater, 29 December 1880). The article, headed ‘Professor Huxley on evolution’, was in The Times, 25 December 1880, p. 4. Huxley’s lecture was delivered on 14 December 1880 at the Zoological Society of London (Nature, 23 December 1880, p. 187).

To P. L. Sclater   29 December 1880 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) December 29th 1880 r My dear M Sclater I earnestly hope that the enclosed Memorial will meet with your approval, & if it does, that you will sign it. There will be only a few other signatures, Mr Bates (as his co-traveller in Amazonia) Hooker, Huxley & self.1 The Duke of Argyll has written to Mr Gladstone about this—2 As you will see most of the men have appended their offices, & this looks more imposing(!) & therefore, I think, you had better add yours, but of this you will be a better judge than I can be.—3 No time shd be lost, so please put the Memorial in enclosed envelope & post it at once; or if you are in Hanover Sqe, could you send it by messenger.?4 I feel a very deep interest in the success of the Memorial. Believe me, my dear Mr Sclater | Yours very sincerely | Charles Darwin Wellcome Library (MS.7781/18)

December 1880 1

2

3 4

513

The memorial was for a government pension for Alfred Russel Wallace. It has not been found, but there is a draft of it in DAR 196: 3; for a transcription, see Appendix VI. Henry Walter Bates had travelled to the Amazon with Wallace in 1848; Wallace returned to England in 1852 while Bates remained until 1859. Joseph Dalton Hooker and Thomas Henry Huxley were to be the last to sign. See letter to G. D. Campbell, [before 27 December 1880]. George Douglas Campbell, eighth duke of Argyll was a member of the government (lord privy seal), so could not sign the memorial, which was to be presented to the prime minister, William Ewart Gladstone. CD had explained that the plan was to have only a few signatures of eminent men such as presidents of scientific societies (see letter to Albert Günther, 27 December 1880). The Zoological Society of London, of which Sclater was president, had its headquarters in Hanover Square.

To Nature   [before 30 December 1880]1 [Down.] Black Sheep The following extract of a letter from Mr. Sanderson of Chislehurst, who permits me to publish it, seems worth placing on record.2 It relates to the former frequent appearance of spotted or black sheep in the Australian flocks, as long as animals thus coloured were of use to man, although they were never, as far as Mr. Sanderson knows, separately bred from, and certainly not in his own case. On the other hand, as soon as coloured sheep ceased to be of use they were no longer allowed to grow up, and their numbers rapidly decreased. I have elsewhere assigned reasons for the belief that the occasional appearance of dark-coloured or piebald sheep is due to reversion to the primeval colouring of the species.3 This tendency to reversion appears to be most difficult quite to eradicate, and quickly to gain in strength if there is no selection. Mr. Sanderson writes:—“In the early days before fences were erected and when shepherds had charge of very large flocks (occasionally 4000 or 5000) it was important to have a few sheep easily noticed amongst the rest; and hence the value of a certain number of black or partly black sheep, so that coloured lambs were then carefully preserved. It was easy to count ten or a dozen such sheep in a flock, and when one was missing it was pretty safe to conclude that that a good many had strayed with it, so that the shepherd really kept count of his flock by counting his speckled sheep. As fences were erected the flocks were made smaller, and the necessity for having these spotted sheep passed away. Their wool also being of small value the practice soon grew of killing them off as lambs, or so young that they had small chance of breeding, and it surprised me how at the end of my sheep-farming experience of about eight years the percentage of coloured lambs produced was so much smaller than at the beginning. As the quantity of coloured wool from Australia seems to have much diminished, the above experience would appear to be general.” Charles Darwin Nature, 30 December 1880, p. 193 1

The date is established by the date of publication of this letter in Nature.

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John Sanderson was a wool merchant who had lived in Australia. The original letter (presumably to CD) has not been found. CD had discussed reversion to dark or dark-spotted fleece in sheep in Variation 2: 30–1.

To T. H. Farrer   30 December 1880 Down. | Beckenham. Kent (&c) Dec 30. 1880. My dear Farrer. I should be very much obliged if you would look over the enclosed papers.— These consist of a statement of the money transactions with Mr. Torbitt, & a Report of this years success, which seems fairly favourable.1 On receiving the report I wrote to Mr Torbitt asking whether he intended to draw all or part of the £90 which I held for him, as his answer (Dec 17) of which I send all the important parts copied, was not precise, I wrote again, & you will see by the copy of his answer. (Dec 28) that he desires me to return the £90 with sincere thanks to the subscribers—2 This seems to me to be a pity, for you will observe in his letters that he speaks doubtfully about being able to continue without aid his experiments on a large scale this coming Spring; & on the principle of selection every successive generation increases greatly in value.— I do not intend myself to give more than the £150 already given; but if I may make a suggestion, I would ask to be permitted to keep half the £90 until the Spring, & allow Mr Torbitt to draw on it or not as he may find necessary; & if this amount is not drawn, then to return it to the subscribers—3 I think that Mr. Torbitt has shewn that he may be trusted.— Now will you be so kind (to save me much copying) as to forward all these papers including this note, to Mr Caird & would you afterwards consult with him—4 Whatever you & he may decide shall be immediately followed. Believe me, my dear Farrer. | Yours very sincerely. | Charles Darwin. Copy DAR 144: 102 1 2 3 4

The enclosures have not been found. James Torbitt was working on developing blight-resistant potato varieties. See letter to James Torbitt, 13 December 1880; Torbitt’s reply of 17 December 1880 has not been found, but in his letter of 23 December 1880, he asked CD to hold on to the £90 until 10 January 1881. For CD’s earlier contributions to Torbitt, see the letter to James Torbitt, 19 December 1880 and n. 4. James Caird had also helped to raise funds for Torbitt. CD had sent him a statement of Torbitt’s experiments earlier in the year (see letter to James Caird, 24 March 1880).

From J. S. Burdon Sanderson   31 December 1880 7 White Rock Place, Hastings. Dec 31st. 1880. Dear Mr. Darwin, Your letter, with the Certificate, has been forwarded to me here. I have great pleasure in signing it.1

December 1880

515

The date of my Friday Evening Lecture, about which you are so kind as to enquire, is February 25. I send a Ticket as a Memorandum of the Date.2 I came here chiefly for the purpose of writing or at all events, preparing it. My leading position is that in the excitable parts of Plants, the mode by which the excited part influences other parts at a distance from it is (notwithstanding the absence of nerves) essentially the same as in the simpler excitable structures of animals. Prof Munk of Berlin in his long paper on Dionæa, as well as Sachs, denies the possibility of transmission or propagation of an excitatory effect, except by migration of liquid. I am going to make this point plain by a strict comparison of plant with animal phenomena.3 I have been reading more carefully the “Movements of Plants” I am specially interested in the 6th. & 7th. chapters.4 With best wishes for the New Year | very truly yours | JS Burdon Sanderson PS. Mr. Busk has just been here. He wd. have signed the Certificate had he not been on the Council.5 University of British Columbia Library, Rare Books and Special Collections (Darwin - Burdon Sanderson letters RBSC-ARC-1731-1-42) 1 2 3

4 5

See letter to J. S. Burdon Sanderson, 29 December 1880 and n. 1. CD had sent Francis Darwin’s certificate of proposal for fellowship of the Royal Society of London. See letter to J. S. Burdon Sanderson, 29 December 1880 and n. 2. Burdon Sanderson’s lecture was part of a series organised by the Royal Institution of Great Britain. Hermann Munk, in his paper ‘Die elektrischen und Bewegungs-Erscheinungen am Blatte der Dionaea muscipula’ (The electrical and movement phenomena in leaves of Dionaea muscipula), had concluded that the electromotive effect on the leaf cell was a direct result of the movement of water out of the cell (Munk 1876, p. 203). Julius Sachs had briefly discussed the effect of an electric current on the movement of water in the cell-sap (Sachs 1875, pp. 688–9). The chapters dealt with nyctitropic (sleep) movements in cotyledons and leaves (see Movement in plants, pp. 280–448). George Busk was on the council of the Royal Society (Proceedings of the Royal Society of London 31 (1880–1): 101).

From W. E. Darwin   31 December [1880]1

Basset, | Southampton. Dec 31

My dear Father, I send you the diagrams as to Teg Down, and there is another on the back of Rifle Valley.2 I cannot read your pencil notes on the back.3 It seems to me that all one can say in each case is that there is always more in the valleys, and that in case of slopes the thickness of mould diminishes with the angle of slope. I suppose if the worms cast up earth in inverse ratio to the steepness of slope, and hardly worked at all where the mould was only just enough to support grass, you might have a constant thickness of mould in any place continuing the same for centuries. I think the diagrams explain themselves— if you wanted any points cleared up I could easily go there. I am looking again into the St Catherine Hill notes & will write soon.4

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December 1880

I hope Mother is better and downstairs, please give her my love and say what a pleasant Christmas we had.5 Your affect son | W. E D DAR 162: 88 CD annotation 2.3 thickness] ‘thickness’ added pencil 1 2 3

4 5

The year is established by the reference to the Christmas visit (see n. 5, below). Teg Down and the Rifle valley are two valleys near Winchester, Hampshire. William had made diagrams and notes on the thickness of mould in Teg Down and the Rifle valley in 1872; CD added his own notes on the back and wrote several pages of additional notes. The notes, dated from 27 March to 6 April 1872, are in DAR 63: 112–15. William’s notes on St Catherine Hill (a chalk hill near Winchester with the remains of an Iron Age fort) have not been found, but see Earthworms, pp. 302–4. William and Sara Darwin visited Down from 23 to 29 December 1880 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)).

From A. L. Kielland1   31 December 1880 Stavanger den 31te. Dec. 1880. Høistærede Mr. Darwin! —naar jeg hengav mig til min Yndlingsfornøielse i Fontainbleau: at fodre Karperne, betragtede jeg ofte de to kinesiske Løver, som staa der tæt ved Dammen.2 Og en Dag fik jeg den pludselige Inskydelse, som jeg nu vil fortælle Dem—halvt i Spøg, halvt i den Tanke, at jeg maaske er slumpet op i en interessant Ide. Disse “Løver” ere nemlig i Virkeligheden meget ulige Løver og have igrunden ligesaa stor Lighed med Padder. Betragter man nu Løvepadden tilhøire, saa bliver man strax opmærksom paa to tykke Traade af Slim, som flyder ud af dens Munndviger, slynger sig om dens Legeme og forener sig i en rund Kugle—fuld af smaa Stjerner, som den holder i Forlabben. Løvepadden tilvenstre har de samme udflydende Traade af Slim; men den holder ingen Kugle. Derimod har den en liten Unge ved Foden, og denne Unge er næsten en fuldstændig Løveunge, det paddeagtige er hos den næsten ganske udslettet. Min Ide er nu, at i disse to Figurer er Evolutionstheorien—Kontinuiteten i Naturen—symboliseret; Løven—Dyrenes Konge—er sat i det noreste Slægtskab med den slimede, foragtede Padde. Løvepadden til høire laver med sine Forben en Kugle af det Slim som flyder ud af dens Mund. Dette oppfatter jeg som et udtryk for aldgamle Forestillinger om dette Dyrs ejendommelige Forplantningsmaade. Og selve Kuglen med de smaa stjernelignende Punkter er paafaldende lig de slimede Klumper med Padderogn = æg, som vi finder i Grøfter og Vandpytter om Vaaren. Løvepadden tilvenstre viser Udviklingen [et] skridt længere fremme. Her er Slimkuglen forsvunden; men den lille Unge, som er fremkommen, staar Løvetypen mangfoldige Trin nærmere end Moderdyret.

Chinese guardian lions, male (left) and female (right). Cour de la Fontaine, Château de Fontainebleau, Fontainebleau, France. (Inga Leksina / Alamy Stock Photo)

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December 1880

Saaledes—mener jeg—har den store Sammenhængstanke fundet sit halvt mystiske Udtryk i disse to Værker af ældgammel (?) kinesisk Kunst.3 Jeg er Romanforfatter og ikke Spor av Videnskabsmann. Derfor beder jeg Dem opfatte dette mere som et fantastisk Indfald end som en Iagttagelse, der gjør Fordring paa alvorlig Opmærksomher. Imidlertid - skulde der være noget af Interesse heri, saa vilde jeg selvfølgelig være meget glad ver at høre noget derom. Tillad mig tilslut i den dybeste Ærbødighed at sende Dem min lille Tak for det store, nye Livssyn, som aabnede sig for mig, da jeg blev bekjendt med Deres Værker. Deres meget ærbødige | Alexander L. Kielland [Contemporary translation] Very highly honoured Mr. Darwin, When for my amusement at Fontainebleau I took to feeding the Carps (Karper) I often looked at the two Chinese lions (Löver) which stand close by the tank. And one day the ?grotesque idea occurred to me which I will now tell you half—in joke (Spög) and half with the idea that I may perhaps have stumbled on an interesting Idea. These “lions” are in fact very unlike lions and have great likeness to toads (?Padder). If one examines the lion-toads closer one at once observes two thick threads of slime (?Slim) which flow out of the corners of their mouths (Mundviger) wind round their bodies and end in a round ball full of small stones which is held in the forepaws (Forlabben) The lion-toad on the left has the same thread of slime flowing out, but it has no ball. On the other hand it has a small young one at its feet, & this young one is almost completely a young lion; in it the toad nature is almost completely excluded. My idea is then that these two figures are the continuity of the evolution theory in natural symbols. The king of the race of lions is … (sat); the . .race with the slimy despised toad   The lion-toad on the right holds (?laver) with its foreleg a ball of that slime which flows out of its mouth This I take as an expression by primitive representation concerning the peculiar mode of propagation of this animal. And the ball itself with the small round stone-like lumps is strikingly like the slimy clots with toads eggs which we find in ditches & ponds in the Spring. The lion-toad on the left shows the development at a much more advanced stage. Here the ball of slime has disappeared but the small young one which has been produced stands very far nearer the lion type than does the mother animal. Thus as I think has the great idea of correlation (or unity) found its half mystic expression in these two works of antique (? sic in orig.) chinese art I am a novelist & not in the least a man of science Therefore I beg you will consider this more as a fantastic idea than as an observation which demands careful (alvorlig) attention If however there shd. be anything of interest herein, I should naturally be very glad to hear something on the subject. In conclusion permit me in deepest veneration to send you my insignificant thanks for the great & new light which was opened to me when I made acquaintance with your works | A.L.Kielland

December 1880

519

Löve = lion; compare with German Löwe throughout, I do not know } these words | G.H.D Padde = toad Macbeth | “Paddock calls”4 Paddock is a toad & “ock” is merely a diminutive as in bullock DAR 201: 18, 18a 1 2

3 4

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. The contemporary translation was made by George Howard Darwin (see n. 4, below). According to a contemporary guidebook, the large pond at Fontainebleau castle was said to contain carp that were 200 years old (Handbook for visitors to Paris, p. 118). The two Chinese guardian lions are situated at the entrance to the Chinese museum in the Cour de la Fontaine (Fontaine courtyard) adjacent to the pond. See plate on p. 517. In Chinese tradition, the male lion was depicted with an embroidered sphere (representing supremacy over the world) and the female lion with a cub (representing nature). ‘G.H.D.’: George Howard Darwin. Padde: an old German word for toad (the modern German is Kröte). ‘Paddock calls’: spoken by the second witch in Macbeth 1:1. The toad is the familiar of the witch.

APPENDIX I Translations of letters From J.-H. Fabre1   3 January 1880 Sir Allow me to offer you, as to a Master of Science, a copy of my Souvenirs entomologiques, dealing experimentally with Instinct in Insects.2 You are already familiar with some of my research topics, but in the present work they are suppplemented by new observations; a greater number of others appear for the first time. As the subject concerns nature, which interests many readers, I have thought it necessary to abandon the overly serious academic style, and let my pen flow a bit more freely; nevertheless, such as it is, the style takes nothing away from the rigorous precision of the facts. I would be happy, Sir, if, from the depths of my village, I could provide a work worthy of your attention. Perhaps we will not always agree on the conclusions to draw from the observed facts; but what we will be in perfect harmony on, is our profound admiration for the industry of the Insect. You pursue truth with noble zeal in the highest circles, I also pursue it in my humble arena and I would be sufficiently rewarded for my efforts if I were to add a few grains to the harvest. Please accept, Sir, the expression of my deep regard and greatest respect | J. H. Fabre Sérignan (by Orange) Vaucluse 3 January, 1880 DAR 164: 1 1 2

For a transcription of this letter in its original French, see p. 13. Fabre 1879; CD’s annotated copy is in the Darwin Library–CUL.

From Ernst Krause1   7 January 1880

Berlin N.O. Friedenstrasse 10. II. 7.1.1880.

Highly esteemed Sir! Your kind communication that the English journals are judging the little book about Erasmus Darwin favourably is a great joy to me and I thank you cordially for

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it.2 I must confess that with respect to my contribution I was not entirely without concerns about its reception among the English critics; it would have been most painful to me if the verdict had been that it had not been worth translating, and if as a result you had been caused vexation. The printing of the German edition is progressing only slowly; still, I hope that it will be completed before Easter, for I recently received the corrected proofs of sheet 9.3 Mr Reinwald has not told me whether he intends to make use of the notes that have been added with the German readership in mind, and so I shall not send them to him.4 Perhaps he wants to wait until the German edition comes out, so as to be quite free in his decision, and there is nothing to be said against such a precaution. With my best and most cordial wishes for the new decade that has just begun, I remain, most esteemed Sir | Yours gratefully devoted | Ernst Krause DAR 92: B51 1 2 3 4

For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see p. 25. CD had remarked on the favourable reviews of Erasmus Darwin (see letter to Ernst Krause, 5 January 1880 and n. 2). The German edition of Erasmus Darwin was published in April 1880 (Krause 1880; see letter from Ernst Krause, 19 April 1880). CD had corresponded with Charles-Ferdinand Reinwald about a French translation of Erasmus Darwin (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter to C.-F. Reinwald, 29 October 1879); however, no French edition was published.

From Ernst Krause1   16 January 1880 Berlin N.O. Friedenstrasse 10. II. 16.1.80. Highly esteemed Sir! Thanking you first most humbly for kindly sending me the pages from the Popular Science Review,2 I unfortunately must add that my drudgery is not over yet. Still, I hope this will be the last query with which I must bother you in the matter of the little book, namely, could you kindly tell me what functions were comprised in the office of the yeoman of the armoury, which is mentioned on p. 1?3 I have left the word untranslated in the text, but I feel obliged to say something about it in the notes and cannot find a suitable translation in the German encyclopedias. Was it what one would now call a director or chairman, or was it a more subordinate office, such as supervisor, doorkeeper, or something similar? Furthermore, could you kindly tell me whether the “old Hooker” mentioned on p. 34 is the same as Richard Hooker (X 16)?4 Begging your forgiveness for these repeated attempts on your precious time, most esteemed Sir | Yours | gratefully devoted | Ernst Krause DAR 92: B52 1

For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see pp. 36–7.

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A review of Erasmus Darwin was published in Popular Science Review 19 (1880): 69–71. See letter to Ernst Krause, 5 January 1880. In Erasmus Darwin, p. 1, William Darwin (of Cleatham, 1573?–1644) is described as a ‘yeoman of the armoury of Greenwich to James I and Charles I’. A yeoman, in this sense, was a servant or attendant in a royal household, usually of a superior grade (OED). ‘X 16’ is a footnote marker; this was changed to n. 18 in Krause 1880, p. 20.

From Hermann Welcker1   18 January 1880 Halle on the Saale, 18. January 1880. Highly esteemed Sir! Permit me to present a number of my modest publications to you, most esteemed Sir, whose enlightening ideas I encounter at every stage of my studies, and whose guiding inspiration has advanced me in my inquiries so many times.2 The position of the ligamentum teres femoris, 〈    〉 peculiarity, 〈that〉 this ligament passes through the hip capsule freely and encompassable, its absence in the orangutan and a good many other things prompted me to investigate this ligament more closely in various animals. In the tapir embryo I observed (as suggested in the drawing on pag. 232 of the treatise marked III)3 the lig. teres 〈femoris〉 lying against the wall of the capsule along its entire length like a pilaster; in the adult tapir [it was] unattached and encompassable, and inserted in the interior of the joint; in Phoca,4 however, I observed the same condition at 〈various〉 stages of life, 〈as in the〉 tapir embryo, so that 〈12 line〉 the development of the lig. teres in man shows the same states transitorily, which in the animal series mark the definitive end point of development of certain animals.— It struck me as interesting, moreover, that in two otherwise completely ordinary human shoulder joints I observed a rope-like portion of the fibres in the capsular ligament were quite similarly inserted into the interior of the joint, like a column, as is typical, according to my earlier studies, in the development of the lig. teres femoris. These shoulder joints showed a fovea capitis humeri and exactly the same condition as the hip joint of the seal and the human embryo (see the treatise marked I, pag. 76).5 Allow me to direct your attention to another odd occurrence, the free passage of the tendon of the musculus biceps brachii through the shoulder capsule. In the horse, tapir, mole, I observed the state illustrated in treatise IV, pag. 22, 23, and pag. 25 at 1: the tendon lies completely outside the joint, brushing over it freely.6 In Vespertilio, etc, as well as in the two-month-old human embryo, I observed the condition depicted on pag. 25 at 2 and 3, as well as pag. 27; the tendon had pushed into, indeed through, the wall of the capsule, trailing the synovial membrane after it like a mesenterium.7 Thus in particular in Phoca (pag. 29), until finally, after tearing away of the mesotendon, the tendon, as in the adult human, runs freely through the joint. The whole series of mammals should be investigated for this structural relationship. Moreover, it seems to me of interest for the theory of descent that in treatise II, pag.  181, the condition shown in the bear, where the muscle bundle z, which

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is beginning to throw a bridge from the m.  coracobrachialis to the glenoradialis, reveals the phylogenetic development of the biceps.8 I would further like to direct your attention to the integument shown in treatise V, plate 1, which a number of scientists believe to be an amnion and which I called an epitrichium.9 Should we not have to recognise, in the development of this integument, which according to my investigations is the detached uppermost layer of the epidermal membrane, a process that is absent in higher animals: a development related moult? A number of investigations that I made into the artificially crippled feet of Chinese women led me 〈to〉 the question of whether this manner of binding the feet could have exercised any hereditary influence on the size and development of the feet of these people? Indeed it looks that way (Arch. f. Anthrop. V, 1872, p. 149); the unbound feet of Chinese women also seem 〈to〉 be very small: average foot length in 8 Javanese women 248 mm; in 3 Tahitian women 243 mm; in 8 women from the Sundan Islands 242 mm; in 3 Chinese women 232 mm.10 Lastly I venture to enclose for your kind attention a part of the Brockhaus Conversations lexicon, to which I contributed the article on “Darwinismus”; a piece of work, of course, that anything but satisfies me now, and that at the time needed to be completed in a hurry within very few days   On pag. 480 I have marked with 〈1 or 2 words〉 line the passage 〈1 or 2 words〉 for my part—such things are after all frequently a matter of opinion!—the most decisive arguments in favour of your great theory are articulated.11 For two years I have been engaged in an investigation of the phylogenetic development of the spine; I have published a preliminary report, which touches on several points of these investigations, in the enclosure marked VI.12 The book itself, the completion of which is imminent, will bear the following title: “Die Wirbelsaeule der Saugethiere und des Menschen, insbesondere der Bradÿpoden und Anthropomorphen, des Europaeers und der niederen Menschenrassen.”13 It would be a great honour and joy for me if you, most esteemed Sir, would permit me to offer you publicly for my part the tribute of gratitude and admiration that we all owe your pathbreaking research and teaching, by dedicating this book to you, and to decorate my modest work by prefixing it with your famous name. May I ask for your permission to do so? Most respectfully and humbly | Dr Hermann Welcker, | Professor of Anatomy at Halle. 〈    〉 Darwin. DAR 181: 88 1 2

For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see pp. 39–42. Six papers by Welcker are in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL; five of them are numbered in red in Roman numerals as follows: I. ‘Ueber das Hüftgelenk’ (On the hip joint; Welcker 1875a); II. ‘Beiträge zur

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11 12 13

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Myologie’ (Contributions to myology; Welcker 1875b); III. ‘Zur Anatomie des ligamentum teres femoris’ (On the anatomy of the foveal ligament; Welcker 1876); IV. ‘Die Einwanderung der Bicepssehne in das Schultergelenk’ (The migration of the biceps tendon in the shoulder joint; Welcker 1878a); V. ‘Ueber die Entwicklung und den Bau der Haut und der Haare bei Bradypus’ (On the development and structure of the skin and hair in Bradypus; Welcker 1864). The sixth, unnumbered paper is ‘Ueber die künstliche Verkrüppelung der Füsse der Chinesinnen’ (On the artificial crippling of the feet of Chinese women; Welcker 1870). It may have been sent separately, but no other letter from Welcker mentioning it has been found. See Welcker 1876, p. 232; the illustration referred to shows two cross-sections of a hip capsule, one typical of a tapir embryo or a seal from embryo to adult, and the other typical of humans and other mammals, in which the comparative position of the ligamentum teres femoris (foveal ligament) is shown. Phoca is a genus of earless seals. The fovea capitis humeri is the depression or pit at the head of the femur; see Welcker 1875a, p. 76. Welcker 1878, pp. 22, 23, and 25; the illustration on p. 25 (fig. 3.1) shows the location of the tendon directly over the joint. Vespertilio is a genus of bats. See Welcker 1878, p. 25, figs. 3.2 and 3.3. The mesenterium is a fan-shaped fold of peritoneum (lining of the abdominal cavity) encircling most of the small intestines. The mesotendon is a fold of the synovial membrane (a layer of connective tissue that lines the cavities of joints) connecting a tendon to its synovial sheath. See Welcker 1875b, p. 181; in the illustration of the upper right limb of an embryo of Ursus maritimus (polar bear), the highlighted muscle bundle, identified as a rudimentary coracoradialis muscle, is shown branching from the coracobrachialis towards the glenoradialis. See Welcker 1864, plate I, figs. 1 and 2, illustrating an fetus of Bradypus tridactylus (pale-throated sloth) and showing the epitrichium, or outer layer of epidermis beneath which hair develops, at an early stage of development and just before birth. Welcker coined the term epitrichium in this paper. Welcker’s first paper on the binding of Chinese women’s feet, Welcker 1870, is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL; his second paper, Welcker 1872a, has not been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL. For the measurements of foot length, see Welcker 1872a, p. 150 n. 2. CD’s annotated copy of [Welcker] 1872b is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. Welcker’s paper, ‘Zur Lehre von Bau und Entwickelung der Wirbelsäule’ (On the theory of the structure and development of the spine; Welcker 1878b) has not been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL. The projected title translates as: ‘The spine in mammals and humans, in particular in Bradypodidae and anthropoid apes, in Europeans and lower human races.’ No book with this or a similar title was published.

From Oskar von Giesl1   29 January 1880 Most esteemed Sir! Last year, the author of the essay: “Die Darwinische Theorie und die Landwirtschaft”, which appeared in my journal “Reunion”, took the liberty of sending you the issues in question and you, most esteemed Sir, were so kind as to accept and to read them.2 I took the liberty of publishing your honoured letter as well as the treatises that reached me from Büchner, Haeckel and Settegast3 in my magazine at that time. In those days the matter caused rather a stir in agricultural circles and pro and cons made themselves heard; not only among the supporters but also among the opponents quite a few observed that the most esteemed Sir had indeed acknowledged the treatise but that he had not passed judgement on it. I attach the greatest importance to your opinion, most esteemed Sir, as one who holds your theory in exceedingly high regard and who will continue to work to the best of his ability for

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its propagation and defence. Accordingly I am begging you very much to write to me: whether you agree with the essay, or rather, with the interpretation and account of your theory. I would preserve your letter as a relic and it would always encourage me to stand up for a great idea. I should say that I understand English though I write it only badly, so please send me the reply just in English; to make things easier I enclose an envelope with my address and beg you very much, most esteemed Sir, to receive my lines kindly. Most humbly | Oskar von Giesl | editor and publisher of Reunion. Sassin, near Hohenau in Hungary on 29 January 1880. DAR 165: 41 1 2

3

For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see pp. 50–1. CD probably received the issues of the journal in April 1879 (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter to ?, 21 April 1879). The issues have not been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL; the author of the essay and the magazine Reunion have not been identified. CD’s letter has not been found. Ludwig Büchner and Ernst Haeckel had been involved in controversies over materialism and anti-clericalism in Germany (see Gregory 1977); Hermann Settegast was an agronomist who had published on animal breeding.

From Ernst Krause1   6 February 1880 Berlin N.O. Friedenstrasse 10. II. 6.2.1880. Most esteemed Sir! I just received your kind letter of the 4th inst., with the most malicious article by Mr Butler.2 It seems to me as well, as though you had no need to respond to this ridiculous claim, even with a single line. Perhaps the only thing would be if I on my part were to refute the two hidden insinuations, that my article was improved and augmented on the basis of his work, or that I added an attack on him at your prompting. I will take the liberty of attaching a few lines on this matter on the next page, in German that is, for I do not have sufficient practice at expressing myself fluently in English.3 Should you consider it useful for it to appear in print in full or in abridged form, Mr Dallas would perhaps be so kind as to publish a translation either in the Athenaeum or in his own journal.4 I would never have dreamt that the omission of the remark concerning the changes, which was indeed contained in the first draft of your preface, could have given rise to such suspicions, whose whole strength consists in instilling unfounded ideas in the reader.5 The attack typifies the rage in which the publication of the book has put the man, and to that extent I could find it amusing, if only I could hope that you too, highly esteemed Sir, might see the comic side of it. As far as the German edition is concerned, I hope to be able to present it to you in the course of this month.6 With the heartfelt wish that these lines may find you in a desirable state of health I remain, highly esteemed Sir | Yours | sincerely devoted | Ernst Krause

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DAR 92: B53 1 2 3 4 5 6

For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see pp. 74–5. See letter to Ernst Krause, 4 February 1880. For Samuel Butler’s letter to the Athenæum, see letter to H. E. Litchfield, 1 February [1880], enclosure 1. The enclosure has not been found, but was evidently returned to Krause with CD’s letter to him of 9 February 1880. William Sweetland Dallas had translated Krause’s revised essay for Erasmus Darwin; he was the editor of Popular Science Review. See letter to H. E. Litchfield, 1 February [1880], enclosure 2). The German edition of Erasmus Darwin (Krause 1880) was published in April 1880 (letter from Ernst Krause, 19 April 1880).

From Ernst Krause1   7 February 1880 Most esteemed Sir! It occurs to me that perhaps you could have need of the text of the malicious attack for comparison, and so I hasten to return it to you.2 I had forgotten it yesterday.3 Cordially devoted | Yours | Ernst Krause Berlin 7.2.1880. DAR 92: B54 1 2

3

For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see p. 76. See letter to Ernst Krause, 4 February 1880. CD had sent Krause a copy of Samuel Butler’s letter to the Athenæum (for the text of Butler’s letter, see the letter to H. E. Litchfield, 1 February [1880], enclosure 1). See letter from Ernst Krause, 6 February 1880.

From Ernst Haeckel1   9 February 1880 Jena 9/2 1880 Highly esteemed, dear friend! On the anniversary of your birthday, I offer you with all my heart my sincerest congratulations.2 May you, with undiminished intellectual vigour and physical robustness, be active for many years yet for the good of science and for the benefit of mankind, and may you rejoice in the unparalleled successes that your pathbreaking theories have wrought in all areas of human knowledge. Among all of your innumerable admirers and pupils no-one can be more sincerely grateful and more heartily commemorate your coming birthday, than I. For the rest of my life I will surely thank you for the purposeful direction of my scientific activity, and every success I achieve in it is at heart founded on the phylogenetic idea you first gave me.

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Though the abundant fruits of “Darwinism” in the fields of physiology, ecology and chorology, as in all aspects of research on life, are emerging more gloriously with every year, I still believe that my own field, morphology, is second to none in this.3 I hope to show shortly in the “Morphologie der Medusen” (II.  part of the monograph) how splendidly everything can be phylogenetically explained by it.4 With heartfelt joy I still often think back on my last, third visit to you at Down, and how well and lively I found you.5 May you always remain so, is the cordial wish of your most faithfully devoted | Ernst Haeckel P.S. My kindest regards to your lady wife and your children! DAR 166: 76 1 2 3

4

5

For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see pp. 76–7. CD’s birthday was on 12 February; in 1880 he was 71. In his work Generelle Morphologie der Organismen (Haeckel 1866, 2: 286–9), Haeckel had described ecology and chorology as neglected disciplines within physiology. Ecology was defined as the study of the relation of organisms to the outside world, both organic and inorganic, or their ‘conditions for existence’, while chorology was the study of the spatial dispersal of organisms, their geographical and topographical spread over the earth. The second volume of the Monographie der Medusen (Haeckel 1879–81), titled Die Tiefsee-Medusen der Challenger-Reise und der Organismus der Medusen (The deep-sea medusae of the Challenger voyage and the organism of the medusa), was published in 1881. Haeckel’s visit took place on 5 September 1879; his earlier visits were on 21 October 1866 and 26 September 1876 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)).

From Wilhelm Breitenbach1   10 February 1880 Most esteemed Mr Darwin! In the week before last a number of students of natural science at the local university founded a scientific society, whose purpose is to encourage its members in the study of science and to awaken in them a more lively interest in nature.2 The young society enjoys the very special favour of Messrs Haeckel, Strasburger and Preyer,3 who explicitly stated this at the opening ceremony. True to the motto of its most respected teacher Ernst Haeckel, “Impavidi progrediamur”,4 the young society will always endeavour to follow the paths you and Herr Haeckel have marked out, and thus we hope that from our circle many a capable scientist may emerge. It would be a great joy for us if you were to join with us in this hope; then we would all work with all the more heart and soul. Our society has instructed me to express its most heartfelt felicitations to you, most esteemed Mr Darwin, on your birthday today.5 We all of us wish with all our hearts that you may be granted to remain among the living for many years yet, and that you will see the great edifice so masterfully erected by your hand grow ever more beautiful and perfect. Begging you to accept these lines as merely a modest expression of our sincere felicitations, I remain | with the greatest respect | Yours wholly devoted | Wilhelm Breitenbach

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Jena. 10.II.1880. DAR 160: 294 1 2

3 4

5

For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see pp. 78–9. Breitenbach was a student of natural sciences at the University of Jena; the society, Naturwissenschaftlicher Verein Studirender der Universität Jena (Natural Sciences Society of Students of the University of Jena), had its first meeting on 22 January 1880 (Nöthlich 2009, pp. 24–5). Ernst Haeckel, Eduard Strasburger, and William Preyer were among the professors who supported the society. Impavidi progrediamur: let us proceed fearlessly (Latin). Haeckel had adopted the motto in his book Freie Wissenschaft und freie Lehre (Haeckel 1878, p. 93). For more on the context of Haeckel’s motto, see Di Gregorio 2005, pp. 360–3. CD’s birthday was on 12 February.

From Ernst Krause1   10 February 1880 Berlin N.O. Friedenstrasse 10. II. 10 February 1880. Most esteemed Sir! Among the many congratulations that you will be receiving from all parts of the world the day after tomorrow, there will be many, I hope, who will wish just as cordially and sincerely as I do that you might still be granted quite a few more repeats of this day in perfect health, but few will be able to wish it with more heartfelt gratitude.  When I think how much joy the little sketch I composed for this occasion last year has subsequently brought me, it is all the more painful to me that the annoyance about Butler’s malicious attack may yet cause you several bad hours.2 The more I think about it, the more perfidious his groundless attack seems to me, and I am almost sorry not to have phrased the reply I sent you somewhat more severely. Please forgive me for bringing up such unpleasant matters in a letter of congratulations, and kindly allow me yet another question. Isn’t 10 April on the tombstone an error and the first date the correct one? I discovered just now that I have copied this error into the German translation.3 I remain, highly esteemed Sir, | with the most heartfelt good wishes | Yours | sincerely devoted | Ernst Krause DAR 92: B55 1 2

3

For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see p. 80. CD’s birthday was on 12 February. Krause’s essay on Erasmus Darwin (Krause 1879a) was published in February 1879, in a special number of the journal Kosmos celebrating CD’s 70th birthday. CD asked permission to have Krause’s essay translated (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter to Ernst Krause, 9 March 1879); the revised essay, together with a biographical sketch of his grandfather by CD, was published in November 1879 (Erasmus Darwin; Correspondence vol. 27, letter from Reginald Darwin, 12 November 1879). On Samuel Butler’s attack, see the letter to Ernst Krause, 4 February 1880. See Erasmus Darwin, pp. 124 and 127; the error was copied in the German edition (Krause 1880, p. 72). Erasmus Darwin died on 18 April 1802 (ODNB).

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From Ernst Krause1   16 February 1880 Berlin N.O. Friedenstrase 10. II. 16.2.1880. Most esteemed Sir! I am writing you only a few lines today to thank you most cordially for your kind communications and to tell you that I shall follow your advice and refrain from responding to Mr Butler in any form.2 Surely it is best not to reply at all to aggressors who betray such mala fides3 as to use your letter and who hold various suspicions. For him this very likely is much more unpleasant than if he received some reply that would allow him to carry on this dispute. In cordial devotion, most esteemed Sir, | Yours | gratefully | Ernst Krause DAR 92: B56 1 2

3

For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see pp. 93–4. See letters to Ernst Krause, 9 February 1880 and 13 February 1880. Krause had considered responding to Samuel Butler’s letter to the Athenæum (see letter from Ernst Krause, 6 February 1880; for Butler’s letter, see the letter to H. E. Litchfield, 1 February [1880], enclosure 1). Mala fides: bad faith (Latin).

From J.-H. Fabre1   18 February 1880 Sir Your letter was at the same time both a source of satisfaction and a source of regret for me.2 Of satisfaction, since it made me aware that in the midst of the darkness into which I had been plunged by the erroneous text, the rigour of logic and the precision of experiment led me nevertheless to discern the little drama observed by the learned Erasmus Darwin.3 Of regret, because it showed me into what error I had fallen in following the author I cite, the entomologist Lacordaire, who had used the word Sphex to describe the Wasp that was actually observed.4 The fault went further back than your humble servant, so I hope that you would kindly excuse my mistake. There has been talk of an English translation. If this translation is made, the erroneous passage will be altered as a result.5 Notwithstanding, the conclusion at least will remain the same. It is impossible for me to see the slightest indication of reasoning in the fact of an insect which is deterred from instinctive work that it does in preparing food for its larvae, frightened perhaps, disturbed in its work, coming back to complete the interrupted task.6 My fair-mindedness for man is even more lively than that for insects, so I will never fail, once convinced, to rectify an error I committed. You are surprised by the lack of taste I have for theories, no matter how succint. This idiosyncrasy of intellect, if it is one, is somewhat due to my lengthy mathematical studies, which accustomed me to recognise the truth only in the gleam of an irresistible ray of light.

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Not pledged to any master, free of preconceived ideas, not subject to the seduction of theories, I search passionately for truth, ready to accept whatever it may be and wherever it may come from. And as a method of research, I recognise only one thing: experiment. I have already prepared for the forthcoming month of May the material for the experiment that you suggested to me on the subject of Insects returning to their nests. The idea of a box rapidly spinning in one direction then another, in order to disorient the insects, seems very ingenious to me, and I could not thank you enough for having suggested it to me. At the appropriate time, next May, I will put it into practice; and if you will kindly allow me, I will keep you apprised of my results. If I can get the necessary equipment, I will also try the induction currents.7 Among the peasant population of my village, it is customary to turn a cat round in a bag if one wants to take it elsewhere, and thus one looks to prevent its return. I am ignorant as to the success of the practice. I will try the experiment myself. I was really astounded to see how well the operation you propose regarding insects agrees with the practice of country folk in my neighbourhood. Does this practice also take place in England, regarding cats of course? I would very much like to know I am with the deepest respect | Sir | Your humble servant | J. H. Fabre Sérignan (by Orange) | Vaucluse 18 Feb. 1880. DAR 164: 2 1 2 3

4

5 6 7

For a transcription of this letter in its original French, see pp. 99–100. See letter to J.-H. Fabre, 31 January 1880. In his letter to Fabre of 31 January 1880, CD had pointed out an error in Fabre’s work, Souvenirs entomologiques (Fabre 1879, p. 124), that stemmed from a mistranslation of a name in Erasmus Darwin’s Zoonomia; Darwin had described a wasp removing the wings of a fly (E. Darwin 1794–6, 1: 183; see also n. 4, below). Sphex is the genus of digger wasps; these wasps, unlike the common wasp that Erasmus Darwin observed (probably Vespula vulgaris), paralyse prey but leave them alive in the nest for larvae to feed on. Common wasps, on the other hand, kill prey and have powerful mandibles for chewing (malaxation); larvae are fed the masticated prey. Jean Théodore Lacordaire had discussed the case in his Introduction à l’entomologie (Lacordaire 1834–8, 2: 460–1. No translation of Fabre 1879 was made during CD’s lifetime; a translation appeared in 1913 (Fabre 1913). The original text was translated, but the error about the wasp was explained in a note (ibid., p. 123). See letter to J.-H. Fabre, 31 January 1880 and n. 2. See letter to J.-H. Fabre, 31 January 1880 and n. 5.

From Ernst Krause1   22 March 1880 Berlin N.O. Friedenstrasse 10. II. 22.3.80. Most esteemed Sir! Surely you must be amazed that you still have not received the German edition of Erasmus Darwin. However, the fault for this lies solely with Mr Murray in London, who is withholding the phototype and the electrotypes from my publisher, although

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the latter, as he assures me, paid for both a long time ago. The book is ready and has been sitting here for six weeks, but cannot be bound or got ready for dispatch, because the illustrations that are mentioned in the title and text are missing. Even if Mr Alberts himself may have given Mr Murray occasion to act in this manner, one can no doubt only regret the mutual obstructiveness of both publishers in this matter.2 I included the two articles which you recently published in Nature, and which unfortunately came to my attention very late, in the April issue of Kosmos. I beg you to kindly forgive that this happened without reference to the source and as though you had sent these essays to us directly. Since you kindly permitted us to use your name in our title, I was hardly at liberty to do otherwise, and I hope you will forgive me this minor misrepresentation for the sake of the good cause of bringing these important observations to the attention of our readers.3 In the same issue Moritz Wagner is starting a series of articles opposing the theory of selection   Recently he has reached the conviction that his theory of migration, or, as he now calls it—his theory of segregation, is not at all compatible with the theory of selection; only one of them can be true, he says.4 In the hope that these lines may find you in good health, I remain, most esteemed Sir, | Yours | most devoted | Ernst Krause DAR 92: B57 1 2

3

4

For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see pp. 143–4. John Murray had published the English edition of Erasmus Darwin in November 1879 (Correspondence vol. 27, letter from Reginald Darwin, 12 November 1879); Karl Alberts’s company, Ernst Günther, was publishing Krause’s extended German edition (Krause 1880). In 1879, CD thought he had been treated unfairly when he paid in advance for photographs of the frontispiece for the German edition of Erasmus Darwin, and Alberts then cancelled the order to reduce costs; see Correspondence vol. 27, letter to Ernst Krause, 4 November 1879, and letter from Ernst Krause, 6 November 1879. German translations of CD’s short letters ‘Fertility of hybrids from the common and Chinese goose’ and ‘The sexual colours of certain butterflies’ (Nature, 1 January 1880, p. 207, and 8 January 1880, p. 237) appeared in Kosmos 7 (1880): 72–74, 77–8. The full title of the journal was Kosmos: Zeitschrift für einheitliche Weltanschauung auf Grund der Entwickelungslehre in Verbindung mit Charles Darwin und Ernst Haeckel (Kosmos: journal for uniform worldview based on the theory of development as proposed by Charles Darwin and Ernst Haeckel). See also Correspondence vol. 27, letters to Nature, 15 December [1879] and 16 December 1879. Wagner argued that different species evolved as a result of geographical segregation (Wagner 1880). CD had previously discussed his objections to Wagner’s theory; see, for example, Correspondence vol. 16, letter to August Weismann, 22 October 1868, Correspondence vol. 24, letter to Moritz Wagner, 13 October 1876, and Correspondence vol. 26, letter to C. G. Semper, 30 November 1878.

From Jules Rouquette1   2 April 1880 Montpellier | Rue des Balances, 25. (Hérault) 2 April 1880, Illustrious and honoured master, Studying medicine at the university of Montpellier, devoted to the study of natural sciences, I have devoured your works, and in spite of myself, I have committed a few lines of verse to paper, under the auspices of your great name.

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I address them to you; it is a poor but sincere testimony of my admiration for a profound and so powerful observer of nature! I am with the greatest respect, illustrious Mr Darwin, your very humble servant | J Rouquette S.t Geniez Poem— The struggle for life. To. Mr. C. Darwin.2 Hail to you, Darwin, hail to your genius Which, for a long time, has probed the secrets of life, Boldly unveiling by Evolution Of the Globe yielding to Selection!.— From the day when your voice explained nature, Her transformations, her slow and steady progress, And always gradual, a dreadful brilliance Shines on these words: “Life is a struggle!” Indignant truth for man and beast! Ah! woe betide the weak, for the struggle is bloody! The whole World cries out: “You must conquer or perish!” Look at this bush, you see it wither, For this oak grips it … Everything trembles and is still, When the King of the forests, soars up from his den The Lioness awaits him … But a roar Announces his rival! … So, with manes in the wind, Both, go into battle; and the stronger rushes At the weak, and soon overcomes and kills him! To the Victor the Lioness bestows her love, Wishing that her young on the day they are born, Will be vigorous and beautiful! Vae victis!3 That is War Which, without rest or mercy, short, depopulating the Earth And which everywhere carves out the words: “Strength over right!” Inescapable Law that siezes you with terror; Terrible law, here on earth, of unjust Nature! The weak are always fodder for the powerful! How fragile is man! and how he struggles! Sometimes against the summer, against a lethal climate, Sometimes against the winter, against an illness, Against Heredity, against an epidemic!! What unremitting struggle! . . Only at this price Have you the right to life! And much more, oh! torment! The weak must not procreate the race, If they do not want to leave an indelible trace

534

Translations Of their frailty! Let them rather perish! If not, let them be cursed, if they create an idiot, A scrofulous person incapable of being anything but a worthless wretch, In the midst of this world, alas! who degenerates, And goes, deteriorating, thanks to the horrible excess Of a pleasure-seeking century, arousing the progress Of Corruption, and Alcoholism This father of an age prey to Nervosisme!4 But the Great Culprit, ah! we shout very loud, Is that which wants to shield too much from the twists of fate, This noble science and always helpful, But whose Charity is sometimes deplorable, Medicine in the end tearing a Suffering child Away from death! Let us leave in the void, The sickly beings whose progeny Could not help but, one day, infect with rot; Shame to Him who can have the iniquity Of procreating if he is devoid of health! No one should conceive, when not capable Of bringing into the world a being equipped for the struggle!!!

J Rouquette S.t Geniez5 Montpellier (Hérault) Rue des Balances, 29. DAR 201: 33 1 2 3 4 5

For a transcription of this letter in its original French, see pp. 157–9. Rouquette’s poem was published in a collection, Joies et misères ( Joys and woes; Rouquette 1880, pp. 84–6). Vae victis: woe to the vanquished (Latin). Nervosisme: a rare term for a nervous disorder, especially neurasthenia (OED). St or Saint Geniez was one of the pseudonyms Rouquette used in his writing (Bibliothèque nationale de France, http://data.bnf.fr/12443252/jules_rouquette/ (accessed 26 October 2018)).

From G. H. Schneider1   2 April 1880 Leipzig, 2 April 1880. Most estimable | Most esteemed Sir! In 1870, when I was studying natural sciences in Jena, in particular zoology with Professor Haeckel,2 the theory of descent and selection awakened an extraordinary interest in me. I saw at once that the principles of evolution must have at least the same significance for psychological phenomena as for morphological ones, and I resolved immediately to dedicate my life to the study of psychological phenomena from the point of view of the theory of descent and selection.

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My lively interest especially in the all-powerful principle of life that you discovered, that of natural selection in the struggle for existence, won me the favour and sympathy of the great Jena zoologist, who now most kindly supports my efforts in every respect. Unfortunately the cares of life have for many years interfered with my work in numerous ways. Now, however, after having lived in Naples for five years, and having made observations of volition among lower animals, partly in the aquarium of the zoological station, partly in my small private aquarium, and having published several smaller works sometimes as pamphlets, sometimes in scientific and in popular journals, I am finally in the fortunate position to be able humbly to send you a copy of my first bigger work: “Der thierische Wille”.3 In order to be able to get a publisher for it, I admittedly had to put the major portion of the material into a popular form and to restrict the general argument, in which lies its scientific merit, to a small part. Therefore kindly judge this book with forbearance. I think I have interpreted the problem of the animal will entirely within your conceptual framework, by explaining, based on your magnificent and classical investigations, all instinctive drives like all conscious desires, or rather, the origin and development of these, in terms of selection and of successive and simultaneous associations. I have systematically arranged the material on expressions of will in animals, compiling habits of feeding, protection, mating and care of offspring, and classified them according to their psychological significance: 1; into those that occur on the basis of a subjective state or an objective state caused by direct contact (movement due to sensory drives), 2, into those based on the perception of objects at a distance (perceptual drives) and 3, into those based on simple reproductions of a perception or in conjunction with ideas (representational and ideational drives); and from these cognitive drives I distinguished a further two auxiliary drives that are based purely on associations of movement (following drive and social drive). In order to have a clear boundary between purely physiological and purely psychological processes, I have relegated the area of reflexes entirely to physiology, and designated as pure reflexes only those movements with which no phenomena of consciousness at all, not even simple sensations (i.e. becoming conscious of a nerve impulse) are associated, and thus are purely physiological; since the designation of a variety of movements having completely different psychological significance as reflexes, which has been the case until now, has engendered much confusion. All instinctual life, all instinct like all goal-directed desire depends, according to my exposition, on the fact that, in the course of developmental evolution quite specific purposive (i.e. favourable to species preservation) relations develop between certain cognitive acts and certain sensations and drives, so that when a particular cognitive act occurs, a corresponding drive will be triggered through that associative relation; thus e.g. a specific perception necessarily elicits a corresponding drive and the corresponding motion, even if there is no consciousness of the goal. In this way all instincts initially have a natural explanation in the theory of descent and selection. However, purposive expressions of the will, which evolve from instinctual ones, can thus also be traced back to their causes.

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The first associative connections between cognitive acts and corresponding drives are those between sensations and sensory drives, e.g. between the awareness of a pleasant contact with an item of food and the drive to incorporate it, or between the awareness of an unpleasant touch and the drive to contract the entire body etc. The question concerning the initial formation of such purposive connections coincides with the question of the emergence of the first organisms. If, now, the perception of an object is associated with the sensory drive, if, e.g., the enjoyment of food and the drive to eat, based on direct contact, is associated with, for instance, the visual perception of a food object (once a visual organ has evolved), then this perception alone can arouse a drive to eat or rather to approach the object; thus the perceptive drives develop from the sensory drives on the basis of associations. etc. etc. I like to think that with this work I have also made a not unimportant contribution to the expansion of your great idea about the evolution of organisms, an idea that surely will dominate all future philosophy. I will devote a separate book to the special evolution and differentiation of individual animal habits (together with genealogies), and this will be followed by a larger work on the human will, as well as one on animal and human cognition.4 Would you kindly allow me, most esteemed Mr Darwin, to add a request to this message? Since, as I said, I was only inspired to undertake my work because of your epochal, magnificent works, and since I am firmly persuaded of having approached the problem of volition entirely in your spirit, I would consider myself infinitely fortunate if I had the opportunity to learn what you of all people think of my work, how you judge it; and for any communication, however brief, I would be forever indebted to you. I hope you have received my book: “Der thierische Wille” as well as the previously sent small work countering Prof. Jaeger’s supposed discovery of the soul.5 Accept, most esteemed Sir, the expression of my warmest regards, with which I remain | Yours | wholly devoted | G. H. Schneider (Weststrasse 80 II in Leipzig) DAR 177: 59 1 2 3

4 5

For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see pp. 159–61. Ernst Haeckel was professor of zoology at Jena. Schneider studied philosophy at Jena but attended Haeckel’s lectures (Lucidi 2009, p. 21). Schneider was a teacher at the German school in Naples. ‘The cares of life’ is probably an allusion to his conflict with the director of the Zoological Station at Naples, Anton Dohrn, who had refused to grant him a place at the German table, ostensibly because of his lack of qualifications (Groeben ed. 1985, p. 298). CD’s copy of Der thierische Wille (Animal will; Schneider [1880]) is in the Darwin Library– Down. In his introduction to the book, Schneider laid out his case against Dohrn and the funding practices of the station (ibid., pp. vii–xv). The only follow-up book to appear was Der menschliche Wille (Human will; Schneider 1882). CD’s copy of Jäger’s vermeintliche Entdeckung der Seele: eine Widerlegung ( Jäger’s supposed discovery of the soul: a refutation; Schneider 1879) is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. Gustav Jäger had

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published an article in Kosmos, ‘Die Entdeckung der Seele’ (The discovery of the soul; Jäger 1878), in which he equated the specific smells emanating from an animal with its soul, and further, postulated that each individual possessed a unique odour.

From Ernst Krause1   19 April 1880 Berlin N.O. Friedenstrasse 10. II 19.4.80. Most esteemed Sir! I am finally able to present you with the German edition of Erasmus Darwin.x)2 I fear very much that you will not entirely like the expansion of the material, in particular the numerous notes. In doing this, I have taken care on the one hand of the needs and habits of the German audience, on the other hand of the wish of the publisher to not fall below a certain number of pages, since in Germany books of between 100–200 pages notoriously tend to sell worst of all. Among the notes, allow me to direct your attention to No. 92 (p. 231), in which it is demonstrated that a theory of pangenesis had been put forward by Hippocrates in almost the same wording as yours.3 Begging you to receive this work with indulgence, I remain, most esteemed Sir | With heartfelt respect | Yours most gratefully devoted | Ernst Krause x ) I am sending it herewith as printed matter. DAR 92: B58 1 2 3

For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see pp. 179–80. Krause 1880; CD’s copy has not been found in the Darwin Archive. Krause referred to the Greek physician Hippocrates (Krause 1880, p. 231). CD had been informed about similarities between his theory and that of Hippocrates by William Ogle (see Correspondence vol. 16, letter to William Ogle, 6 March [1868]). For a discussion of the theories of heredity of Hippocrates and CD, see Dictionary of the history of ideas 2: 622–4.

From C.-F. Reinwald1   16 June 1880 Paris 16 June 1880 Dear Sir My last letter was 17 April 1879. I have since been favoured by your honoured letters of 20 and 27 April 1879.2 Our reprints of your works were delayed by a grave illness of Mr.  E.  Barbier, your translator; but which happily has had no worse consequences for him than the suspension of his work for several months. Despite this we have finally been able to finish the new edition of the Origin of Species and the new Translation of Variation of Animals and Plants. I am sending you today two copies of each of these two works, in a parcel that I send by the parcel post carriage paid.3 It goes without saying that I am your disposal for other copies which you may need for friends in France or elsewhere.

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The Descent of man is still at the press; half is printed, and the other half will be finished easily enough, owing to the state of M Barbier’s health, between now and October. It is actually a completely new translation from your last English edition and like it will be a single volume, of which the price will be less than that of the two first editions.4 Our translations of your various botanical treatises have not been able to be sold as regularly as the above-mentioned volumes. Therefore I regret that until today I have not been able to notify you of the realisation of a profit, of which I owe you a percentage. Nevertheless the new editions of the Origin of Species and Variation of Animals and Plants induce me to send you the enclosed cheque for forty pounds Sterling for future projected profits in these two enterprises.5 The new edition of Variation was quite expensive for the publisher and the sale of this new translation will probably not take place with more promptness than that of the first edition that we published, as you know in 1868.6 Thus I think that the percentage that I am sending with this letter will answer to the present situation of the publisher and the edition. Since last year I have had the misfortune to lose my nephew, a young man of 38 years who was associated with my business.7 Please excuse the delay of the present letter in view of the troubles and the additional tasks which are the consequence of this grievous loss. As soon as the new translation of Descent is finished I will have the honour to send you some copies. As for the Life of your grandfather Erasmus Darwin, I have not heard any more of M Barbier because of his recent illness.8 Please, dear Sir, accept the expression of my most distinguished sentiments of gratitude and dedication with which I am | yours truely | C Reinwald To Charles Darwin Esq Down DAR 176: 110 1 2 3

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For a transcription of this letter in its original French, see pp. 230–1. See Correspondence vol. 27, letter from C.-F. Reinwald, 17 April 1879. CD’s letters to Reinwald of 20 and 27 April have not been found; his last known letter to Reinwald is that of 29 October 1879 (ibid.). The third edition of the French translation of Origin by Edmond Barbier was published in 1880 (Barbier trans. 1880). The first volume of Barbier’s French translation of Variation was published in 1879, the second in 1880 (Barbier trans. 1879–80); the translation was from Variation 2d ed. A third French edition of Descent, translated by Barbier from Murray’s 1879 issue of the revised second English edition, was published in 1881 (Barbier trans. 1881). The following of CD’s books dealing with botanical topics had been translated into French and published by Reinwald: Orchids (Rérolle trans. 1870), Climbing plants 2d ed. (Gordon trans. 1877), Insectivorous plants (Barbier trans. 1877), Cross and self fertilisation (Heckel trans. 1877), and Forms of flowers (Heckel trans. 1878). CD recorded the receipt of £40 under the heading ‘Reinwald profits on French translation’ on 22 June 1880 (CD’s Account books–banking account (Down House MS)). The first French translation of Variation was Moulinié trans. 1868. Reinwald’s nephew Frédéric Buhlmeyer died in June 1879 (Bulletins et mémoires de la Société d’anthropologie de Paris 3d ser. 2 (1879): 430). CD had sent the sheets of Erasmus Darwin to Reinwald for Barbier to consider translating; see Correspondence vol. 27, letter to C.-F. Reinwald, 11 September 1879. CD also wrote about a French translation in his letter to Reinwald of 29 October 1879 (Correspondence vol. 27), but no French edition was published.

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From the Spallanzani Monument Committee1   30 June 1880 Organising committee| for | the memorial | to | Lazzaro Spallanzani | in | Scandiano Honoured Sir, A number of citizens of Scandiano, desirous of rendering due homage to the memory of their illustrious fellow citizen, the great naturalist lazzaro spallanzani, agreed last year to form a provisional Committee, and in an initial manifesto of 1 May 1879 proposed to erect a public monument to the great scientist in his native town.2 The considerable enthusiasm with which this proposal was greeted in Scandiano, Reggio, and Modena, the only places so far in which we have sought and secured support and donations, so encouraged the initiative taken that, with the success of the project all but assured, the gentlemen signatories of that manifesto gathered on 30 May last past in order to establish in an inaugural session the principal terms of reference that might best lead to the desired goal. It was under such circumstances that the undersigned constituted themselves the organising Committee, and three executive boards were established in the three places aforementioned, with a view first to gathering further supporters and thus broadening the base of the Committee itself through the addition of persons who are, by virtue of their intellect and culture, in a position to appreciate the outstanding achievements of the great physiologist whom we wish to honour; then to securing donations; and finally to spending appropriately the fruits of this so as to fulfil any further obligations related to the commissioning of the proposed monument. Thus, with that understood, most honoured Sir, you are hereby, at the express request of the aforementioned Committee, invited to deign to allow the undersigned to add the distinguished name of your good self to the lengthy list of other notable persons by whom the Committee has already been so honoured. Please find enclosed the relevant form which, we flatter ourselves, you will be anxious to return to us with your signature as a token of your support, addressing it to the Office of the Spallanzani Monument Committee of Scandiano. We beg leave to remain your obedient servants. Scandiano, 30 June 1880. On behalf of the organising Committee: Modena section Cavaliere Professor Luigi Vaccà | Cavaliere Professor Antonio Caruccio | Dr Gisberto Ferretti Reggio section Professor Giacomo Prandi | Professor Alfredo Jona | Professor Naborre Campanini Scandiano section Advocate Cavaliere Guiseppi Basini | Dr Vincenzo Mattioli | Dr Pietro Prampolini3 Document DAR 177: 222 1 2

3

For a transcription of this document in its original Italian, see pp. 238–9. Scandiano is a town, and Reggio Emilia and Modena are cities, in the Emilia-Romagna region of Northern Italy. Spallanzani was born in Scandiano, taught at the ancient college, and later the university, of Reggio Emilia from 1755 to 1762, and was professor in Modena from 1763 to 1769 (Complete dictionary of scientific biography). The monument was inaugurated in the town square of Scandiano on 21 October 1888 (History of medicine topographical database, Lazzaro Spallanzani’s monument, http://himetop.wikidot.com/lazzaro-spallanzani-s-monument, accessed 22 March 2019). Giacomo Prandi, Vincenzo Mattioli, and Pietro Prampolini have not been identified.

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From C. L. van der Burg and H. Cretier1   15 July 1880 Kon. Natuurk. Vereeniging | in | Nederl. Indië. sends greetings to the eminent Mr Charles R Darwin | Down Beckingham—Kent The officers of the Royal Scientific Society in the Dutch East Indies have made you, Eminent Sir, a Member (Corresponding Member) of their association in recognition of your service to natural science.2 If we have brought it to pass that you, Eminent Sir, accept our Society’s diploma, which we have enclosed with this letter, and so have a token of our esteem for you, then we consider that we have achieved our aim.3 Dr van der Burg | President | Dr H Cretier | Secretary Batavia | 15 July 1880 DAR 202: 107 1 2 3

For a transcription of this letter in its original Latin, see p. 245. CD was nominated as a corresponding member of the society at the meeting of 20 May 1880; his election was confirmed on 17 June (Natuurkundig tijdschrift voor Nederlandsch Indië 40 (1881): 378–9). For the diploma, see Appendix III.

From Ernst Krause1   27 July 1880 Berlin N.O. Friedenstrasse 10. II. 27.7.80. Most esteemed Sir! The German reviews are so slow in getting round to discussing new publications that nothing of any consequence that was said about “Erasmus Darwin” has come to my attention so far.2 A number of generally favourable reviews have appeared in various daily papers, but they are so short that it is not worthwhile to send them to you. However, a second account based on your biographical sketch has recently been sent to me, and I am sending it to you together with this letter under wrapper.3 It is of interest because it was written by one of your many theological opponents in Germany, and it is satisfying to see that the man is now behaving more decently and considerately towards you than he did in his numerous earlier polemical treatises in theological journals and in the learned book that I cited in my study of Erasmus Darwin.4 Furthermore, a review by Ferrari, in the Revue Scientifique, has come my way, which I am sending you because you have perhaps not seen it.5 In the cordial hope that these lines may reach you in a desirable state of health, I remain, most esteemed Sir | Yours most gratefully devoted | Ernst Krause DAR 92: B59 1 2

For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see pp. 258–9. The German version of Erasmus Darwin was published in April 1880 (Krause 1880; see letter from Ernst Krause, 19 April 1880).

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Otto Zöckler’s lecture, ‘Darwin’s Grosvater als Arzt, Dichter und Naturphilosoph’ (Darwin’s grandfather as physician, poet and natural philosopher; Zöckler 1880), drew heavily on Erasmus Darwin as well as on other sources (see ibid., pp. 155–8). Two offprints of Zöckler 1880 are in DAR 133.5: 4 and DAR 210.11: 43. Krause cited Zöckler’s Geschichte der Beziehungen zwischen Theologie und Naturwissenschaft (History of the relations between theology and natural science; Zöckler 1877–9) in Erasmus Darwin, p. 151. For more on Zöckler’s critique of Darwinism from the standpoint of theology, see Gregory 1991. Two copies of Revue scientifique de la France et de l’étranger, 15 May 1880, containing Henri Ferrari’s review of Erasmus Darwin (Ferrari 1880), are in DAR 133.5: 3 and DAR 210.11: 42.

From Ernst Krause1   18 August 1880 Ragatz in Switzerland 18.8.80. Most esteemed Sir! I received your two kind letters of 29 & 30 July,2 which were sent on after me, only yesterday, as I had been travelling for two weeks without a known address. My best thanks for them, and I beg you to be so good as to forgive me for replying to them only today. I shall inform the publisher immediately on my return home of your request regarding payment for Kosmos. He will, I believe, be very saddened not to be able to continue to send you the issues as before.3 I feel the same way about the bank cheque you sent me as remuneration from the profits from the English edition.4 I feel that I have not the least claim to this sum, for my work on it, compared to the pleasure and the honour I derived from it, was less than nothing, and everything that makes the book valuable and saleable comes from you. Still, in order to obey your wishes I shall collect the sum. I am sure some use can be found for it that will help me overcome the reservations I feel against accepting this sum. I strongly urge you, however, to kindly make use of any further sums that might arise from the English or American edition elsewhere,5 e.g. to cover translation costs, and, if need be, for any kind of good cause. As far as I am concerned, my income is ample and my circumstances independent, & it would have pleased me most of all to have foregone any pecuniary gain from this undertaking, which was wholly a labour of love for me. Regarding the success of the German edition I have not found out anything.6 The publisher7 told me he would not be able to assess sales until the Easter Fair next year. I am afraid for him that the sales will not be great, as is the nature of such matters. Enclosing, with my best thanks, the publisher’s memorandum,8 I remain, most esteemed Sir, with the most heartfelt hope that these lines may find you hale and hearty | Yours | sincerely devoted | Ernst Krause. DAR 169: 108 1 2

For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see pp. 282–3. See letters to Ernst Krause, 29 July 1880 and 30 July 1880.

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CD had requested a statement of costs, so that he could pay for copies of Kosmos for the current and following year (see letter to Ernst Krause, 29 July 1880). Kosmos was published by the firm Ernst Günther, whose director was Karl Alberts. CD enclosed a cheque for the profits from Erasmus Darwin with his letter to Krause of 30 July 1880. Erasmus Darwin US ed. The German edition of Erasmus Darwin was published in April 1880 (letter from Ernst Krause, 19 April 1880; Krause 1880). Karl Alberts. See enclosure to letter to Ernst Krause, 30 July 1880.

From Édouard Heckel1   23 September 1880 Chair of Botany | Université de France | Faculté des Sciences de Marseille. | Marseille, 23 9th 1880 Sir and most illustrious Master, I am translating your new book, or rather I am having it translated under my direction.2 The second chapter is finished, and I have read the whole book in fragments before your letter of this day for which I thank you from the bottom of my heart.— I was surprised not to find in this large and magnificent work the movement of different parts of the flower, such as Sleep of corollas, spontaneous and provoked movement of stamens and pistils. I would much like to know whether you are saving it for another publication and I wonder whether you would not be able to connect these forms of movement to those you were investigating so well in your new book. I make an exception for the provoked movement, which is essentially different, but evidently the spontaneous movement responds to the same causes (circumnutation)   I take the liberty of giving you my opinion on this point because the scrutiny of these facts has been the object of my particular study: and I add moreover that I would be very happy to see you treat this great question of movement in different parts of the flower, a question that I have have touched on for 6 years.3 Please accept, Sir and most illustrious Master, my profound admiration | Dr Ed. Heckel I am sending you ever such a small work on convolvulus arvensis (a monstrosity) in which you will recognise the influence of your works.4 With my paltry knowledge I will soon be candidate for the Institut de France, what would be the conditions to fulfill to become a corresponding member of the Royal Society? It would be a great honour for me to belong to Learned Society that is the highest expression of Science in England and that was the first to do justice to the immense value of your works.5 DAR 166: 129 1 2 3

For a transcription of this letter in its original French, see pp. 306–7. Heckel was supervising the French translation of Movement in plants (Heckel trans. 1882). In 1875, Heckel had published Du mouvement végétale; nouvelles recherches anatomiques et physiologiques sur la motilité dans quelques organes reproducteurs des phanérogames (Vegetable movement; new anatomical and physiological research on motility in some reproductive organs of phanerogams; Heckel 1875). Heckel discussed the omission of ‘le mouvement provoqué’ (provoked movement) in CD’s work in the preface of Heckel trans. 1882, pp. xxiv–xxv.

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Convolvulus arvensis is field bindweed. A copy of Heckel’s ‘Recherches de morphologie, de tératologie et de tératogénie végétales. Pétalodie staminale et polymorphisme floral dans le Convolvulus arvensis L.; création artificielle de cette monstruosité. — Multiplication et pétalodie staminales du Viburnum Tinus L.; conditions de formation de cette monstruosité’ (Researches on plant morphology, teratology and teratogeny. Staminal petalody and floral polymorphism in Convolvulus arvensis L.; artificial creation of this monstrosity. — Stamina multiplication and petalody of Viburnum Tinus L.; conditions of formation of this monstrosity; Heckel 1880a) is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. Heckel also published a shorter note: ‘Dimorphisme floral et pétalodie staminale, observés sur le Convolvulus arvensis L.; création artificielle de cette dernière monstruosité’ (Floral dimorphism and stamen petalody, observed in Convolvulus arvensis L.; artificial creation of this last monstrosity; Heckel 1880b). Heckel eventually became a corresponding member of the rural economy section of the Académie des sciences, a component academy of the Institut de France, in 1907 (Complete dictionary of scientific biography). He did not become a foreign corresponding member of the Royal Society of London; for the conditions of election, see Record of the Royal Society of London, pp. 95–6.

From Ernst Krause1   4 October 1880 Berlin N.O. Friedenstrasse 11. 3 Tr. 4.10.80 Most esteemed Sir! Even though I was so bold yesterday as to send you the second edition of my book “Werden und Vergehen” and to ask you to receive it into your library as a token of my heartfelt admiration, I do not entertain the presumption to think that you would read this book.2 You would find little in it that is new. It is a popular account of the overall world view given life by you, an account I was inspired to undertake on commission from the “Verein für deutsche Literatur”3 four years ago, and which due to its conciliatory tone enjoyed a good reception. Last year the book was the subject of several days of debate in the Prussian parliament, because Dr Hermann Müller in Lippstadt recommended the book for pupils in the upper forms. For this reason, the ultramontanists made the book the target of violent attacks, which would end up in toppling not only Dr.  Herman Müller, but also the minister of culture for employing & tolerating such teachers.4 Fortunately upon closer inspection the book proved to be so harmless and to be written in so conciliatory a tone that these dreadful accusations evaporated into thin air. Regarding Kosmos, the publisher asked me to pass on his cordial request to let him send you the journal as before; we hope that it will increase in value over time. Until now it had to struggle all too much with the prejudices of partisan circles.5 In the hope that these lines may find you in a desirable state of health, I remain, most esteemed Sir | Yours | most cordially devoted | Ernst Krause DAR 169: 109 1 2

For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see pp. 316–17. Krause published Werden und Vergehen: eine Entwicklungsgeschichte des Naturganzen in gemeinverstädlicher Fassung (Genesis and decline: a popular account of the developmental history of nature) under his pseudonym Carus Sterne; he had sent CD a copy of the first edition, which is in the Darwin Library–CUL (Sterne 1876; see Correspondence vol. 25, letter from Ernst Krause, 11 March 1877 and n. 4). The second edition, Sterne 1880, is in the Darwin Library–Down.

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Society for German literature. The Ultramontanists were Catholics who wanted to integrate church and state, with ultimate authority resting with the church. Criticising Hermann Müller was a way for the Ultramontanists in Germany to attack the liberal minister of education, Adalbert Falk. CD had heard about this incident from Müller himself the previous year (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter from Hermann Müller, 14 February 1879). Krause was the editor of the journal Kosmos, founded in 1877; it was published by Karl Alberts in Leipzig. In 1879, Francis Darwin had reported that Kosmos was widely regarded in Germany as the ‘organ of “uncultivated materialism”’ (Correspondence vol. 27, letter from Francis Darwin, [after 2 June 1879]). In July, CD had offered to pay two years’ subscription to the journal rather than continue to receive issues gratis from the publisher (see letter to Ernst Krause, 29 July 1880).

From C.-F. Reinwald1   7 October 1880 15, Rue des Saints-Pères | Paris Paris 7 Oct 1880 My dear Sir I received your confidential letter of 6 Oct.2 The death of the unfortunate Ed. Barbier truly leaves his wife in a precarious position.3 She appealed also to me to come to her assistance. Although M. Barbier was always strongly in advance financially with me and he owed me a large enough sum, I paid him however a regular stipend during the last months of his illness. Despite this I will be fully prepared to do something more for his family, if it is necessary. M. Barbier does not have any child other than a daughter born during his exile in England, who married two years ago and seems to me without any need.4 In this position I advised Madame Barbier to speak to Messrs About, Sarcey etc of the Newspaper le XIXe Siècle, of which he was the manager, and who alone will be able to take the initiative for a general appeal among friends of the deceased with any success.5 I await the result of my advice, which dates from only yesterday, and I have decided then also to add my pittance to those of the colleague of the deceased. With respect to Mme Barbier I have only seen her once during the last illness of her husband, so I cannot claim to know either her character as a spouse, or as a mother, or as a widow, since the deceased was primarily friends with my nephew who was closer in age to him than myself.6 Please excuse the scarcity of information that I can give you on this subject and permit me to finish with the French proverb: that “A good deed is never lost”. Accept, dear Sir, the assurance of my most faithful feelings | C Reinwald P.S. I have the satisfaction to be able to inform you that the new translation of the Descent was finished by Barbier before his last illness, and that it remains only for me now to take care of printing the end and prepapring the tables. We will certainly be able to publish before the end of the year.7 | CR DAR 176: 111

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For a transcription of this letter in its original French, see pp. 325–6. CD’s letter to Reinwald has not been found. In his letter of 16 June 1880, Reinwald mentioned that Edmond Barbier, CD’s French translator, had been gravely ill for several months. Barbier died on 30 September 1880 (Paris & vicinity, France, death notices, 1860–1902 (Ancestry.com, accessed 24 May 2019)). Barbier’s wife was Arthémise Barbier. Barbier’s daughter, Marguerite Barbier, was 3 years old and living in Brighton with her parents at the time of the 1861 census; Edmond Barbier was listed as ‘Professor of the French Language’ on the census form (Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG9/602/56/42)). Banns for the marriage of Marguerite Barbier were read in Paris in 1876 (Paris, France & vicinity marriage banns, 1860–1902 (Ancestry.com, accessed 24 May 2019)). Edmond François Valentin About had founded the newspaper Le XIXe siècle in 1872; Francisque Sarcey was a regular contributor. The paper espoused republican and anti-clerical views (EB s.v. About, Edmond François Valentin). Reinwald probably refers to his nephew Frédéric Buhlmeyer, who had died in June 1879 (see letter from C.-F. Reinwald, 16 June 1880 and n. 7). The third French edition of Descent was published in 1881 (Barbier trans. 1881).

From C.-F. Reinwald1   14 October 1880 15, Rue des Saints-Pères | Paris Paris 14 Oct 1880 My dear Sir I return today to your offer of 24 September, concerning the French translation of your new volume Movement of Plants of which you have already sent the first 208 pages.2 I accept the offer that you have had the kindness to make me and I undertake to publish this translation for which I have negotiated with Prof. E.  Heckel of Marseille.3 I count now on your kindness to convince Mr. Murray to let me have the plates of this work at a reasonable price.4 I ask then dear Sir to pass on the enclosed to this publisher and to add to it a word of recommendation if you think it would be of use. Please count on my utter gratitude and accept | dear Sir | the expression of my deepest respect | C Reinwald To Ch.s Darwin Esq. Down DAR 176: 112 1 2

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For a transcription of this letter in its original French, see p. 339. No letter to Reinwald dated 24 September 1880 has been found. CD had begun sending out pages of the English edition of Movement in plants to translators in September 1880 (see, for example, letter to J. V. Carus, 14 September 1880). Édouard Heckel had already been in touch with CD about the translation (see letter from Édouard Heckel, 23 September 1880). CD’s usual French translator, Edmond Barbier, had died on 30 September 1880 (Paris & vicinity, France, death notices, 1860–1902 (Ancestry.co.uk, accessed 24 May 2019). John Murray was CD’s publisher.

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From G. E. Mengozzi1   17 October 1880 London | 56 Brompton Square S.W. 17 Oct. 1880 Illustrious Sir, Sent to London by the Royal and Imperial Academy “La Scuola Italica” of Rome, to study and more closely understand the theory of evolution concerning the natural development of living beings, as you have learnedly presented and taught it. It is almost one year since I have meditated on it with satisfaction of mind, and today I am obliged to ask if as regards your theory you really mean to recognise as true the two opinions of Comptian positivists, that is to say; atheism and materialism from which matter, absolute being, not that of ontologists based on causality substituted by that of causes ad infinitum, that is to say, that the series of never ending causes gives no place to be reassured by a first cause.2 The academy here, has as its goal the promotion of early Italian wisdom in which the Teo is distinguished from Ile. God, absolute Being, uncreated principle and necessary creator; first cause of secondary causes.3 And by the theory of evolution and by the struggle for existence, precisely your sublime ideas; the Academy means to find the existence of an organising and provident intelligence, rather than denying it like the converts to your theory, fanatic positivists who understand nothing other than absolute war against God, defended by the sound philosophy that has its cradle in Italy from where its leader in order to thought and real science. This is how the honorable scholars of the R. I. Academy believe they will honour your studies, and through me today they introduce themselves to you, in the hope of receiving an answer on this as a justification by Rome of having the participation of the scientific world. Are we to understand your view, expressed in your later works, attributing to animals not only an aesthetic but also a moral sense, approaching the religious, simple rational acts in their rudimentary forms, can we see in you, the most learned defender of the general animation of matter, and yet you can be understood as the scholar who sees in the idea of matter of the modern positivists, that it is not lawful to break from God, from the mind, and not allow for the imminent force that passes on the attitudes of the world substance by the power to the action, making the distance on the ascending way that is called cosmic progress with intelligence and deliberateness. In conclusion, illustrious sir, for your theory gloriously objectified with your distinguished name by all the scholars of Europe, the cause of God and that of science are one! May God keep you long in honour among the sciences, that I with all my heart will never stop being | Your humble admirer | Comm. Profr. G. E. Mengozzi M.D. | Executive President. Royal and Imperial Academy | The Italian School in Rome. To the famous gentleman | Charles Darwin M.A., F.R.S.  | Down Beckenham Kent DAR 171: 153

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For a transcription of this letter in its original French, see pp. 343–5. Mengozzi’s French (not his native tongue) was extremely poor. Auguste Comte founded the philosophical and political movement known as positivism. He argued that humanity passed through three stages: the theological, the metaphysical, and the positive or scientific (DSB). Mengozzi belonged to a group that aimed to restore the ancient wisdom of Italy and develop a new nationalistic philosophy based on the teaching of Pythagoras, whom he believed to be Tyrrenian not Greek. To this end, he had founded the Accademia Nazionale, la Scuola Italica in 1860 (Giudice 2016, pp. 90–3). Francis Darwin later wrote on this letter ‘Mengozzi (fool)’.

To G. E. Mengozzi1   [before 28] October 18802 London, October 1880. Dear Sir, Thank you for your extremely courteous letters.3 To attempt a reply to the questions which you have done the honour of directing to me (as far as I understand them) would be a lengthy undertaking, and I am in poor health and the task would much fatigue me. But having with your last understood the question more clearly, I will willingly answer that as best I can.— I do not believe that any living being shows evidence of design. If you take the trouble to read the last two pages of my Variation of Animals and Plants under domestication, you will partly discover my reasons. But even though no creature can show design, that in no way excludes belief in the existence of a loving Creator of all things. Rather the evidence for such a Creator must be sought, as it seems to me, outside the boundaries of Physical Science. It is one of the most difficult problems. On the other hand I know that many men, whose minds are incomparably clearer and deeper than mine (and I have never attended sufficiently to metaphysical and religious questions) are convinced that the evidence for the existence of God is pretty well completely self-evident. I must acknowledge receipt from you and to thank you for the gift of your magnificent volume on the Philosophy of Medicine.4 In addition I beg you to have the goodness to pass on to your Society, The Scuola Italica, based in Rome, my very cordial thanks for the very great honour which they are conferring on me in so distinguished a manner.5 I beg you to accept my best thanks for your most kind expressions addressed to me, while I remain, my dear Sir, with much respect, | Professor Mengozzi M.D. | Yours faithfully and much obliged | Charles Darwin. Roma Etrusca 2 (1881): 10 1 2 3 4

For a transcription of this letter in its original Italian, see pp. 356–7. The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from G. E. Mengozzi, 28 October 1880. The only known letter from Mengozzi prior to 28 October 1880 is dated 17 October 1880. CD’s copy of Mengozzi 1869, bearing an inscription in Italian by Mengozzi, is now in the Linnean Society.

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The Scuola Italica, of which Mengozzi was founder and president, aimed to ‘honour’ CD’s studies by showing that his scientific conclusions were not incompatible with a belief in a creator (see letter from G. E. Mengozzi, 17 October 1880).

From G. E. Mengozzi1   28 October 1880 56 Brompton Square S.W. 28 October 1880 Illustrious Sir, Next Saturday or Sunday I am going to Rome with my thought entirely turned to you, much honoured by your dear letters, which I have read with attention and profit that is reaped from each word inspired by an eminently learned man.2 At present I cannot nor ought I to dwell on the question that I put to you by profiting from the bounty and courtesy that you had for my thoughts. The whole question debated by us, for me it will be resolved in the dialectical harmony between the knowledge of the sciences of the external world and those of the internal world, finding the positive and excluding their negative; because taken alone they do not have the power to demonstrate clearly the existence of God. For that, the arguments that are based only on ideas of the exterior world on are not sufficient as you yourself say, and in particular the cosmological and theological, this last touches on your evolutionary doctrine, which has so much matter for discussion. For myself—without God I understand neither the Universe nor life, nor society, and I cannot admit that the world could be happy without the sanctification of religion that has its faith in the One God Creator! The eternal book of God, it is not closed, and the new divine page, by the work of your great spirit and your profound studies, it will be turned. Me, I believe thus all the times that I take to meditate the works which you have given to the world of thinkers. I would dearly like that all men advanced in the physical and metaphysical sciences could be able to think, like I myself think and hope. Whatever my thoughts and my desires may be, please believe me, with fraternal affection and profound veneration, always your | Faithful | Comm. Profr G. E. Mengozzi M.D. P.S. Excuse me the liberty that I take, of sending you your portrait in order to ask you if you would like to sign your august Name by signed with your own hand. I am proud to carry it on the ground on which, as Dante says, every stone is worthy of reverence … !3 DAR 171: 154 1 2 3

For a transcription of this letter in its original French, see pp. 357–8. Mengozzi’s French (not his native tongue) was extremely poor. The only known letter from CD to Mengozzi prior to 28 October is the letter to G. E. Mengozzi, [before 28] October 1880. The reference is to Dante Alighieri’s Il convivio, book 4, end of chapter 5: ‘Certo di ferma sono oppinione che le pietre che nelle mura sue stanno siano degne di reverenza’ (I am certainly of the firm opinion that the stones of her walls are worthy of reverence). This work was written between 1304 and 1307.

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From B. J. Placzek1    19 November 1880 Most esteemed Sir! The great significance you attach, in your epochal work “Das Variiren u.s.w.”, in particular I chap. 6, to noting precisely the most minute deviations in the structure and habits of pigeons,2 prompts me to direct your keen perception to an unusual observation. This concerns a way in which pigeons fly which to my knowledge does not occur any more and which does not appear to be noted in any of the monographs on pigeons, but which may be of not inconsiderable importance for the law of variation in view of the fact that every particular form of movement must result in a particular development of the corresponding part of muscle and bone. In the book “Bereshit Rabba” (a kind of glossary of Genesis of the 3d century BC) a remark can be found in Chap. 39 that in English reads as follows: “All birds rest of flying on a tree or on a rock, while the dove, when tired of flying, alternatively holds one wing at rest, swinging herself upwards with the other wing”.—3 Pigeons have since then thus changed the way they fly and thereby lost a distinct characteristic that was tremendously advantageous in the struggle for survival.— By kindly inserting a brief note on this observation you would very much oblige your sincere admirer | Yours devoted | Dr. B. Plačzek | (Austria) Brünn, Thalgasse, 7. Brünn 19.11.80 DAR 174: 47 1 2 3

For a transcription of this letter in its original German, and a contemporary translation, see pp. 402–3. CD discussed pigeons in Variation 1: 131–224 (chapters 5 and 6); most of the details of physiology and habit are in chapter 5. Bereshit Rabbah is a commentary on the book of Genesis ( Jewish encyclopedia). The passage, a gloss on Psalms 55: 6 (‘And I said: Oh, that I had wings like a dove! Then I would fly away, and be at rest’), may be translated as: ‘all the other birds, when tired, rest on a rock or a tree, but when a dove is tired, she draws in one of her wings and flies on with the other’ (see Placzek 1883 and Freedman and Simon eds. 1939, p. 317.

From Alphonse de Candolle1   23 November 1880 Geneva 23 Nov. 1880. My dear sir I hasten to thank you for your new volume on the Movements of plants. It seems very interesting. I am delighted to read it, and my son who works on the subject will benefit even more. Asa Gray, in his little work aimed at theologians, had insisted, in a way that astonished me, on the lack of a clear limit between the two kingdoms.2 You give very strange facts in support. I never read a work of yours without thinking of the pleasure that my father3 would have experienced had he lived long enough, for he was certainly one of those scholars of whom we would speak as loving new and original things, even the opposite to that which they accepted in their youth.

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As streams must flow into rivers, I want to tell you a fact that confirms what you have said regarding hybrids (Animals and plants under domestication 2 p. 44). It was given to me by Mr Ed. Bertrand, a zealous beekeeper, who published l’Apiculteur de la Suisse romande.4 I had questioned him on the effects of bee stings and he told me, among other things: “It is above all the crossed bees (called hybrids or mixed-race) that sting us. The most common crossing is that between the yellow or Italian bee and the black or common bee. I get 50 stings from a crossed hive for every 10 of a black or 1 of a pure Italian. This is an approximate proportion. Carniolan, Italian, and, I am told, Caucasian races (these above all) are more gentle with humans than the common breed. But a mixing of blood makes all of these more agressive. It is the same with mules and hinnies, with this difference, that crossed bees are fertile. This agressiveness in hybrids is commonly accepted, as a general fact with exceptions; they are excellent foragers” I did not have time to explain to your son a graphic method that I use to represent hereditary traits. I must sometime submit a drawing to you. For the moment I am busy with a second draft of the chapter of my Géographie botanique on the origin of cultivated plants, which will make a small volume in octavo. Facts discovered since 1855 cannot but confirm, whether statements or doubts, my first work. It is satisfying in a way, but hardly entertaining to explain.5 Please give my regards to Mrs Darwin, and to Mr Francis6 and believe me always to be, dear sir, | your very devoted | Alph. de Candolle DAR 161: 26 1 2

3 4

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For a transcription of this letter in its original French, see pp. 414–15. Candolle’s name is on the presentation list for Movement in plants (see Appendix IV). Candolle’s son, Casimir de Candolle, had published on movements of Dionaea muscipula (Venus fly trap) and winding tendrils (C. de Candolle 1876 and 1877). For Asa Gray’s comments on the vegetable and animal kingdoms, including chlorophyll in animals and insectivorous plants, see Natural science and religion (A. Gray 1880, pp. 10–19). Candolle’s father was Augustin Pyramus de Candolle. In Variation 2: 44, CD discussed reversion from crossing, citing hens produced from a cross of nonsitting breeds that recovered the instinct to sit on eggs. Edouard Bertrand edited Bulletin d’apiculture pour la Suisse romande from its first publication in 1879 (Crane 1999, p. 456). See A. de Candolle 1855, 2: 809–993; the revised version was Origine des plantes cultivées (The origin of cultivated plants; A. de Candolle 1883). Francis Darwin.

From G. E. Mengozzi1   24 November 1880 3 Piazza del Popolo Rome 24 November 1880 IIllustrious Sir, I received in time with great pleasure your Portrait, signed by you, at London. I am infinitely grateful to you for it.2

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My first thought in Rome was to convene the Magistracy of the Royal and Imperial Academy “La Scuola Italica” in order to propose you as First Honorary Member of the same. They accepted you unanimously and with enthusiasm, feeling themselves very honoured to have as an Honorary member the living Prince of the philosophy of Nature. Myself, as spokesperson for your great Intellect, I have assured my Colleagues, that you would willingly accept this fulsome sign that Italy offers you, even though it is hardly anything for you. On this occasion, myself as a Founding member since 1860 (and the King of Italy, Humbert 1st. Honorary General President) and obliged for your noble acceptance of my poor letters, I take the liberty of dedicating one of my books to you; “La générations des animaux et nouvelle Classification des êtres naturels” if you allow me it will be honoured and take on this prize which it does not possess in itself. For now please accept the book that I send you as a token of my gratitude and devotion; with these sentiments I remain now and always3 | Illustrious Sir | Your devoted | Comm. Profre G. E. Mengozzi M.D. Ill. Sir | Charles Darwin | Down— London DAR 202: 112 1 2 3

For a transcription of this letter in its original French, see pp. 424–5. Mengozzi’s French (not his native tongue) was extremely poor. In his letter of 28 October 1880, Mengozzi had sent a portrait of CD and asked CD to sign it. Mengozzi had founded the Accademia Nazionale, la Scuola Italica, in 1860; Umberto I was king of Italy from 1878 to 1900. No copy of Nuova classificazione degli esseri naturali e saggio sulla generazione degli animali (New classification of natural beings and essay on the generation of animals; Mengozzi 1881) has been found in the Darwin Library–CUL or the Darwin Library–Down; it contained a dedication to CD on pp. vii–xxv.

From Wilhelm Pfeffer1   25 November 1880 Tübingen 25 Nov. 1880 Most esteemed Sir! Although I have so far been able merely to leaf through your book “The power of movements etc”, this was still enough to gain an insight into the wealth of observations and ingenious deductions you have again set down here. In any case I feel compelled to immediately express my best thanks to you for sending me your work.2 I hope I will be able to return the favour in about 12 a year from now, for tomorrow the manuscript of the first volume of a handbook of physiology of metabolism and energy exchange will go to the printers. For the 2d volume, too, all preliminary work is complete to such a degree that I hope to also get this ready for press in 12 a year.3 Unfortunately, this work left me no time to undertake any other investigations of an extensive nature, but in the not too distant future I hope a collection of

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physiological works by pupils will appear.4 Incidentally, I have gradually equipped the botanical institute here, whose rooms are superb, with a most complete physiological apparatus. With the highest respect | Yours | devoted | Dr. W. Pfeffer. DAR 174: 37 1 2 3 4

For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see p. 429. Pfeffer’s name is on the presentation list for Movement in plants (see Appendix IV). Pfeffer’s Pflanzenphysiologie: ein Handbuch des Stoffwechsels und Kraftwechsels in der Pflanze (Plant physiology: a handbook of metabolism and energy exchange in plants; Pfeffer 1881) was published in 1881. In 1881, Pfeffer founded the series of occasional papers Untersuchungen aus dem Botanischen Institut zu Tübingen (Investigations from the Botanical Institute of Tübingen).

From Ernst Krause1   26 November 1880 Berlin N.O. Friedenstrasse 11. 3 Tr. 26.11.80. Most esteemed Sir! In sending me your latest work: “The Power of Movement in Plants” you have given me great pleasure and I thank you with all my heart.2 I am amazed at the great abundance of work and experiment that you put into it and I believe the whole world will share this joyful astonishment at receiving from you time after time such works, which rewrite an entire subject area, and which often seem like an entire life’s work. Dr. Hermann Müller in Lippstadt will be so kind as to report on the content of the work in Kosmos; I myself intend to do this in a German (non-scientific) review.3 It is possible that Kosmos must go under in the near future. The publisher who, it seems, has neither the means nor the energy required to lead the enterprise through a number of difficult years, is determined to sell it, and from what I hear, it will be handled by converting it to a weekly. Since this would probably entail a complete abandonment of its scientific character, I do not intend to continue through the change and would possibly rather try to interest another publisher in resuming publication of the journal in its previous format (with a different title).4 Troubling news about Mr Fritz Müller in Itajahy has reached us recently. His house was damaged in a flood from which he had to save himself (in the middle of September) swimming and wading through water that reached up to his chest. Fortunately, however, he had no losses in his family to mourn, and some days ago he sent me yet again a number of his always so valuable communications about new observations, as a sign that the incident is entirely a thing of the past. Among them are a short polemical article against Wagner’s isolation theory and a very interesting observation on the reproduction of crustacean legs in which the form of the limbs has the appearance of the putative ancestor of the species. In the division of shrimps to which the above case also belongs, he has furthermore observed some highly informative metamorphoses, about which he is going to send a detailed report in the near future.5

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Wishing you that these lines may find you in a desirable state of health, I remain, most esteemed Sir | Yours | gratefully devoted | Ernst Krause DAR 169: 110 1 2 3 4

5

For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see pp. 433–4. Krause’s name is on CD’s presentation list for Movement in plants (see Appendix IV). Hermann Müller’s review of Movement in plants appeared in Kosmos (H. Müller 1880e). Krause reviewed it in Die Gartenlaube under the pseudonym Carus Sterne (Sterne 1881). From vol. 9 in 1881, Kosmos was published by E. Schweizerbart’sche Verlagsbuchhandlung instead of Ernst Günther of Leipzig (run by Karl Alberts); the typeface changed from Fraktur to roman, and the journal continued to be published monthly until 1886. Krause continued as editor until 1882. For more on the flood that had occurred on 22 September 1880 and had risen to 14.6 metres, see West 2016, pp. 154–5. Fritz Müller published ‘Zur Kritik der Absonderungstheorie’ (Critique of segregation theory; F. Müller 1881c), ‘Haeckel’s biogenetisches Grundgesetz bei der Neubildung verlorener Glieder’ (Haeckel’s biogenetic law and the rebuilding of lost limbs; F. Müller 1881b), and ‘Farbenwechsel bei Krabben und Garneelen’ (Colour change in crabs and shrimps; F. Müller 1881a) in Kosmos. His more detailed report on the shrimps was ‘Atyoida Potimirim, eine schlammfressende Süsswassergarneele’ (Atyoida Potimirim, a mud-eating freshwater shrimp; F. Müller 1881d), also in Kosmos. Atyoida potimirim is a synonym of Potimirim potimirim, the tiny or neon shrimp. Wagner: Moritz Wagner.

From Ernst Krause1   4 December 1880 Berlin, | Friedenstrasse 11. 3. Tr. 4.12.80. Highly esteemed Sir! Your kind letter of 28th Nov.:, which owing to a brief trip I received only today, has given me great pleasure.2 I believe I can assure you that the theory of pangenesis has more followers on the Continent than the theory of perigenesis, which to most people seems a mere idea that is momentarily fascinating. Many take exception only to the word “Keimchen”, because it makes them think of buds & similar things, although actually any particle of organised matter can be referred to by this term.3 Since the communication about Fr. Müller’s observation is of interest to you, and since it might possibly take another four weeks until it appears in Kosmos, as the January issue is already full, I am adding a copy of it for you, because I fear that my brief report on it may not have given you a precise enough idea.4 The communication in question is as follows: “When lost limbs are regenerated in crustaceans, they go through several moults before reaching their full size and regular shape. As in the development of the whole animal, it is not uncommon in the regeneration of single limbs that the earlier stages recapitulate the earlier state of the extremities. A little shrimp of the Itajahy (Atyoida Potimirim)5 provided me with two nice examples   In this species, the claws of the first pair of thoracic legs are split lengthwise all the way, so that they consist almost of just the two fingers, without a true hand; the last third of each finger carries a thick brush of very long setae. In a claw during regeneration there existed a distinct

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hand, almost as long as the fingers, and of these the mobile one was slightly longer than the immobile thumb. Thus the young claw resembles in build that common in the related genus Caridina (as Milne Edwards has drawn it for C. typus and Heller for C. Desmarestii),6 but appeared even more primitively in that the fingers were not hollowed out in a spoon-like manner and in that they were equipped with only very few spines at the end. Even more striking is the second case. In the third and fourth pair of thoracic legs the femur has three, less commonly four, very flexible spines on its lower edge and another on the outside near the end of the thigh; in addition to the strong terminal spine, the last segment of these limbs is armed with 5–8 curved spines at its underside. The fifth pair of legs differs in that its underside has only one or two flexible spines and that the long straight underside of the last limb has a crest that is formed by numerous (up to around 40) densely packed, thin, straight spines. In the process of regeneration, the moulting of the near foot of the fifth pair of limbs displayed a slightly curved underside covered, in the last two thirds, with around fifteen, mostly likewise curved spines that were fairly distantly spaced, while under the skin a splendid real crest lay ready for the next moult. The femur, like that of the third and fourth pair of legs, had three large flexible spines on the underside; under the skin however lay two new spines, so that after the moult the femur would not have resembled those of the previous pair of legs but the other one of the same pair. These findings may well indicate that in the ancestors of the Atyoida the last three pairs of legs were shaped identically and that only later the fifth pair lost one or two of the spines of the femur, and acquired a crest on its end especially for the purpose of cleaning the abdominal legs.” Concerning the matter of Kosmos, I hear that the publisher has sold the journal, behind my back (!), to another publisher (Mr E. Koch7 in Stuttgart, who publishes your works)   The latter is thinking of turning Kosmos into a weekly, with the wellknown traveller & geographer Friedrich von Hellwald8 to be chosen as editor. Since this uncommonly prolific author in the fields of geography and ethnology, does not know the first thing about the natural sciences (physics, chemistry, botany, zoology, geology, astronomy), German proponents of Darwinism will generally abhor this booksellers’ speculation, as this can only mean an obvious injury to the situation. I am now being advised to continue the monthly in its previous form with another publishing company, but I do not know whether I shall find a publisher who has the courage for this. With few exceptions, all my collaborators would loyally continue with my journal, for it is generally assumed that a Darwinistic journal under Hellwald’s direction cannot help the situation. I for my part would much rather see the journal perish completely and without a successor than watch it fall into wholly incompetent hands. Prof. Haeckel, Dr Fritz & Hermann Müller9 and many others share exactly the same view. However, battling against booksellers’ plots is difficult. I just read with the deepest sympathy in the newspapers that Professor Jaeger in Stuttgart had the misfortune of falling under a train.10 It is said that the wheels ran over his legs and one of his legs needs to be amputated. Hopefully the accident was

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not as grave as it would seem from the report. With such alarming news, one tends to cling to the hope that it might be a false report. I hope to be able to bring you more welcome news some other time and remain, most esteemed Sir | with heartfelt gratitude | Yours | most devoted | Ernst Krause DAR 169: 111 1 2 3

4

5 6

7 8 9 10

For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see pp. 454–6. See letter to Ernst Krause, 28 November 1880. In the German translation of Variation, Julius Victor Carus had translated the word ‘gemmule’ as ‘Keimchen’, a diminutive form of ‘Keim’, which can be translated as ‘bud’, ‘sprout’, or ‘germ’ (see Carus trans. 1873, p. 492 and passim). CD had expressed the opinion that the case of limb regeneration Krause had mentioned could be better explained by CD’s theory of heredity, pangenesis, than by Ernst Haeckel’s theory, perigenesis (see letter to Ernst Krause, 28 November 1880 and n. 4). On pangenesis, see Correspondence vol. 13, letter to T. H. Huxley, 27 May [1865]; on perigenesis, see Correspondence vol. 24, letter from Ernst Haeckel, 9 May 1876. Fritz Müller’s short communication, ‘Haeckel’s biogenetisches Grundgesetz bei der Neubildung verlorener Glieder’ (Haeckel’s biogenetic law in the regeneration of lost limbs; F. Müller 1881b), the text of which is copied in full in this letter, appeared in the February 1881 issue of Kosmos. Atyoida potimirim is a synonym of Potimirim potimirim, a species of freshwater shrimp of the family Atyidae, known in Brazil as the tiny or neon shrimp. The genus Caridina is also in the family Atyidae. Henri Milne-Edwards figured C. typus (Australian amano shrimp) in Milne-Edwards 1834–40, Atlas, Pl. 25 bis, figs. 4 and 5. Camil Heller figured C. desmarestii (a synonym of Atyaephyra desmarestii) in Heller 1863, Pl. VIII, fig. 3. Eduard Koch was the head of E. Schweizerbart’sche Verlagsbuchhandlung. Friedrich von Hellwald was at this time the editor of the popular weekly Das Ausland. Fritz and Hermann Müller were regular contributors to Kosmos. Gustav Jäger had been a co-editor of Kosmos from 1877 to 1879. The newspaper report has not been identified; Krause later discovered that the report referred to another person (see Correspondence vol. 29, letter from Ernst Krause, 2 January 1881).

From Edouard Strasburger1   5 December 1880 Jena 5/12 | 1880. Very esteemed Sir. Allow me to thank you most sincerely for the fine gift you have given me.2 I really do not know what I should admire more in you: the detail of your observations, or this vigour, this indefatigable power of work that you must have maintained to such an advanced age. I am very pleased to see that your son assists you so well in your research and I heartily congratulate you.3 Please accept the assurance of my regard and complete devotion. E. Strasburger DAR 177: 266 1 2 3

For a transcription of this letter in its original French, see p. 457. Strasburger’s name is on CD’s presentation list for Movement in plants (Appendix IV). The title page of Movement in plants acknowledged the assistance of Francis Darwin.

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From Federico Delpino1   6 December 1880 Genoa 6 December 1880 My venerable teacher! I thank you for the gift of your great work on the movements of plants; it is a new title of exceptional importance for science.2 Contemporary plant physiology was talking nonsense, and your honour has restored it to its proper path. A few weeks before receiving your book, in the inaugural lecture I gave at the University of Genoa, I lamented that modern plant physiology had committed the deplorable error of regarding the influence of light and gravity and the motions resulting from them as direct and not as indirect effects.3 Now your honour has unmasked this most grave error in the experimental field.4 A thousand felicitations and greetings! | From your most respectful | admirer | Federico Delpino P.S. I take the liberty of sending you my photograph.5 DAR 162: 157 1 2 3

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For a transcription of this letter in its original Italian, see p. 458. Delpino’s name is on CD’s presentation list for Movement in plants (Appendix IV). In his inaugural lecture, Il materialismo nella scienza (Materialism in science; Delpino [1880]), Delpino attacked the materialist view that plant physiology could be explained purely in physico-chemical terms and argued that plants had what he called a perception of their own needs so that their responses to external stimuli were mediated by internal reactions (Delpino [1880], pp. 22–5). Among CD’s experimental findings was the discovery that sensitivity was localised in particular parts of plants, which signalled to other parts, which responded with various movements. For example, the sensitive part of the radicle or embryonic root was the tip, but movement occurred throughout the length, indicating that the tip directed the movement. CD compared the process to the action of the brain in lower animals (Movement in plants, p. 573). The photograph has not been found.

From Arnold and Carolina Dodel-Port1   8 December 1880 Zurich, 8 December 1880. Mr Charles Darwin in Down. (England.) Most esteemed Sir! Two days ago I received under wrapper the book you addressed to me via J. Murray: “The power of movement in plants”, which copy you were so kind to present to me.2 It is scarcely necessary to assure you that you gave very great pleasure to me with this magnificent gift. The topic dealt with here is of such great interest that it is sure to captivate not only the botanical experts but also zoologists & biologists in the wider sense. With great enjoyment we read from time to time in the newspapers &

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journals, that despite your great age you are still sprightly and it is our most heartfelt wish that this will continue for quite some time yet. Almost 10 years have passed since I dared to broach the subject of Darwinism in public for the first time at Zurich University. Until then the qualified representatives of the biological disciplines in our university either dismissed it wholesale or they were indifferent. As you know, my lectures on the new doctrine met with vehement and with secret, malicious resistance.3 At that time, opponents of all hues ganged up to make my life and work occasionally rather difficult. For almost 10 years they oppressed me because I dared advocate a living idea. Indeed, the authorities at the Swiss Polytechnicum in Zurich even banned me from holding a course of lectures on Darwinism, though the university took a slightly more liberal line. Last June I was finally appointed professor extraordinarius of botany at the university.4 On this occasion it emerged also that over the past 10 years Darwinism had gained ground at the university. With the exception of old Oswald Heer all teachers of botany & zoology here at the university and at the polytechnicum now declare themselves to be Darwinians. You see, the power of ideas is greater than that of traditional prejudice. Thus, we now can be satisfied with the state of affairs. Ten days ago I sent you the IV. instalment of our “Anatomisch-physiolog: Atlas der Botanik”, which you have probably received by now.5 The completion of the work is—health permitting—secured. By summer 1882 the Atlas should be finished.6 (In August 1880 the English edition came out with Johnston in Edinburgh & London.)7 With our best wishes for your health & and regards to you & to your son, Francis Darwin, from your loyal collaborators: | most gratefully devoted | Dr. A. & C. Dodel-Port DAR 162: 199 1 2 3 4 5

6

For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see pp. 460–1. Dodel-Port’s name is on CD’s presentation list for Movement in plants (Appendix IV). The book was sent by CD’s publisher, John Murray. On the reception of Dodel-Port’s early lectures, see Correspondence vol. 22, letter from Arnold Dodel, 13 December 1874. Arnold Dodel-Port had held the position of privat-dozent (lecturer) in botany at Zurich since 1870 (Historisches Lexikon der Schweiz). The plates of the Anatomisch-physiologischer Atlas der Botanik (Anatomical-physiological atlas of botany; Dodel-Port and Dodel-Port 1878[–83]) were published in seven instalments. In the accompanying volume of text, each section is separately paginated, since the plates and text did not appear in the order in which they were numbered. CD’s copy of the work has not been found. Dodel-Port had sent CD the first part of the atlas in June 1878 and mentioned that a publisher might approach him about an English translation (see Correspondence vol. 26, letter from Arnold Dodel-Port, 12 June 1878). CD had promised to recommend a translation of the work ‘in the strongest possible terms’ (ibid., letter to Arnold Dodel-Port, 15 June 1878). Further parts were sent in 1879 (see Correspondence vol. 27, letters to Arnold Dodel-Port, 12 February 1879 and 6 October 1879). The work was completed in 1883; at that time a revised title page for the volume containing the description of the plates was issued with the title, Erläuternder Text zum anatomisch-physiologischen Atlas der Botanik (Illustrated text for the anatomical-physiological atlas of botany).

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For the English translation, see Dodel-Port and Dodel-Port 1880–3. The cartographical publishing firm W. & A. K. Johnston was based in Edinburgh (Post Office Edinburgh directory).

From Ernst Krause1   9 December 1880 Berlin N.O. Friedenstr. 11. 3 Tr. 9.12.80. Highly esteemed Sir! My purpose today is just to let you know that yesterday I received the horrid book by S. Butler: Unconscious Memory and that I read it through.2 It would be my intention, unless you have an objection, to reply to it in “Kosmos”, stating: 1, that you let me know of your intention to translate my article long before his book came out, 2, that not only had you not arranged for the relevant interpolations against Butler, but on the contrary had advised me not to take any notice of the book. 3, that I owe absolutely nothing to the Butler-book on Erasmus Darwin regarding my revised edition.3 Please tell me, in a couple of words, if you had rather that I ignore the book. I believe, indeed, that this querulous man, who obviously is just interested in having a dispute with you—for only for this reason does he praise your name on the first pages4—will fare with this book as he did with the article in Athenaeum: nobody will talk about this mosquito inflated to an elephant. I cannot tell you how painful it is for me to have had a part in unleashing on you this opponent who stops at nothing, for such enormous meanness was only conceivable and is only explicable because the blow dealt struck him to the core. However, I don’t feel that I have overreacted, or that I judged him unfairly; on the contrary, he deserved to be treated much more harshly still.5 Please forgive, highly esteemed Sir, these unpleasant results | Yours | cordially devoted | Ernst Krause DAR 92: B60 1 2

3

4 5

For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see p. 465. Samuel Butler’s Unconscious memory (Butler 1880) was published in November 1880 (Publishers’ Circular, 15 November 1880, p. 1001). In a chapter titled ‘The manner in which Mr. Darwin met “Evolution, old and new” (Butler 1880, pp. 58–79), Butler accused CD and Krause of making unacknowledged use of his earlier work, Evolution, old and new (Butler 1879). Krause was the editor of the journal Kosmos. For Butler’s earlier accusations against CD and Krause in regard to Erasmus Darwin, made in a letter to the Athenaeum, see letter to H. E. Litchfield, 1 February [1880], enclosure 1. When Butler 1879 first appeared, CD had advised Krause to ignore the work (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter to Ernst Krause, 9 June [1879], and this volume, letter to Ernst Krause, 9 February 1880). By ‘revised edition’ (revidirte Ausgabe), Krause means the essay published in Erasmus Darwin, revised from the article in Kosmos (Krause 1879a). Krause further revised and expanded the essay for the German edition (Krause 1880). In the introduction to Butler 1880, pp. 2–4, Butler discussed the widespread approbation of CD’s theory of evolution, before launching into his critique of it. For Krause’s critique of Butler 1879, see Krause 1879b.

Translations

559

From G. E. Mengozzi1   15 December 1880 Rome | 3 Piazza del Popolo 15. Decmber. 1880 Illustrious Sir It was a great comfort for me and my Colleagues, making up the magistracy of the Royal and Imperial Academy ‘La Scuola Italica’ of Rome, to have learned from your last letter, that you have accepted the nomination to Honorary Member of this Academy.2 In a few days a Meeting will take place to carry out your unanimous election, and afterwards to send you the appropriate Diploma, as your generous acceptance, which brings great lustre to the Royal Assembly and is helpful for the advancement of the natural doctrines that you cultivate has already been shared with the Honorary General President the King of Italy Humbert 1st and Senator M. Giacchi, the Vice President.3 In my last letter I asked you to accept the dedication of one of my work, on Génération des animaux, et Nouvelle Classification des Êtres Naturels;4 from this work I send you now three Synoptic Tables, for which you could see as an overview in abridged form. This dedication, with your acceptance, will find approval among scholars and will be honoured by their criticism, which I desire in order to remain confident in the subject. I know that I have no right at all nor do I deserve to obtain from you such great honour and encouragement; but I know the beneficence of your nature and I have no doubt of your support. I have eagerly reread the closing pages of your work, “Variations des animeaux et des Plantes sous l’état de domestication”, as you directed.5 The result in my mind was that while what is shown by comparative organography and by your research on the genetic cause of life, that each being, including man, originates from a pre-existing form, for that does not result in negating the Divinity, the existence of God being sufficently clearly and adequately demonstrated by human intelligence, because the same is more elevated compared to that of all other creatures as you wisely say in the great volume on the Origin of man; that is to say, that only through the elevation of the intellectual faculties is man able to recognise the existence of a creator and Ruler of the Universe; the loving creator, as you wrote to me. With confidence that you will deign to accept the dedication of my little work from which I send the synoptic tables together with this letter; I thank you in anticipation while now and always I remain Very devoted and obliged Comm. Profr. G. E. Mengozzi D. D. P.S. I have been told that you have published a new work: The power of Movement in the Plants, is it true?6

Generation can be

Sexual

Asexual

Polyps

Bisexual

Dioecious

Monoecious

Unisexual (with a simple ovary)

Fissiparous

Gemmiparous

With competition between the sexes

Without competition between the sexes

With perfect hermaphroditism

With imperfect hermaphroditism

Radiata

True copulation

With separate action – – – – –

With the combined action of both sexes

In which every individual fertilises itself

In which the copulation of two sexes is needed

Synoptic outline on Generation

All warm-blooded vertebrates; all Reptiles, excluding the order of Frogs; cartilaginous and many articulated Fish.

In many bony fish. Salamanders etc.

In frogs excluding salamanders

Almost all molluscs

Snails, Limacia, Aplysiidae

560 Translations

[Enclosure 1]

The development of the egg can happen

Inside the mother’s body

Outside the mother’s body

Internally

Externally

With maternal influence

Without maternal influence

In the uterus

In the cloaca

With incubatory organs

With nutrifying organs

By means of incubation

With the action of heat

Viviparous

Ovoviviparous

Incompletely and transitionally oviparous

Completely oviparous

Synoptic outline of the development of eggs

Translations 561

[Enclosure 2]

All things that exist in Nature can be divided into ...

Combined (complex bodies)

Free (simple bodies)

Transitory (Organic beings)

Permanent (Inorganic things)

Having internal organs

Not having internal organs

Crystallised (Solids)

Proper animals

Vegetative matter and primitive animals

Crystallisable (Liquids and elastic fluids)

Encephalo-zoans (Vertebrates)

Ganglio-zoans (Invertebrates)

Ramose (Plants)

Globose (All the most simple organic things).

Synoptic outline of the Classification of Natural beings

Teleocephalic (Mammals and Birds).

Ateleocephalic (Reptilians and Fish).

Medullous Articulated).

Nervous (Molluscs and Radiata)

562 Translations

[Enclosure 3]

Translations

563

DAR 171: 155 1 2 3 4

5 6

For a transcription of this letter in its original French and the enclosures in their original Italian, see pp. 477–82. Mengozzi’s French (not his native tongue) was extremely poor. See letter to G. E. Mengozzi, [after 24 November 1880]. Umberto I; Michele Giacchi. See letter from G. E. Mengozzi, 24 November 1880. The book, Nuova classificazione degli esseri naturali e saggio sulla generazione degli animali, published in 1881, contains a long introductory dedication to CD (Mengozzi 1881, pp. vii–xxv). See letter to G. E. Mengozzi, [before 28] October 1880; CD advised Mengozzi to read the last pages of Variation. The French translation was Moulinié trans. 1868. Movement in plants was published on 6 November 1880 (Freeman 1977).

From A. L. Kielland1   31 December 1880 Stavanger 31st. Dec. 1880. Most revered Mr Darwin! When I indulge myself in my favourite pleasure in Fontainebleau—feeding the carp—I often observe the two Chinese lions that stand close to the pond.2 And one day I had a sudden thought, which I’d now like to tell you about—half in jest, half with the thought that perhaps I’ve stumbled on an interesting idea. These “lions” are really not much like lions and in fact have just as strong a resemblance to toads. Now, if you look closely at the lion-toad on the right, your attention will be drawn to two thick trails of slime that stream from its mouth, twisting and turning round each other, ending up in a tight ball—full of little stars, held in its fore paws. The lion-toad to the left has the same streaming trails of slime; but it isn’t holding a ball. Instead, it has a small cub at its feet, and the cub is almost like a real-life lioncub, as the toad-like quality is almost completely lacking. Now, my idea is that these two figures are evolutionary theory—continuity in nature—symbolised: the lion—king of beasts—is placed in the closest kinship to the slimy, despised toad. The lion-toad to the right makes with its fore-legs a tight ball from the slime streaming from its mouth. This I see as an expression of the old idea of this animal’s peculiar method of reproduction. And the ball itself, with its star-like points, is strikingly like the slimy clumps of toad-spawn = eggs, often found in ditches and puddles in the spring. The lion-toad to the left shows the evolutionary process one step further on. Here the slime-ball has gone, but the little cub which has appeared is many stages closer to the species of lion than is its mother. In this way—I think—the great idea of evolutionary development has found its quasi-mystical expression in these two works of ancient (?) Chinese art.3 I am a novelist and not in any way a scientist. Therefore I ask you to take this more as a stroke of the imagination than a scientific observation demanding serious

564

Translations

attention. However – should there be anything of interest here I should of course be very happy to hear of it. Finally, let me send you, with deepest reverence, my inadequate thanks for the great new philosophy of life which opened up for me when I came to know your works. Your humble admirer | Alexander L. Kielland DAR 201: 18, 18a 1 2

3

For a transcription of this letter in its original Norwegian, together with a contemporary translation by George Howard Darwin, see pp. 516–19. According to a contemporary guidebook, the large pond at Fontainebleau castle was said to contain carp that were 200 years old (Handbook for visitors to Paris, p. 118). The two Chinese guardian lions are situated at the entrance to the Chinese museum in the Cour de la Fontaine (Fontaine courtyard) adjacent to the pond. See plate on p. 517. In Chinese tradition, the male lion was depicted with an embroidered sphere (representing supremacy over the world) and the female lion with a cub (representing nature).

APPENDIX II Chronology 1880 This appendix contains a transcription of Darwin’s ‘Journal’ for the year 1880. Darwin commenced his ‘Journal’ in August 1838 and continued to maintain it until December 1881. In this small notebook, measuring 3 inches by 4 12 inches, Darwin recorded the periods he was away from home, the progress and publication of his work, and important events in his family life. The version published by Sir Gavin de Beer as ‘Darwin’s Journal’ (de Beer ed. 1959) was edited before the original ‘Journal’ had been found and relied upon a transcription made by an unknown copyist. The original, now in the Darwin Archive in Cambridge University Library (DAR 158), reveals that the copyist did not clearly distinguish between the various types of entries it contains and that the transcription made was incomplete. From 1845 onward, Darwin recorded all that pertained to his work (including his illnesses, since these accounted for time lost from work) on the left-hand pages of the ‘Journal’, while the periods he was away from home, and family events, were noted on the right-hand pages. In order to show clearly Darwin’s deliberate separation of the types of entries he made in his ‘Journal’, the transcription has the left- and right-hand pages labelled. All alterations, interlineations, additions, and the use of a different ink or pencil have been noted. In addition, the editors have inserted additional information relevant to Darwin’s correspondence throughout this transcription of the ‘Journal’ for 1880. These interpolations are enclosed in square brackets to distinguish them from Darwin’s own entries, the source of the information being given in the footnotes.

[Left] 1880 Circumnutating movements All Spring finishing M. S. of “Power of Movement in Plants” & then Proof Sheets—1 Began in Autumn on Worms.2 [July 1880. Second edition of Forms of flowers published.]3 Nov. 6th 1500 copies of Power of Movement sold at Murray’s sale.4

566

Chronology

[Right] 1880 [3 January. Horace Darwin and Ida Farrer’s wedding at St Mary’s church, Bryanston Square, London.]5 [10 January. Cecil Charles Balfour visited.]6 [14–16 February. Victor and Victoria Alberta Alexandrina Marshall and William Henry and Georgiana Rosetta Flower visited.]7 March 4th–8th. Erasmus8 [4 March. Lawson and Sybil Anne Tait visited.]9 [4 March. Visited Thomas Henry Farrer.]10 [11 March. Josiah Wedgwood III died.]11 April 8–13th Abinger. Horace & Ida12 [8–9 May. Francis and Louisa Jane Galton, Andrew Clark, Henry Nottidge Moseley, and Edwin Ray Lankester invited to Down.]13 [10 May. John Lubbock and his daughter Gertrude visited.]14 [11 May. William and Frances Anna Thomson lunched.15 Met John Brodie Innes.16] [21–2 May. John and Abby Morgan Fiske visited.]17 May 25th to June 8th. Southampton.18 [19 June. Thomas Henry and Henrietta Ann Huxley visited.]19 [26 June. Dined at High Elms, the home of John Lubbock, with William Spottiswoode, Eliza Taylor Spottiswoode, Joseph Dalton Hooker, and Hyacinth Hooker.]20 [10–12 July. Edmund Gurney, Kate Sara Gurney, William Turner Thiselton-Dyer, Harriet Anne Thiselton-Dyer, and Gerald William Balfour visited.]21 [24–6 July. Joseph Dalton Hooker and Hyacinth Hooker visited.]22 Aug 14th to Cambridge23 19th Erasmus. 21st Home [14 August. William Preyer and Albert George Dew-Smith visited. Visited Trinity College chapel and met Charles Villiers Stanford.]24 [15 August. CD visited Francis Maitland Balfour’s laboratory.]25 [16 August. Drove to Horace and Ida Darwin’s prospective new home at 66 Hills Road, Cambridge, and visited Jesus College.]26 [17 August. Went on the river, visited King’s College chapel.]27 [18 August. Visited the Botanic Garden; met John Willis Clark, Helen Gladstone, and Albert Dew-Smith; visited the Fitzwilliam Museum.28 Lunched with Francis Balfour and met Henry Sidgwick and his wife Nora.29] [23 August. James William Condell Fegan and sixty-seven boys visited Down House.]30 [24 August. Mary Elizabeth Mohl and her husband’s niece, Ida von SchmidtZabierow, lunched.]31 [27 August. John Wesley Judd visited.]32 [27 September. Alphonse de Candolle visited.]33 [4 October. George King visited?]34

Chronology

567

Oct 28th to Nov 2d. Henrietta’s House35 [3 November. Henry Clifton Sorby, Thomas Hick, James William Davis, William Cash, and George Brook of the Yorkshire Naturalists’ Union visited.]36 Nov. 8th. Eliz. Wedgwood died.37 [11 November. Elizabeth Wedgwood’s funeral at St Mary’s church, Down.]38 [27 November. Edward Henry and Mary Catherine Stanley (Lord and Lady Derby) visited.]39 [28 November. John Lubbock, his daughter Constance Mary Lubbock, and Joseph Norman Lockyer visited.]40 [29 November. Vladimir Onufrievich Kovalevsky visited?]41 Dec. 7th Erasmus 11th Leith Hill Place42—15th Home.— [9 December. Visited Thomas Henry Huxley at South Kensington;43 Vladimir Kovalevsky and Sofia Vasilyevna Kovalevskaya lunched;44 Asa Gray visited?45] 1 2 3 4

5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28

Movement in plants. Earthworms. Freeman 1977. At John Murray’s sale on 5 November, 600 copies of Movement in plants were sold (letter from R. F. Cooke, 5 November 1880); the total had risen to 800 by 10 November (letter from R. F. Cooke, 10 November 1880), and by the end of the month Murray was planning to print 500 more (letter from R. F. Cooke, 26 November 1880). Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242); London, England, Church of England marriages and banns, 1754–1932 (Ancestry.co.uk, accessed 31 January 2020)). Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242). Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242). Erasmus Alvey Darwin, CD’s brother, lived at 6 Queen Anne Street, London. Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242). Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242); letter to James Torbitt, 4 March 1880. Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242). Abinger Hall in Surrey was the home of Thomas Henry Farrer and Katherine Euphemia Farrer (CD and Emma’s niece), the father and stepmother of Horace Darwin’s wife, Ida. Letter to H. N. Moseley, 2 May 1880; letter to E. R. Lankester, 6 May [1880]. Letter from Emma Darwin to H. E. Litchfield, [11 May 1880], DAR 219.9: 236. Letter from Emma Darwin to H. E. Litchfield, [11 May 1880], DAR 219.9: 236. Letter from Emma Darwin to H. E. Litchfield, [12 May 1880], DAR 219.9: 237. Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242); letter to John Fiske, 14 May [1880]; letter from Emma Darwin to H. E. Litchfield, [22 May 1880] (DAR 219.9: 234). CD’s eldest son, William Erasmus Darwin, and his wife, Sara, lived at Bassett, Southampton. Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242). Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242). Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242). Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242). Cambridge was the home of CD’s son Horace Darwin, and his wife, Ida. Letter from Emma Darwin to H. E. Litchfield, [15 August 1880], DAR 219.9: 243. Letter from Emma Darwin to H. E. Litchfield, [15 August 1880], DAR 219.9: 243. Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242). Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242); letter from Emma Darwin to W. E. Darwin, [18 August 1880], DAR 219.1: 137. Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242).

568 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37

38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45

Chronology

Letter from Emma Darwin to W. E. Darwin, [18 August 1880], DAR 219.1: 137. Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242); letter to J. B. Innes, 23 August [1880]. Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242). Letter from J. W. Judd, 28 August 1880. Letter from Asa Gray, 30 September 18[80]). Letter to George King, 2 October 1880. CD’s daughter and son-in-law, Henrietta Emma and Richard Buckley Litchfield, lived at 4 Bryanston Street, London. Letters from W. D. Roebuck to G. H. Darwin, 25 October 1880 and 26 October 1880. Elizabeth Wedgwood, Emma Darwin’s sister, died at Tromer Lodge, Down. (England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.co.uk, accessed 3 February 2020).) This entry is in pencil. Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242); Downe burial register (kent-opc.org, accessed 3 February 2020). Letter from Emma Darwin to H. E. Litchfield, [28 November 1880] (DAR 219.9: 253). Letter from Emma Darwin to H. E. Litchfield, [28 November 1880] (DAR 219.9: 253). Letter from Emma Darwin to H. E. Litchfield, [28 November 1880] (DAR 219.9: 253). Leith Hill Place was the home of Caroline Sarah Wedgwood (CD’s sister), the widow of Josiah Wedgwood III (Emma Darwin’s brother). Letter to T. H. Huxley, 9 December 1880. Letter to G. H. Darwin, 9 December [1880]. Letter to S. H. Haliburton, 13 December 1880.

APPENDIX III Diplomas and testimonials presented to Charles Darwin In 1880, Darwin received the following diplomas and testimonials. Although not letters in the conventional sense, diplomas and testimonials represent significant communication between Darwin and scientific organisations, and the citations in such documents often provide valuable indications of those aspects of Darwin’s work that were considered worthy of honour. In view of this, they have been included here.

From the Royal Scientific Society of the Dutch East Indies 1 June 1880 KONINKLIJKE NATUURKUNDIGE VEREENIGING IN NEDERLANDSCH-INDIE. DIPLOMA. De Directeuren der Natuurkundige Vereeniging in Nederlandsch-Indie hebben in hunne zitting, gehouden den twintigsten Mei achttien honderd tachtig. met Eenparige Stemmen toegekend den titel van: Correspondeerend LID der Vereeniging aan den Heer Ch. R. Darwin. Batavia,1 den 1n Juni achttien honderd tachtig. De President, Dr. C. L. van der Burg

De Vice-President, P A Bergsma

De Secretaris, H Cretier

[Translation] ROYAL SCIENTIFIC SOCIETY OF THE DUTCH EAST INDIES DIPLOMA. The Directors of the Scientific Society of the Dutch East Indies have, in their sitting held on the twentieth of May eighteen hundred and eighty, unanimously granted the title of:

570

Diplomas and testimonials

Corresponding MEMBER of the Association to Mr Ch. R. Darwin Batavia,1 1st June eighteen hundred and eighty. President D. C. L. van der Burg r

Vice-President P A Bergsma

Secretary H Cretier

DAR 229: 79 1

Now Jakarta.

From the Yorkshire Naturalists’ Union [August 1880]1 To Charles Darwin, LL.D., M.A., F.R.S. &c., &c. Sir,—The Council and Members of the Yorkshire Naturalists’ Union, all of whom, with scarcely an exception, are working students of one or more of the various branches of natural history, desire to express to you in a most respectful manner, and yet with the greatest cordiality, their admiration of your life-long devotion to original scientific research and their high appreciation of the almost unparalleled success of the investigations by which you have contributed so largely to the modern development and progress of biological science. More especially do they desire to congratulate you on the fact that your great work on the Origin of Species will come of age at an early date, and that your life has been spared long enough to enable you to see the leading principles therein enunciated accepted by most of the eminent naturalists of the day. On the conspicuous merits of that and of your other published works they need not dwell, as those merits have been recognised and admitted even by those who have dissented most strongly from the conclusions at which you have arrived. They may nevertheless be permitted to remind you that your writings have been instrumental in giving an impetus to biological and palæontological inquiries which has no precedent in the history of science, except perhaps in that which followed the promulgation of the gravitation theory of Newton, and that which was due to the discovery of the circulation of the blood by Harvey. One of the most important results of your long-continued labours, and one for which you will be remembered with honour and reverence as long as the human intellect exerts itself in the pursuit of natural knowledge, is the scientific basis you have given to the grand Doctrine of Evolution. Other naturalists, as you yourself have shown, had endeavoured to unravel the questions that had arisen respecting the origin, classification, and distribution of organic beings, and had even obtained faint glimpses of the transformation of specific forms. But it was left to you to show,

Diplomas and testimonials

571

almost to demonstration, that the variations which species of plants and animals exhibit, and in natural selection through the struggle for existence, we have causes at once natural, universal, and effective which of themselves are competent not only to explain the existence of the present races of living beings, but also to connect with them, and with one another, the long array of extinct forms with which the palæontologist has made us familar. Farther, the Yorkshire Naturalists are anxious to place on record their firm conviction that in the care, the patience, and the scrupulous conscientiousness with which all your researches have been conducted; in the ingenuity of the experiments you have devised; and in the repeated verifications to which your results have been submitted by your own hands, you have furnished an example of the true method of biological inquiry that succeeding generations will deem it an honour to follow, and that cannot but lead to still further conquests in the domain of organic nature. In presenting this small tribute of their high regard and esteem, the members of the Yorkshire Naturalists’ Union cannot but hope and pray that many years of happiness and usefulness may yet remain to you, and that our Science and Literature may be still further enriched with the results of your researches. (Signed) William C. Williamson, F.R.S., President, H. C. Sorby, LL.D., F.R.S., Vice-President, George Brook, ter. F.L.S., Secretary, Wm. Denison Roebuck, Secretary, and Eleven other representative Officials. Nature, 18 November 1880, p. 57 1

The date is supplied by Nature.

From the Otago Institute, Dunedin, New Zealand 1 October 1880 To, Chas: Darwin, Esq: M.A., L.L.D., F.R.S., Sir, We the members of the Council of the Otago Institute beg to offer you our congratulations on this, the 21st Anniversary of the publication of your great work “The Origin of Species”. However limited the field of our own labours may be, we cannot but be sensible of the influence which that work has had throughout the whole domain of Natural Science, and especially upon Biology, which, as one great comprehensive science may be said to owe its very existence to the fact that you made belief in Evolution possible by your theory of Natural Selection. We are glad to think that you have lived to see the almost universal acceptance of the great doctrine which it has been the work of your life to establish: it is hardly

572

Diplomas and testimonials

an exaggeration to say that every important Botanical or Zoological discovery of the last 21 years, particularly in the departments of Embryology and Palæontology, has tended to fill up some gap in the evidence you had originally collected, and to make Evolution no longer a theory but an established doctrine of Science. We hope that you may long live to continue your labours and to see the further spread of their influence upon all scientific thought and upon all higher scientific work. We are, Sir, | Your obed.t Servants, Thos. Morland Hocken M.R.C.S., President. F. W. Hutton, F.G.S.

Geo. M. Thomson. F.L.S

Vice Presidents.

Hon: Sec:

Robert Gillies F.L.S. W. N. Blair M. Inst. C.E. Alexander Montgomery

George H. F. Ulrich F.G.S.

Henry Skey

Hon: Treas:

Members of Council. T. Jeffrey Parker, B.Sc. Lond. W. Macdonald, M.A., LL.D.— Donald Petrie M.A.

Dunedin, N. Z., 1st: Oct:, 1880. DAR 229: 80 From the Italian School, Pythagorean Academy 1 November 1880 LA SCUOLA ITALICA ACCADEMIA PITAGORICA La Scuola Italica, Reale ed Imperiale Società, instituita nelle primarie città Ausoniche col mandato di restaurare la mentalità primitiva patria nomina Voi Illustre Carlo Darwin Presidente Onorario degli Anziani Pitagorici destinato a conservarla, patrocinarla e propagarla Dato in Roma dalla Residenza della Reale ed Imple. Accademia La Scuola Italica, questo di 1 Novembre 1880 Anziani Pitagorici Duca de Bustelli-Foscolo Prof. G. B. Giorgini Pres. Eff. dei Cons. Pitagorici. T. Persiani Oratore della Scuola Il Presidente Generale Effettivo Comm. Prof. G. E. Mengozzi M.D. Augo. Avvo. Colombo

Diplomas and testimonials

573

Segretaria Generale Alfredo Ciancarini Marco Gugl Neri Segio Genle Aggto Registrato nel Protocollo Generale della Scuola, questo di 2 Novembre 1880 Anno Accademico XXI [Translation] THE ITALIAN SCHOOL PYTHAGOREAN ACADEMY The Italian School, the Royal and Imperial Society, established in the principal Italic cities with the aim of restoring original native spirit elects You The Illustrious Charles Darwin Honorary President of the Ancient Pythagoreans dedicated to treasuring, defending, and increasing it. Granted in Rome at the Residence of the Royal and Imperial Academy The Italian School, this day 1 November 1880 Ancient Pythagoreans Duca de Bustelli-Foscolo1 Prof. G. B. Giorgini Executive President of the Pythagorean Committee T. Persiani Orator of the School General Executive President Commendatore Prof. G. E. Mengozzi M.D. Augusto Colombo, Lawyer General Secretary Alfredo Ciancarini Marco Guglielmo Neri Assistant General Secretary Recorded in the General Registry of the School, this day 2 November 1880 21st year of the Academy DAR 229: 81 1

Giovanni Andrea Bustelli. Apart from Giovanni Ettore Mengozzi, the other signatories have not been identified.

APPENDIX IV Presentation list for Movement in plants The power of movement in plants was published on 6 November 1880 (Freeman 1977). Darwin had been working on the manuscript since 1877, when Forms of flowers was published. The book was ‘an attempt to bring all the diversified movements of Plants under one general law or system’, and Darwin sent the manuscript to the printers in May 1880 (letter to J. V. Carus, 28 April 1880). In July, Darwin was working on revises and asked his publisher, John Murray, to find an indexer; he expected to give away forty or fifty copies and suggested printing 750 to 1000 (letter to John Murray, 10 July 1880). He considered the book a purely scientific work, and was prepared to publish at his own expense, but in the event, Murray published on the usual terms, paying Darwin a percentage of the profits (letter to R. F. Cooke, 16 July 1880). Francis Darwin helped Darwin with corrections (letter to Francis Darwin, 5 August [1880]). Proof-sheets were sent to Germany and France for translation, and D. Appleton & Co. asked for stereotypes to publish in the US (letter to J. V. Carus, 14 September 1880; letter from D. Appleton & Co., 17 September 1880; letter from C.-F. Reinwald, 14 October 1880). In his letter to Cooke of 8 November [1880], Darwin enclosed a list of ‘21 copies to be distributed’ and asked Cooke to send ‘other 41 copies for foreigners’ to him at Down; he also complained of the poor quality of the index. On 14 November 1880, Darwin wrote to his old friend Henry Johnson that Johnson could expect to receive a copy in about a week, adding, ‘it is unreadable, except by a specialist.’ [Recto] The Power of Movement in Plants Royal. Soc1 Linn. Soc.2 B. Sanderson3 Hooker – Lubbock4 Dyer5 Huxley6 Vines7

Presentation list for Movement in plants Prof Williamson.8 F. Balfour E. A. Darwin Caroline9 Farrer10 W. E. Darwin G. D. H. D. L. D.11 Mrs Litchfield12 Dr E. B. Aveling A. Rich A. R. Wallace G. J. Romanes A. W. Bennett Prof. Mc. Nab13 Dr. H. Johnson Distributed by Murray14 (Power of Movement in Plants)15

(24 copies.

[Verso] Sachs16 Kerner18 Delpino19 Strasburger21 Batalin23 Frank25 De Vries27 Pfeffer29 Häckel31 Krause32 H. Muller F. Muller De Bary36

Hildebrand17 A. De Candolle Dr King20 Revue Scientifique22 Dr Ernst24 Rattan.26 California Flora28 Bot. Central Blatt30 Revue Scientifique Morren33 Bot. Jahres.34 Cohn35 Warming37

575

576 Ciesilski38 Vöchting40 Wiesner42 Haberlandt43 V. Carus44 Asa Gray Duval Jouve45 Ch. Martins Heckel46

Presentation list for Movement in plants Preyer39 Dodel-Port41

Movement of Plants47 DAR 210.11: 23 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32

Royal Society of London. Linnean Society of London. John Scott Burdon Sanderson. Joseph Dalton Hooker, John Lubbock. ‘Lubbock’ added in pencil. William Turner Thiselton-Dyer. Thomas Henry Huxley. Sydney Howard Vines. William Crawford Williamson. Caroline Sarah Wedgwood. Thomas Henry Farrer. George Howard Darwin, Horace Darwin, Leonard Darwin. ‘L. D.’ added. Henrietta Emma Litchfield. William Ramsay McNab. John Murray, CD’s publisher. ‘Distributed … Plants)’ written sideways in right margin; square brackets in ms. Julius Sachs. Friedrich Hildebrand. Anton Kerner von Marilaun. Federico Delpino. George King. Eduard Strasburger. Revue scientifique de la France et de l’étranger. Alexander Fedorovich Batalin. Added. Adolf Ernst. Albert Bernhard Frank. Volney Rattan. Hugo de Vries. Flora, oder allgemeine botanische Zeitung. Wilhelm Pfeffer. Botanisches Centralblatt, refirendes Organ für das Gesamtgebiet der Botanik des In- und Auslandes (first published in 1880). Ernst Haeckel. Ernst Krause.

Presentation list for Movement in plants 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47

Édouard Morren. Botanische Jahresbericht. Pencil. Ferdinand Julius Cohn. Anton de Bary. Eugenius Warming. Theophil Ciesielski. William Preyer. Hermann Vöchting. Arnold Dodel-Port. Julius Wiesner. Gottlieb Haberlandt. Julius Victor Carus. Joseph Duval-Jouve. Édouard Heckel. Written sideways in box in right margin.

577

APPENDIX V Reviews of Movement in plants The power of movement in plants was published by John Murray in November 1880 (Freeman 1977). This list identifies reviews of and responses to Movement in plants mentioned in Darwin’s correspondence in 1880 and 1881, as well as items contained in Darwin’s ‘Scrapbook of reviews’ (DAR 226) and elsewhere. It is not a comprehensive list, but identifies all reviews that were known to Darwin or that the editors came across in the course of their research. The list is arranged chronologically according to month of publication. November 1880 Anon., The Times, 20 November 1880, p. 9 (DAR 226.1: 171) Anon., Glasgow Herald, 22 November 1880, p. 5 (DAR 226.1: 60) Anon., Standard, 25 November 1880, p. 2 (DAR 226.1: 167–8) Anon., Pall Mall Gazette, 26 November 1880, p. 11 (DAR 226.1: 127) Anon., Examiner, 27 November 1880 (DAR 226.1: 51) Anon., Gardeners’ Chronicle, 27 November 1880, pp. 692–3 (DAR 226.1: 5) December 1880 M.G., Wiener allgemeine Zeitung, 5 December 1880 (DAR 226.1: 282) Anon., St. James’s Gazette, 7 December 1880, pp. 13–14 (DAR 226.1: 141) Anon., Pharmaceutical Journal and Transactions, 11 December 1880, p. 486 (DAR 226.1: 130) Anon., Athenæum, 18 December 1880, pp. 817–18 (DAR 226.1: 15) Anon., Daily Free Press, Aberdeen, 20 December 1880, p. 3 (DAR 226.1: 1) Anon., Scotsman, 25 December 1880, p. 8 (DAR 226.1: 159) January 1881 Hermann Müller, ‘Ch. und Fr. Darwins Beobachtungen über das Bewegungsvermögen der Pflanzen.’ Kosmos, January 1881, pp. 258–71 (DAR unbound journals U228) Anon., Westminster Review, 1 January 1881, pp. 304–5 (DAR 226.1: 176) Asa Gray, Nation, 6 January 1881, pp. 17–18 (DAR 226.1: 105) Anon., Saturday Review, 8 January 1881, pp. 57–8 (DAR 226.1: 151) Anon., Spectator, 8 January 1881, pp. 51–2 (DAR 226.1: 165) Anon., Edinburgh Daily Review, 14 January 1881, p. 8 (DAR 226.1: 49)

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February 1881 George Henslow, Academy, 12 February 1881, pp. 120–2 (DAR 226.1: 3–4) Anon., John Bull, 19 February 1881, pp. 10–11 (DAR 226.1: 67) March 1881 Asa Gray, American Journal of Science 3d ser. 21 (1881): 245–9 (DAR 226.1: 6–7) Anon., Manchester Guardian, 9 March 1881, p. 7 (DAR 226.1: 93) Anon., Midland Counties Herald, 24 March 1881, p. 48 (DAR 226.1: 96) Anon., Science, 26 March 1881, p. 144 (DAR 226.1: 154) April 1881 Carus Sterne [Ernst Krause], Gartenlaube (1881): 228–30, 285–7 (DAR 226.1: 229–32) June 1881 Anon., Botanische Zeitung, 24 June 1881, pp. 400–3 July 1881 Gottlieb Haberlandt, Botanische Zeitung, 1 July 1881, pp. 415–19 (review of German translation) Carus Sterne [Ernst Krause], Die Gegenwart, 9 July 1881, pp. 25–8 (DAR 226.1: 233–4) November 1881 ‘W’, Journal of Botany, British and Foreign n.s. 19 (1881): 375–81.

APPENDIX VI Alfred Russel Wallace memorial In November and December 1880, Darwin devoted considerable time to the preparation of a memorial for a Civil List pension for Alfred Russel Wallace. Darwin’s efforts to assist Wallace were first prompted by a letter from Arabella Buckley, who had served as Wallace’s private secretary for some years: ‘I feel he ought to have something & I could think of no one as good as yourself to whom I could say so—’ (Correspondence vol. 27, letter from A. B. Buckley, 16 December 1879). In 1878, Darwin had signed a petition for a Civil List pension for James Joule, which had been successful (Correspondence vol. 30, Supplement, letter to John Tyndall, 3 March [1878]). He consulted Joseph Dalton Hooker about the possibility of securing such a pension for Wallace, but Hooker advised against it (Correspondence vol. 27, letter to J. D. Hooker, 17 December 1879, and letter from J. D. Hooker, 18 December 1879). Darwin took the matter up again in October 1880, and was encouraged by Thomas Henry Huxley to prepare a statement of Wallace’s claims to government support (letter to A. B. Buckley, 31 October [1880]). The criteria for Civil List pensions had been specified in an 1834 resolution in the House of Commons; these included useful discoveries in science and attainments in literature and the arts.1 Financial need was not an official criterion, but it often weighed in decisions. The authority to recommend persons for Civil List pensions lay with the prime minister, William Gladstone, who was also first lord of the Exchequer. No copy of the final memorial has been found; however, a draft in DAR 196: 3 is reproduced below, together with a summary of Wallace’s case by Buckley (DAR 91: 91–4). Buckley’s notes formed the basis of Darwin’s text. They are mentioned in her letter of 7 November 1880 (‘I have nothing I think to add to the notes I gave you’); but it is not known when they were sent to Darwin. In his reply to Buckley of 9 November 1880, he wrote: ‘This morning I drew up a long and full statement of Wallace’s claims, position, &c and have sent it to be well copied … on its return it shall be despatched to Huxley’. Darwin’s handwritten statement is in DAR 91: 95–8. It is almost identical to the copy in DAR 196: 3, which is in the hand of Ebenezer Norman, a former Down schoolmaster whom Darwin occasionally employed as a copyist. Attached to this fair copy are several half-pages of text, one at the beginning that contains the formal heading of the memorial, and one at the end that contains a revised version of the final paragraph. Other additions and corrections were written by Huxley and Darwin on the fair copy itself. The copy by Norman was evidently sent to Huxley with Darwin’s letter of 13 November 1880;

A. R. Wallace memorial

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Huxley replied the next day saying he would ‘set to work’ (letter from T. H. Huxley, 14 November 1880). There is no further mention of the memorial until Darwin’s note of [7 December 1880], inviting Huxley to meet briefly to discuss the Wallace affair. Huxley then enclosed the original draft with ‘much alteration’ in his letter of 11 December 1880. The document reproduced below is thus a product of several revisions, first by Huxley, then by Darwin himself. Most of Huxley’s changes are crossed out and rewritten with slight alterations in Darwin’s more legible hand. In the following transcription (no. 2), the base text represents the text as it left Huxley; CD’s deletions and crossings are indicated by strikethroughs, and his additions are in curly brackets. 1. A. B. Buckley’s notes on A. R. Wallace Alfred Russel Wallace Born Jan 8. 1822— Gave up the profession of land surveyor & architect to travel & find new specimens of animals— Went to Amazons with Mr. Bates2 in 1848 (I do not know what capital he had probably none for he says “I proposed to pay my expenses by making collections in Natural History & was enabled to do so) he sent specimens home to dealers with whom he & Mr. Bates had made arrangements before starting— His collections on the proceeds of which he meant to settle down in England were all lost by burning of the ship on the homeward journey— The result was his work of the Amazon & Rio Negro3 The loss of his collections caused him to go to the Malay Archipelago in 1854 & he returned in 1862 & published his work on it in 1869—4 Since then he devoted between five & six years to the collection of materials for his great work on the Distribution of Animals5 a work which though invaluable to Naturalists has not been renumerative having cost an immense amount of labour, but which from its character is not adapted for general readers He has been living upon the interest of the money obtained by the sale of his collections in the Malay Archipelago, but he once told me that the failure of some investments has greatly reduced this & that he is a poorer man than when he returned from the Malay Archipelago— He applied for the curatorship of the East London Museum6 in about 1866? when it was first built & through the influence of Sir C. Lyell7 & others obtained a virtual promise from Sir George Grey— (this I think is a great point for he was led to believe he wd. certainly have it) The Museum however began with Sir R Wallaces8 pictures & was not made into a scientific Museum & so the place fell through. He waited some time in hopes of this appointment, & since then has tried for some other local curatorships but younger men with local influence obtained them— He has since failed in obtaining the post of Superintendent of Epping Forest,9 & more lately he wrote to some scientific men as to a post at Josiah Mason’s College

582

A. R. Wallace memorial

Birmingham (I think it was this), but was told that owing to some dividends not accruing immediately they were going to work very economically for some time & should not have an opening—10 He has just lately undertaken a popular science work for Macmillan11 & has written several review articles to increase his income— He is not at all strong, as his hard life abroad is beginning to tell upon him & constant writing work is very trying to him— He has often bitterly regretted to me the impossibility of affording a journey to Switzerland which he is very anxious to visit for Natural History purposes & one of his great hopes was that by obtaining the appointment to Epping Forest he might accomplish this It might appear from the fact of his building now a cottage at Godalming that he is better off than he really is, for the cottage is being really built under the Birkbeck Building Society & will cost him less annually than his present rent— He has a wife & two children ages the boy 8 the girl 11—12 (I have put several facts in this paper only fit for private use as I have learnt them when staying with Mr. & Mrs. Wallace) DAR 91: 91–2 2. Draft memorial To the Right Hon {W. E.} W. E. Gladstone M.P. {M. P.} First Lord of the treasury {First Lord of the Treasury} Sir We the undersigned beg leave {beg leave} to lay before you {before you} the following statement in favour of of our request {in support of our request} that a pension from {pension from} the Civil List be granted to {Civil List be granted to} Mr. Alfred Russell Wallace {Russell Wallace}. In 1848 Mr. Wallace &c {Mr Norman has a fresh paragraph} In 1848 Mr. Wallace, urged by his love of natural history, threw up his business as a land-surveyor and architect, and started with Mr. Bates to collect specimens in the basin of the Amazons. He depended for his support on the sale of specimens collected; and on his return voyage the ship was burnt and he lost all his later specimens. Nevertheless he published in 1854 an account of his expedition and some scientific papers. The disastrous loss of his collection led him in 1854 to start for the Malay Archipelago, where he resided on the different islands during eight years, thus exposing his life to great risk from malarious fevers and other dangers. This expedition has added immensely to our scientific knowledge of the archipelago; and will be forever memorable from the light which was then shed on the Geographical Distribution of Animals. A large portion of Mr Wallace{’s} extraordinarily rich collection was purchased by the British Museum. During his stay in this archipelago

A. R. Wallace memorial

583

he sent home many scientific papers for publication, two of which were highly remarkable, viz; that “On the law which has regulated the introduction of new Species,” and that “On the tendency of varieties to depart indefinitely from the original type.”11 In 1869 he published in two volumes his “Malay Archipelago.” In 1870 his “Contributions to the theory of Natural Selection”; and in 1878 his “Tropical Nature.” “The Geographical Distribution of Animals” in two large volumes, which cost him between five and six years hard labour, appeared in 1876, and his “Island Life,” an equally valuable book in 1880. He has also published altogether 85 scientific papers. It is universally {universally} admitted that Mr. Wallace’s works have added greatly to our knowledge of an important and difficult subject,—namely Geographical Distribution. His essays on the colouring of animals show the extraordinary originality of his mind, and have been the parent of numerous essays by other naturalists. {In the memoir “On the tendency of varieties to depart indefinitely from the original type”, the theory now known as that of Natural Selection was developed in a very striking manner by original reasonings, largely based upon Mr Wallace’s personal observations.} contains a statement on original genera the theory now known as that of ‘Natural Selection’ was developed in a very striking manner by original reasonings largely based upon Mr Wallace’s observations Nor must be the vast number of new terrestrial animals of all classes which he discovered be forgotten. On his return home from the Malay Archipelago Mr Wallace endeavoured to obtain some scientific post. He was almost promised the curatorship of the East London Museum, but lost this chance by the Museum being converted into a picture-gallery. He failed to obtain the superintendence of Epping Forest, though he was backed {supported} by almost all the more eminent naturalists in England; and he has since tried for other offices, but has failed chiefly on account of his age. His published works have produced, as may be inferred from their titles, but small profit, and one of the most valuable hardly any profit. He realised some four thousand pounds by the sale of his Malay collections, part of which he has lost by disadvantage his investments; and he has for some time largely depended on miscellaneous literary work for the support of his family. This he finds very difficult at his present age of 58 and with his health weakened by tropical exposure. The necessity of such work has, also, seriously interfered with his scientific investigations; and will do so for the future in a still greater degree. For some years he has But at his present age of 58 with health weakened by tropical exposure Mr. Wallace naturally finds the labour thus imposed upon him increasingly difficult; the necessity of doing such work, renders almost impossible the continuance of those purely scientific investigations, from which, judging of the future by the past, such important results might be expected {For some years he has largely depended on miscellaneous literary work for the support of his family. But at his present age of 58, with health weakened by long tropical exposure, Mr. Wallace naturally finds the labour increasingly difficult, while the necessity of doing such work renders almost impossible the continuance of

584

A. R. Wallace memorial

these purely scientific investigations, from which, judging of the future by the past, such important results might be expected.14 C. Darwin} DAR 196: 3 The memorial was ready for circulation by 17 December. It was signed by William Spottiswoode, George James Allman, Henry Walter Bates, Henry Austin Bruce (first Baron Aberdare), William Henry Flower, Albert Günther, Joseph Dalton Hooker, Thomas Henry Huxley, John Lubbock, Andrew Crombie Ramsay, Philip Lutley Sclater, and Darwin himself. Darwin also asked George Douglas Campbell, the duke of Argyll, who as a member of Gladstone’s ministry was not permitted to sign the memorial, to write a personal letter of support (letter to G. D. Campbell, [before 27 December 1880]). The memorial was finally returned to Darwin by Huxley on 3 January 1881. It was then sent to Gladstone, who immediately recommended a pension of £200 for Wallace (Correspondence vol. 29, letter to W. E. Gladstone, [4 January 1881], and letter from W. E. Gladstone, 6 January 1881). 1 2 3 4 5 6

7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14

On the history of Civil List pensions, see MacLeod 1970. For further details about the memorial for Wallace, see Colp 1992. Henry Walter Bates. Wallace 1853. Wallace 1869. Wallace 1876. Wallace had hoped for a position at the Bethnal Green Museum in East London from 1869 when the land was first acquired (see Correspondence vol. 17, letter to A. R. Wallace, 25 June [1869] and n. 8, and Correspondence vol. 20, letter from A. R. Wallace, 31 August 1872 and nn. 5 and 6). Charles Lyell. Richard Wallace On the Epping forest position, see Correspondence vol. 26, letters from A. R. Wallace, 14 September 1878 and 23 September 1878. See letter from A. R. Wallace, 9 January 1880 and n. 7. Island life (Wallace 1880a). Wallace’s wife was Annie Wallace; their children were Violet Isabel and William Greenell. On his house in Godalming, see Raby 2001, pp. 223, 227. Wallace 1855; Darwin and Wallace 1858. The added text ‘For some years … expected’ is written on a slip of paper glued over part of the crossed text above, from ‘by the sale’ to ‘still greater degree’; the crossed text underneath has been read using a strong back-light.

MANUSCRIPT ALTERATIONS AND COMMENTS

The alteration notes and comments are keyed to the letter texts by paragraph and line numbers. The precise section of the letter text to which the note applies precedes the square bracket. The changes recorded are those made to the manuscript by CD; changes of hand in letters written partly by CD and partly by amanuenses are also recorded. Readers should consult the Note on editorial policy in the front matter for details of editorial practice and intent. The following terms are used in the notes as here defined: del illeg interl omitted over

deleted illegible interlined, i.e., inserted between existing text lines omitted by the editors to clarify the transcription written over, i.e., superimposed

To Horace Darwin   1 January 1880 1.2 the same] above del ‘same’ 1.3 does] above del ‘does’ 1.5 not] interl 1.7 overplus] above del ‘overplus’ 2.1 compasses] above del ‘compasses’

To Ernst Krause   5 January 1880 1.4 was] interl in CD’s hand

To Vincent, Teja & Co   5 January 1880 1.1 be … as to] interl 1.2 been] interl 1.2 Also] above del ‘&’ 1.3 sum … please to] interl above del ‘same’ 1.3 to the Union 1.4] ‘to’ above del ‘to me through’ 1.4 on] interl above del ‘to’

To Lawson Tait   13 January 1880 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added To Lawson Tait   15 January [1880] 0.2 Mr.] altered from ‘Mrs.’ To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   15 January 1880 1.3 excellently] interl 2.2 (which ... seed-coats) 2.3] parentheses over commas 2.3 hollow] interl 4.3 I] after del ‘as’ To Asa Gray   20 January [1880] 1.7 forces] above del ‘forces’ 1.7 laterally] after del ‘out’ 1.8 The … straight.—] added

To Antonio Mendola   8 January [1880] 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   27 January [1880] 1.1 (so … superfluity)] parentheses over commas 1.2 Hooker] ‘H’ over ‘Dr’

To C. E. Ferguson   12 January 1880 1.3 will] after del ‘you’

To G. H. Darwin   29 January [1880] 1.4 the worst] ‘the’ above del ‘that’

586

Manuscript alterations and comments

2.1 , or] after del ‘s’ 2.6 say] interl 2.6 have been] after del ‘was’ 3.1 rheumatism] after del illeg To Hermann Welcker   30 January 1880 0.1 Kent.] before bracketed and del ‘Railway Station | Orpington S.E.R.’ 1.5 to me] interl To J.-H. Fabre   31 January 1880 4.7 in the insects] interl in CD’s hand To H. E. Litchfield   1 February [1880] 1.4 addressed … Athenæum] interl 1.5 to anything 1.6] after del ‘object’ 1.6 Athænæum] above del ‘Athenæum’ 1.7 sentence of] ‘of ’ interl 1.8 & … Mother] interl 1.9 pieces] interl 4.3 your advice,] above del ‘it’ 5.2 Mr] after del ‘The’ Enclosure 2: 0.1 First … everybody] added pencil in CD’s hand 2.1 (To the Compositor … extract) 2.2] added ink in margin in CD’s hand; circled blue crayon; no parentheses in original 5.1 A??] interl pencil in CD’s hand 7.1 Charles … 1880. 8.1] in CD’s hand, ink 9.1 A … to)] added pencil in CD’s hand Enclosure 3: 0.1 (Second … rejected—] added pencil in CD’s hand 1.7 (I … giving.) 1.9] interl in hand of amanuensis; square brackets in original, added pencil in CD’s? hand 1.13 (As … him.)] square brackets in original, added pencil in CD’s? hand 4.1 Down … 1880)] in CD’s hand, ink To Wallis Nash   1 February 1880 1.3 ago] interl 1.6 this] interl To T. H. Huxley   2 February 1880 4.1 P.S. … me. 4.5] in CD’s hand. 4.1 another] above del ‘answer’ 4.1 with] after del illeg To T. H. Huxley   4 February [1880] 5.3 about Evolution] interl

To [Otago University]   [16 February 1880] 1.1 a very] pencil, above del ‘an very’ 1.2 such … books. 1.3] added pencil, in hand of amanuensis above del pencil ‘in connection with the Natural Sciences’ To W. H. Flower   [after 16 February 1880] 1.2 proper] above del ‘necessary’ 1.2 be [so kind]] interl 1.3 you will … heresy.— 1.4] above del ‘will I shall cease to be’

To Asa Gray   17 February 1880 0.2 Feb … flower, 2.1] in hand of amanuensis 2.1 My plants] ‘My’ interl in CD’s hand after del ‘What a strange fact it is that in my case the petioles were positively geotropic & in yours were negatively so. My’ deleted text in hand of amanuensis. 2.5 alone] added 2.5 2 cotyledons] ‘2’ interl 2.6 true] after del ‘rad’

To G. H. Darwin   21 [February 1880] 0.1 Mr.] altered from ‘Mrs.’

To J. L. Chester   2 March 1880 2.5 in] interl above del ‘at’

To G. H. Darwin   5 March [1880] 1.3 or … it.] interl

To T. H. Farrer   9 March 1880 1.1 give] after del ‘send’ 1.1 true] interl pencil above interl and del pencil ‘true’ 2.1 It] after del ‘I have now got 170£ which I think will be as far as I can judge’ 2.2 in … seedlings: 2.3] interl 2.4 not … only] interl 2.4 of land] interl 2.5 devotes] altered from ‘devoted’ after del ‘has’ 2.5 best] pencil above del pencil ‘most promising’ 2.6 first] after del ‘at’ 2.6 in flower-pots] after del ‘[all with pots]’ 2.6 The labour … seed &c’ 2.7] above del ‘the labelling’ 2.7 all] interl 2.8 immense] pencil above del pencil ‘a gigantic

Manuscript alterations and comments work.—‘; before pencil del pencil ‘& far beyond any one’ 2.8 with … £85] interl 2.9 useless] pencil above pencil del pencil ‘unnecessary’ above del pencil ‘useless’ 2.9 [nevertheless]] after del ‘& I can keep this plan in reserve; for anyhow neither you or Mr Caird shall ever be again troubled with this subject.— But,’ 2.10 an answer] ‘an’ interl 2.10 sent] pencil above del ‘addressed’ 2.11 had thought] ‘had’ interl 2.11 writing … Times,] above del ‘sending,’ 2.11 2 or more] interl 2.12 you &] interl 2.14 reserve] added pencil above ‘reserve’ 2.14 desirable that] ‘that’ after del ‘to me’ 3.1 I am … as Mr] above del ‘As Mr     I feel, however, [illeg] about  I will not send just yet Mr Caird’s *or your [interl] suggestion to Mr Torbitt, as I feel doubt whether I ought to raise it owing to Mr’ 3.1 writes] after del ‘sentence’ 3.2 not now] interl 3.2 not send … £85 3.3] interl 3.3 until Mr Caird] after del ‘[several words illeg interl] keep your cheque’; ‘Mr’ after del ‘Mr’ 3.3 will write] pencil above del ink ‘will can’, del pencil ‘say in my *accompanying note [interl and del] letter addressed, as it’ 3.4 & you … to you] interl below del pencil ‘[2 words illeg] your cheque for 85’ 4.1 brother] below del ‘Erasmus’

To James Torbitt   11 March [1880] 0.1 Mr.] altered from ‘Mrs.’ 1.2 How … year? 1.3] added

To Asa Gray   20 March [1880] 1.3 of Cotyledons] interl 1.3 partly] interl

To James Caird   24 March 1880 1.1 generously] above del ‘generously’ 1.2 giving] above del ‘with regard to’ 1.2 an … done] transposed from after ‘plan [*& del]’; ‘an [del illeg] account of ’ interl 1.2 & the] above del ‘is’ 1.4 & has been drawn] interl 1.5 him.] above del ‘Mr Torbitt.’

587

1.6 read] after del ‘take the trouble to’ 1.6 will be … can do 1.7] above del ‘can judge for him’ 1.7 I have … forwarded 1.10] added; ‘a bundle of ’ above del ‘several’; ‘with respect … Mr T.’ interl 2.1 (I am] square bracket in ms 2.1 on one] after del ‘but I am perplexed’ 2.1 which perplexes] interl 2.2 just] interl 2.3 an] interl 2.4 & this … expense.] interl 2.5 that … more] above del ‘send him no more’; ‘shall’ above del ‘does’ 2.6 I] after del ‘if I [illeg]’ 2.9 (sending … illeg])] transposed from after ‘retain it’ 2.9 or the whole] transposed from after ‘when’; altered from ‘the whole or’ 2.10 now] interl 2.10 have] after del ‘hold’ 2.11 a promise of] interl 3.1 convenient] after del ‘quite’ 3.1 in … 60£ 3.2] transposed from after ‘instructions’ 4.1 I will] after del ‘May’; ‘will’ interl 4.2 some time] above del ‘a good deal of writing’ 4.2 as … work 4.3] interl 5.1 cordially] after del ‘most’ Enclosure: 1.1 (Statement … )] square brackets in ms 2.1 asked] above del ‘wrote me’ above del ‘asked’ 2.1 1875,] after del ‘year [above del ‘the spring of ’]’ 2.1 whether] after interl and del ‘asking’ 2.1 plan] above del ‘trial’ 2.8 every] above del ‘every’ 2.10 structure] above del ‘nature’ 2.10 successfully] above del ‘successively’ 2.15 than the] ‘the’ interl 2.16 Coffee] after del ‘it’ 2.16 We] after del ‘of ’ 2.18 run] above del ‘run’ 2.19 opposed] above del ‘argued’ 2.19 of the potato] interl 2.23 has held] ‘has’ interl; ‘held’ altered from ‘holds’ 3.1 first letter] above del ‘answer’ 3.1 the advantage of] interl 3.1 cross-fertilising 3.2] altered from ‘cross-fertilise’; after del ‘to’ 3.2 by experience] above del ‘from long-continued experiments’ 3.4 such] interl 3.6 results.)] square bracket in ms 4.2 ten] above del ‘10’

588

Manuscript alterations and comments

4.7 of plants] interl 4.8 had] above del ‘did’ 4.9 grown … conceal] interl above del ‘cover’ 4.9 leaves] above del ‘foliage’ 5.1 statement by Mr Torbitt] above del ‘letter’; ‘by’ after del ‘from’ 5.3 & 8 . . . disease 5.4] interl 5.5 report] after del ‘inspect &’ 5.6 they] interl 6.3 has realised] after del ‘he’ 6.5 I … this] after del ‘which’; ‘this’ interl 6.6 hopeful] after del ‘a’ 6.10 appears … it] interl 6.11 According] ‘A’ over ‘a’; after del ‘, for’ 6.12 be stronger] above del ‘improve’ 6.14 resist] after del ‘are able to’ 6.17 rely on] above del ‘speak of ’ 10.1 My … Caird] added pencil To Asa Gray   24 March [1880] 1.3 (apparent)] interl To G. H. Schneider   3 April 1880 1.2 Everything] over ‘abou’

To Adolf Ernst   4 April 1880 3.1 P.S. … enemies? 3.2] in CD’s hand

To W. E. Darwin   5 [April 1880] 1.1 on] above del ‘ab’ 2.1 much] after del ‘so’

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   15 April 1880 1.2 (except] after del ‘whi’

To [William Newton]   17 April 1880 1.3 Mr L.] above del ‘he’

To Asa Gray   19 April 1880 1.4 in winter] interl 2.1 out] above del ‘out’

To Edward Frankland   20 April 1880 3.1 Pray … Darwin 3.2] in CD’s hand

To Ernst Krause   21 April 1880 1.3 & for] ‘for’ interl 2.3 but … there.] added

To R. F. Cooke   23 April [1880] 1.3 them] above del ‘you’ 2.2 as] over ‘&’ 4.1 put] after del ‘pt’

To J. V. Carus   28 April 1880 1.3 grieve] above del ‘grieve’ 1.5 with] interl 2.3 to me] interl

To Williams & Norgate   28 April [1880] 0.1 Mr.] altered from ‘Mrs.’ 1.1 you] interl

To E. S. Morse   9 [April] 1880 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added To Williams & Norgate   3 May [1880] 0.1 Mr.] altered from ‘Mrs’ To C. W. Fox   10 [April] 1880 0.1 Abinger Hall | Dorking] above del ‘Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.’

To F. J. Hughes   5 May 1880 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added

To T. H. Huxley   11 [April] 1880 1.8 establishing] above del ‘extending’

To James Dixon   8 May 1880 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added

To G. B. Ercolani   14 April 1880 1.1 by] interl

To T. H. Huxley   11 May 1880 3.2 domestic] interl

Manuscript alterations and comments To John Fiske   14 May [1880] 1.4 morning] above del ‘evening’ 1.6 which] interl

To A. C. Ramsay   17 June 1880 1.3 or weeds] interl 1.5 that] interl 1.6 without] after del ‘at’ 4.1 many] above del ‘may’

To Giovanni Canestrini   17 May 1880 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added

To Alphonse de Candolle   28 May 1880 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added

To W. E. Darwin   18 June 1880 2.1 above] interl 2.4 such] after del ‘these castings,’

To G. H. Darwin   30 May [1880] 0.1 Southampton] above del ‘Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.’ 1.7 genealogical] interl

To E. B. Tylor   19 June [1880] 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.10 the late] interl 1.11 was] interl 8.1 now knows] above del ‘give’

To H. B. Baildon   9 June 1880 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added

To E. H. Stanley   8 July 1880 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added

To W. E. Darwin   9 [June 1880] 2.1 me … with 2.2] interl 7.1 all] interl 7.1 or shares 7.2] interl

To John Murray   10 July 1880 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.6 copies] after del ‘all the’

To Henry Johnson   9 June 1880 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added

To John Murray   9 June 1880 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 7.2 prompt] above del ‘propt’

To G. H. Darwin   11 June [1880?] 1.2 for you] added 1.2 marked from Author,] interl

To John Murray   11 June 1880 3.1 me] over ‘—’

To Edward Vivian   11 June 1880 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added

[Williams & Norgate]   16 June [1880] 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added

To C. L. van der Burg   [after 15 July 1880] 1.1 in] after del ‘together’ 1.2 that] after del ‘to me’

To R. F. Cooke   16 July 1880 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.1 (& … myself) 1.2] parentheses over commas 1.1 as I thought] interl 1.4 certainly] interl 1.4 old or] interl 3.1 new] above del ‘next’ 4.2 & … copies.—] added 8.2 their] interl

To Lawson Tait   16 July [1880] 2.1 in the newspaper] interl 2.1 Fund,] after del ‘Birmingh’ 2.2 Birmingham.] after del ‘yo’ 2.2 confined] after del ‘st’ 2.2 the] after del ‘Birmingham’ 2.4 , however,] interl 2.4 it is] above del ‘it is’

589

590

Manuscript alterations and comments

2.5 donation] after del ‘gift.’ 2.5 for … employed] interl 2.5 I shd be 2.6] after del ‘I shd fe’ 2.6 2.2.0] after del ‘for so’ 2.6 be to give] above del ‘be a gift of ’; ‘give’ after del ‘send’ 2.6 the … which 2.7] above del ‘& In’ 2.7 & as I] above del ‘*which, as [above del ‘& as I’]’ 2.7 an] after del ‘now’ 2.7 this] above del ‘this’ 2.7 plan] interl 3.1 the] after del ‘the’ 3.1 on my purse] interl above del ‘on our’ 5.1 at present] interl 5.2 have] interl 5.3 many years ago] interl 5.4 indeed] interl 5.4 scientific] interl To W. E. Darwin   [19 July 1880] 1.5 from … Beeches] interl; ‘B’ over ‘b’ To Lawson Tait   19 July 1880 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added To R. F. Cooke   21 July 1880 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added To Francis Darwin   28 July [1880] 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added To G. H. Darwin   28 July [1880] 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.2 your] interl 3.1 (N.B. … thrypsine) 3.2] square brackets in ms 3.1 spells] above del ‘splells’ To Ernst Krause   29 July 1880 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added To Ernst Krause   30 July 1880 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.3 cannot] after del ‘do’

To Francis Darwin   [before 1 August 1880] 1.2 & Scotland] interl 1.5 soon] interl

1.7 such places are] interl above del ‘spot’ 3.1 Are … part? 3.2] added in margin pencil To J. M. F. Ludlow   4 August 1880 1.1 to you] above del ‘in’ 1.1 this year] interl 1.4 consists] altered from ‘consisting’; after del illeg 1.6 have] below ‘wish’ 1.6 been] after del ‘to consult him whether an’ 1.7 an increase in] above del illeg To Francis Darwin   5 August [1880] 2.1 have] interl 2.2 the] interl 6.1 cut] interl To R. P. Hardy   6 August [1880] 1.1 The members … 5£. 3.2] transposed from verso 4.1 They wish] after del ‘I *have been [above del ‘am’] Treasurer to Down [above del ‘a very small’] F. Cl. at this place *since its foundation in 18 [interl] The members *of DFCl (of wh I have been the Treasurer since the foun) [interl] believe [above del ‘fancy’ above del ‘believe’] that their Funds wd allow them an [above del ‘to’] increase [‘their’ del ] of benefits.’ 4.1 26 week] above del ‘6 month’ 4.3 (i.e. 5£)] added above 4.4 (with … facts)] interl 4.5 give you] ‘you’ interl 4.6 As … small] added 4.6 (51 members)] added above del ‘is very small’ 4.6 may I 4.7] after added and del ‘[ illeg ] expressing a wish to know what the expense’ 4.7 before … answer] transposed from after ‘inform me’; ‘considering’ del and stetted below del ‘giving’ 4.8 what your] after del ‘through one of your clerks’ 4.8 to the benefits 4.9] interl 5.1 I beg] after del ‘As’ 5.1 obliged &] interl 6.1 Return accounts] added in margin pencil To Eduard Strasburger   8 August 1880 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.2 on] ‘o’ over ‘of ’ To Francis Darwin   11 August [1880] 1.7 repeated] interl

Manuscript alterations and comments 2.1 to correct,] interl 3.1 from] after del ‘& [illeg]’

To R. P. Hardy   11 August [1880] 1.2 glad] above del ‘obliged’ 1.3 will have soon] above del ‘wd’ 1.3 filled] altered from ‘fill’ 1.3 but … delay 1.4] above del ‘or get filled on my return home’ 2.3 balance] after del ‘an annual’ 2.3 sheets] interl 2.3 them annually] above del ‘th’ 2.4 I find] after del ‘on sending’ 2.5 annual] after del ‘tota’ 2.5 1867] ‘67’ over ‘70’ 2.7 burial] after del ‘deaths’ 2.8 each] after del ‘the’ 2.8 year] afte del ‘other’ 2.9 each] above del ‘on those’ 2.10 year] altered from ‘years’ 2.10 Will] after del ‘as the *Post-Office will not return [interl] old [‘post’ del] Scy Bank Book’ 2.10 strongly] after del ‘feel’ 2.10 suspect] after del ‘convinced that’ 2.11 are … convinced 2.13] pencil above del pencil ‘but they clearly think they will dissolve the Club, unless this is is granted.—’

To R. P. Hardy   [after 11 August 1880] 1.1 Owing … explained 1.2] interl 1.3 which … assetts; 1.4] interl 1.5 & be … me] added; ‘&’ ink above ‘which’ pencil del ink; ‘be … to me’ pencil; ‘then’ interl ink; ‘to’ pencil, mended ink 2.2 funeral] above del ‘funeral’ 3.2 as the rules] ‘as’ above del ‘so that’ 3.2 would … to] above del ‘may [above del ‘might’] be would have to’ 6.1 (add … From)] added pencil

To A. B. Buckley   16 August [1880] 0.1 Cambridge] above del ‘Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.’ 1.2 (speaking from memory) 1.3] interl

To H. H. Higgins   18 August [1880] 0.1 Cambridge] above del ‘Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.’

591

To W. C. Williamson   18 August [1880] 0.1 Cambridge] below del ‘Down, Beckenham.’ 0.3 Mr.] altered from ‘Mrs.’ 1.1 been] after del ‘bef ’

To G. H. Darwin   23 [August 1880] 1.2 German 1.3] interl

To T. M. Hughes   23 August 1880 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added

To J. B. Innes   23 August [1880] 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.1 of Scotland] interl 4.2 the burglars] above del ‘they’

To T. M. Hughes   26 August 1880 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R)] parentheses added

To Williams & Norgate   [before 4 September 1880] 1.1 (Comparative … Balfour)] square brackets in ms 2.1 (The … Co))] after del ‘Bastian’; square brackets in ms

To F. M. Balfour   4 September 1880 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.9 to] interl 1.9 very] interl 1.16 (I … rest.) 1.17] square brackets in ms

To R. P. Hardy   7 September 1880 1.1 am much obliged] above del ‘thank you sincerely’ 1.1 taken] after del ‘so kindly’ 1.1 D. F] interl 2.1 the result] after del ‘to the’ 2.1 hope] after del ‘I’ 2.2 careful] after del ‘evidently most’ 2.3 Valuation] interl 2.3 for] altered from ‘to’ 2.3 herewith] interl 2.4 for the loss] above del ‘*now we shall be [above del ‘how to check’] able to fill up the [ illeg ] details seeing th’ 2.4 our] above del ‘the’ 2.4 balance-sheet,] above del ‘accounts’

592

Manuscript alterations and comments

2.4 the Secretary … able] interl; after del interl ‘from’; after del ‘believe that it will be impossible’ To W. E. Darwin   10 September [1880] 1.2 under] after del ‘with’ To Adolf Ernst   11 September 1880 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.2 much] interl 2.4 so] interl 2.4 case] after del ‘structure’ To J. V. Carus   14 September 1880 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 2.4 securely] interl 4.1 first] interl To B. D. Wrangham   16 September 1880 0.1 (Railway … S. E. R.)] parentheses added To J. V. Carus   21 September 1880 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added

1.3 only] interl 4.1 refer] after del ‘mentio’ 5.2 ???] added below ‘J.’ 5.2 also] interl

To Ernst Krause   7 October 1880 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 3.2 letter] after del ‘y’

To T. H. Farrer   8 October 1880 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.3 which was] interl above del ‘that’ 1.3 that] above del ‘which’ 1.4 in] after del ‘as’ 1.7 referring] above del ‘being’ 5.3 in worms] interl

To Sophy Wedgwood   8 October [1880] 1.6 Heath] ‘H’ over ‘h’ 1.7 well-known] interl

To G. H. Darwin   [before 9 October 1880] 1.4 each] after del ‘the’

To Josiah Mason   22 September 1880 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added To T. M. Reade   22 September 1880 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.2 Mr. Murray’s] above del ‘his’ To J. S. Keltie   [after 24 September 1880] 1.1 to your proposal] interl 1.1 so] after interl & del ‘, and the following one’ 2.1 as] above del ‘which’ 2.1 that … contained 2.2] interl 2.2 country.] before del ‘& which we gave in an alternative form’ To George King   29 September 1880 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 2.3 soon] above del ‘during next week’ 2.6 at the Station] interl 3.1 & … hear.] added To T. H. Farrer   1 October 1880 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added

To T. H. Farrer   10 October [1880] 0.1 Mr.] altered from ‘Mrs.’ 1.3 boundary] after del ‘w.’ 3.1 very] interl

To Hyacinth Hooker   10 October [1880] 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added

To Romain Moniez   10 October 1880 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added

To E. B. Aveling   13 October 1880 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.9 gradual] interl 1.9 men’s] above del ‘the’

To T. H. Farrer   13 October [1880] 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.3 afterwards] above del ‘then’ 1.4 error] above del ‘error’

Manuscript alterations and comments To Baxter, Payne, and Lepper   14 October 1880 0.2 Oct … Co 0.3] in CD’s hand blue ink 2.1 I do … referred to. 2.2] crossed blue ink 5.1 Dear] interl in CD’s hand blue ink

To R. F. Cooke   16 October 1880 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 3.1 make] after del ‘ha’

To R. F. Cooke   20 October 1880 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.3 please] interl 1.4 viz 10£—,] added 2.2 Herr Koch] above del ‘him’

To T. H. Farrer   20 October 1880 1.1 (Railway Station … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.3 very] interl 1.3 in] after del ‘over’ 1.4 Roman] after del ‘flo’ 1.9 bodies] after del ‘bdies’ To C.-F. Reinwald   20 October 1880 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added blue ink 1.5 asking] after del ‘reminding’ 1.5 reminding him] interl

To T. H. Thomas   22 October 1880 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added

To Francis Galton   30 [October 1880] 0.1 4. Bryanston St] above del ‘Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.’

To James Murie   30 October 1880 0.1 4. Bryanston St] above del ‘Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.’

To Volney Rattan   3 November 1880 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 2.1 to you] interl

To W. D. Roebuck   3 November 1880 0.1 (Railway … S. E. R.)] parentheses added 1.1 was] after del ‘have’

593

To A. R. Wallace   3 November 1880 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.2 ever] above del ‘pub’ 1.6 what] above del ‘what’ 3.1 can] above del ‘can’ 5.1 will] above del ‘will’ Enclosure 2.2 account] after del ‘head’ 3.3 Dr. … land-shells. 3.4] added 4.2 a glacial] interl above del ‘such’; ‘a’ above del ‘the’ 4.3 North,] ‘orth,’ added 5.2 of sea] interl 5.4 icebergs?] after del ‘gla’ 6.1 Glacial] interl 6.5 deal of] ‘of ’interl 6.6 rendered improbable] above del ‘well disproved’ 6.9 the tempre] ‘the’ interl 6.11 coincided with] ‘with’ interl 6.16 meteorological] interl 6.17 says that] ‘that’ interl 7.2 (*see addendum)] added above ‘—viz’ 7.5 in solid] ‘in’ after del ‘h’ 7.6 that of the] interl 7.7 denudation] interl above del illeg 7.8 surface] after del ‘rate’ 8.2 guard] above del ‘guard’ 8.3 retreat for them] above del ‘retreat’ 8.4 fact] interl 8.5 slowly] interl 8.5 believe that] ‘that’ added 8.6 much] interl 10.2 as] above del ‘as’ 11.1 You … Flora! 11.2] added in margin 12.1 with plants] interl 12.2 tells, … very] interl above del ‘tells of ’ 13.1 matter] interl 14.2 fresh-water] interl 14.3 introduced] after del illeg 14.3 Batavia] above del ‘Batavia’ 14.5 des] after del ‘g’ 16.1 views] semi-colon altered from colon 16.3 grasp] above del ‘grasp’ 16.3 & southern 16.4] interl 16.4 I used … Caledonia.] interl 16.7 absence of Australian] interl 17.1 rather] interl 17.3 in alpine … lowlands &] interl 17.4 thus] altered from ‘this’ 17.6 oceanic] interl 17.8 direct] after del ‘strai’ 17.9 for] added

594

Manuscript alterations and comments

19.2 judged of] ‘of ’ interl 19.6 came] above del ‘came’ To T. H. Huxley   5 November 1880 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.3 will] after del illeg 1.5 more] interl 1.6 week’s] interl 1.6 had] interl 1.7 at first] interl 1.8 as … best,— 1.9] interl To ?   5 November 1880 0.1 (Railway… S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.2 Ch. XX] interl 1.3 will] added

To R. F. Cooke   8 November [1880] 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.1 so soon] interl 1.3 reviews] after del ‘with’ 1.4 65] interl 2.1 for foreigners 2.2] interl 2.2 (for … cut)] square brackets in ms 2.2 (65)] underl red crayon 4.3 , & … delay.] interl 4.5 matter,] above del ‘maker’

To George Maw   8 November 1880 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.3 the greater] ‘the’ interl 2.1 a specimen of] interl

1.6 a first-rate] ‘a’ interl 2.3 common] interl 2.6 transversely] interl 3.1 have] interl 4.6 began] after del ‘tri’

To G. J. Romanes   14 November [1880] 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 2.3 by Focke 2.4] interl 2.4 on Hybrids] interl 2.5 &] over ‘—’ 3.2 wrote] above del ‘wrote’ 3.4 Nägeli] below del illeg

To G. J. Romanes   15 November 1880 1.5 *] referring to added del note ‘*I stupidly have not kept the volume of Nature, but believe I kept my own article & could perhaps find it, if you wanted it.’ 1.5 (last] after del ‘ei’ 1.6 hybrid] interl 1.6 adding] above del ‘adding’ 1.8 Vol … 167] interl 1.9 a man] ‘a’ interl 1.10 wrong] after del ‘long’ 5.1 little] interl

To Williams & Norgate   16 November 1880 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.2 at Naples] above del ‘there’

To B. J. Sulivan   17 November 1880 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added To T. H. Huxley   13 November 1880 1.10 Pres. … Socy. 1.11] interl in CD’s hand 4.1 I … laugh. 6.1] in CD’s hand Enclosure: in CD’s hand

To Henry Johnson   14 November 1880 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 2.2 (& … week)] interl 2.7 as … split] interl

To James Paget   14 November 1880 1.3 German] interl 1.5 written] interl

To Henry Johnson   18 November 1880 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added

To W. C. Williamson   18 November 1880 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] brackets added

To R. F. Cooke   20 November 1880 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 5.1 here] interl 6.1 Also … soon— 7.1] double scored red crayon 7.1 Please send soon—] red crayon

Manuscript alterations and comments To G. H. Darwin   20 November [1880] 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.2 photographs.] interl To J. V. Carus   22 November 1880 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added

2.2 in … manner] transposed from after ‘on me’

To V. O. Kovalevsky   25 November [1880] 0.1 Mr.] altered from ‘Mrs.’ 3.1 (Orpington … )] square brackets in ms

To S. H. Haliburton   22 November 1880 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added

To Raphael Meldola   25 November 1880 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added

To G. H. Darwin   23 November [1880] 1.2 do] over ‘does’

To Carlos Ribeiro   25 November 1880 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.2 for] interl 1.2 Tertiary] after del ‘on’

To J. D. Hooker   23 November 1880 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.) parentheses added 1.1 had] interl 1.3 , however,] interl 1.6 148] above del ‘184’ 1.7 of tip.] interl 2.2 brain-] interl 2.7 (I think to)] interl 2.12 directly] interl 2.12 tops of the 2.13] interl 2.13 seeds] after del ‘the’ 2.15 same] after del ‘sp’ 2.16 Though] after del ‘first in one hemisphere & then in the other.’ 2.17 several] interl 2.17 & … me,] interl 3.2 nearly] interl

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   23 November [1880] 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 2.3 mere] interl 2.7 absorbing] after del illeg 2.9 easily] added 3.3 making] above del ‘making’ 4.2 & most kind] interl 10.1 on bare … turf 10.2] interl

To J. D. Hooker   28 November [1880] 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.2 (or … down) 1.3] interl 1.6 (I suppose)] interl 2.1 & … Council] interl 4.1 have] interl

To Ernst Krause   28 November 1880 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.4 an] interl 1.4 have] interl 2.4 of Science,] added

To Walter White   28 November [1880] 0.1 Mr.] altered from ‘Mrs.’ 1.3 I] after del ‘&’

To Frederick McDermott   24 November 1880 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added

To W. E. Darwin   30 November [1880] 1.2 Or … do.— 1.3] interl 2.1 from] added 2.1 the turf] ‘the’ after del ‘the’ 2.2 with trap-doors] interl 2.2 also] interl above del ‘&’ 2.3 places] after del ‘holes’ 3.2 perhaps] interl 6.1 more] interl

To G. E. Mengozzi   [after 24 November 1880] 1.1 extremely] above del ‘vy’ 2.1 give] after del ‘return to’

To J. D. Hooker   1 December 1880 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 6.2 round] interl

595

596

Manuscript alterations and comments

To W. E. Darwin   2 December [1880] 1.3 &] over ‘or’ 2.2 displayed] after del ‘un’ 2.3 any recent] added 4.1 & excellent] interl 4.2 gravel] above del ‘gravel’

To J. B. Innes   2 December 1880 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added

To J. D. Hooker   5 December 1880 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.6 probably] interl

To T. H. Huxley   [7 December 1880] 0.1 6 … Sqr] above del ‘Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.)’ 1.2 Thursday] after del ‘Wedne’

To G. H. Darwin   9 December [1880] 0.1 6 … St] above del ‘Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.’

To T. H. Huxley   9 December 1880 0.1 6. … St] above del ‘Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.’

To T. M. Reade   9 December 1880 0.1 London] above del ‘Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.’ 1.2 forwarded] after del ‘se’ 1.3 Nor … Post. 1.4] added 1.5 seems to me] interl above del ‘is’

To Ernst Krause   [12 December 1880] 0.4 Wednesday] below del ‘Monday’ 1.3 in your letter] interl 1.4 answer] above del ‘letter’ 1.4 had] after del ‘had be’

To S. H. Haliburton   13 December 1880 0.1 Dorking] before del ‘Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.’ 2.1 (Queen Anne St.] added 3.3 an] after del ‘some’

3.3 that I am in London] interl 3.4 try.] point after del comma 3.5 that I] ‘that’ altered from ‘then’

To G. J. Romanes   13 December 1880 0.2 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 4.2 pet] interl To James Murie   14 December [1880] 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.2 next] interl To W. E. Darwin   17 December [1880] 1.2 large] after del illeg 1.2 are] after del ‘se’ 1.4 the action] after del ‘wo’ 3.1 floor of the] interl; ‘floor’ after del ‘flower’ 3.2 surface] above del ‘level’

To W. R. Browne   18 December 1880 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.) parentheses added

To Patrick Geddes   20 December 1880 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 2.1 manner] after del ‘add’

To G. J. Romanes   20 December 1880 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 3.1 rapidly] interl 3.2 manner] after del ‘mea’

To Albert Günther   22 December [1880] 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.2 2] over ‘3’ 1.4 on … Card] interl

To J. L. Hawkins   23 December 1880 0.1] (Railway … S.E.R.) parentheses added

To D. F. Nevill   23 December 1880 2.1 am,] above del ‘do’

To J. M. Herbert   25 December [1880] 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added

Manuscript alterations and comments 2.2 ago] interl 2.3 now] interl 2.4 this summer] interl 2.7 us] after del ‘m’

To Ernst Krause   26 December 1880 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.4 say,] interl 2.1 public] above del ‘public’ 2.3 possible] above del ‘possible’ 3.2 of] above del ‘we’

To G. D. Campbell   [before 27 December 1880] 0.2 Duke] above del Dear D. of A. 1.1 read] after del comma 1.3 with] above del ‘on’ 1.3 of] above del ‘points with’ 1.3 scientific views] del then stetted 1.3 I] after del ‘for all that I have heard of your Grace, I’ 1.4 disagreement,] above del ‘opposition’ 1.4 were to have] above del ‘had’ 1.5 career] above del ‘work.’ 1.5 Supposing … Grace 1.6] above del ‘I am sure that If your Grace as a simple’ 1.6 as a simple] added 1.6 as … worker 1.7] transposed from before ‘would have signed’ 1.7 inform] after del ‘ask’ 1.8 as] after del ‘what would be in some respects better’ 1.8 will you] interl 1.8 to mention … cannot 1.9] interl above del ‘me, as one of a small deputation, or me *or to mention or to state [above del ‘in a private letter’] to him [above del ‘Mr G’] [‘who’ del] (with whom I I have (or as one [above del ‘one’] of a small Deputation [‘)’ del], if Mr Gladstone can’ 1.10 Deputation] before del ‘to state that you would as a have signed as a private individual, as a mere naturalist have signed the memorial, under the above circumstances have signed it’ 2.1 be] after del ‘carry only a few signatures,’ 2.1 special scientific] interl 2.2 or] after del ‘which they have done’ 2.2 Scientific] interl 3.1 one,] above del ‘presumptuous or unworthy’; ‘unworthy’ stetted

597

3.1 this is due to 3.2] interl above del ‘it has been made’ 3.2 entirely] interl after del interl ‘it has been made entirely’; before del interl ‘myself ’ 3.2 ignorance] after del ‘complete’ 3.2 of what … Govt] interl 4.1 I beg] after del ‘of customs in high official circumstances [above del ‘of what is usual [illeg] customary’] in this world’ 4.1 My Lord Duke] interl

To George Bentham   27 December 1880 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.3 Botanical] interl

To Albert Günther   27 December 1880 5.1 I … morning! 6.1] in CD’s hand

To T. H. Huxley   27 December 1880 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.1 Ld.] after del ‘&’ 1.1 & Ramsay] interl 2.6 show] after del illeg 2.7 or their] ‘their’ interl 2.8 I … Wall 2.9] added in margin 2.10 or I] interl 2.11 or … nothing?] added 2.13 & I] ‘I’ interl

To Henry Johnson   28 December [1880] 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 2.2 Scotch] interl

To H. W. Bates   [before 29 December 1880] 1.2 for your signature] interl

To J. S. Burdon Sanderson   29 December 1880 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added

To J. D. Hooker   [29 December 1880] 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added To T. H. Huxley   [29 December 1880] 1.2 the] interl 2.2 in the Times] interl

598

Manuscript alterations and comments

To P. L. Sclater   29 December 1880 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added 1.3 The … this 1.4] interl 1.6 a] interl 1.7 put] after del ‘pos’

BIOGRAPHICAL REGISTER This list includes all correspondents and all persons mentioned in the letters and notes that the editors have been able to identify. Dates of letters to and from correspondents are given in chronological order. Letters to correspondents are listed in roman type; letters from correspondents in italic type; third-party letters are listed with the name of the recipient or sender given in parentheses. Abbot, Francis Ellingwood (1836–1903). American clergyman and philosopher. BA, Harvard, 1859; PhD, 1881. Studied at Harvard Divinity School, 1859–60; at Meadville (Unitarian) Theological School, 1860–3. Minister of the first Unitarian Society of Dover, New Hampshire, 1864–8; of the Unitarian Society of Toledo, Ohio, 1869–73. Helped found the Free Religious Association in 1867. Editor of the Index from 1870. President, National Liberal League, 1876–8. Helped found the National Liberal League of America after breaking with the NLL in 1878. Wrote on scientific theism. (ANB.) 15 April 1880, 15 May 1880, 13 June [1880] (from W. E. Darwin) Abbott, Edwin Abbott (1838–1926). Headmaster and writer. Educated at the City of London School and St John’s College, Cambridge. Ordained deacon, 1862; priest, 1863. Taught at King Edward’s School, Birmingham, and Clifton College. Headmaster of the City of London School, 1865–89. Introduced the natural sciences and English literature into the school curriculum. Author of several works, including the novel Flatland, published in 1884 under the pseudonym A Square. (ODNB.) Abney, William de Wiveleslie (1843–1920). Civil servant and photographic scientist. Lieutenant in the Royal Engineers, 1861; captain, 1873. Assistant instructor, telegraphy, School of Military Engineering, 1871; assistant instructor, photography and surveying, 1874. Inspector of science schools, Department of Science and Art, South Kensington, 1877; assistant director for science, 1884; director, 1893. Principal assistant secretary, Board of Education, 1899. Published on photography and colour theory; pioneer in infra-red spectroscopy. FRS 1876. (ODNB.) About, Edmond François Valentin (1828–85). French novelist, journalist, and art critic. Founded the paper Le XIXe siècle in 1872. (EB.) Achard, Arthur (1836–1931). Swiss engineer. Studied at the École des mines, Paris, 1858–61. Member of the Société de physique et d’histoire naturelle de Genève from 1865. Taught thermodynamics at the École spéciale, Lausanne. Worked in Paris for the Comptoir d’escompte de Genève, 1886–97. (Historisches Lexikon der Schweiz; Memoires de la Société de physique et d’histoire naturelle de Genève (1911).)

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Biographical register

Acland, Henry Wentworth (1815–1900). Physician. Lee’s Reader in anatomy at Christ Church, Oxford, 1845–58. Regius professor of medicine, University of Oxford, 1857–94. Medical adviser to the prince of Wales, 1859. FRS 1847. Created baronet, 1890. (ODNB; Physicians.) Adams, Elizabeth Eliza (Eliza) (1827–1919). Daughter of Halliday Bruce of Dublin, Ireland. Married John Couch Adams in 1863. In her husband’s memory she left a bequest to augment the stipend of a John Couch Adams astronomer, who was not to be a professor. (ODNB s.v. Adams, John Couch.) Adams, John Couch (1819–92). Astronomer and mathematician. Co-discoverer, by mathematical calculation, of the planet Neptune. Fellow and tutor, St John’s College, Cambridge, 1843–52; Pembroke College from 1853. Lowndean Professor of astronomy and geometry, Cambridge University, 1859–92; director of the Cambridge Observatory, 1861–92. FRS 1849. (DSB; ODNB.) Adams, William (1706–89). Clergyman and college head. Doctor of divinity, Oxford, 1856. Rector of Counde, Shropshire, 1755–89. Master of Pembroke College, Oxford, from 1775. (ODNB.) Agassiz, Alexander (1835–1910). Swiss-born zoologist, oceanographer, and mining engineer. Son of Louis Agassiz. Emigrated to the United States in 1849. Joined the US survey of Washington Territory boundaries in 1859. Superintendent, Calumet copper mine, Michigan, 1867; later president of the corporation. Curator of the Harvard Museum of Comparative Zoology, 1874. (DAB.) Ainslie, Oliver Alexander (1833–1907). Barrister. Son of the Reverend Robert Ainslie of London. Student of the Inner Temple, 1854; called to the bar, 1874. (BMD (Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG9/595/148/35); England, select births and christenings, 1538–1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed 15 July 2019); Men-at-the-bar.) 23 November 1880, 2[5] November 188[0], 28 November [1880] (to Francis Darwin) Ainslie, Robert (1803–76). Independent nonconformist minister and religious writer. Resident at Pond House (later renamed Tromer Lodge), Down, 1845– 58. Minister of New Court Chapel, Carey Street, London. Secretary of the London City Mission and of the Congregational Board of Education. Minister of Christ Church (unsectarian), Brighton, 1860–74. (Ainslie 1865; Correspondence vol. 3, letter to Susan Darwin, 3[–4] September 1845; England & Wales, non-conformist and non-parochial registers, 1567–1970 (Ancestry.com, accessed 27 February 2020); G. E. Evans 1897; letter from O. A. Ainslie, 23 November 1880; letter from Emma Darwin to W. E. Darwin, [October 1858] (DAR 210.6: 26); The Times, 23 August 1876, p. 1; .) Alberts, Karl (fl. 1876–97). German publisher. Director of Ernst Günther, Leipzig. Published the periodical Kosmos and the German edition of Erasmus Darwin. (Correspondence vol. 27, letter from Ernst Krause, 1 September 1879; Deutsche Biographie, deutsche-biographie.de (accessed 24 August 2017).) Allen, Charles Grant Blairfindie (Grant) (1848–99). Canadian-born writer on science and evolution. BA, Oxford, 1871. Taught in schools in Brighton,

Biographical register

601

Cheltenham, and Reading. Professor of mental and moral philosophy at a college in Spanish Town, Jamaica, 1873–6. Developed his own theory of evolution based largely on the works of Herbert Spencer. A regular contributor to magazines. Wrote popular novels, some under pseudonyms. (ODNB.) 28 January 1880 (to G. J. Romanes) Allen, Ellen (1851–1936). Daughter of Thomas Jerrard, butcher, of Lyme Regis, Dorset. Married Grant Allen in 1873. (ODNB s.v. Allen, Grant.) Allen, Jerrard Grant (1878–1946). Writer. Son of Grant and Ellen Allen. Emigrated to the United States in 1916. (1920 United States Federal Census (Ancestry.com, accessed 23 May 2019); BMD (Birth index); England, select births and christenings, 1538–1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed 24 October 2019); New York, state and federal naturalization records, 1794–1943 (Ancestry.com, accessed 23 May 2019); Newspapers.com obituary index, 1800s–current (Ancestry.com, accessed 24 October 2019).) Allen, Joel Asaph (1838–1921). American zoologist. Studied with Louis Agassiz and accompanied him to Brazil in 1865. Led an expedition to study birds in eastern Florida, 1868–9. Curator of birds and mammals, Harvard Museum of Comparative Anatomy, 1867–85. Helped found the Nuttall Ornithological Club in 1876 and the American Ornithologists’ Union in 1883. Curator of ornithology and mammology, American Museum of Natural History, 1885–1907; of mammals, 1907–21; of invertebrates, 1887–90; of fish and reptiles, 1887–1901. (ANB.) Allman, George James (1812–98). Botanist and zoologist. Professor of botany, Dublin University, 1844; regius professor of natural history, Edinburgh University, 1855–70. President of the Linnean Society of London, 1874–83. FRS 1854. (ODNB.) 17 December 1880 Anon. 27 April 1880, 3 August 1880, 23 October 1880, 5 November 1880 D. Appleton & Co. New York publishing house. Founded by Daniel Appleton (1785– 1849) in 1831. His son William Henry Appleton (1814–99) was taken into partnership in 1838. American publishers of works by CD and Herbert Spencer. (ANB.) 11 March 1880, 17 September 1880, 24 September 1880 Arms, William (1802–89). American missionary and physician. From Wilmington, Vermont. Graduated from Andover in 1833. Accompanied Titus Coan to assess the possibility of establishing a mission in Patagonia, November 1833 – January 1834. Later stationed in Singapore and Sambas, Borneo. Released from the service in 1838. (Coan 1880, pp. 10–11; Goodhue 1891, p. 77; Missionary Herald 36 (1840): 25.) Ashburner, Anne (1807–94). American. Aunt of Susan Ridley Sedgwick Norton and Sara Darwin. (Pierre A. Walker et al. 2005–10, Dear Henry James, Cast of major characters, www.dearhenryjames.org (accessed 1 March 2010).) Asher, Georg Michael (1827–1905). Russian-born German writer and teacher of law. Son of the Hebraist and bookseller Adolf Asher and his wife, Anna Friedeberg; Adolf Asher collaborated extensively with the librarian of the British

602

Biographical register

Museum, Anthony Panizzi. Trained as a typesetter and bookseller, and later studied history and law at Berlin and Heidelberg Universities. Privat-dozent and later professor of Roman law at Heidelberg. Worked as a nurse in the FrancoPrussian War of 1870–1. After the war, lived in the Russian cities of Samara and Saratov, and studied the history and social, economic, and legal conditions of German colonies on the Volga. Later worked as an independent scholar in London and Paris. (Große jüdische National-Biographie; Paisey 1997, pp. 135, 151.) Atkin, Mary Elizabeth (1842–1920). Daughter of Lawrence and Mary Anne Ruck and elder sister of Amy Richenda Darwin. Married Robert Travers Atkin, of county Cork, Ireland, in 1864. Emigrated to Australia, where her husband was a journalist; he died in Brisbane in 1872. Returned to Wales with her three surviving sons and married Thomas Ruddiman Steuart (1807/8–95), formerly a lieutenant-colonel in the Indian Army infantry, in 1880. (Aust. dict. biog. s.v. Atkin, Robert Travers; BMD (Birth index, Marriage index, Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1851 (The National Archives: Public Record Office HO107/2495/183/18), 1871 (RG10/5603/54/17), 1891 (RG12/4670/78/19); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1861–1941 (Ancestry.com, accessed 28 November 2013).) Aurelius, Marcus (121–80). Roman emperor. Best known for his Meditations, a work of Stoic philosophy. (Oxford classical dictionary.) Aveling, Edward Bibbens (1849–98). Socialist. BSc, University College, London, 1870. Assistant to the physiologist Michael Foster in Cambridge. Teacher of elementary physics and botany, North London Collegiate School for Girls, 1872– 6. Lecturer in comparative anatomy, London Hospital, 1876–81. In 1879, made a public pronouncement that he had been an atheist for two or three years. Wrote, lectured, and taught for the National Secular Society; vice-president, 1880–4. Wrote several articles and pamphlets on Darwinism. Lived with Karl Marx’s daughter, Eleanor, from 1884; with her, founded the Socialist League. (ODNB.) 12 October 1880, 13 October 1880 Axon, William Edward Armytage (1846–1913). Journalist and social reformer. Staff member, Manchester Guardian, 1874–1905. (WWW.) 17 August 1880 Bacon, Francis, Baron Verulam and Viscount St Albans (1561–1626). Lawyer, statesman, and philosopher. Lord chancellor, 1618–21. Created Baron Verulam, 1618; Viscount St Alban, 1621. (DSB; ODNB.) Badger, Edward William (1833/4–1915). Journalist and newspaper proprietor. Fellow of the Royal Horticultural Society. Editor of the journal of the Midland Union of Scientific and Literary Societies, the Midland Naturalist. (Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/2947/46/17); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 9 January 2014); Midland Naturalist (1878).) 17 July 1880, [19 July 1880]

Biographical register

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Bagley, Hannah (1852–1906). House and parlourmaid. Worked for Anthony Rich in the 1880s. (BMD (Birth index, Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/1118/20/31).) Baildon, Henry Bellyse (1849–1907). Scottish chemist and author. Studied at Edinburgh University. BA, Cambridge, 1872. Joined his father in the family business as a pharmaceutical chemist, 1875. Took up the study of literature. Lecturer, Edinburgh University, 1889. PhD, Freiburg, 1898. Lecturer at University College, Dundee, 1901–7. Published several volumes of poetry and wrote for reviews; a lifelong friend of Robert Louis Stevenson. (Alum. Cantab.; The Times, 9 September 1907, p. 12.) 9 June 1880 Baker, John Gilbert (1834–1920). Botanist. Draper in Thirsk, Yorkshire, 1847– 64. Active in the Thirsk Natural History Society. Assistant in the herbarium at the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, 1866–90; keeper of the herbarium, 1890–9. Lectured on botany at the London Hospital Medical School, 1869–81, and at the Chelsea Physic Garden, 1882–96. Contributed to colonial floras. Authority on ferns. FRS 1878. (DSB; ODNB.) Balfour, Alice Blanche (1850–1936). Entomologist and scientific illustrator. Began collecting Lepidoptera at an early age and gained practical experience from a neighbour. Made many illustrations for the publications of her brother Francis Maitland Balfour. From 1876, took charge of the household of her brother Arthur James Balfour. Later raised specimens for Edward Bagnall Poulton’s genetics experiments at Oxford. (Opitz 2004.) Balfour, Arthur James, 1st earl of Balfour (1848–1930). Politician and philosopher. Brother of Francis Maitland Balfour. At Trinity College, Cambridge, 1866–9. Conservative MP for Hertford, 1874–85, Manchester East, 1885–1906. Prime minister, 1902–5. FRS 1888. (ODNB.) Balfour, Cecil Charles (1849–81). Merchant and shipping agent. Brother of Francis Maitland Balfour and Arthur James Balfour. Matriculated at Magdalen College, Oxford, in 1868; BA, MA, 1878. Co-founder of the merchants and commission agents Tidman, Balfour & Co., Batavia (now Jakarta), 1872; a partner in the shipping agents Messrs Mactaggart, Tidman, and Co., London, 1876; left both firms in 1880, having been banished to Australia by his family for forging a cheque in Arthur Balfour’s name. Died in Australia after falling from his horse. (Adams 2007; Brisbane Courier, 4 April 1881, p. 3; Daily News, 1 February 1878, p. 3; Morning Post, 1 January 1876, p. 7; 9 April 1881, p. 5; Straits Times, 27 July 1872, p. 4.) Balfour, Francis Maitland (1851–82). Biologist. Brother of Arthur James Balfour. Specialised in comparative embryology. Studied natural sciences at the University of Cambridge, 1870–3; from 1874, fellow, Trinity College, Cambridge, where he directed a morphological laboratory. Appointed lecturer on animal morphology, University of Cambridge, 1876; professor, 1882. (Alum. Cantab.; ODNB.) 4 September 1880, 13 September 1880, [22 November 1880]

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Biographical register

Balfour, Gerald William, 2d earl of Balfour (1853–1945). Politician, classicist, and psychical researcher. Brother of Francis Maitland Balfour and Arthur James Balfour. Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, and lecturer in classics, 1878. Conservative MP for Leeds, 1885–1906; chief secretary for Ireland, 1895; president, Board of Trade, 1900. Author of works on psychical phenomena; president of the Society for Psychical Research, 1906. Succeeded Arthur Balfour as earl in 1930. (ODNB.) Ball, Valentine (1843–95). Irish geologist. BA, Dublin, 1864. Worked for the Geological Survey of India, 1864–81. Professor of geology and mineralogy, Dublin, 1881–3. Director, Science and Art Museum, Dublin, 1883–95. FRS 1882. (R. Desmond 1994; Geological Magazine 2 (1895): 382–3; Sarjeant 1980–96.) 8 April 1880 Barbier, Arthémise (b. 1827/8). French teacher. As Artémis des Cognets, married Edmond Barbier in 1856. Moved with him to Brighton and remained there until at least 1871. (Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG 9/602/56/42), 1871 (RG10/1082/43/30); Paris, France & vicinity marriages, 1700–1907 (Ancestry.com, accessed 24 May 2019).) Barbier, Daniella Marie Marguerite Henriette Arthémise (Marguerite) (1857–1923). Daughter of Edmond and Arthémise Barbier. Born in Brighton, where her parents lived, possibly in political exile. Married Louis Pierre Defais in 1876; married Charles Auguste Kennerley-Hall in Paris in 1885. Died in France. (BMD (Birth index); Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG9/602/56/42), 1871 (RG10/1082/43/30); UK, foreign and overseas registers of British subjects, 1628–1969 Ancestry.com, accessed 21 February 2020.) Barbier, Henri Olivier Edmond (Edmond) (1834/5–80). French translator. Translated works by CD ( Journal of researches, Origin 6th ed., Variation 2d ed., Descent 2d ed.), John Lubbock, and Edward Burnett Tylor. Lived in Brighton, Sussex, England, from circa 1857 with his wife and daughter, possibly as a political exile; joined the Literary and Scientific Institution and was on the committee of the French Protestant church. Manager of the newspaper Le XIXe siècle from 1872. Died in Nanterre, 30 September 1880. (Bibliotheque nationale française, https://data.bnf.fr/fr/11890159/edmond_barbier/ (accessed 23 May 2019); BMD (Birth index) s.v. Barbier, Marguerite; Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG 9/602/56/42); Eyben 2017; letter from C.-F. Reinwald, 7 October 1880 and nn. 3–5; Paris & vicinity, France, death notices, 1860–1902 (Ancestry.com, accessed 24 May 2019).) Barton, Charles Robert (1832–1918). Landowner. Of the Waterfoot, Pettigo, county Fermanagh, Ireland. JP for county Fermanagh and Donegal and a deputy lieutenant of county Fermanagh. (Census returns of Ireland 1901 (www. census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai000776710/, accessed 9 February 2017), 1911 (www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai002338236/); County families; Ireland, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1922 (www.willcalendars. nationalarchives.ie, accessed 9 February 2017).)

Biographical register

605

Bary, Anton Heinrich (Anton) de (1831–88). German botanist and physician. Studied medicine in Heidelberg, Marburg, and Berlin, 1849–53. Professor extraordinarius of botany, Freiburg im Breisgau, 1855; professor, 1859. Professor of botany, Halle, 1868; Straßburg (Strasbourg), 1872. Discovered lichen symbiosis and the sexuality of fungi. (DBE; DSB.) Basini, Giuseppe (1832–94). Italian politician. LLB, Modena, 1853. Town councillor in Scandiano and provincial councillor in Modena and Reggio Emilia, 1863; elected to the national government in 1882, 1890, and 1892. (Paulo Campioli, 2014, ‘Giovanni Borelli e Giuseppe Basini, due liberali figli del Risorgimento’, Filippo Naldi: il sito, https://www.filipponaldi.it/Borelliebasini.html (accessed 27 March 2019).) Bastian, Henry Charlton (1837–1915). Physician and specialist in clinical neurology. Assistant physician and lecturer on pathology, St Mary’s Hospital, London, circa 1863–6. Professor of pathological anatomy, University College, London, 1867; physician, University College Hospital, 1878. Best known for his work on spontaneous generation. FRS 1868. (DSB.) Batalin, Alexander Fedorovich (Александр Федорович Баталин) (1847– 96). Russian botanist and plant physiologist. Lecturer in botany, Mining Institute, 1870–9. Conservator, St Petersburg Botanical Garden, 1870; director, 1892. Founded a station at the garden for testing seeds and for economic botany in 1877. Professor of botany at the Imperial Military Medical Academy, St Petersburg, 1884–93. Wrote mostly on experimental plant physiology. (Bol’shaya entsiklopediya; GSE.) Bates, Henry Walter (1825–92). Entomologist. Undertook a joint expedition to the Amazon with Alfred Russel Wallace, 1848–9; continued to explore the area, after Wallace returned to England, until 1859. Provided the first comprehensive scientific explanation of the phenomenon subsequently known as Batesian mimicry. Published an account of his travels, The naturalist on the River Amazons, in 1863. Assistant secretary, Royal Geographical Society of London, 1864–92. President, Entomological Society of London, 1868, 1869, and 1878. FRS 1881. (DSB; ODNB.) [before 29 December 1880], [29 December 1880] Baxter, Payne, and Lepper. Auctioneers, valuers, land agents, and surveyors in Bromley, Kent. (Post Office London suburban directory, 1880.) 14 October 1880 Baxter, William Walmisley (1829–1900). Chemist. Succeeded his father in business at 40 High Street, Bromley, Kent, with branches in Dartford and Greenwich, 1857; opened another branch in Beckenham; retired in 1897. Churchwarden, manager of the National Schools, trustee of the Philanthropic Society, and honorary secretary of Bromley Literary Institute. (BMD (Death index); England, select births and christenings, 1538–1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed 18 August 2014); Horsburgh 1980, pp. 406–7.) Bennett, Alfred William (1833–1902). Botanist, bookseller, and publisher. BA, London, 1853. Proprietor and editor of the Friend, the monthly journal of

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Biographical register

the Society of Friends. Lecturer in botany, Bedford College and St Thomas’s Hospital, London, 1868–96. Author of several papers on pollination, 1871–3, and other botanical works. Biological subeditor for Nature, 1869–73; botanical reviewer and writer for the Academy. Vice-president of the Microscopical Society, 1892, 1899, and 1900; editor of the society’s journal, 1897–1902. Vice-president of the Linnean Society of London, 1891–2. (Correspondence vol. 21, letter from A. W. Bennett, 16 March 1873; Journal of the Royal Microscopical Society 1879–1902; Nature, 6 February 1902, p. 321; ODNB.) Bennett, James Risdon (1809–91). Physician. MD, Edinburgh, 1833. FRCP 1846. Assistant physician to St Thomas’s Hospital, 1843; physician, 1849. First physician to the newly founded City of London Hospital for Diseases of the Chest, 1848. One of the first physicians to introduce the use of the stethoscope in England. President, Royal College of Physicians, 1876–81. Knighted 1881. FRS 1875. (ODNB.) Bentham, George (1800–84). Botanist. Moved his botanical library and collections to the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, in 1854, and was provided with facilities there for his research from 1861. President of the Linnean Society of London, 1861–74. Published Genera plantarum (1862–83) with Joseph Dalton Hooker. FRS 1862. (DSB; ODNB.) 15 February 1880, 16 February 1880, 27 December 1880, 28 December 1880 Bergsma, Pieter Adriaan (1830–82). Dutch natural scientist. Doctorate in mathematics and physics, University of Ghent, 1854. Took the civil service examination for the Dutch East Indies in 1858. Engineer for the Geographic Service in the Dutch East Indies, leaving for Batavia ( Jakarta) in 1861. Interested in meteorology. Vice-president of the Koninklijke Natuurkundige Vereeniging in Nederlandsch-Indië (Royal Scientific Society of the Dutch East Indies, 1880; president, 1881. (Natuurkundig tijdschrift voor Nederlandsch Indië 40 (1881): 399; NNBW 4: 122–3; this volume, Appendix III.) Berkeley, George (1685–1753). Irish clergyman and philosopher. Bishop of Cloyne, Ireland. Best known for his work on the psychology of perception, A new theory of vision (1709). (ODNB.) Bertrand, Edouard (1832–1917). Swiss beekeeper and author. From 1879, edited and financed the Bulletin d’apiculture pour la Suisse romande, which became the Revue internationale d’apiculture, 1885–1903. Published many books on beekeeping, including La conduite du rucher (1888). Taught at the Vaud school of apiculture. (Apisite: site d’informations sur les abeilles et l’apiculture, http://apisite.online.fr/edouard. htm (accessed 5 July 2019); Crane 1999, p. 456; WorldCat identities, https://www. worldcat.org/wcidentities/lccn-no2001054585 (accessed 5 July 2019).) Besant, Annie (1847–1933). Campaigner for contraception, socialist, theosophist, and politician in India. Lost her faith and separated from her clergyman husband in 1873. With Charles Bradlaugh, wrote and spoke publicly on freethought issues, including contraception, 1875–86. Became interested in socialist ideas, and later theosophy, in the 1880s. Lived in India from 1893; president of the

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Theosophical Society from 1907. Campaigned for self-rule for India; joined the Indian National Congress in 1913. (ODNB.) Bidder, George Parker (1836–96). Barrister and astronomer. BA, Cambridge, 1858. Called to the bar at Lincoln’s Inn, 1860; QC, 1874; bencher, 1876. Had a large practice at the Parliamentary Bar, 1880–96. Secretary to the Royal Commission on the Megaera, 1871–2. Amateur astronomer; worked at measurement of double stars and invented a position micrometer. Also a cryptographer, and possessed the faculty of visualising numbers. (Alum. Cantab.; ODNB s.v. Bidder, George Parker (1806–78).) Blair, William Newsham (1841–91). Scottish engineer and surveyor. Trained as an engineer in Scotland. Emigrated to New Zealand in 1863. Appointed Otago’s chief engineer of roads, 1863; chief engineer of railways, 1869. Became an authorised surveyor in 1877. Head of the South Island division of the Public Works Department from 1878. Active in several scientifc societies in Otago. (DNZB.) Blomefield, Thomas Wilmot Peregrine, 4th baronet (1848–1928). Civil servant. Private secretary to the president of the Board of Trade, 1876–80. Succeeded as the fourth Baronet Blomefield, of Attleborough, Norfolk, 1878. Assistant secretary of the Board of Trade, 1901–8. (Burke’s peerage 2003.) Bode, Johann Elert (1747–1826). German astronomer. Astronomer royal, Berlin, 1786–1815. (DSB.) Bogue, David (1851/2–97). Publisher and journalist. Son of David Bogue (1808– 56). Publisher’s clerk, 1871; publisher, Hardwicke and Bogue, 1876; David Bogue, 1879. Declared bankrupt in 1882, but continued as a publisher until 1885; later worked as a journalist on the Daily Graphic. (Census returns of England and Wales 1871 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG10/861/28/23), 1881 (RG11/188/100/22), 1891 (RG12/548/99/11); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–1995 (Ancestry.com, accessed 20 March 2019); London Gazette, 15 September 1882, pp. 4285–6; 20 May 1885, p. 2502; Morning Post, 28 October 1897, p. 5; ODNB s.v. Bogue, David (1808– 56); The Times, 26 September 1879, p. 10.) Bonney, Thomas George (1833–1923). Geologist. BA, Cambridge, 1856. Ordained priest, 1858. Fellow of St John’s College, Cambridge, 1859; tutor, 1868. College lecturer in geology, 1869–81. Yates-Goldsmid Professor of geology, University College, London, 1877–1901. FRS 1878. (ODNB.) Bonnier, Gaston (1853–1923). French botanist. Doctorate, 1879. Professor of botany, University of Paris (Sorbonne), 1887. In addition to works on French flora, systematics, biogeography, and plant physiology, he published several works on pedagogy in many areas of natural science. (DBF; DSB.) Boothby, Brooke, 6th baronet (1744–1824). Poet and writer. Educated at St John’s College, Cambridge. Commissioned in the Eighteenth Light Dragoons. In 1772, retired on half pay to Lichfield and joined the literary circle there that included Erasmus Darwin. Left England about 1794 and travelled throughout Europe.

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Published poems, translations, and political works, including Rousseau juge de Jean Jacques: dialogue (1780) and Sorrows sacred to the memory of Penelope (1796). Succeeded to the baronetcy in 1789. (Complete baronetage vol. 3; ODNB.) Bower, Frederick Orpen (1855–1948). Botanist. Graduated first class in the natural science tripos, Cambridge, 1877. Studied with Julius Sachs in Würzburg, 1877, and with Anton de Bary in Strasbourg, 1879. Assistant to Daniel Oliver at University College, London, 1880; lecturer in T. H. Huxley’s department at South Kensington, 1882. Professor of botany at Glasgow, 1885–1925. FRS 1891. (DSB; ODNB.) Bradlaugh, Charles (1833–91). Freethinker, author, and politician. Editor of the National Reformer, 1860–4; 1866–90 (owner from 1862). Founder of the National Secular Society, 1866. Liberal MP for Northampton, 1880–91. (ODNB.) Brand, Henry Bouverie William, 1st Viscount Hampden, 23d Baron Dacre (1814–92). Politician. Liberal MP for Lewes, 1852–68; for Cambridgeshire, 1858– 84. Speaker of the House of Commons, 1872–84. Following his retirement in 1884, devoted himself to agricultural experiments at Glynde, Sussex. (ODNB.) Braumüller, Wilhelm von (1807–84). Austrian bookseller and publisher. (OBL.) Breitenbach, Wilhelm (1856–1937). German naturalist, traveller, journalist, and publisher. Studied at the Realschule, Lippstadt, where Hermann Müller taught, 1872–7. Studied natural sciences at Jena, 1877–80; wrote his dissertation on the structure of the proboscis in butterflies. After graduation, travelled to Brazil, where he met Fritz Müller. In 1883, set up a press in Germany and began publishing a newspaper, the Odenkirchener Zeitung. Editor, Frankfurter Journals, 1885. A popular lecturer on natural history topics. Between 1904 and 1913, published a biography of Ernst Haeckel, a series of Darwinist lectures and essays, and, with Haeckel, a book on nature as an artist. Co-founder of the German Monist League; edited the monist journal, Neue Weltanschauung, from 1908. President of the Bielefeld Natural History Society, 1914. (Nöthlich 2009.) 10 February 1880, 13 February 1880, 21 September 1880 Bressa, Cesare Alessandro (1785–1836). Italian physician. Studied at the University of Pavia until 1808. In the US, in Philadelphia and New Orleans, 1817– 29. Practised in Louisiana. Founder of the Bressa prize of the Royal Academy of Sciences of Turin. (Bollettino di Storia delle Scienza Matematiche 25 (2005): 240.) Bridges, Mary Ann (1842–1922). Teacher. Of Harberton, Devon. Married Thomas Bridges in 1869 and settled in Ushuaia, Tierra del Fuego. (ODNB s.v. Bridges, Thomas c. 1842–98.) Bridges, Mary Ann Varder (1870–1922). Daughter of Thomas and Mary Ann Bridges. Born in the Falklands. Travelled to Britain in 1880 to attend boarding school in Bristol; returned to Tierra del Fuego in 1888. Married the missionary Wilfrid Barbrooke Grubb in 1901 after an eleven-year engagement. Lived in Scotland from 1909. (British families in southern Patagonia, https://patbrit.org/ bil/supp/a0105.htm (accessed 28 August 2019); ODNB s.v. Bridges, Thomas, c. 1842–98, and Grubb, Wilfrid Barbrooke.)

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Bridges, Thomas (b. c. 1842 d. 1898). Dictionary compiler, missionary, and sheep farmer. Missionary on Keppel Island, West Falklands, 1856–68; established a mission at Ushuaia in the Beagle Channel, 1867. Settled permanently in Ushuaia with his wife, Mary Ann Varder, and daughter in 1871. Abandoned missionary work in 1884 and became a sheep farmer near Ushuaia from 1887. Author of a Yahgan–English dictionary and Yahgan grammar. (Bridges 1948; ODNB.) Bridgman, William Kencely (1812–84). Dentist and naturalist. Practised as a surgeon-dentist in Norwich. (NUC; Post Office directory of Cambridge, Norfolk, and Suffolk 1865.) Brindley, James (1716–72). Civil engineer. Apprenticed as a millwright. Principal or consulting engineer on over twenty canal projects linking major rivers and industrial sites across the Midlands. (ODNB.) Broca, Pierre Paul (Paul) (1824–80). French surgeon and anthropologist. MD, Paris, 1849. Assistant professor of the medical faculty in Paris and surgeon of the Central Bureau, 1853. Pioneer in the field of anthropology. Elected professor of pathology at Paris, 1867; of clinical surgery, 1868. Vice-president, French Academy of Medicine. (DBF; DSB.) Bronn, Heinrich Georg (1800–62). German palaeontologist. Professor of natural science at Heidelberg University, 1833. Translated and superintended the first German editions of Origin (1860) and Orchids (1862). (DSB; NDB.) Brook, George (1857–93). Entomologist and marine zoologist. Secretary of the Huddersfield Naturalists’ Society. Fellow of the Linnean Society, 1879. (R. Desmond 1994.) Browne, Walter Raleigh (1841–84). Engineer and religious writer. BA, Cambridge University, 1865. Managing director of Bridgewater Engineering Company, 1874–8. Founding member of the Society for Psychical Research, 1882. Lecturer for the Christian Evidence Society. (Alum. Cantab.) 16 December 1880, 18 December 1880, 21 December 1880, 22 December 1880 Brown-Séquard, Charles Édouard (1817–94). French physiologist. Practised medicine in France and the United States before accepting a professorship at Virginia Medical College, Richmond, in 1854. Returned to Paris in 1855; moved to England in 1858. Physician, National Hospital for the Paralysed and Epileptics, 1860–3. Professor of physiology and pathology, Harvard Medical School, 1864–7. Professor of medicine, Collège de France, 1878–94. Conducted pioneering research in neurology and endocrinology. FRS 1860. (DBF; DSB; Record of the Royal Society of London.) Bruce, Henry Austin, 1st Baron Aberdare (1815–95). Politician. Liberal MP for Merthyr Tudful, 1852–68. Under-secretary at the Home Office, 1862–4. Privy councillor, 1864–6. Home secretary, 1868–73. MP for Renfrewshire, 1869– 73. Interested in education. Created Baron Aberdare, 1873. FRS 1876. (ODNB.) Brunton, Thomas Lauder, 1st baronet (1844–1916). Physician and pharmacologist. MB, Edinburgh, 1866; MD 1868. Studied pharmacology in Vienna and Berlin, and physiological chemistry in Amsterdam and Leipzig,

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1868–70. Lecturer in materia medica and pharmacology, Middlesex Hospital, 1870; St Bartholomew’s, 1871. Casualty physician, St Bartholomew’s, 1871–5; assistant physician, 1875–97; physician, 1897–1904. Studied the physiology of digestion and experimented on insectivorous plants for CD. Created baronet, 1908. FRS 1874. (Complete dictionary of scientific biography; Correspondence vol. 21, letter from T. L. Brunton, 2 December 1873; ODNB.) 10 March 1880 Bryce, James, 1st Viscount Bryce (1838–1922). Jurist, historian, and politician. Educated at Glasgow and Oxford Universities. Fellow of Oriel College, Oxford, 1862–89. Called to the bar, 1867. Liberal MP for Tower Hamlets, 1880–5; Aberdeen South, 1885–1907. Parliamentary under-secretary of foreign affairs, 1886; chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, 1892–4; president of the Board of Trade, 1894–5; chief secretary for Ireland, 1905–7; ambassador to the United States, 1907–13. Created first Viscount Bryce, 1914. (ODNB; Stenton and Lees 1978.) Büchner, Friedrich Karl Christian Ludwig (Ludwig) (1824–99). German materialist philosopher and physician. Lecturer in medicine, especially forensic medicine, at Tübingen University, 1854–5. Following the publication of his first work, Kraft und Stoff (1855), he was debarred from academic teaching and returned to general medicine. (DBE; NDB.) Buckley, Arabella Burton (1840–1929). Popular scientific author, specialising in natural history. Secretary to Charles Lyell, 1864–75. Wrote in particular for young readers, and encouraged an active pursuit of natural history. A supporter of Darwinism; she emphasised the importance of mutualism and dependence as forces of evolution. (ODNB.) 16 August [1880], 31 October [1880], 7 November 1880, 9 November 1880, 14 November 1880 Buhlmeyer, Frédéric (1840/1–79). French editor and publisher. In business in Paris with his uncle, Charles-Ferdinand Reinwald, from about 1855; partner, 1870. Member of the Société d’anthropologie de Paris, 1876. A friend of CD’s French translator, Edmond Barbier. (Bibliographie de la France: Journal générale de l’imprimerie et de librarie 2d ser. 14 (1870) pt 3 feuilleton commercial, p. 276; Bulletins et mémoires de la Société d’anthropologie de Paris 2d ser. 11 (1876): 66, 3d ser. 2 (1879): 430; letter from C.-F. Reinwald, 7 October 1880.) Bulwer-Lytton, Edward George Earle Lytton, 1st Baron Lytton (1803–73). Novelist and politician. (ODNB.) Bunbury, Millicent Adele (1810–83). Daughter of Samuel Tertius and Violetta Galton. Married Robert Shirley Bunbury in 1845. (England, select births and christenings, 1538–1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed 28 November 2017); England, select marriages, 1538–1973 (Ancestry.com, accessed 28 November 2017); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 28 November 2017).) Burdon Sanderson, John Scott, baronet (1828–1905). Pathologist and physiologist. MD, Edinburgh, 1851. Studied physiology under Claude Bernard

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in Paris. Medical registrar, St Mary’s Hospital, Paddington, 1853; medical officer of health for Paddington from 1856. Medical inspector to the Privy Council from 1860 to 1865 or 1866. Worked on the causes and transmission of infectious disease. Professor of practical physiology and histology, University College, London, 1870; Jodrell Professor of human physiology, 1874. Professor-superintendent of the Brown Institute, University of London, 1872–8. Waynefleet Professor of physiology, Oxford, 1882; regius professor of medicine, 1895–1904. Created baronet, 1899. FRS 1867. (ODNB.) 29 December 1880, 31 December 1880 Burg, Cornelis Leendert van der (1840–1905). Dutch physician. Educated at the military medical hospital, Utrecht, and in Heidelberg; doctor of medicine, 1861. Teacher in the Indonesian medical schoool, Batavia (now Jakarta), Dutch East Indies, 1862–8. Resigned from military service, but remained in Batavia as an ordinary doctor, 1868–86. Director of the medical bathing establishment in Laag-Soren, Netherlands, 1888–1902; consulting physician in Utrecht from 1902. Editor of Janus, 1904. Wrote on tropical diseases. (NNBW.) 15 July 1880, [after 15 July 1880] Burgoyne, John (1723–92). Army officer, politician, and playwright. Entered the army in 1737, rising to the rank of colonel after distinguished service in Portugal, 1762. MP for Midhurst, Sussex, from 1761; Preston, from 1768. Chaired investigation of the East India Company for corruption, 1772. Commanded British troops in America and Canada, 1775–7. (ODNB.) Burnaby, Emma (1806–95). Daughter of Anthony and Elizabeth Rich of Hendon, and sister of Anthony Rich (1804–91). Married William Dyott Burnaby in 1832. Lived in London. Her three children predeceased her. (England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 7 July 2017); London, England, Church of England baptisms, marriages and burials, 1538–1812 (Ancestry.com, accessed 7 July 2017); London, England, Church of England deaths and burials, 1813–1980 (Ancestry.com, accessed 7 July 2017); London, England, Church of England marriages and banns, 1754–1921 (Ancestry.com, accessed 7 July 2017).) Busk, George (1807–86). Russian-born naval surgeon and naturalist. Served on the hospital ship at Greenwich, 1832–55. Retired from medical practice in 1855. Member of several scientific societies. President of the Microscopical Society, 1848–9; of the Anthropological Institute, 1873–4. Zoological secretary of the Linnean Society of London, 1857–68. Hunterian Professor of comparative anatomy, Royal College of Surgeons of England, 1856–9; council member, 1863; member of board of examiners, 1868; president, 1871. Specialised in palaeontology and in the study of Bryozoa. FRS 1850. (DNB; DSB; Plarr 1930.) Bustelli, Giovanni Andrea ( Jean Andrea), duca de Bustelli-Foscolo (b. 1827 d. 1898?). Italian confidence trickster. Born in Pisa as Giovanni Bustelli. Consul for Portugal, Honduras, and El Salvador in the Papal States and the kingdom of Italy, 1852–65. Associate in Paris of Giorgio Castriota Skanderbeg,

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hereditary king of Epirus and Albania, prince of Croatia, and numerous other titles (in reality Nicola Prato, an Italian), 1870s. (Carretto 2011.) Button, James Fitzroy. See Cooshaipunjiz. Button, Jemmy. See Orundellico. Button, William Beckenham. See Pucananlacitanjiz. Butler, Samuel (1835–1902). Author and artist. Grandson of Samuel Butler (1774– 1839). Emigrated to New Zealand in 1859; returned to Britain after publishing an account of his time farming in the colony, A first year in Canterbury settlement (1863). Published books on art, music, literature, and philosophy, including the novels Erewhon (1872) and The way of all flesh (1903); published a two-volume life of his grandfather, Life of Samuel Butler, bishop of Lichfield (1896). Became a critic of Darwinism from the 1870s. (Autobiography, pp. 167–219; DNB.) 2 January 1880, 3 January 1880, 21 January 1880 Caird, Edward (1835–1908). Philosopher and educationalist. Studied divinity at St Andrews University and at Glasgow. BA, Oxford, 1863. Elected tutor, Merton College, Oxford, 1864. Professor of moral philosophy, Glasgow, 1866–93. Master, Balliol College, Oxford, 1893–1907. Promoted free education, the extension of the franchise, and the rights of women. Leader of a revival of idealist philosophy and author of works on Immanuel Kant. Sought to reconcile evolutionary ideas and theology through a concept of universal unity. (ODNB.) Caird, James (1816–92). Agriculturalist, author, and politician. Managed farms near Stranraer and Wigtown, 1841–60. MP for Dartmouth, 1857–9; Stirling Burghs, 1859–65. Member of the inclosure commission (renamed the land commission in 1882), 1865–89. Director of the land department of the Board of Agriculture, 1889–91. Wrote on free trade, farming, farm management, and land administration in Britain, Ireland, Canada, the US, and India. President of the Royal Statistical Society, 1880–2. Knighted, 1882. FRS 1875. (ODNB.) 24 March 1880, 25 March 1880, 11 October 1880 Campanini, Naborre (1850–1925). Italian scholar and writer. Director of museums in Reggio Emilia, 1880–1925. Author of poems, essays, and works on the history of Canossa, Reggio Emilia. (‘Naborre, il pito e la chiesa smontata’, Musei Civici Reggio Emilia, http://www.musei.re.it/archivio-qr/qr-030/ (accessed 27 March 2019); WorldCat identities, https://www.worldcat.org/identities/lccn-n87-827859/.) Campbell, George Douglas, 8th duke of Argyll (1823–1900). Scottish statesman and author of works on science, religion, and politics. A defender of the concept of design in nature. Chancellor of St Andrews University, 1851–1900. President of the Royal Society of Edinburgh, 1860–4. Privy seal, 1852–5, 1859– 60, 1860–6, and 1880–1; postmaster-general, 1855–8 and 1860; secretary of state for India, 1868–74. Succeeded to the dukedom in 1847. FRS 1851. (ODNB.) [before 27 December 1880] Campbell, John George Edward Henry Douglas Sutherland, marquess of Lorne, 9th duke of Argyll (1845–1914). British politician and writer. Son of George Douglas Campbell, eighth duke of Argyll. MP for Argyllshire,

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1868–78. Married Queen Victoria’s fourth daughter, Louise, in 1871. Governorgeneral of Canada, 1878–83. Wrote works of travel and biography. Assumed the courtesy title marquess of Lorne in 1847; became ninth duke of Argyll in 1900, but continued to be widely known as marquess of Lorne. (ODNB.) Candolle, Alphonse de (1806–93). Swiss botanist, lawyer, and politician. Son of Augustin Pyramus de Candolle. Active in the administration of the city of Geneva until 1860. Responsible for the introduction of postage stamps to Switzerland. Professor of botany and director of the botanic gardens, Geneva, from 1835. Concentrated on his own research after 1850. Foreign member, Royal Society of London, 1869. (DSB; Record of the Royal Society of London.) 28 May 1880, 23 November 1880 Candolle, Anne Casimir Pyramus (Casimir) de (1836–1918). Swiss botanist. Son of Alphonse de Candolle; assistant and colleague of his father. Published monographs of several families of plants. Foreign member, Linnean Society of London, 1893. (Dictionnaire historique & biographique de la Suisse; Proceedings of the Linnean Society of London (1918–19): 51–2.) Candolle, Augustin Pyramus de (1778–1841). Swiss botanist. In Paris, 1796–1808; professor of botany, École de médecine and Faculté des sciences, Montpellier, 1808–16; professor of natural history, Academy of Geneva, 1816– 35. Foreign member, Royal Society of London, 1822. (DSB; Record of the Royal Society of London.) Candolle, Jeanne-Victoire-Laure de (1811–87). Swiss. Daughter of JeanJacques Kunkler. Married Alphonse de Candolle in 1832. (Historisches Lexikon der Schweiz vol. 2.) Canestrini, Giovanni (1835–1900). Italian zoologist. Studied philosophy and natural sciences at Vienna, receiving his degree in 1861. Professor of natural history, Modena, 1862–9. Professor of zoology and comparative anatomy and physiology, Padua, 1869–1900. Translated the first Italian edition of Origin (1864) in association with Leonardo Salimbeni, and of Variation (second edition, 1875). Worked mainly in ichthyology and later on human origins. (DBI; Pancaldi 1991.) 17 May 1880 Carlisle, Henry Hermann (1834/5–96). Congregational pastor. BA, University College, London, 1858; LLB 1866. Pastor of the Above Bar Congregational Church, Southampton, 1858–85. Retired to Eccles, near Manchester, 1885. (Historical record of the University of London 2: 343; Stainer 1909, p. 295.) Carlyle, Thomas (1795–1881). Essayist and historian. (ODNB.) Carneri, Bartholomäus von (1821–1909). Austrian politician and philosopher. Studied philosophy at the University of Vienna. Managed the Wildhaus estate in Styria, Austria, from 1857. Served as a member of the Styrian Landtag, 1861– 3. Represented Styrian landowners in the Reichstag, 1870–85. Wrote works on humanitarian social ethics that were influenced by Ernst Haeckel’s Darwinism. (DBE.) 30 October 1880

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Carpenter, Alfred John (1825–92). Physician and advocate of sewage farming. Trained at St Thomas’s Hospital, London; entered medical practice in Croydon in 1852. MD, London, 1859. Member of the Croydon Board of Health, 1859–79, and founder and manager of one of the earliest municipal sewage farms, in Beddington. Lectured on public health at St Thomas’s, 1875–84. (ODNB.) Carpenter, William Benjamin (1813–85). Naturalist. Fullerian Professor of physiology at the Royal Institution of Great Britain, 1844–8; physiology lecturer, London Hospital, 1845–56; professor of forensic medicine, University College, London, 1849–59. Registrar of the University of London, 1856–79. President of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1872. Founding member of the Marine Biological Association. FRS 1844. (DNB; DSB; Modern English biography; Royal Institution of Great Britain, www.rigb.org.) Carrington, Alexander Randall (1848–1920). Civil engineer. Born in Bath, son of Henry Edmund Carrington, owner and editor of the Bath Chronicle. In New Zealand, circa 1870. Lecturer in field engineering at the Royal Agricultural College, Cirencester, 1880, 1881. In New Zealand from at least the 1890s. (Blain biographical dictionary of Anglican clergy in the South Pacific s.v. Carrington, Charles Walter (anglicanhistory.org/nz/blain_directory/directory.pdf, accessed 6 June 2014); BMD (Birth index); Census returns of England and Wales 1851 (The National Archives: Public Record Office HO107/1943/576/17), 1881 (RG11/2555/6/6); letter from A. R. Carrington, 15 November 1880; New Zealand, death index 1848–1980 (Ancestry.com, accessed 6 June 2014); ODNB s.v. Carrington, Frederick George.) 15 November 1880 Carruthers, William (1830–1922). Scottish botanist and geologist. Studied at Edinburgh University and New College, Edinburgh. Assistant, botany department, British Museum, 1859; keeper, 1871–95. Botanist, Royal Agricultural Society, 1871– 1909. President, Linnean Society of London, 1886–90. FRS 1871. (R. Desmond 1994; Transactions of the Royal Society of Edinburgh 28 (1921–2): 118–21.) Caruccio, Antonio (1837–1923). Italian physician and zoologist. MD, Cagliari, 1860. At Cagliari Institute of Anatomy from about 1860; teacher of comparative anatomy, 1867. Professor of zoology, Modena, 1872. In Modena, founded the journal Lo Spallanzani and expanded the Museum of Zoology and Comparative Anatomy. Professor in Rome, 1884. Founded the Roman Society for Zoological Studies (from 1900 the Italian Zoological Society) in 1892. (DBI.) Carus, Julius Victor (1823–1903). German comparative anatomist. Conservator of the Museum of Comparative Anatomy, Oxford University, 1849–51. Professor extraordinarius of comparative anatomy and director of the zoological museum, University of Leipzig, 1853. Translated the third German edition of Origin (1867) and, subsequently, twelve other works by CD. (DSB; NDB.) 28 April 1880, 14 September 1880, 18 September 1880, 21 September 1880 20 November 1880, 22 November 1880 Cash, William (1843–1914). Accountant and geologist. Of Halifax, Yorkshire. (Naturalist (1915): 28–30.)

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Cave, Thomas (1825–94). Politician and merchant. Sheriff of London and Middlesex, 1863–4. Liberal MP for Barnstaple, 1865–80. (Stenton 1976.) Cayley, Arthur (1821–95). Mathematician and conveyancer. Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, 1842–52. Studied law at Lincoln’s Inn; called to the bar, 1849. Practised law until 1863. Honorary fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, 1872; fellow, 1875. Sadlerian Professor of pure mathematics at Cambridge, 1863– 95. FRS 1852. (Alum. Cantab.; DSB; ODNB.) Cecil, Sackville Arthur (1848–98). Company director. Fifth son of James Brownlow William Gascoyne-Cecil, second marquess of Salisbury (d. 1868), and Mary Catherine Stanley. BA, Cambridge (Trinity College), 1869. Assistant general manager of the Great Eastern Railway, 1878–80. General Manager, Metropolitan District Railway, 1880–5. Chairman of the Exchange Telegraph Company, 1889–98. (Alum. Cantab.; Burke’s peerage.) Chamberlain, Joseph (1836–1914). Industrialist and politician. Built up a very successful screw-manufacturing business in Birmingham, 1854–74. Mayor of Birmingham, 1873–6; MP for Birmingham, 1876–85; Birmingham West, 1885–1914. President of the Board of Trade, 1880–5; president of the Local Government Board, 1886; secretary of state for the colonies, 1895–1903; leader of the opposition in the Commons, 1906. (ODNB.) Chantre, Ernest (1843–1924). French naturalist, anthropologist, and archaeologist. Assistant director, Lyon Museum, 1877. Lecturer in geology and anthropology, University of Lyon, 1881–1908; in ethnology, 1903–8. (Comité des travaux historiques et scientifiques, http://cths.fr/an/savant.php?id=787# (accessed 21 June 2019).) Charles, Robert Fletcher (1847/8–1938). Educator and textbook writer. Assistant master at the City of London School, 1874–c. 1912. (Alum. Cantab.) 9 June 1880, 12 June [1880] Charles I, king of Scotland, England, and Ireland (1600–49). Succeeded his father, James VI and I, in 1625. Rebellions in Scotland and Ireland in 1640 and 1641, fears that he was a Catholic sympathiser, and disputes with parliament, led to civil war. Surrendered in 1646; tried and executed, 1649. (ODNB.) Chatin, Joannes Charles Melchior ( Joannes) (1847–1912). French zoologist, anatomist, and comparative physiologist. Doctor of medicine, 1871; of natural sciences, 1873. Lecturer in botany at the École supérieure de pharmacie, 1874– 6. Worked in Henri Milne-Edwards’s laboratory, 1875–7. Lecturer in zoology, anatomy, and comparative physiology at the Sorbonne, 1877–8; assistant professor, 1886; professor of histology, 1899–1912. (DBF; Le comité des travaux historiques et scientifiques, http://cths.fr/an/societe.php?id=506 (accessed 6 December 2016).) Chester, Joseph Lemuel (1821–82). American-born genealogist. Employed as a clerk, journalist, and lecturer in the United States. Appointed aide-de-camp, with military rank of colonel, to the governor of Pennsylvania, 1855. Arrived in England in 1858. Having obtained access to Doctors’ Commons as a researcher

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in 1862, he collected material illustrating the ancestry of American families. Worked on a genealogy of CD’s family. (Freeman 1978; ODNB.) 2 March 1880, 3 March 1880 Ciesielski, Theophil (1846–1916). Polish botanist. A student of Ferdinand Julius Cohn at Breslau (Wrocław); PhD 1871. Professor of botany and director of the botanic garden, University of Lemberg (Lwów; now Lviv), 1872–94. Founder and editor of the beekeeping journal Bartnik postępowy, 1875–1914. (Klemm 2002; Mularczyk 2008.) Clark, Andrew, 1st baronet (1826–93). Scottish physician. MD, Aberdeen, 1854. Physician to the London Hospital, 1866–86. Physician to William Ewart Gladstone from 1868, and to many prominent people, including Thomas Henry Huxley. One of the physicians who attended CD in his final illness. Created baronet, 1883. FRS 1885. (ODNB; The Times, 21 April 1882, p. 5.) Clark, John Willis (1833–1910). University administrator, naturalist, and architectural historian. BA, Cambridge (Trinity College), 1856; fellow of Trinity, 1858. Superintendent of the Zoological Museum, University of Cambridge, 1866–91; registrary, University of Cambridge, 1891–1910. Published papers in natural history, and a number of historical works including a four-volume account of the architecture of the University of Cambridge, and a biography of Adam Sedgwick. Fellow of the Society of Antiquaries, 1887. One of the honorary secretaries of the Darwin Centenary Committee of the University of Cambridge, 1909. (Richmond 2006; ODNB.) Clive, Benjamin (1695–1759). Clergyman. BA, Cambridge University, 1718–19. Rector of Adderley, Shropshire, 1720–35. Vicar of Duffield, Derbyshire, 1735– 59. (Alum. Cantab.; England, select births and christenings, 1538–1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed 22 November 2019).) Clive, George (d. 1779). Banker and politician. Agent for the army of the East India Company in India, 1757–60. Partner in the banking firm of Sir Francis Gosling, 1764–79. Attorney for his cousin, Robert Clive (1725–74), handling East India House business. MP for Bishop’s Castle, 1763–79. (Namier and Brooke 1985.) Clive, Rebecca (1730–1825). Sister of Robert Clive (1725–74). Married her first cousin Robert Clive (1722/3–92) at Moreton Say in 1759. (England, select marriages, 1538–1973 (Ancestry.com, accessed 30 April 2019); Hereford Journal, 2 February 1825; letter from C. H. Tindal, 1 January 1880; London, England, Church of England baptisms, marriages and burials, 1538–1812 (Ancestry.com, accessed 30 April 2019).) Clive, Robert (1722/3–92). Clergyman. BA, Cambridge, 1745–6. Ordained priest, 1747. Rector of Adderley, Shropshire, 1750; prebendary of Hereford, 1760–9; vicar of Clun, 1766–82; chaplain to Lord Scarsdale; archdeacon of Shropshire, 1769–92; prebendary of Westminster, 1778–92. Friend of Erasmus Darwin (1731– 1802). (Alum. Cantab.; letter from C. H. Tindal, 1 January 1880.) Clive, Robert (‘Clive of India’), Baron Clive (1725–74). Army officer, merchant, and colonial administrator. Led a number of successful military

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campaigns in India. Governor of the East India Company’s territory in Bengal, 1757–60, 1765. MP for Shrewsbury, 1760–74. Created Baron Clive, 1762. (ODNB.) Clowes, Edward Arnott (1851–1901). Printer. Son of George Clowes (1814–86). Joined the family printing business, William Clowes and Sons, run by his father and uncle, William Clowes (1807–83). Remained with the parent firm when his brother William Charles Knight Clowes, and cousin William Archibald Clowes founded the junior printing business Clowes and Clowes in 1873; became joint managing director with them when the two firms merged in 1880 to form William Clowes and Sons. (Clowes [1953].) William Clowes & Sons. Printers. William Clowes (1807–83), eldest son of William Clowes (1779–1847), joined his father’s printing business in 1823; the name of the firm was changed to William Clowes & Sons in 1839. Printed the official catalogue of the Great Exhibition of 1851. Introduced improvements in music printing. Printers to John Murray. (ODNB.) [before 8 November 1880] Coan, Titus (1801–82). American missionary. Entered Auburn Theological Seminary in 1831. Licensed as a Presbyterian minister, 1833. Missionary in Patagonia, 1833–4; at Hilo, Hawaii, 1835–82. Visited the Marquesas Islands in 1860 and 1867. Published Adventures in Patagonia (1880), and Life in Hawaii (1882). (DAB.) Cobbe, Frances Power (1822–1904). Writer and philanthropist. Wrote extensively on religious and ethical subjects. Leading campaigner for women’s rights and against animal vivisection. (ODNB.) Cobbett, William (1762–1835). Reform campaigner, journalist, essayist, and agriculturalist. Published reference works, newspapers, and political journals, including, from 1802, Cobbett’s Weekly Political Register. Established experimental seed-farms in Kensington and at Normandy, Surrey. MP for Oldham, 1832–5. (Craig ed. 1989; ODNB.) Cockburn, William, 9th baronet (1773–1858). Clergyman. BA, Cambridge, 1795. Dean of York, 1822–58. Inherited the baronetcy in 1853. (Alum. Cantab.) Cohn, Ferdinand Julius (1828–98). German botanist and bacteriologist. Professor extraordinarius, University of Breslau, 1859; professor, 1872. Founded the first institute for plant physiology, at Breslau, in 1866. In 1870, founded the journal Beiträge zur Biologie der Pflanzen, in which the earliest articles on bacteriology appeared. Worked on unicellular algae, and attempted to devise a system of classification for lower plants based on Darwinian transmutation theory. Foreign member, Royal Society of London, 1897. (DSB; NDB.) 26 December 1880 Cole, William (1844–1922). Entomologist. Founder and secretary, Epping Forest and County of Essex Naturalists’ Field Club, 1880–1922. Collected Lepidoptera. (Essex Naturalist n.s. 17 (2000): 21–30.) 6 January 1880, 14 February 1880, 17 February 1880

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Coleridge, Samuel Taylor (1772–1834). Poet and philosopher. (ODNB.) Collier, John (1850–1934). Painter and writer. Studied art in London, Munich, and Paris. First exhibited at the Royal Academy, London, in 1874. Painted portraits of several men of science. Son-in-law of Thomas Henry Huxley. (ODNB.) Collier, Marian (1859–87). Artist. Daughter of Henrietta Anne and Thomas Henry Huxley. Studied art at the Slade School, London. Exhibited at the Royal Academy, 1880–4. Married artist–author John Collier in 1879. Her sketch of CD, made when she was 18, is in the National Portrait Gallery. (Bibby 1959; Bryan’s dictionary of painters and engravers; R. W. Clark 1968, p. 97 and passim; A. Desmond 1994–7; Petteys 1985.) Colvin, Sidney (1845–1927). Curator and editor. BA, Cambridge (Trinity College), 1867; fellow of Trinity College, 1868. Slade Professor of fine art, 1873–85. Director of the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge, 1876–84. Keeper of the prints and drawings, British Museum, 1884–1912. Edited the Works and Letters of his friend Robert Louis Stevenson, and the Letters of John Keats. Author of A life of Keats. Knighted, 1912. (Alum. Cantab.; ODNB.) Comstock, John Henry (1849–1931). Entomologist. Professor at Cornell University 1876–1914. Chief entomologist, United States Department of Agriculture, 1879–82. (DAB; P. Gilbert 1977.) 4 June 1880 Comte, Isidore Auguste Marie François Xavier (Auguste) (1798–1857). French philosopher. Private secretary to Claude Henri de Rouvroy, comte de Saint-Simon, 1817–23. Founded the Association polytechnique, a group devoted to the education of the working classes, in 1830; the Société positiviste, devoted to the promulgation of the ‘Cult of Humanity’, in 1848. Adopted the term ‘positivism’ for his philosophy. (DSB.) Cooke, Robert Francis (1816–91). Publisher. Cousin of John Murray and partner in his publishing company, which published many of CD’s books. (Correspondence vol. 13, letter from John Murray, 1 April 1865; Modern English biography.) 3 March 1880, 23 April [1880], 27 April 1880, 12 June 1880, 15 July 1880, 16 July 1880, 20 July 1880, 21 July 1880, 2 September 1880, 16 October 1880, 19 October 1880, 20 October 1880, 4 November 1880, 5 November 1880, 8 November [1880], 10 November 1880, 15 November 1880, 20 November 1880, 26 November 1880. See also Murray, John (1808–92) Cooper, James Davis (1823–1904). Wood-engraver. Established his own woodengraving business in London, 1849. In 1857, patented a process for engraving by which the area to be printed black was cut out and the recesses filled to make an electrotype; this never came into general use. (ODNB.) Cooshaipunjiz ( James Button Sulivan) ( James FitzRoy Button) (b. c. 1871). Fuegian. Grandson of Orundellico ( Jemmy Button). Orphaned at the age of 6. Lived at the orphanage established by the South American Mission Society at Ushuaia in the Beagle Channel, Patagonia. Given (in error) the name James Button Sulivan when support was provided for him by Bartholomew James

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Sulivan and others; later renamed James FitzRoy Button. (Correspondence vol. 27, letter from B. J. Sulivan, 13 October 1879; Hazlewood 2000, p. 343; South American Missionary Magazine, 1 October 1879, p. 223.) Cope, Edward Drinker (1840–97). American biologist and palaeontologist. Worked on the reptile collection at the Smithsonian Institution, 1859. Studied the collections of Harvard Museum of Comparative Zoology and the Academy of Natural Sciences, Philadelphia, in the 1860s. Taught zoology at Haverford College, Pennsylvania, 1864–7. Made several palaeontological expeditions to the western states from the early 1870s. Professor of geology and later zoology, University of Pennsylvania, from 1889. (ANB.) Cornelia (c. 190–102 bce). Roman political and cultural figure. Wife of Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus. Mother of the influential tribunes Tiberius Gracchus and Gaius Gracchus. (Oxford encyclopedia of Ancient Greece and Rome.) Crane, Walter (1845–1915). Illustrator. (ODNB.) Crawley, Charles (1846–99). Barrister. BA, Cambridge, 1870. Friend of Francis Darwin. Admitted to Lincoln’s Inn, 1870; called to the bar, 1874; worked on the Oxford circuit. Vice-principal, Working Men’s College, 1883–7. Law examiner, 1892–4. Author of legal works. (Alum. Cantab.; BMD (Birth index); Modern English biography.) Crawley, William (1802–96). Clergyman. Father of Charles Crawley. BA, Cambridge, 1824. Fellow, Magdalene College, 1824–34. Priest, 1826. Rector of Bryngwyn, 1834–96. Archdeacon of Monmouth, 1844–85. (Modern English biography.) Cretier, H. (fl. 1880s and 90s). Dutch chemist. Taught chemistry at the Willem III Gymnasium, Batavia (now Jakarta), Dutch East Indies, from 1876. Chemist of the mine department, Dutch East Indies. Secretary of the Royal Scientific Society in the Dutch East Indies, 1877–81. (Natuurkundig tijdschrift voor Nederlandsch Indië; Verslag omtrent het Middelbaar en Lager Onderwijs over 1892, p. 86; Vorderman 1890–1, p. 384.) 15 July 1880 Crier, John (1824–97). Clerk and registrar. Worked for Great Western Railway. Lived in Hammersmith, London. (Census returns of England and Wales 1871 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG10/61/66/42), 1881 (RG11/55/32/4); England, select deaths and burials, 1538–1991 (Ancestry.com, accessed 24 June 2019).) November 1880 Croll, James (1821–90). Scottish geologist. Keeper, Andersonian Museum, Glasgow, 1859. In the 1860s, began publishing papers on physical geology. Secretary to the Geological Survey of Scotland, 1867; retired after suffering a mild stroke in 1880. Until his death, wrote papers and books on cosmology, on oceanic circulation patterns, and on climate change and the causes of the glacial epoch. FRS 1876. (ODNB.) Crosskey, Henry William (1826–93). Unitarian clergyman, social reformer, and geologist. Attended Manchester New College. Ministered at Friar Gate Chapel, Derby, 1848; Glasgow, 1852; Church of the Messiah, Manchester, 1869. Secretary of the Birmingham Philosophical Society. (ODNB.) 28 February 1880, [4 March 1880]

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Cuvier, Jean Léopold Nicolas Frédéric (Georges) (1769–1832). French systematist, comparative anatomist, palaeontologist, and administrator. Professor of natural history, Collège de France, 1800–32; professor of comparative anatomy, Muséum d’histoire naturelle, 1802–32. Permanent secretary to the Académie des sciences from 1803. Foreign member, Royal Society of London, 1806. (DBF; DSB.) Dallas, William Sweetland (1824–90). Entomologist, author, and translator. Prepared lists of insects for the British Museum, 1847–58. Curator of the Yorkshire Philosophical Society’s museum, 1858–68. Assistant secretary to the Geological Society of London, 1868–90. Translated Fritz Müller’s Für Darwin (1869); prepared the index for Variation and the glossary for Origin 6th ed. Editor, Annals and Magazine of Natural History, 1868–90, Popular Science Review, 1877–81. (Freeman 1978; Geological Magazine n.s. decade 3, vol. 7 (1890): 333–6; Modern English biography; Sarjeant 1980–96.) 5 February 1880, 8 July 1880, 28 July 1880, 6 October 1880 Dallinger, William Henry (1842–1909). Clergyman and biologist. Became a Wesleyan minister in 1861; served in Liverpool, 1868–80. Made microscopical researches into minute septic organisms, especially flagellate protozoa, 1870–80. With John James Drysdale, showed that flagellates could acclimatise to ordinarily lethal temperatures, and that their spores were also resistant to very high temperatures. Conducted a study (1880–6) to test whether adaptive changes could be rapidly induced in organisms with short life-cycles, in order to show evolutionary change. Governor and principal of Wesley College, Sheffield, 1880–8. President of the Royal Microscopical Society, 1884–7; of the Quekett Club, 1890–2. FRS 1880. (Haas 2000; ODNB.) Dante Alighieri (1265–1321). Italian poet. (EB.) Darbishire, Robert Dukinfield (1826–1908). Lawyer and philanthropist. Graduated from the University of London, 1845. Lay secretary, Manchester College, 1857–89. One of the first major donors to Manchester Museum. (Alberti 2009, pp. 94–5; Davis 1932, pp. 130–2.) Darwin, Bernard Richard Meirion (1876–1961). Essayist and sports writer. Son of Francis Darwin. Golf correspondent of The Times, 1907–53. Played in the British amateur golf championships (semi-finalist 1909, 1921); captained the British Walker Cup team in America in 1922. Captain of the Royal and Ancient Golf Club, 1934. (ODNB.) Darwin, Elizabeth (1747–1832). Née Collier. Illegitimate daughter of Charles Colyear, the second earl of Portmore. Married Edward Sacheverel Pole (d. 1780) in 1769. Became Erasmus Darwin’s second wife in 1781. (Darwin pedigree; England, select marriages, 1538–1973 (Ancestry.com, accessed 8 December 2015).) Darwin, Elizabeth (Bessy, Lizzy) (1847–1926). CD and Emma Darwin’s daughter. (Darwin pedigree; Freeman 1978.) 10 January 1880, 17 January 1880, 17 [ January 1880] Darwin, Emma (1808–96). Youngest daughter of Josiah Wedgwood II. Married CD, her cousin, in 1839. (Emma Darwin (1904) and (1915).)

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22 July 1880 (from W. E. Darwin), 2 September 1880 (from W. C. Williamson), [18 September 1880] (from Horace Darwin) Darwin, Emma Cecilia Ida (Ida) (1854–1946). Only daughter of Thomas Henry Farrer and Frances Farrer (née Erskine); distantly related to Charles and Emma Darwin. When her father remarried, became stepdaughter of Katherine Euphemia (Effie) Wedgwood. Married Horace Darwin in 1880; resided at The Orchard, Cambridge, from 1884. Active in Cambridgeshire charities related to mental health. (Cattermole and Wolfe 1987; Wedgwood and Wedgwood 1980.) Darwin, Erasmus (1731–1802). CD’s grandfather. Physician, botanist, and poet. Advanced a theory of transmutation similar to that subsequently propounded by Jean Baptiste de Lamarck. FRS 1761. (DSB; King-Hele 1999; ODNB.) Darwin, Erasmus Alvey (1804–81). CD’s brother. Attended Shrewsbury School, 1815–22. Matriculated at Christ’s College, Cambridge, 1822; Edinburgh University, 1825–6. Qualified in medicine but never practised. Lived in London from 1829. (Alum. Cantab.; Freeman 1978.) [26? February 1880], 20 May [1880], 8 July [1880], 14 November [1880] Darwin, Francis (1848–1925). CD and Emma Darwin’s son. Botanist. BA, Cambridge (Trinity College), 1870. Qualified as a physician but did not practise. CD’s secretary from 1874. Collaborated with CD on several botanical projects. Lecturer in botany, Cambridge University, 1884; reader, 1888–1904. Published Life and letters of Charles Darwin and More letters. President of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1908. Knighted, 1913. FRS 1882. (DSB; ODNB.) 10 January 1880, 17 January 1880, 17 [ January 1880], 16 February 1880 (from W. H. Flower), [25–7 May 1880], 28 July [1880], [before 1 August 1880], [1 August 1880], 5 August [1880], 11 August [1880], [11 or 12 November 1880], 26 November 1880 (to Édouard Heckel), 28 November [1880] (from O. A. Ainslie), [before 15 December 1880], 27 December [1880], [after 27 December 1880] Darwin, George Howard (1845–1912). CD and Emma Darwin’s son. Mathematician. BA, Cambridge (Trinity College), 1868; fellow, 1868–78; re-elected in 1884. Studied law in London, 1869–72; called to the bar, 1872, but did not practise. Plumian Professor of astronomy and experimental philosophy, Cambridge University, 1883–1912. President of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1905. Knighted, 1905. FRS 1879. (DSB; Men-at-the-bar; ODNB.) 10 January 1880, 17 January 1880, 17 [ January 1880], 29 January [1880], 21 [February 1880], 4 March 1880, 5 March [1880], 6 March 1880, 28 May 1880, 30 May [1880], 11 June [1880?], 27 July 1880, 28 July [1880], 23 [August 1880], [before 9 October 1880], 9 October 1880, 25 October 1880 (from W. D. Roebuck), 26 October 1880 (from W. D. Roebuck), 19 November 1880, 20 November [1880], 23 November [1880], [27 November 1880], 9 December [1880] Darwin, Horace (1851–1928). CD and Emma Darwin’s son. Civil engineer. BA, Cambridge (Trinity College), 1874. Apprenticed to an engineering firm in Kent; returned to Cambridge in 1877 to design and make scientific instruments. Founder and director of the Cambridge Scientific Instrument Company. Mayor of Cambridge, 1896–7. Knighted, 1918. FRS 1903. (Alum. Cantab.; ODNB.)

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1 January 1880, 10 January 1880, 11 January [1880], 17 January 1880, 17 [ January 1880], 20 April [1880], 4 September 1880, 9 and 12 September 1880, [18 September 1880] (to Emma Darwin), 7 October 1880 Darwin, Leonard (1850–1943). CD and Emma Darwin’s son. Military engineer. Attended the Royal Military Academy, Woolwich. Commissioned in the Royal Engineers, 1871; major, 1889; retired, 1890. Served on several scientific expeditions, including those for the observation of the transit of Venus in 1874 and 1882. Instructor in chemistry and photography, School of Military Engineering, Chatham, 1877–82. Intelligence service, War Office, 1885–90. Liberal Unionist MP, Lichfield division of Staffordshire, 1892–5. President, Royal Geographical Society of London, 1908–11; Eugenics Education Society, 1911–28. Chairman, Bedford College, London University, 1913–20. (ODNB; WWW.) 10 January 1880, 17 January 1880, 17 [ January 1880] Darwin, Mary Anne (1811–97). Daughter of Charles Rogers Sanders; married Reginald Darwin in 1843. (BMD (Marriage index); England, select births and christenings, 1538–1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed 11 October 2017); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 11 October 2017).) Darwin, Reginald (1818–92). Son of Francis Sacheverel Darwin, CD’s father’s half-brother. (BMD (Death index); Freeman 1978.) Darwin, Robert Waring (1766–1848). CD’s father. Physician. Had a large practice in Shrewsbury and resided at The Mount. Son of Erasmus Darwin (1731–1802) and his first wife, Mary (1740–70). Married Susannah (1765–1817), daughter of Josiah Wedgwood I, in 1796. FRS 1788. (Freeman 1978.) Darwin, Sara (1839–1902). American. Daughter of Sara Ashburner and Theodore Sedgwick. Sister of Susan Ridley Sedgwick Norton. Married William Erasmus Darwin in 1877. (Freeman 1978; J. Turner 1999.) 17 January 1880, 17 [ January 1880] Darwin, Susan Elizabeth (1803–66). CD’s sister. Lived at The Mount, Shrewsbury, the family home, until her death. (Darwin pedigree; Freeman 1978.) Darwin, Susannah (1765–1817). CD’s mother. Daughter of Josiah Wedgwood I. Married Robert Waring Darwin (1766–1848) in 1796. (Darwin pedigree.) Darwin, Violetta Harriot (1826–80). Daughter of Francis Sacheverel Darwin and Jane Harriett Darwin. Lived with her sister Ann Eliza Thomasine Darwin in Derby in 1871. Book illustrator and member of the Anastatic Drawing Society, the purpose of which was to delineate the remains of antiquity. (Anastatic Drawing Society (1858): iii and vi; Census returns of England and Wales 1871 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG10/3569/56/11); Darwin pedigree.) Darwin, William, of Cleatham (1573?–1644). Yeoman of the Armory at Greenwich. (Darwin pedigree.) Darwin, William Alvey (1726–83). Brother of Erasmus Darwin (1731–1802). Grandfather of William Darwin Fox and Charlotte Maria Cooper Darwin. (Darwin pedigree.)

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Darwin, William Erasmus (1839–1914). CD and Emma Darwin’s eldest son. Banker. BA, Cambridge (Christ’s College), 1862. Partner in the Southampton and Hampshire Bank, Southampton, 1861. Chairman of the Southampton Water Company. Amateur photographer. (Alum. Cantab.; F. Darwin 1914; ODNB.) 6 January [1880], 10 January 1880, 17 January 1880, 17 [ January 1880], [28 January 1880], 10 February [1880], 5 [April 1880], 6 April [1880], [9 May 1880], 9 [ June 1880], 13 June [1880] (to F. E. Abbott), 18 June 1880, 24 June [1880], [19 July 1880], 22 July 1880, 20 August 1880, 10 September [1880], [before 16 September 1880], 16 September 1880, 22 November [1880], 23 [November 1880], 26 November [1880], 30 November [1880], 1 December [1880], 2 December [1880], 3 December [1880], 17 December [1880], 31 December [1880] Davis, James William (1846–93). Businessman and geologist. Investigated the fossil fish of the Yorkshire coalfield and also studied Yorkshire Jurassic stratigraphy. (Sarjeant 1980–96.) Day, Thomas (1748–89). Wealthy landowner and writer. Member of the Lunar Society of Birmingham. Best known for the children’s book,The history of Sandford and Merton (1783–9) (ODNB.) Decaisne, Joseph (1807–82). Belgian botanist. Gardener at the Jardin des plantes, Paris, 1824. Professor of agricultural statistics, Collège de France, 1848. Professor of plant cultivation, Muséum d’histoire naturelle, 1850. Foreign member, Royal Society of London, 1877. (DBF; NBU.) Delpino, Federico (1833–1905). Italian botanist. Travelled extensively for botanical purposes as a youth and in 1873. Civil servant, ministry of finances, Turin, 1852–6; assistant in the botanic garden and museum, Florence, 1867; lecturer, Vallombrosa school of forestry, 1871; professor of botany and director of the botanic garden, Genoa, 1875–84; professor, University of Bologna, 1884; professor of botany and head of the botanic garden, Naples, 1894. (DBI; Mayerhöfer 1959–70; Penzig 1905.) 6 December 1880 Deplanche, Émile (1824–74). French naval surgeon, entomologist, and botanist. Collected molluscs and birds in Tahiti from around 1856. Explored and collected in New Caledonia, 1858–9. With co-author Eugène Viellard, published an essay on New Caledonia in 1863. ( JSTOR Global Plants: plants.jstor.org/ stable/10.5555/al.ap.person.bm000040191 (accessed 27 November 2019).) Devereux, Robert, 2d earl of Essex (1565–1601). Soldier and politician. A favourite of Queen Elizabeth I. (ODNB.) Dew-Smith, Albert George (1848–1903). Zoologist and instrument maker. BA, Cambridge (Trinity College), 1873. Added Smith to his name on succeeding to property in 1870, but was known to his friends as ‘Dew’. A student and benefactor of Michael Foster; co-authored several papers with Foster on the heartbeat. Carried out research at the Naples Zoological station in 1874. Established the Cambridge Scientific Instrument Company in partnership with Horace Darwin in 1878. A noted amateur photographer. (Alum. Cantab.; Geison 1978, pp. 107, 176, 222–38.)

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Dickens, Charles (1812–70). Novelist. (ODNB.) Dickie, George (1812–82). Scottish botanist. Lecturer in botany, King’s College, Aberdeen, 1839–49. Professor of natural history, Queen’s College, Belfast, 1849– 60. Professor of botany, Aberdeen University, 1860–77. Specialised in the study of marine algae and described many of the collections sent to the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew. FRS 1881. (R. Desmond 1994; ODNB.) Dickins, Frederick Victor (1838–1915). Physician and plant collector. Surgeon on board HMS Coromandel, 1863–5. Collected plants in Japan and translated Japanese literature. (R. Desmond 1994.) Disraeli, Benjamin, earl of Beaconsfield (1804–81). Statesman and author. Prime minister and first lord of the Treasury, 1868, 1874–80. Created earl of Beaconsfield, 1876. (ODNB.) Dixie, Florence Caroline (1855–1905). Scottish traveller and writer. Daughter of Archibald William Douglas, eighth marquess of Queensberry, and his wife, Caroline Margaret. Married Sir Alexander Beaumont Churchill Dixie in 1875. Travelled to South America in 1878 and published Across Patagonia (1880). Appointed war correspondent in South Africa by the Morning Post; spent six months in southern Africa, publishing articles in the Morning Post and two further books. Advocated complete sex equality and, later in life, denounced the cruelty of blood sports and advocated secularism. (ODNB.) 29 October [1880], 4 November [1880], 29 November [1880] Dixon, Charles (1858–1926). Naturalist, author, journalist, and lecturer. Studied migration of birds and geographical distribution of species. (WWW.) 19 January 1880 Dixon, James (1814–96). Ophthalmologist and eye surgeon. One of the original fellows of the Royal College of Surgeons. Assistant surgeon, St Thomas’s Hospital, London, 1847–51. Consulting surgeon to the Royal Ophthalmic Hospital. As a leading ophthalmic surgeon, he also had a large private practice until his retirement in 1870. (Modern English biography; Plarr 1930.) 7 May 1880, 8 May 1880 Dodel-Port, Arnold (1843–1908). Swiss botanist. Né Arnold Dodel. Privat-dozent in botany at the university of Zurich, 1870–80; professor extraordinarius, 1880–3; professor, 1883–1903. Founded the Zurich Institut für Allgemeine Botanik, which followed Nägeli’s microscopical and anatomical approach. Darwinist and socialist. Married Carolina Port in 1875, after which he took the name Dodel-Port. With Carolina, edited the Atlas der Botanik (1878–83). They divorced in 1890. Married Louisa Müller in 1891; they divorced in 1906. (Erziehungsrate des Kantons Zürich ed. 1938; HBLS; Universität Zürich Matrikeledition, www.matrikel. uzh.ch/active/static/16552.htm (accessed 2 May 2013).) 8 December 1880 Dodel-Port, Carolina (b. 1856). Swiss botanist. Née Carolina Port. Matriculated at the university of Zurich in 1874. Married Arnold Dodel in 1875, after which they both took the name Dodel-Port. With Arnold, edited the Atlas der Botanik

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(1878–83). (Universität Zürich Matrikeledition, www.matrikel.uzh.ch/active/ static/16552.htm (accessed 2 May 2013).) 8 December 1880 Dohrn, Felix Anton (Anton) (1840–1909). German zoologist. Studied medicine and zoology at various German universities. PhD, Breslau, 1865. Studied with Ernst Haeckel and became Haeckel’s first assistant at Jena, where he habilitated in 1868. Founded the Zoological Station at Naples, built between 1872 and 1874. The station was the first marine laboratory, and served as a model for other similar institutions throughout the world. (DBE; DSB; Heuss 1991.) 11 February 1880, 15 February 1880, 21 February 1880, 27 February 1880, 3 March 1880 Du Bois-Reymond, Emil Heinrich (Emil) (1818–96). German physiologist. A founder of the Physikalische Gesellschaft in Berlin, 1845. Instructor in anatomy, Berlin Academy of Art, 1848–53. Elected member of the Prussian Academy of Sciences, 1851; permanent secretary, 1876. Appointed professor of physiology at the University of Berlin, 1858. Worked on animal electricity, and in 1850 invented the nerve galvanometer to measure the electrical impulses in nerve and muscle tissue. (ADB; DSB; NDB.) Duguid, William (b. c. 1849 d. 1923). Scottish gardener and estate agent. Son of a nurseryman. Employed at Down House, 1879–80. Left after being suspected of ‘mysterious dealings in cows’. Estate bailiff in Shenton, Leicestershire, from 1891 or earlier until 1901 or later; estate agent, Market Bosworth, circa 1911. (CD’s Classed accounts (Down House MS); Census returns of England and Wales 1891 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG/12/2506/55/21), 1901 (RG13/2965/51/11), 1911 (RG14/19031); Census returns of Scotland 1871 (The National Archives of Scotland: Leith North 20/13); F. Darwin 1920a, pp. 58–9; England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858– 1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 13 February 2018); letter from Emma Darwin to H. E. Litchfield, [4 November 1879], DAR 219.9: 214.) Duncan, Ethel. See Romanes, Ethel. Duval-Jouve, Joseph (1810–83). French botanist, historian, and educator. Worked on self-fertilisation, plant movement, histology, and insectivorous plants. Principal of the college at Grasse, 1846. Inspector of the academy at Algiers from 1852, at Strasbourg from 1854, and at Montpellier from 1868. Honorary inspector by March 1874; retired through ill health in 1877. Published widely on botany, and also on the history of Montpellier. (DBF; Duval-Jouve 1874; Flahault 1884; Tort 1996.) Dykes, Lamplugh Brougham Ballantine (1804–86). Barrister. BA, Cambridge, 1827. Fellow of Peterhouse, 1828–85. Student of the Middle Temple, 1828; called to the bar, 1834. (Alum. Cantab.; England, select births and christenings, 1538–1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed 17 July 2019); Men-at-the-bar; Shrewsbury School register.) Easton, Edward (1832–1909). Engineer. Specialised in waterworks across the country. Consulting engineer for Wisbech. A partner in the firm of Easton and Anderson (founded by his father), 1858–79. Engaged in the construction of sugar

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factories in Egypt and South America. Member of the council of the Institution of Mechanical Engineers, 1875–81. (Proceedings of the Institution of Mechanical Engineers (1909): (pts 1 and 2) 530–1.) Easton and Anderson. Engineering firm in Erith, Kent, where Horace Darwin served a three-year apprenticeship. (ODNB s.v. Darwin, Horace.) Edgeworth, Richard Lovell (1744–1817). Educational writer and engineer. Set up a workshop at Hare Hatch, Berkshire, where he made various inventions. Introduced to the Lunar Society of Birmingham by Erasmus Darwin, he wrote the first account of the early days of the society. Awarded medals for diverse inventions by the Society of Arts, 1767, 1769. Wrote on the education of children with his daughter Maria. (ODNB.) Edward, Thomas (1814–86). Scottish shoemaker and naturalist. Shoemaker in Banff until 1875. Collected, mounted, and exhibited local zoological specimens. Curator of a museum in Banff. Opened an unsuccessful museum of natural history in Aberdeen. Contributed to the Zoologist. Elected an associate of the Linnean Society of London, 1866. (Book of Scotsmen; List of the Linnean Society of London 1866; Zoologist 3d ser. 1 (1877): 71–6, 10 (1886): 238–9.) Elam, Charles (1824–89). Physician and author. In private practice in Sheffield, 1848–68; Harley Street, London, 1868–89. Published several medical works and critiques of evolution. (Modern English biography.) Engelmann, Georg (George) (1809–84). German-born physician and botanist. MD, University of Würzburg, 1831. Went to the US in 1832. A founder of the St Louis Academy of Science, Missouri, 1856, and member of numerous scientific societies. Played a principal role in the establishment of the botanical garden at St Louis. Made fundamental contributions to the classification and taxonomy of many plant families, especially grapes, cacti, and yuccas. Discovered disease-resistant grape species and the role of the pronuba moth in pollination of yuccas. Provided thousands of plant specimens to collections in Berlin and St Petersburg. (ANB; DAB.) Ercolani, Giovanni Battista (1817–83). Physician and writer on veterinary medicine. Graduated with honours in medicine and surgery at Bologna. Appointed prosector to the comparative anatomy professor and deputy at the clinic of animal diseases, 1846. Appointed to the school of veterinary medicine, Turin, 1851; director, 1859. Professor of comparative anatomy and veterinary science, Bologna, 1863; dean of the medical-surgical and veterinary medicine faculty, 1872; president of the University of Bologna, 1878–83. Founded the Veterinary Journal in 1852, and published over 130 articles on veterinary pathology. (DBI.) 14 April 1880 Ernst, Adolf (1832–99). German-born botanist and entomologist. Studied natural sciences, education, and modern languages at the University of Berlin. Emigrated to Venezuela in 1861. Founded the Society for Physical and Natural Sciences of Caracas in 1867 and the National Museum in 1874. Director of the National Library from 1876. (Barnhart comp. 1965; Biografías: Adolfo Ernst,

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http://www.venezuelatuya.com/biografias/adolfoernst.htm, accessed 6 September 2016; P. Gilbert 1977.) 5 January 1880, 29 February 1880, 4 April 1880, 7 August 1880, 11 September 1880, 17 October 1880 Evans, Arthur John (1851–1941). Archaeologist. Son of John Evans (1823–1908). BA, Oxford, 1874. Travelled in Bosnia and Scandinavia. Founded Casa San Lazzaro at Ragusa, Sicily, for the study of language, antiquities, and customs. Keeper of the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, 1884–1908. Excavated Roman and Celtic ruins in England, and later worked in Crete in association with the British School of Archaeology at Athens. FRS 1901. (ODNB.) Evans, John (1823–1908). Paper manufacturer, archaeologist, geologist, and numismatist. In 1859, his study of chipped flints helped to establish the antiquity of humans in western Europe. Published an important paper on the fossil bird Archaeopteryx in 1865. Developed a theory of evolution with regard to coins, 1849– 50, and later applied natural selection to numismatics. Active member of many archaeological, scientific, and industrial societies. Vice-president of the Royal Society of London from 1876; treasurer, 1878–98. Honorary secretary of the Geological Society of London, 1866–74; president, 1874–6. Knighted, 1892. FRS 1864. (DNB.) Ewart, James Cossar (1851–1933). Zoologist and anatomist. Professor of natural history, Edinburgh. FRS 1893. (Barr [1973].) Eyre, John Joseph (1852–1941). Irish physician. Studied at Ledwich School of Medicine, Dublin. Practised in Rome and translated numerous Italian medical works. (1939 England and Wales register (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG101/2482A); Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/5277/180/58), 1891 (RG12/625/6/5); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 30 September 2019); Medical directory 1880; NUC.) 12 November 1880 Eyre, Mary Teresa (1850–76). Irish. Daughter of Margaret Eyre and Edmond Eyre, shopkeeper, of Shanagolden, county Limerick, Ireland. Sister of John Joseph Eyre, physician. (Ireland, civil death record (Rootsireland.ie, accessed 13 November 2019); National Library of Ireland, Catholic parish registers: Shanagolden, microfilm 02418/04 (Rootsireland.ie, accessed 13 November 2019).) Fabre, Esprit (1791–1866). French gardener. Of Agde, Hérault. Published on the vegetable and plants grown in his region. (Taxonomic literature. Supplement.) Fabre, Jean-Henri Casimir ( Jean-Henri) (1823–1915). French entomologist, teacher, and science writer. Professor of science, Avignon, 1853–70. Between 1879 and 1907 published the series Souvenirs entomologiques, notable for both scientific accuracy and accessible style. Particularly interested in the development of instinct in insects. Wrote textbooks on many scientific disciplines, as well as numerous works of popular science. (DBF; DSB.) 3 January 1880, 6 January 1880, 31 January 1880, 18 February 1880, 20 February 1880

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Fabre, Jules Andre Henri ( Jules) (1861–77). Son of Jean-Henri Fabre. ( Jean-Henri Fabre, his life, his work, https://en.e-fabre.com (accessed 6 November 2019).) Falk, Paul Ludwig Adalbert (Adalbert) (1827–1900). German politican and lawyer. Privy counsellor of justice and reporting counsellor at the Ministry of Justice, 1868; authorised representative at the Bundesrat, where he worked on the legislative foundations of the German Empire, 1871. Prussian minister for spiritual, educational, and medical affairs, 1872–9; usually referred to as minister of culture. In 1873, responsible for enacting the May Laws, by which religious teachers were excluded from state schools and strict state controls over religious training were enforced. From 1882, president of the higher regional court, Hamm, Westphalia. (‘Kulturkampf ’, Encyclopædia Britannica, https://www.britannica. com/event/Kulturkampf (accessed 10 December 2018); NDB.) Falsan, Claude Alexandre Albert (Albert) (1833–1902). French geologist. Attended lectures in the faculty of sciences, Lyon, but did not obtain a degree. Most of his early geological research focused on the region around Lyon. Member, Académie des sciences, belles-lettres et arts de Lyon, 1869; founding member, Société de géographie de Lyon, 1873. Worked on the Jurassic deposits of Bugey, 1873–88. Collaborated with Ernest Chantre on a monograph on the geology of ancient glaciers in the Rhône basin, 1875–80. (Bulletin de la Société d’anthropologie de Lyon 21 (1902): 108–17; DBF.) Faraday, Michael (1791–1867). Natural philosopher. Apprentice to a bookbinder, 1805. Appointed chemical assistant at the Royal Institution of Great Britain, 1813; director of the laboratory, 1825; Fullerian Professor of chemistry, 1833. Noted for his popular lectures and for his extensive researches in electrochemistry, magnetism, and electricity. FRS 1824. (DSB; ODNB.) Farrer, Katherine Euphemia (Effie) (1839–1931). Daughter of Hensleigh and Frances Emma Elizabeth Wedgwood. Married Thomas Henry Farrer in 1873. (Burke’s peerage 1980; Freeman 1978.) Farrer, Thomas Cecil, 2d Baron Farrer (1859–1940). Eldest son of Thomas Henry Farrer and his first wife, Frances. Succeeded his father as second Baron Farrer in 1899. (ODNB s.v. Farrer, Thomas Henry.) Farrer, Thomas Henry, 1st Baron Farrer (1819–99). Civil servant. BA, Oxford, 1840. Called to the bar, 1844; ceased to practise in 1848. Secretary of the marine department, Board of Trade, 1850, rising to sole permanent secretary of the Board of Trade, 1867–86. In 1854, married Frances Erskine, whose mother, Maitland, was the half-sister of Frances Emma Elizabeth Wedgwood; in 1873, married Katherine Euphemia Wedgwood, daughter of Frances and Hensleigh Wedgwood. Created baronet, 1883; created Baron Farrer of Abinger, 1893. (ODNB; Wedgwood and Wedgwood 1980.) 14 February 1880, 5 March 1880, 6 March 1880, 7 [March 1880], 8 March 1880, 8 March 1880, 9 March 1880, 12 March 1880, 1 October 1880, 6 October 1880, 8 October 1880, 9 October 1880, 10 October [1880], 10 October 1880, 13 October 1880, 13 October [1880], 16 October 1880, 20 October 1880, 30 December 1880

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Faulds, Henry (1843–1930). Scottish physician and developer of fingerprinting. Licentiate of the Faculty of Physicians and Surgeons of Glasgow, 1871. Missionary in India, 1871–3; in Japan, 1873–85. Founded a medical school in 1876, lecturing on surgery and physiology in Japanese, and a school for the blind in 1878. Suggested in a letter to Nature in 1880 that fingerprints might provide a scientific basis for the detection of criminals. Medical assistant in London and Staffordshire, 1885–92; GP and police surgeon at Stoke-on-Trent, 1892–1923. (ODNB.) 16 February 1880, 7 April 1880 Fayrer, Joseph, 1st baronet (1824–1907). Surgeon and physician. Served in the Indian Medical Service, 1850–95. Professor of surgery at the medical college, Calcutta, 1859. President of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1867. Returned to Britain in 1872. President of the medical board of the India Office, 1873–95. Published on surgery, but most noted for his work, with Thomas Lauder Brunton, on snake venoms. Created baronet, 1896. FRS 1877. (ODNB.) Fegan, James William Condell (1852–1925). Non-conformist evangelical. Worked with poor boys in South London; founded Fegan’s Homes in Deptford in 1872. In 1880 his parents moved to Downe on retirement, and CD lent him the village Reading Room for services. (Freeman 1978.) [before 25 February 1880] Ferguson, Charles Eugene (1856–1945). American physician. MD, Indianapolis, 1892. Secretary of the City Board of Health. Professor of bacteriology at Indiana University Medical School. (Kritsky 1995.) 12 January 1880 Ferrari da Grado, Henri Pierre Stuart (Henri Ferrari) (1849–1909). French journalist and writer. Degree in law, Paris, 1875. Editor of Revue bleue, revue politique et littéraire, 1891–1901. (Bibliothèque nationale de France, https://data.bnf.fr (accessed 11 April 2019).) Ferretti, Gisberto (1845–86). Italian surgeon. Born in Scandiano. Died in Venice after being appointed director of the office of the municipal health authority. Published on topography and medical statistics. (Giornale della Società Italiana d’Igiene 8 (1886): 339; https://www.geni.com/people/Gisberto-Ferretti/ 6000000037763856284 (accessed 27 March 2019).) Ffinden, George Sketchley (1836/7–1911). Clergyman. Ordained priest, 1861. Curate of Monks Risborough, Buckinghamshire, 1860–1; Newport Pagnell, 1861–2; Moulsoe, Buckinghamshire, 1863–9. Domestic chaplain to Earl Carrington, 1871. Vicar of Down, 1871–1911. (BMD (Death index); Crockford’s clerical directory 1872; Freeman 1978.) 19 March 1880 Field, Henry Martyn (1822–1907). American clergyman and author. Pastor of the Third Presbyterian Church in St Louis, Missouri, 1842–7. Travelled in Europe before returning as pastor to a Congregational church in West Springfield, Massachusetts, 1851–4. Settled in New York and became editor of the Evangelist, from 1854. Wrote travel books and other works. (DAB.)

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Filhol, Antoine Pierre Henri (Henri) (1843–1902). French zoologist and vertebrate palaeontologist. Studied medicine. Investigated fossil mammals in Languedoc and the Pyrenees. Naturalist and geologist with the French commission to observe the transit of Venus, based on Campbell island, Pacific Ocean, 1875; travelled to New Zealand, Fiji, New Caledonia, and the United States before returning to France. Professor of geology, Toulouse University, 1879. Zoologist with the hydrographic expedition on the Talisman, 1883. Assistantdirector of the laboratory of anatomical zoology, Muséum d’histoire naturelle, Paris, 1884; professor of comparative anatomy, 1886. (DBF; Nature, 5 June 1902, pp. 133–4; Sarjeant 1980–96.) Fiske, Abby Morgan (b. c. 1839 d. 1925). Of Petersham, Massachusetts. Wife of John Fiske. Edited a collection of her husband’s essays after his death. (ANB s.v. Fiske, John; Massachusetts, marriage records, 1840–1915 (Ancestry.com, accessed 12 October 2018); Massachusetts, death index, 1901–1980 (Ancestry.com, accessed 12 October 2018).) Fiske, John (1842–1901). American historian and populariser of evolutionary science. Influenced by Auguste Comte and Herbert Spencer. Graduated from Harvard University in 1863. Gave a series of lectures on positive philosophy at Harvard, 1869–70. Assistant librarian, Harvard, 1872–9. Travelled to England in 1873. Published Outlines of cosmic philosophy (1874). Freelance lecturer and writer, 1879–88; retained by Houghton Mifflin Company from 1888. Wrote extensively on American history and politics. (ANB.) 20 April 1880, 14 May [1880] Fison, Lorimer (1832–1907). Wesleyan missionary and anthropologist. A friend and colleague of A. W. Howitt. (ODNB.) FitzRoy, Maria Isabella (1819/20–89). Daughter of John Henry Smyth of Heath Hall, Wakefield, Yorkshire. Second wife of Robert FitzRoy, whom she married in 1854. (Burke’s peerage 1999, s.v. Grafton, duke of; County families 1864, s.v. FitzRoy, Robert; London, England, Church of England births and baptisms, 1813–1916 (Ancestry.com, accessed 9 November 2017).) FitzRoy, Robert (1805–65). Naval officer, hydrographer, and meteorologist. Commander of HMS Beagle, 1828–36. Tory MP for Durham, 1841–3. Governor of New Zealand, 1843–5. Superintendent of the dockyard at Woolwich, 1848–50. Chief of the meteorological department at the Board of Trade, 1854; chief of the Meteorological Office from 1855. Rear admiral, 1857; vice-admiral, 1863. FRS 1851. (DSB; ODNB.) Fleming, Ida Mary Sheldon (1845–90). Daughter of Edward Joseph Weston, MD, of London, and his wife Sarah Weare Weston. Married, as his third wife, John Brown Willis Fleming (1815–72), of Stoneham Park, Hampshire, in 1870. Married Robert Cecil Sayers in 1884. (Alum. Cantab. s.v. Fleming (post WillisFleming), John Browne Willis; England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 18 October 2019); England, select births and christenings, 1538–1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed 31

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October 2019); London, England, Church of England marriages and banns, 1754–1932 (Ancestry.com, accessed 31 October 2019).) Flower, Georgiana Rosetta (1835–1923). Daughter of Admiral William Henry Smyth and his wife Annarella; married William Henry Flower in 1858. (DNB s.v. Smyth, William Henry; England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 3 February 2015); England, select births and christenings, 1538–1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed 3 February 2015); England, select marriages, 1538–1973 (Ancestry.com, accessed 3 February 2015).) Flower, William Henry (1831–99). Anatomist and zoologist. Curator of the Hunterian Museum, Royal College of Surgeons of England, 1861–84; Hunterian Professor of comparative anatomy, Royal College of Surgeons, 1870–84. Director of the Natural History Museum, London, 1884–98. President of the Zoological Society of London, 1879–99. President of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1889. Knighted, 1892. FRS 1864. (DNB; ODNB.) 16 February 1880 (to Francis Darwin), [after 16 February 1880], 17 December 1880 Focke, Wilhelm Olbers (1834–1922). German physician and botanist. Studied medicine in Bonn, 1853–5, and Würzburg, where he received his degree in 1857; passed the state medical exam, Berlin, 1858. Practised medicine in Bremen until 1904, when retired in order to concentrate on science. In botany, he worked mainly on the rose family and its hybrids. Wrote a major work on hybridity, Die Pflanzen-Mischlinge (1881); it included an historical section in which the work of Gregor Mendel (1822–84) was mentioned. (NDB.) Forster, William (1784–1854). Philanthropist and Quaker minister. Father of William Edward Forster (1818–86). (ODNB.) Forster, William Edward (1818–86). Liberal politician. Woolen-worsted manufacturer in Bradford from 1840. Advocated state-supported working-class education. Established a mill school, 1854. A member of the Alpine Club, 1859. MP for Bradford, 1861. Involved in the legislation for free compulsory elementary education; the resulting Act was known as ‘Forster’s Act’, 1870. Chief secretary for Ireland, 1880–2. (ODNB.) Foster, Michael (1836–1907). Physiologist and politician. BA, University College, London, 1854; MD 1859. Practised medicine until 1866. Instructor in physiology and histology, University College, 1867; assistant professor, 1869. Fullerian Professor of physiology, Royal Institution of Great Britain. Praelector in physiology, Trinity College, Cambridge, from 1870; professor of physiology, Cambridge, 1883– 1903. MP, University of London, 1900–6. Knighted, 1899. FRS 1872. (ODNB.) Fox, Charles Woodd (1847–1908). Barrister. Son of Ellen Sophia and William Darwin Fox. (Alum. Oxon.; Repton School register.) 29 March 1880, 8 April 1880, 10 [April] 1880 Fox, Ellen Sophia (1820–87). Daughter of Basil George Woodd of Hillfield, Hampstead. Married William Darwin Fox as his second wife in 1846. (Darwin pedigree.)

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Fox, William Darwin (1805–80). Clergyman. CD’s second cousin. A friend of CD’s at Cambridge; introduced CD to entomology. Maintained an active interest in natural history throughout his life and provided CD with much information. Rector of Delamere, Cheshire, 1838–73. Spent the last years of his life at Sandown, Isle of Wight. (Alum. Cantab.; Correspondence; ‘Recollections’.) Frank, Albert Bernhard (1839–1900). German botanist, plant physiologist, and mycologist. Doctorate in natural sciences, Leipzig, 1865; habilitated in botany, 1866; privat-dozent, 1866–78; professor extraordinarius, 1878–81. Professor of plant physiology, Agricultural College, Berlin, 1881. Director of the Biological Division for Agriculture and Forestry of the Imperial Department of Health, 1899. Wrote on plant pathology; known for coining the word mycorrhiza and describing the symbiotic relationship between fungus and host in many woody plant species. (NDB; Trappe 2005.) Franke, Johannes Hermann (1847/8–1913). German musician and impressario. Married Constance Rose Wedgwood in 1880. Founder of the Hans Richter concerts and leader of the orchestra, 1880–6. (BMD (Marriage index); Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/855/83/1); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 12 June 2019); Musical World 58 (1880): 279; 64 (1886): 761–2.) Frankland, Edward (1825–99). Chemist. Professor of chemistry, Putney College for Civil Engineering, 1850, and Owens College, Manchester, 1851–7. Lecturer in chemistry, St Bartholomew’s Hospital, London, 1857–64. Professor of chemistry, Royal Institution of Great Britain, 1863–8, and Royal College of Chemistry, 1865–8. President of the Chemical Society, 1871–2; of the Institute of Chemistry, 1877–80. Director of the Royal College of Chemistry, 1868–85. Knighted, 1897. FRS 1853. (DSB; ODNB.) 20 April 1880 R. Friedländer und Sohn. German bookseller and natural history publisher. Founded in 1828. Premises at Carlstrasse 11, Berlin. Publications included Entomologische Nachrichten and Ornithologische Monatsberichte. (Advertisement, American Journal of Science and Arts 14 (1877): 3.) Frost, Henry Frederick (1848–1901). Organist and music critic. Professor of piano at the Guildhall School of Music, 1880–8. Wrote a biography of Schubert. Music critic of the Academy, the Standard, and the Athenæum. (Humphreys and Evans 1997.) Fulcher, Robert (1845–1916). Instrument maker. Chief mechanic in the Department of Mechanism and Applied Mechanics, University of Cambridge. Built instruments in partnership with Albert George Dew-Smith, 1878–80. Later resided in Chorlton-upon-Medlock, Lancashire. (BMD (Birth index, Death index); Cattermole and Wolfe 1987, pp. 12–22; Census returns of England and Wales 1891 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG12/3185/27/8).) Galton, Emma Sophia (1811–1904). Daughter of Samuel Tertius Galton and Violetta Galton, née Darwin. Sister of Francis Galton. (Darwin pedigree.)

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Galton, Frances Anne Violetta (Violetta) (1783–1874). Daughter of Erasmus Darwin (1731–1802) and his second wife, Elizabeth; CD’s father’s half-sister. Married Samuel Tertius Galton in 1807; mother of Francis Galton. (Darwin pedigree.) Galton, Francis (1822–1911). Traveller, statistician, and scientific writer. Son of Samuel Tertius Galton and Violetta Galton, née Darwin; CD’s cousin. Explored in south-western Africa, 1850–2. Carried out various researches on heredity. Founder of the eugenics movement. FRS 1860. (DSB; ODNB.) 7 April 1880, 8 April 1880, 5 July 1880, 30 [October 1880] Galton, Louisa Jane (1822–97). Daughter of George Butler, the headmaster of Harrow. Married Francis Galton in 1853. (London, England, births and baptisms, 1813– 1906 (Ancestry.com, accessed 30 October 2014); ODNB s.v. Galton, Sir Francis.) Gambetta, Léon Michel (1838–82). French republican statesman. Directed France’s defence during the Franco-Prussian war, 1870–1. A founder of the Third Republic. Premier of France, 14 November 1881 to 16 January 1882. (DBF; EB.) Gapitche, A. (fl. 1880s). Pseudonym of the author of a pamphlet, Quelques mots sur l’éternité du corps humaine. (ML 2: 444.) 24 February 1880 Gardiner, Allen Francis (1794–1851). Naval officer and missionary. Entered the navy in 1810; commander, 1826. Founded a missionary station at Port Natal, South Africa, 1834. Worked in Chile among the Araucana (Mapuche) people, 1838–43. Attempted to establish a Patagonian mission in 1844, but returned to England in 1845. A second attempt to establish a mission ended in disaster, when he and his party died of starvation after being stranded on Picton Island in 1851. (Modern English biography; ODNB.) Gardner, John Starkie (1844–1930). Metalworker, fossil collector, and writer on geology and botany. Educated abroad. Collected fossils until around 1876, when he began to sell off his collections, mainly to the British Museum; wrote on fossil plants. Part of his collection was purchased in 1887 by Bolton Museum. In 1883, founded a metal works in London; published articles on armour, silver work, seventeenth and eighteenth century ironwork, and modern metalworking. Commissioned to make the gates of Holyrood Palace for King Edward VII. (Bolton Library and Museum Services, Museum collection highlights, http:// www.boltonlams.co.uk/museum/museum-collection-highlights/geology/jstarkie-gardner (accessed 6 May 2019); R. Desmond 1994.) Garrick, David (1717–79). Actor and playwright. Managed successful theatres at Drury Lane and Covent Garden. (ODNB.) Garrison, Herod Dailey (1833–91). American chemist and photographer. Graduated in medicine from the Eclectic Medical Institute, Cincinnati, 1857; professor of chemistry and pharmacy, 1858–63, professor of physiology, 1861–3. Assistant surgeon to the Fourth Indiana Cavalry in the Civil War. Professor of chemistry, Bennett Medical College, Chicago, 1867–79. Partner in Murray & Garrison, a drug-milling business, 1871–5. Professor of physics, chemistry, and materia medica, Chicago School of Pharmacy, 1875–90. Editor of the Pharmacist, circa 1880. Honorary commissioner to the Paris Exposition, 1878; lectured at

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the Royal Polytechnic Institution, London, 1878. Took up photography in 1880. (Felter 1902, pp. 122–4; Photographic Times and American Photographer, 6 March 1891, p. 115; C. Stephens ed. 1921, pp. xxviii, 430.) 29 April 1880 Gärtner, Karl Friedrich von (1772–1850). German physician and botanist. Practised medicine in Calw, Germany, from 1796, but left medical practice in 1800 to pursue a career in botany. Travelled in England and Holland in 1802. Studied plant hybridisation from circa 1824. Elected a member of the Deutsche Akademie der Naturforscher Leopoldina, 1826. Ennobled, 1846. (ADB; DBE; DSB.) Gathorne-Hardy, Gathorne, 1st earl of Cranbook (1814–1906). Politician. BA, Oxford, 1836. Called to the bar, 1840. MP for Leominster, 1856–65; for Oxford University, 1865–78. President of the poor-law board, 1866–7; home secretary, 1867–8; secretary of state for war, 1874–8; secretary of state for India, 1878–80. Took the title Viscount Cranbrook of Hemsted and added Gathorne to his family name in 1878. Promoted to earl of Cranbook, 1892. (ODNB.) Geddes, Patrick (1854–1932). Scottish botanist, sociologist, and urban planner. Studied at the Royal School of Mines with T. H. Huxley, who subsequently employed him as a demonstrator. Interested in applying the lessons of evolutionary science to human society; worked on urban renewal and the preservation of historic buildings in Edinburgh. Published The evolution of sex (1889), with his student, J. Arthur Thomson. Professor of botany, Dundee University, 1889; University of Bombay, 1919. Knighted, 1932. (R. Desmond 1994; ODNB.) 20 December 1880 Geikie, James Murdoch (1839–1915). Scottish geologist. The brother of Archibald Geikie. Joined the Scottish Geological Survey, mapping glacial deposits in central Scotland, in 1861; district surveyor, 1869. Published The great Ice Age (1874). Murchison Professor of geology, Edinburgh University, 1882–1914. FRS 1875. (DSB; ODNB.) 15 July 1880, 19 July 1880, 22 July 1880, 27 November 1880, 13 December 1880, 20 December 1880 Giacchi, Michele (1805–92). Italian politician. Senator from 1876. (DBI.) Giesl, Oskar von (fl. 1880s). 29 January 1880 Gifford, Elizabeth (d. 1793). Née Woodhouse. Married Richard Gifford, 1763. Mother of Euphemia Gifford. (Gentleman’s Magazine 77 (1807): 478; Derbyshire, England, Church of England marriages and banns, 1754–1932 (Ancestry.com, accessed 27 July 2018).) Gifford, Euphemia (1765–1853). Daughter of Richard Gifford. (BMD (Death index); England, select births and christenings, 1538–1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed 27 July 2018).) Gifford, Richard (1724/5–1807). Clergyman. BA, Oxford University, 1748. Curate of Richard’s Castle, Herefordshire; morning preacher at St Anne’s, Soho, London; chaplain to John, marquess of Tweeddale, 1758. Vicar of Duffield, near Derby, 1759–1807. Rector of North Ockenden, Essex, 1772–1807. Published

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Outline of an answer to Dr Priestly’s disquisition (1782). Friend of Erasmus Darwin (1731–1802). (Letter from C. H. Tindal, 1 January 1880; ODNB.) Gilbert, Grove Karl (1843–1918). American geologist. After working for the Ohio State Geological Survey, became a senior geologist with the newly formed US Geological Survey in 1879. Considered one of the founders of geomorphology; recognised that landforms reflected a state of balance between the processes that acted upon them and the structure and composition of the rocks that composed them (dynamic equilibrium). Expounded this concept in his geological report on the Henry Mountains, Utah, 1877. (EB 15th ed.) Gildersleeve, Basil Lanneau (1831–1924). American philologist, author, and editor. Studied at Princeton and in Germany. Professor of Greek, University of Virginia, 1856; also professor of Latin, 1861–6. Served in the Confederate army during university vacations from 1861; severely wounded in 1864. Professor of Greek, Johns Hopkins University, 1876–1915. Founder and editor of the American Journal of Philology, 1880–1920. (DAB.) Gillies, Robert (1835–86). New Zealand surveyor and politician. Member of the New Zealand House of Representatives, 1884–5. A founder member of the Otago Institute in Dunedin. In 1876, engaged in evolutionary debates that clarified the support of the Otago Institute for Darwinism. (DNZB s.v. Gillies, Harold Delf; Evening Post (New Zealand), 15 June 1886, p. 3; Royal Society Te Apārangi, ‘History of the Otago Institute for the Arts and Sciences’, https://royalsociety. org.nz/assets/documents/Otago-History-Full.pdf (accessed 8 May 2019).) Gisborne, Millicent (1774–1857). Daughter of Elizabeth Pole (later Darwin) and Edward Sacheverel Pole. Twin sister of German Pole, who died as an infant, and stepdaughter of Erasmus Darwin (1731–1802). Married John Gisborne in 1792. (Derbyshire, England, Church of England baptisms, marriages and burials, 1538– 1812 (Ancestry.com, accessed 20 April 2018); England, select marriages, 1538–1973 (Ancestry.com, accessed 27 November 2017); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 27 November 2017).) Gladstone, Helen (1849–1925). Educationalist. Daughter of William Ewart Gladstone. Attended Newnham College, Cambridge from 1877. Secretary to the vice-principal of Newnham, 1880–2; vice-principal, 1882–96. (ODNB.) Gladstone, John Hall (1827–1902). Chemist and educationalist. Studied chemistry at University College, London; PhD, University of Giessen, 1848. Member of the London School Board, 1873–94. Fullerian Professor of chemistry at the Royal Institution of Great Britain, 1874–7. Noted for papers on spectroscopy. Active in philanthropic and charitable work; an early supporter of the Young Men’s Christian Association, especially its international relationships, from 1850. FRS 1853. (ODNB.) Gladstone, William Ewart (1809–98). Statesman and author. Chancellor of the Exchequer, 1852–5 and 1859–66. Prime minister, 1868–74, 1880–5, 1886, and 1892–4. FRS 1881. (ODNB.) June 1880

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Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von (1749–1832). German poet and naturalist. (DSB; NDB.) Goldsmid, Julian, baronet (1838–96). Politician and philanthropist. MA, University of London, 1861. Fellow of University College, London, and called to the bar, 1864. MP for Honiton, 1866–7; Rochester, 1870–80; St Pancras South, 1885–96. Vice-president, Anglo-Jewish Association, 1871–86; president, 1886– 95. Chairman of the Russo-Jewish Committee, 1882–94. Succeeded his uncle to the baronetcy in 1878. ( Jewish encyclopedia.) Goodacre, Francis Burges (1829–85). Clergyman and naturalist. MD, Cambridge, 1860. Deacon, Exeter, 1858; priest, 1860. Rector of Wilby with Hargham, 1863–85. Presented his museum to the University of Cambridge in 1861. Wrote on domestic animals. (Alum. Cantab.) 7 January 1880 Goodale, George Lincoln (1839–1923). American physician, botanist, and educator. AB, Amherst College, 1860; MD, Harvard, 1863. Practised medicine in Portland, Maine. Took part in the scientific survey of Maine and published on the survey’s botanical discoveries, 1862–3. Visited areas of botanical interest in California, 1866; in Europe, 1867. Professor, Bowdoin College, 1868. From 1870, studied botany with Asa Gray. Assistant professor, vegetable physiology, Harvard, 1873; professor of botany, 1878; director of the botanic garden, 1879; Fisher Professor of natural history, 1888–1909. (ANB.) Gore, George (1826–1908). Electrochemist and scientific writer. Worked as a chemist in a phosphorus factory; published numerous articles on electrometallurgy and chemistry, 1853–65. Taught chemistry and physics at King Edward’s School, 1870–80. Founded a private institute of scientific research at Easy Row, Birmingham, 1880. Wrote several important textbooks as well as works on scientific education and research and on science and government. Granted a civil list pension. FRS 1865. (ODNB.) Gould, Augustus Addison (1805–66). American physician and conchologist. Practised medicine in Boston, Massachusetts. Co-author, with Louis Agassiz, of the Principles of zoology (1848). Described the shells collected during the United States Exploring Expedition, 1838–42. An active member of the Boston Society of Natural History. (DAB; DSB.) Graham, Christopher Columbus (1784–1885). American soldier, businessman, physician, and philosopher. Served in the War of 1812, the War of Mexican Independence, and the Black Hawk War of 1832. MD, Transylvania University, Lexington, Kentucky, 1819. Founded Graham Springs spa in 1826, later selling it to the US government in 1853 for use as an asylum for injured soldiers. Surgeon for a survey expedition for the Southern Atlantic and Pacific Railway, but left the company to complete the work independently; taken prisoner by the Apache during this time. Returned to Kentucky and founded the town of Sublimity. Wrote works on mental and moral philosophy, 1859 and 1869. Excavated at Big Bone Lick in northern Kentucky where he discovered mammoth remains.

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(Shook ed. 2012.) 28 March 1880, 17 April 1880 Grant, Daniel (b. 1826). Printer and politician. Partner in the firm Grant and Company, engravers and designers, of Clerkenwell. Liberal MP for Marylebone, London, 1880–5. (Stenton and Lees 1978.) Gray, Asa (1810–88). American botanist. Fisher Professor of natural history, Harvard University, 1842–73. Wrote numerous botanical textbooks and works on North American flora. President of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, 1863–73; of the American Association for the Advancement of Science, 1872. Regent of the Smithsonian Institution, 1874–88. Foreign member, Royal Society of London, 1873. (DAB; DSB; J. L. Gray ed. 1893; Record of the Royal Society of London.) 12 January 1880, 19 January 1880, 20 January [1880], 3 February 1880, 17 February 1880, 11 March 1880, 20 March [1880], 24 March [1880], [1 April 1880], 4 April 1880, 19 April 1880, 3 July 1880, 29 July [1880], 30 September 18[80] Gray, Jane Loring (1821–1909). American. Daughter of Charles Greely Loring, Boston lawyer and politician, and Anna Pierce Brace. Married Asa Gray in 1848. Edited the Letters of Asa Gray (1893). (Barnhart comp. 1965; Dupree 1959, pp. 177–84.) Grey, George, 2d baronet (1799–1882). Politician. MP for Devonport, 1832–47; North Northumberland 1847–52; Morpeth, 1853–74. Home secretary intermittently between 1846 and 1866. Became second baronet in 1828. (ODNB.) Grisebach, August Heinrich Rudolf (1814–79). German botanist. Travelled through the Balkan Peninsula and north-western Asia Minor, 1839–40, studying the flora of these regions. Professor of botany, Göttingen University, 1847. (DSB; NDB.) Günther, Albrecht Carl Ludwig Gotthilf (Albert) (1830–1914). German-born zoologist. Began his association with the British Museum in 1857; made catalogues of the museum’s specimens of Amphibia, reptiles, and fish; officially joined the staff in 1862. Assistant keeper of the zoological department, 1872– 5; keeper, 1875–95. Edited the Record of Zoological Literature, 1864–9. FRS 1867. (NDB; ODNB.) 22 December [1880], 27 December 1880, [28 December 1880] Gurney, Edmund (1847–88). Psychical researcher and psychologist. BA, Cambridge (Trinity College), 1871; fellow of Trinity, 1872–77. Wrote on the psychology and philosophy of music, including The power of sound (1880). Founding member of the Society for Psychical Research, 1882; honorary secretary, 1883. Co-authored Phantasms of the living (1886), a study of telepathy. (ODNB.) Gurney, Kate Sara (1853/4–1929). As Kate Sara Sibley, married Edmund Gurney in 1877. Married Thomas Newcoman A. Grove in 1889. (BMD (Marriage index); Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/120/60/8); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95, s.v. Grove, Kate Sara (Ancestry. com, accessed 2 December 2019); ODNB s.v. Gurney, Edmund.)

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Gurney, Thomas (1705–70). Stenographer. Schoolmaster in Bedfordshire and Buckinghamshire. Shorthand teacher in London. Shorthand writer for the law courts and the House of Commons. Author of an influential handbook on shorthand, Brachygraphy (1750). (ODNB.) Guthrie, Malcolm (1836–1906). Draper and philosophical writer. Member of the Literary and Philosophical Society of Liverpool. A critic of Herbert Spencer. (BMD (Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/3651/104/43); Guthrie 1879, p. vii; Liverpool, England, Church of England baptisms, 1813–1906 (Ancestry.com, accessed 15 March 2018).) Guzmán, Antonio Leocadio (1801–84). Venezuelan journalist and politician. Founder of the Liberal party in Venezuela, 1840. (Diccionario de historia de Venezuela.) Guzmán Blanco, Antonio (1829–99). Venezuelan general and politician. Son of Antonio Leocadio Guzmán. President of Venezuela, 1870–7, 1879–84, and 1886–7. (Diccionario de historia de Venezuela.) Haberlandt, Gottlieb (1854–1945). Austrian plant physiologist. Professor of botany, Graz, 1888–1910; Berlin, 1910–23. (DSB.) Haeckel, Ernst Philipp August (Ernst) (1834–1919). German zoologist. MD, Berlin, 1857. Lecturer in comparative anatomy, University of Jena, 1861–2; professor extraordinarius of zoology, 1862–5; professor of zoology and director of the Zoological Institute, 1865–1909. Specialist in marine invertebrates. Leading populariser of evolutionary theory. His Generelle Morphologie der Organismen (1866) linked morphology to the study of the phylogenetic evolution of organisms. (DSB; NDB.) 21 January 1880, 9 February 1880, 12 February 1880 Hahn, Otto (1828–1904). Swabian lawyer, civil servant, naturalist, and social campaigner. Studied law and natural sciences at Tübingen. Worked at the Department of Justice and Department of the Interior, and spent four years in a religious commune before starting his own law firm. Promoted emigrationist colonialism as a solution for poverty in German agricultural communities, in particular by recruiting emigrants to Canada. Collected fossils and explored settlement opportunities in Canada in 1878. Moved to Toronto, Canada, in 1888, but returned to Germany in 1903. Awarded an honorary doctorate for his work on Eozoon canadense. (Sauer 2007.) 16 December 1880, 20 December 1880 Haliburton, Sarah Harriet (1804–86). Eldest daughter of William Mostyn Owen Sr of Woodhouse. Married Edward Hosier Williams (d. 1844) in 1831 and Thomas Chandler Haliburton (1796–1865; ODNB) in 1856. A close friend and neighbour of CD before the Beagle voyage. (BMD (Marriage index); Burke’s landed gentry 1952 s.v. Mostyn-Owen; Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/0843/38/13); Correspondence vol. 1 s.v. Owen, Sarah Harriet; London Gazette, 25 May 1888, p. 2983.) 21 November [1880], 22 November 1880, 12 December [1880], 13 December 1880

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Hamond, Robert Nicholas (1809–83). Naval officer. Lieutenant, 1827. Midshipman on HMS Beagle, 1832–3. Bank manager in Falmouth, Cornwall. (Burke’s landed gentry 1952; Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/2316/137/17); Correspondence vol. 1, Appendix III; O’Byrne 1849.) Hamond, Sophia Caroline (1811–93). Daughter of John Musters and Mary Ann Chaworth. Married Robert Nicholas Hamond in 1836. (BMD (Death index); England, select births and christenings, 1538–1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed 19 October 2018); England, select marriages, 1538–1973 (Ancestry.com, accessed 19 October 2018).) Hampden, John (1819/20–91). Controversialist. Son of a Dorset clergyman. Matriculated at St Mary Hall, Oxford, 1839, but left without a degree. Author of works on cosmology and military subjects. Famous for his offer of £500 to anyone who could prove the earth was round, and for his subsequent refusal to accept A. R. Wallace’s experimental proof. (Modern English biography; Raby 2001.) Hardwick, Harriet (1819–96). Housekeeper and cook. Born in Ipswich, Suffolk, daughter of Philip Pratt, gardener, and his wife Susan. Mother of Charles Purdie Pratt. Married James Hardwick, agricultural labourer, and gardener and coachman to Anthony Rich from at least 1871, at Bramford parish church, Suffolk, in 1847. In Bramford, 1851 and 1861. Staymaker, 1851. Employed by Anthony Rich from at least 1871. (Certificate of marriage, 11 July 1847, Bosmere and Claydon, Suffolk, and certificate of death, 19 October 1896, Peckham, Camberwell, London (General Register Office, England); England, select births and christenings, 1538– 1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed March 2019); Census returns of England and Wales 1841 (The National Archives: Public Record Office HO107/1043/14/47/10), 1851 (HO107/1797/601/17), 1861 (RG9/1157/83/11), 1871 (RG10/1107/94/22).) Hardy, Ralph Price (1838–1913). Administrator. Eagle Insurance Company, 1854. Chief clerk, Mututal Life Office, 1868. Secretary and actuary, London Provincial Law Assurance Society, 1869. Fellow of the Institute of Actuaries. Author of reports on friendly societies and pension funds. (BMD (Birth index); Census returns of England and Wales 1871 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG10/424/59/4); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 7 July 2015); Journal of the Institute of Actuaries 47 (1913): 312–14; NUC.) 6 August [1880], 11 August [1880], [after 11 August 1880], 7 September 1880 Harris, J. (fl. 1880s). Corresponded with Francis Darwin from The Crescent, Spalding, Lincolnshire, in 1882. (Letter from J. Harris to Francis Darin, 7 June 1882 (DAR 198: 87).) 16 May 1880, 21 May 1880 Harrison, Anne Dorothea (1877–1950). Eldest daughter of CD’s niece Lucy Caroline Harrison. Married John Sherlock Gooch in Canada in 1912. (British Columbia, Canada, marriage index, 1872–1935 (Ancestry.com, accessed 31 May 2019); Darwin pedigree; England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1995 (Ancestry.com, accessed 31 May 2019).)

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Harrison, Geoffrey Richard (1876–82). Eldest son of CD’s niece Lucy Caroline Harrison. (Darwin pedigree.) Harrison, Lucy Caroline (1846–1919). Daughter of Caroline Sarah Wedgwood and Josiah Wedgwood III. CD’s niece. Married Matthew James Harrison in 1874. (Darwin pedigree; Freeman 1978; Wedgwood and Wedgwood 1980.) Harrison, Thomas Edmund (1879–1914). Naval officer. Second son of CD’s niece Lucy Caroline Harrison. Killed when his boat was torpedoed during the First World War. (Darwin pedigree; Dorking Museum, ‘Lieutenant Commander Thomas Edmund Harrison’, https://dorkingmuseum.org.uk/lieutenantcommander-thomas-edmund-harrison/; UK, Commonwealth war graves registers, 1914–1921 and 1939–1947 (Ancestry.com, accessed 31 May 2019).) Haswell, Robert (1817–91). House agent. Moved to Tromer Lodge, Down, in 1862. Formerly resident in Clapham. Convicted of smoking in a first-class carriage in 1863. (Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (Public Record Office RG9/83/65/67); Correspondence vol. 10, letter from J. B. Innes to T. S. Stephens, [before 5 May 1862], letter to J. B. Innes, 22 December [1862]; England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1995 (Ancestry.com, accessed 2 March 2020); England, select births and christenings, 1538–1975 (Ancestry. com, accessed 2 March 2020); letter from H. E. Darwin to W. E. Darwin, [22 February 1863] (DAR 210.6: 109); The Times, 20 February 1863, p. 11.) Haughton, Samuel (1821–97). Irish clergyman, mathematician, geologist, and palaeontologist. Professor of geology, Trinity College, Dublin, 1851–81. Became registrar of the medical school after graduating in medicine in 1862. Co-editor of the Natural History Review, 1854–60. President of the Royal Irish Academy, 1886–91. FRS 1858. (R. Desmond 1994; ODNB; Sarjeant 1980–96.) Hawkins, John Luther (1857–1937). Clerk at biscuit factory. Of Reading, Berkshire. Head of department at biscuit factory, 1911. (BMD (Birth index); Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/1307/121/11); 1911 (RG14/6592/41); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 29 September 2017).) 23 December 1880 Hayden, Ferdinand Vandeveer (1828?–87). American geologist and naturalist. Explored the western territories of the United States, 1853–60. Lecturer on geology in the Auxiliary Department of Medicine at the University of Pennsylvania, 1865–72. Directed several surveys for the Department of the Interior, 1867–78. Worked for the US Geological Survey from its creation in 1879 until his retirement in 1886. (ANB.) Hearne, Edwin (1820–80). Surgeon. A graduate of the University of London, and also studied in Paris. Settled in Southampton in 1845 and built up a large medical practice. FRCS 1858. (Plarr 1930.) Heckel, Édouard Marie (Édouard) (1843–1916). French pharmacist, physician, and botanist. Studied at the naval medical school, Toulon, then studied flora in

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Martinique for therapeutic agents in 1859. Pharmacist, first class, Montpellier, 1867; MD 1869; doctorate in natural sciences, 1875. Botanised in Australia, China, Ceylon (Sri Lanka), and elsewhere. Served as a physician in the FrancoPrussian War; resigned from the navy in 1874. Professor of botany, Faculté des sciences, Marseilles, 1877; of materia medica, École de plain exercise de médicine et de pharmacie, 1879. Translated CD’s Cross and self fertilisation and other works into French. (Osborne 2014, pp. 165–9.) 23 September 1880, 26 November 1880 (from Francis Darwin) Heer, Oswald (1809–83). Swiss biogeographer, palaeontologist, and botanist. An expert on Tertiary flora. Lecturer in botany, University of Zurich, 1834–5; director of the botanic garden, 1834; professor extraordinarius, 1835–52; professor of botany and entomology, 1852–83. (DSB; NDB.) Heldreich, Theodor Heinrich Hermann (Theodor) von (1822–1902). German botanist. Studied botany in Montpellier, 1837; in Geneva with A. P. de Candolle and Alphonse de Candolle, 1838–42. Based in Athens from 1843; made several botanical research trips to Sicily, Naples, Crete, and Anatolia. Travelled to England; became keeper of the herbarium of Philip Barker-Webb in Paris, 1849–50. Director of Athens botanical gardens, 1851–1902; conservator of the natural history museum, 1858–83. Discovered over seven hundred new species in Greece and the Orient and wrote on flora in the works of Homer. (NDB.) 1 July 1880 Heller, Camil (1823–1917). Austrian zoologist. Studied medicine and zoology at Vienna; MD 1849. Professor of zoology and comparative anatomy, Cracow (Kraków), 1858–63; professor of zoology, Innsbruck, 1863–94. Worked mainly on crustaceans and tunicates; described the Crustacea of the Novara expedition. (BLKO; OBL; WorldCat Identities, https://worldcat.org/identities/viaf-30294166/ (accessed 9 May 2019).) Hellwald, Friedrich Anton Heller (Friedrich) von, Baron von Hellwald (1842–92). Austrian writer on geography, anthropology, and cultural history. Officer in the Austrian army, 1858–82. Editor of Das Ausland, 1871–81. Promoted a Darwinian view of human development in works aimed at a popular audience. (ADB.) Herbert, John Maurice (1808–82). Lawyer. BA, Cambridge (St John’s College), 1830; fellow, 1832–40. Barrister, 1835. County-court judge, South Wales, 1847– 82. Friend of CD’s. (Alum. Cantab.; Correspondence vol. 1; Modern English biography.) 25 December [1880], 28 December 1880 Herbert, Mary Charlotte (1838/9–1924). Daughter of Thomas Phillpotts, vicar of Feock, Cornwall, and his wife Mary Emma. Second wife of John Maurice Herbert, whom she married in 1877. (Census returns of England and Wales 1851 (The National Archives: Public Record Office HO107/1910/808/7), 1881 (RG 11/2586/125/4); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1995 (Ancestry.com, accessed 27 June 2019); England, select marriages, 1538–1973 (Ancestry.com, accessed 27 June 2019).)

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Herbert, William, dean of Manchester (1778–1847). Naturalist, classical scholar, linguist, and clergyman. Noted for his work on plant hybridisation. Rector of Spofforth, Yorkshire, 1814–40. Dean of Manchester, 1840–7. (DSB; ODNB.) Herschel, Caroline Lucretia (1750–1848). German astronomer. Born in Hanover. In 1772, travelled to England with her brother William Herschel, who taught her English and trained her as a singer in Bath. After William’s discovery of Uranus in 1781, she moved to Windsor and co-discovered eight comets and many nebulae with him. Produced a list of errors in John Flamsteed’s British Catalogue of stars (1725), published by the Royal Society in 1798. Returned to Hanover after her brother’s death in 1822. Revised the catalogues of nebulae to assist the research of her nephew, John Herschel. (ODNB.) Herschel, John Frederick William, 1st baronet (1792–1871). Astronomer, mathematician, chemist, and philosopher. Member of many learned societies. Carried out astronomical observations at the Cape of Good Hope, 1834–8. Master of the Royal Mint, 1850–5. Created baronet, 1838. FRS 1813. (DSB; ODNB.) Hertz, Helen Augusta. See Macdonell, Helen Augusta. Herzfeld, S. M. (fl. 1880s). German or Austrian physician. (Letter from S. M. Herzfeld, 2 April 1880; letter from William Spottiswoode, 24 May 1880.) 2 April 1880, 4 April 1880 Heslop, Thomas Pretious (1823–85). Physician. Born in Bermuda. MD, Edinburgh, 1848. Practised in Birmingham. Founder of the Birmingham Philosophical Society. (ODNB.) Hick, Thomas (1840–96). Palaeobotanist. Assistant lecturer in botany, Owens College, Manchester, 1885. Assistant to William Crawford Williamson at the Victoria University of Manchester, 1886–96. (R. Desmond 1994; Vaughan and Zussman 2019, p. 30.) Higgins, Henry Hugh (1814–93). Clergyman and naturalist. BA, Cambridge University, 1836. Travelled in Palestine, Sinai, and Egypt, 1848; West Indies, 1876. Chaplain, Rainhill Asylum, Liverpool, 1853–86. President, Liverpool Literary and Philosophical Society, 1859–62. (R. Desmond 1994.) 18 August [1880] Hildebrand, Friedrich Hermann Gustav (Friedrich) (1835–1915). German botanist. After studying mineralogy, geology, and agriculture at Berlin, took up botany, studying at Bonn, then from 1855 to 1858 at Berlin, where he received his doctorate. Habilitated at Bonn, becoming privat-dozent there, in 1859. Professor of botany, Freiburg im Breisgau, 1868–1907. Worked mainly on hybridity, dimorphism, and generation. (Correns 1916; Junker 1989; Tort 1996.) 4 December 1880 Hippocrates (460–377 bce). Greek physician. Known as the ‘father of medicine’. (Oxford classical dictionary.) Hobbes, Thomas (1599–1679). Philosopher. (ODNB.) Hocken, Thomas Morland (1836–1910). New Zealand surgeon and collector. Born in England. MRCS 1859. Ship’s surgeon on the Australian run. Settled in

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Dunedin, in Otago, New Zealand, 1862. A leading figure in many medical institutions in Dunedin. A founder and three-times president of the Otago Institute, a scientific society. Made a significant collection of New Zealand and Pacific artefacts and documents relating to the history of the region. Fellow of the Linnean Society of London, 1883. (DNZB.) Hoffmeister, Werner (1819–45). German physician and botanist. In 1844, accompanied prince Waldemar of Prussia as a personal physician on an expedition to India; killed in battle after the outbreak of a war with the Sikhs. (Barnhart comp. 1965; Pierer’s universal-Lexikon.) Hogg, Jabez (1817–99). Ophthalmic surgeon. Editor, Illustrated London News, 1850– 66; Illustrated London Almanack, 1845–95. Studied at Charing Cross Hospital in 1845. Assistant to George James Guthrie, founder of the Royal Westminster Ophthalmic Hospital, from 1855; surgeon, 1871–7. Vice-president, Medical Society of London, 1851–2. Prominent freemason. (ODNB.) 14 January 1880 Holbrook, Martin Luther (1831–1902). American physician and health reformer. Professor of hygiene at New York Medical College and Hospital for Women. Edited the Herald of Health. Proprietor of a sanitarium in New York City. (National cyclopædia of American biography 12: 334.) Hooker, Brian Harvey Hodgson (1860–1932). Fifth child of Frances Harriet and Joseph Dalton Hooker. Diploma in metallurgy, Royal School of Mines, South Kensington, 1881; further studies at the Mining Academy at Clausthal, Germany. (Allan 1967 s.v. ‘Hooker pedigree’; Correspondence vol. 29, letter from J. D. Hooker, 4 August 1881.) Hooker, Hyacinth (1842–1921). Daughter of William Samuel Symonds. Married Sir William Jardine of Applegirth, seventh baronet, in 1871; widowed in 1874. Married Joseph Dalton Hooker in 1876. (Allan 1967 s.v. ‘Hooker pedigree’; Burke’s peerage 1876.) 10 October [1880] Hooker, Joseph Dalton (1817–1911). Botanist. Worked chiefly on taxonomy and plant geography. Son of William Jackson Hooker. Friend and confidant of CD. Accompanied James Clark Ross on his Antarctic expedition, 1839–43, and published the botanical results of the voyage. Appointed palaeobotanist to the Geological Survey of Great Britain, 1846. Travelled in the Himalayas, 1847–9. Assistant director, Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, 1855–65; director, 1865–85. Knighted, 1877. FRS 1847. (DSB; ODNB.) 24 September 1880, 22 November 1880, 23 November 1880, 26 November 1880, 28 November [1880], 29 November 1880, 1 December 1880, 4 December 1880, 5 December 1880, 20 December 1880, [29 December 1880] Hooker, Joseph Symonds (1877–1940). First child of Joseph Dalton Hooker and his second wife, Hyacinth Hooker. (Allen 1967 s.v. ‘Hooker pedigree’.) Hooker, Reginald Hawthorn (1867–1944). Sixth child of Joseph Dalton and Frances Harriet Hooker. Took B-ès-Sc. in Paris, and studied mathematics at

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Trinity College, Cambridge, 1886–9. Assistant to the director of the Intelligence Department of the Board of Agriculture, and subsequently head of the statistical branch until 1927. Secretary, Royal Statistical Society; president, Royal Meteorological Society, 1920–1. (Allan 1967; Alum. Cantab.; Royal Meteorological Society.) Hooker, Richard (1554–1600). Theologian and philosopher. Professor of Hebrew, Oxford University, 1579. Master of the Temple, 1585–91. Author of a large work on the laws of ecclesiastical polity, which brought together theology, philosophy, and political thought for the first time in England, and dealt with the issues between conformists and nonconformists, and Rome and the Church of England. (ODNB.) Hooker, William Jackson (1785–1865). Botanist. Father of Joseph Dalton Hooker. Regius professor of botany, Glasgow University, 1820–41. Appointed first director of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, 1841. Knighted, 1836. FRS 1812. (DSB; ODNB.) Hoole, Alice Mary (1846/7–87). Daughter of Robert Dalgleish Swan and his wife, Isabella Stuart Swan. John Brodie Innes’s niece. Married Stanley Hoole in 1865. (BMD (Marriage index, Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1851 (The National Archives: Public Record Office HO107/1633/570/9), 1881 (RG11/1195/117/60).) Hoole, Stanley (1840–1904). Underwriter member of Lloyds insurance. Married Alice Mary Swan, a niece of John Brodie Innes, in 1865. Moved into Downe Lodge, Downe, 1877. (BMD (Birth index, Marriage index, Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/1195/117/60); Post Office directory of the six home counties 1878.) Horace (65–8 bce). Roman poet. (Oxford classical dictionary.) Howitt, Alfred William (1830–1908). Australian anthropologist and geologist. Educated in Heidelberg and at University College School, London. Went to Australia with his father and brother in 1852, and stayed as a farmer and cattledrover after they left. Led the 1861 expedition in search of the explorers Robert O’Hara Burke and William John Wills. Police magistrate and warden of the goldfields in Gippsland, 1863–89. Admitted to the secret ceremonies of the Kurnai people of Gippsland. Studied the social organisation of Australian Aboriginal people. Published Kamilaroi and Kurnai (1880) with Lorimer Fison. Also wrote on Australian geology and Gippsland flora. Secretary of mines, Victoria, 1889; commissioner of audit, University of Melbourne, 1896. Retired in 1901. (ODNB.) [before 30 November 1880] Huber, Jean Pierre (1777–1840). Swiss entomologist. Son of François Huber and editor of his father’s works. (NBU.) Hughes, Frances Jane (1807–94). Sister of William Darwin Fox. Married the Rev. John Hughes in 1852. (Darwin pedigree; England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 22 February 2016).) 5 May 1880

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Hughes, Thomas McKenny (1832–1917). Geologist, speleologist, and archaeologist. BA, Cambridge University, 1857. Worked for the geological survey, 1861–73. Suceeded Adam Sedgwick as Woodwardian Professor of geology at Cambridge in 1873. Responsible for the planning and building of the Sedgwick Museum of Geology. FRS 1889. (ODNB.) 23 August 1880, 26 August 1880 Hume, David (1711–76). Scottish philosopher and historian. (ODNB.) Humphry, George Murray (1820–96). Surgeon and anatomist. Member of the Royal College of Surgeons, 1841. Lectured on human anatomy, Cambridge University, 1847–66; professor of human anatomy, 1866–83; of surgery from 1883. Founder and co-editor of the Journal of Anatomy and Physiology, 1867. Knighted, 1891. FRS 1859. (DNB.) Hunt, Thomas Carew (1808/9–86). Diplomat. Consul at Archangel, 1832; Azores, 1839–48; Bordeaux, 1866. Collected plants for the Botanical Society of London. Lived in Bath, 1881. (Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/2441/93/12); R. Desmond 1994; England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858– 1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 11 August 2016).) Hunter, John (1728–93). Surgeon and anatomist. His collection of zoological specimens formed the basis of the Hunterian Museum of the Royal College of Surgeons. FRS 1767. (DSB; ODNB.) Hutton, Frederick Wollaston (1836–1905). Geologist and army officer. Served with the Royal Welsh Fusiliers in the Crimea and India, 1855–8. Captain, 1862. Left the army in 1865, and emigrated to New Zealand in 1866. Employed by Auckland provincial government to survey coal deposits. Assistant geologist to the geological survey of New Zealand, 1871–3. Provincial geologist of Otago, 1873–6. Professor of natural science, University of Otago, 1877–80. Professor of biology, Canterbury College, 1880–93. Curator of Canterbury Museum from 1893. FRS 1892. (DNZB; Stenhouse 1990; G. M. Thomson 1884–5.) Huxley, Ethel Gladys (1866–1941). Daughter and youngest child of Henrietta Anne and Thomas Henry Huxley. Married artist–author John Collier in 1889. Because of the British law against marrying a deceased wife’s sister they married in Norway. (R. W. Clark 1968, p. 110; A. Desmond 1994–7, 1: 348.) Huxley, George Thomas Scott (1859–1940). Fund holder with no profession. (BMD (Birth index); Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/1868/66/18); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 8 July 2019).) Huxley, Henrietta Anne (1825–1915). Born Henrietta Anne Heathorn. Emigrated to Australia in 1843. Met Thomas Henry Huxley in Sydney, Australia, in 1847, and married him in 1855. (A. Desmond 1994–7; Freeman 1978.) Huxley, Henry (1865–1946). Physician. Son of Henrietta Anne and Thomas Henry Huxley. Became a fashionable general practitioner in London. (R. W. Clark 1968.)

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Huxley, Leonard (1860–1933). Biographer, editor, and poet. Son of Henrietta Anne and Thomas Henry Huxley. Assistant master at Charterhouse, 1884–1901. Assistant editor, Cornhill Magazine, 1901–16; editor from 1916. Married Julia Frances Arnold, niece of Matthew Arnold, in 1885. (R. W. Clark 1968, ODNB.) Huxley, Nettie (1863–1940). Singer and illustrator. Daughter of Henrietta Anne and Thomas Henry Huxley. Married Harold Roller, joint owner of a firm of picture restorers, in 1889, but spent most of her time travelling in Europe with her daughter, supporting herself as a singer. (Bibby 1959, pp. 15, 275, 283; R. W. Clark 1968, pp. 111, 252, and passim.) Huxley, Rachel (1862–1934). Daughter of Henrietta Anne and Thomas Henry Huxley. Married Alfred Eckersley, a civil engineer, in 1884 and lived in various countries until his death in 1895 in San Salvador. Returned to London, where she ran a laundry business until her marriage to Harold Shawcross, when she moved to Lancashire. (R. W. Clark 1968, pp. 98, 109, 129, 165, and passim.) Huxley, Thomas Henry (1825–95). Zoologist. Assistant-surgeon on HMS Rattlesnake, 1846–50, during which time he investigated Hydrozoa and other marine invertebrates. Lecturer in natural history, Royal School of Mines, 1854; professor, 1857. Appointed naturalist to the Geological Survey of Great Britain, 1854. Hunterian Professor, Royal College of Surgeons of England, 1862–9. Fullerian Professor of physiology, Royal Institution of Great Britain, 1855–8, 1866–9. President of the Royal Society of London, 1883–5. FRS 1851. (R. W. Clark 1968; A. Desmond 1994–7; DSB; ODNB.) 2 February 1880, 3 February 1880, 4 February [1880], [5 March 1880?], 11 [April] 1880, [7 May] 1880, 10 May 1880, 11 May 1880, 5 November 1880, 13 November 1880, 14 November 1880, [after 26 November 1880], [7 December 1880], 7 December 1880, 9 December 1880, 11 December 1880, 27 December 1880, 28 December 1880, [29 December 1880] Innes, Eliza Mary Brodie (1820–1909). Daughter of John Laidlaw of Dominica, West Indies, and his wife Mary Stuart. Married John Innes (from 1861 John Brodie Innes) at Hythe, Kent, in 1847. Died at Milton Brodie, Morayshire, Scotland. (Burke’s landed gentry 1879 s.v. Brodie-Innes, John; Gentleman’s Magazine n.s. 28 (1847): 80; Scotland statutory deaths 125/00 0005 (Scotlandspeople.gov. uk, accessed 26 March 2014).) Innes, John Brodie (1815–94). Clergyman. Son of John Innes, gentleman, and his wife Mary Leslie, of Brunswick Square, London, and Ibstone, Buckinghamshire. Perpetual curate of Down, 1846–68; vicar, 1868–9. Left Down in 1862 after inheriting an entailed estate at Milton Brodie, near Forres, Scotland; changed his name to Brodie Innes in 1861 as required by the entail. Priest in charge of Milton Brodie Mission and general licentiate of the diocese of Moray, 1861. Chaplain to the Bishop of Moray, 1861–80 and 1886–94. (Clergy list; County families 1864; Crockford’s clerical directory; Freeman 1978; London Metropolitan Archives, Bloomsbury St George, registers of marriages (P82/GEO1, Item 021) and baptisms (P82/ GEO1, Item 004); J. R. Moore 1985.)

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19 August 1880, 23 August [1880], 24 August 1880, 29 November 1880, 2 December 1880 Jackson, Henry William (1831/2–99). Surgeon. MRCS 1855, LSA 1857. Assistant medical officer, county asylum, Rainhill, Lancashire 1862–64; senior assistant medical officer, county asylum, Tooting, Surrey 1864–74. A founder member and honorary secretary of the Lewisham and Blackheath Scientific Association, 1879. Member of the Société d’anthropologie de Paris, 1865. Fellow of the Royal Astronomical Society, 1872. Fellow of the Geological Society of London, 1874. (Medical directory; Science n.s. 9 (1899): 756.) 9 [ July 1880], 15 July 1880 Jackson, William (1850–1930). Butler. Agricultural servant in Leaveland, Kent, 1871. Butler at Down House, 1875–82. Married Sophia Steers at Down, 1880. Coachman in Orpington, 1891; publican, North Cray, Kent, 1901; beer house keeper, Croydon, 1911. Retired to Addiscombe, Surrey. (BMD (Birth indexes); Census returns of England and Wales 1871 (The National Archives, Public Record Office RG10/977/71/2), 1881 (RG11/855/92/20), 1891 (RG12/634/6/10), 1901 (RG13/694/141/16), 1911 (RG14/3333/8); Downe marriage register 1838–1911 (kent-opc.org, accessed 17 December 2019); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 17 December 2019); England, select births and christenings, 1538–1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed 3 February 2015); will proved at London, 17 March 1931.) Jäger, Gustav (1832–1917). German physician and zoologist. Co-founder and director of the Vienna zoological garden, 1858–66. Professor of zoology and anthropology, Hohenheim Academy, from 1867; Stuttgart Polytechnic, from 1870. Taught physiology and histology at the Veterinary School, Stuttgart, from 1874. Co-editor of Kosmos, 1877–9. Returned to medical practice in 1884. (DBE; Freeman 1978; NDB; Weinreich 1993.) James, William (1842–1910). American philosopher and psychologist. Taught at Harvard. Brother of the novelist Henry James. (ANB.) James VI and I, king of Scotland, England, and Ireland (1566–1625). Succeeded his mother, Mary, on her abdication in 1567 to become James VI of Scotland. Succeeded Elizabeth I as James I of England and Ireland in 1603. (ODNB.) Jamieson, Thomas Francis (1829–1913). Scottish agriculturalist and geologist. Factor on the Ellon estate, Aberdeenshire, for many years; later took the farm of Mains, Waterton. Appointed Fordyce Lecturer on agricultural research, University of Aberdeen, 1862. Carried out notable researches on Scottish Quaternary geology and geomorphology. Fellow of the Geological Society of London, 1862. (Geological Magazine 50 (1913): 332–3; Sarjeant 1980–96.) Jeffrey, Francis (1773–1850). Scottish judge, critic, and Whig politician. A founder of the Edinburgh Review, 1802; editor, 1803–29. (DNB.) Jessel, George (1824–83). Lawyer, judge, and politician. BA, University College, London, 1843. Called to the bar at Lincoln’s Inn, 1847; QC and a bencher of Lincoln’s Inn, 1865. Liberal MP for Dover from 1868; solicitor-general from

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1869; master of the rolls, 1873. Vice-chancellor, University College, London, 1881–3. FRS 1880. (ODNB.) Jessup, Edward (1848/9–1932). Farmer. Farmed Petleys Farm, which neighboured Down House. (BMD (Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1891 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG12/631/37/15); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry. com, accessed 22 February 2016).) Johnson, Henry (1802/3–81). Physician. A contemporary of CD’s at Shrewsbury School and Edinburgh University. Senior physician, Shropshire Infirmary. Member of Royal College of Physicians of London, 1859. Founder member and honorary secretary of the Shropshire and North Wales Natural History and Antiquarian Society, 1835–77. (Medical directory; Salopian Shreds and Patches 5 (1882): 2.) 9 June 1880, 14 November 1880, 18 November 1880, 27 December [1880], 28 December [1880] Johnson, Mary Elisabeth (1841–1900). Daughter of Henry Johnson, physician. Lived in Shrewsbury with her father. In Burnham, Somerset, with her father, 1881; in Alrewas, Staffordshire, 1891. (Census returns of England and Wales, 1871 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG10/2772/25/3), 1881 (RG11/2417/102/29), 1891 (RG12/2216/101/29); England, select births and christenings, 1538–1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed 11 December 2018); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 22 October 2019).) W. & A. K. Johnston. Cartographical publishers. Founded by the brothers William and Alexander Keith Johnston in Edinburgh in 1825. Important works included the National atlas (1843), and the Physical atlas (1848), which illustrated the geology, hydrography, meteorology, botany, zoology, and ethnology of the world. Produced pictorial material for schools from the 1870s, including Johnston’s school astronomical atlas (1877). (One hundred years of map making: the story of W. & A. K. Johnston (Edinburgh: W. & A. K. Johnston, [1923]); ODNB s.v. Johnston, (Alexander) Keith, the elder.) Jona, Alfredo (1846–1929). Italian museum curator. Director of the Natural History Museum ‘Lazzaro Spallanzani’, Reggio Emilia, 1880–90. (Annalisa Giovannini, ‘Nicolina Gravisi Madonizza: la prima traduttrice di Richard Francis Burton’, Atti e Memorie della Società Istriana di Archeologia e Storia Patria n.s. 66 (2018): 253 n. 63.) Jordan, Claude Thomas Alexis (Alexis) (1814–97). French botanist. Conducted field research, 1836–46, to complete and correct existing French floras. Assembled an important private herbarium. After giving up his botanical expeditions, worked in his own experimental gardens, trying to demonstrate the stability of species. A strong opponent of transmutation theory. (DSB; Tort 1996.) Joule, James Prescott (1818–89). Physicist. Studied in Manchester under John Dalton and John Davis. Published works on the mechanical value of heat and

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conservation of energy. Member of the Manchester Literary and Philosophical Society from 1842; secretary, 1846–50; vice-president, 1850–61; president, intermittently, 1861–82. FRS 1850; Royal Medal, 1852; Copley Medal, 1870. (Memoirs of the Manchester Literary and Philosophical Society 4th ser. 6 (1892); ODNB.) Joyce, James Gerald (1819–78). Clergyman and archaeologist. BA, Oxford, 1846. Vicar, Burford with Fullbrook, 1850–5; rector of Stratfield Saye, Hampshire, 1855–78. Superintended the excavations of the Roman town at Silchester. (Earthworms, p. 201; Modern English biography.) Judd, John Wesley (1840–1916). Geologist. Educated at the Royal School of Mines, London. Worked as a chemist and school inspector. Commissioned to study the volcanic districts of Europe, 1874–6. Professor of geology, Royal School of Mines, from 1877. Awarded the Wollaston Medal of the Geological Society, 1891. FRS 1877. (ODNB.) [15 August 1880], 24 August 1880, 25 August [1880], 28 August 1880 Keltie, John Scott (1840–1927). Editor, journalist, and geographer. Studied at St Andrews and Edinburgh universities; trained for the United Presbyterian ministry. Worked for W. and R. Chambers in Edinburgh from 1861; worked for Nature in London from 1871. Fellow of the Royal Geographical Society, 1883. Knighted, 1918. (ODNB.) 24 September 1880, [after 24 September 1880] Kepler, Johann (1571–1630). German astronomer. Discovered that the earth and other planets travelled around the sun in elliptical orbits. (EB.) Kerner von Marilaun, Anton (1831–98). Austrian botanist. Studied medicine in Vienna, 1848–53. MD 1854. Teacher of natural history, Oberrealshule, Ofen, 1855; professor of natural history, Josefs-Polytechnikum, 1858–60. Professor of natural history and director of the botanic gardens and museum of natural history, University of Innsbruck, 1860–78. Professor of systematic botany and director of the botanic gardens, University of Vienna, 1878–98. Established an experimental alpine garden near the top of Mount Blaser, above Trins in the Gschnitztal (Tirol). Studied the effects of climate on the morphology of plants. (NDB; OBL.) Kerr, Washington Caruthers (1827–85). American geologist. Graduated from the University of North Carolina in 1850. Computer in the office of the Nautical Almanac, 1852–6. Professor of chemistry, mineralogy, and geology at Davidson College, NC, 1857–62. Appointed state geologist, 1864. Joined the US Geological Survey in 1882. Developed the concept of ‘frost drift’, analogous to glacial drift, which described how alternate freezing and thawing produced deep movement and bedded arrangement of loose materials on slopes. (Dictionary of North Carolina biography.) Kielland, Alexander Lange (1849–1906). Norwegian novelist. (NBL.) 31 December 1880 King, George (1840–1909). Scottish botanist. MB, Aberdeen, 1865; entered the Indian Medical Service, arriving in Calcutta in 1866. Temporary superintendent,

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Botanic Garden, Saharunpore (now Saharanpur), 1868–9. Indian forest service, 1869–71. Superintendent of the Royal Botanic Garden, Calcutta, and of cinchona cultivation in Bengal, 1871–98. Organised the botanical survey of India; first director, 1891. Knighted, 1898. FRS 1887. (ODNB.) 28 September 1880, 29 September 1880, 1 October 1880, 2 October 1880 King, Philip Gidley (1817–1904). Australian farmer and mining company manager. Son of Phillip Parker King. Midshipman in HMS Beagle, 1831–6. Settled in Australia in 1836. Entered the service of the Australian Agricultural Company in 1842; superintendent of stock, 1851. New South Wales manager for the Peel River Land and Mineral Company, 1852–81. (Aust. dict. biog.) Kingsley, Charles (1819–75). Author and clergyman. Appointed professor of English, Queen’s College for Women, London, 1848. Regius professor of modern history, Cambridge University, 1860–9. Rector of Eversley, Hampshire, 1844–75. Chaplain to the queen, 1859–75. (ODNB.) Kingsley, Frances Eliza (1814–91). Née Grenfell. Married Charles Kingsley in 1844. Acted as his amanuensis and edited his memoirs, and compilations of his writings, after his death. (ODNB.) Kippist, Richard (1812–82). Botanist. Librarian of the Linnean Society of London, 1842–80. Specialist in Australian plants. (R. Desmond 1994; ODNB.) Knight, Thomas Andrew (1759–1838). Botanist and horticulturist. Correspondent to the Board of Agriculture from 1795. President of the Horticultural Society of London, 1811–38. Interested in crossbreeding and hybridisation; conducted research on the phenomenon now known as geotropism. FRS 1805. (R. Desmond 1994; DSB.) Knox, Robert Bent (1808–93). Clergyman. Bishop of Down, Connor, and Dromore, 1849–86. Archbishop of Armagh and primate of all Ireland, 1886–93. (ODNB.) Koch, Eduard (1838–97). German publisher. Took over E. Schweizerbart’sche Verlagsbuchhandlung in 1867, after which the firm published mostly scientific titles. Published a multi-volume edition of CD’s works, translated by Julius Victor Carus. (Biographisches Jahrbuch und deutscher Nekrolog 2 (1898): 227.) Kölreuter, Joseph Gottlieb (1733–1806). German botanist. Assistant keeper of the natural history collections, Imperial Academy of Sciences, St Petersburg, 1756–61. Professor of natural history and director of the gardens of the margrave of Baden, Karlsruhe, 1763–86. Carried out extensive hybridisation experiments on plants. (ADB; DBE; DSB; NDB; Taxonomic literature.) Kovalevskaya, Sofia Vasilyevna (Софья Васильевна Ковалевская) (1850– 91). Russian mathematician and author. Wife of Vladimir Onufrievich Kovalevsky. Studied mathematics with private tutors, in Heidelberg from 1869, then in Berlin under Karl Weierstrass from 1871. Doctorate in absentia from Göttingen, 1874. Lecturer in mathematics, University of Stockholm, 1883; professor, 1884. Life professorship, 1889. Wrote mathematical papers and autobiographical novels. (BDWS s.v. Kovalevskaia, Sofia Vasilyevna.)

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Kovalevsky, Vladimir Onufrievich (Владимир Онуфриевич Ковалевский) (1842–83). Russian palaeontologist. Graduated from the School of Jurisprudence in 1861. Thereafter published, translated, and edited works by CD, Charles Lyell, Louis Agassiz, and others. Studied natural science and palaeontology, travelling throughout Europe, 1869–74. Submitted his doctoral thesis on the palaeontology of horses at the University of Jena in 1872. Associate professor, Moscow University, 1880–3. (DSB.) [after 21 November 1880], 25 November [1880] Krakauer, Alfred (1858–91). German physician. Studied in Berlin, Munich, Leipzig, and Vienna. Specialised in laryngology. Librarian of the Laryngologischer Gesellschaft, Berlin. ( Journal of Laryngology, Rhinology and Otology 6 (1892): 51–2.) 12 January 1880 Krause, Ernst Ludwig (Ernst) (1839–1903). German science writer. Also published under the pseudonym Carus Sterne. Trained as an apothecary, and studied natural sciences at the University of Berlin in 1857. Friendly with Ernst Haeckel from 1866. Doctorate, University of Rostock, 1874. Editor of Kosmos, 1877–83. His essay on Erasmus Darwin (1731–1802) was translated into English in 1879 at the suggestion of CD, who wrote a biographical preface for it. (DSB.) 5 January 1880, 7 January 1880, 16 January 1880, 19 January 1880, 4 February 1880, 6 February 1880, 7 February 1880, 9 February 1880, 10 February 1880, 13 February 1880, 16 February 1880, 22 March 1880, 23 March 1880, 19 April 1880, 21 April 1880, 27 July 1880, 29 July 1880, 30 July 1880, 18 August 1880, 4 October 1880, 7 October 1880, 26 November 1880, 28 November 1880, 4 December 1880, 9 December 1880, [12 December 1880], 26 December 1880 Kühne, Wilhelm Friedrich (1837–1900). German physiologist. Studied at the University of Göttingen, 1854–6; his PhD thesis was on induced diabetes in frogs. Worked in Jena, Berlin, Paris, and Vienna. Assistant in the chemical department at Rudolph Virchow’s institute, Berlin, 1861–8. Professor of physiology, Amsterdam, 1868–71; Heidelberg, 1871–99. Worked on the physiology of metabolism and digestion, of muscle and nerves, and of protozoa, and on physiological optics. Was the first to isolate the enzyme trypsin. (DSB.) Lacordaire, Jean Théodore (1801–70). French naturalist, entomologist, and traveller. Professor of zoology, Liège university, Belgium, from 1835; professor of comparative anatomy from 1838. Made numerous voyages to South America under the auspices of Georges Cuvier. Published mainly on entomology. (DBF.) Lafitau, Joseph-François (1681–1746). French Jesuit priest and missionary. Joined the Jesuit ministry at Bordeaux in 1796, and studied rhetoric, philosophy, and theology at Pau, Poitiers, La Fleche, and Paris. Missionary to the Iroquois in Quebec, 1712–17. Discovered ginseng in North America; published his major work on the Iroquois (Moeurs des sauvages amériquains comparées aux moeurs des premiers) in 1724. (DCB.) Lamarck, Jean Baptiste Pierre Antoine de Monet ( Jean Baptiste) de (1744–1829). French naturalist. Held various botanical positions at the Jardin du

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roi, 1788–93. Appointed professor of zoology, Muséum d’histoire naturelle, 1793. Believed in spontaneous generation and the progressive development of animal types; propounded a theory of transmutation. (DSB.) Lancaster, Joseph (1778–1838). Educationalist. Opened a free school in Southwark, 1801; developed the monitorial system, whereby older pupils taught younger ones. Emigrated to America, 1818. Lived in Caracas, Venezuela, 1827– 9. (ODNB.) Lange, Friedrich Albert (1828–75). German philosopher, pedagogist, political activist, and journalist. Professor of philosophy at Zurich, 1870; taught at Marburg from 1872. Considered the impacts of developments in natural science on philosophy. Articulated a socialist Darwinism. (DBE; Tort 1996.) Langton, Charles (1801–86). Rector of Onibury, Shropshire, 1832–41. Left the Church of England in 1841. Resided at Maer, Staffordshire, 1841–7, and at Hartfield Grove, Hartfield, Sussex, 1847–63. Married Emma Darwin’s sister, Charlotte Wedgwood, in 1832. After her death, married CD’s sister, Emily Catherine Darwin, in 1863. After her death, lived in Bournemouth, Hampshire. (Alum. Oxon.; Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/1194/120/14); Emma Darwin (1915); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 19 August 2016); Freeman 1978.) Langton, Emily Caroline (Lena) (1847–97). Suffragist, and anti-vivisection and temperance campaigner. Married her second cousin Edmund Langton in 1867. Resided principally in Bournemouth. Succeeded to the estate of Gunby Hall, Lincolnshire, in 1887 and resumed her maiden name of Massingberd. Founded a women’s club, the Pioneer Club in London, in 1892. (ODNB s.v. Massingberd, Emily Caroline Langton.) Langton, Emily Catherine (Catherine) (1810–66). CD’s sister. Resided at The Mount, Shrewsbury, until she married Charles Langton in 1863. (Darwin pedigree.) Lankester, Edwin Ray (1847–1929). Zoologist. Studied natural sciences at Oxford under George Rolleston, 1866–8; physiology at Leipzig and Vienna; morphology under Ernst Haeckel at Jena; marine zoology with Anton Dohrn in Naples, 1871–2. Fellow and tutor, Exeter College, Oxford, 1872–5; professor of zoology, University College, London, 1875–91; Linacre Professor of comparative anatomy, Oxford, 1891–8; director of the natural history departments and keeper of zoology, British Museum, 1898–1907. Knighted, 1907. FRS 1875. (ODNB.) 6 May [1880] Lawrence, John (b. 1844/5 d. 1923 or later). Gardener and missionary. Married Clara Martin in Worcester in 1869. Assistant to the missionary Thomas Bridges in Ushuaia, Tierra del Fuego. Lived in Ushuaia, 1895. Started the Estancia Remolino outside Ushuaia on the Beagle Channel in 1899. Conducted baptisms at the Anglican mission in Ushuaia until at least 1923. (Argentina, National Census, 1895: Tierra del Fuego, Ushuaia, Ushuaia 9 (Familysearch.org, accessed 24 February 2020); England, select marriages, 1538–1973 (Ancestry.com, accessed 24

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February 2020); Estancia Moat, the last frontier, http://estanciamoat.com/eng/ history.html (accessed 25 February 2020); Hazlewood 2000, pp. 326, 347; South American Missionary Society baptism register (The British presence in Southern Patagonia, Patbrit.org/bil/sams/ushbaps.htm, accessed 25 February 2020).) Layton, Charles James (1826/7–1912). Publisher’s agent. London agent for D. Appleton & Co., New York City. (Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG9/382/71/7); Correspondence vol. 19, letter from Charles Layton, 22 November 1869; England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 26 January 2016).) 11 March 1880, 24 September 1880 Lea, Arthur Sheridan (1853–1915). Physiologist. BA, Cambridge, 1875. Studied the chemistry of digestion with Wilhelm Friedrich Kühne in Heidelberg. University lecturer in physiology, Cambridge, 1883–96. FRS 1890. (Geison 1978; Record of the Royal Society of London.) Leclerc, Georges Louis, comte de Buffon (1707–88). French naturalist, philosopher, and mathematician. Keeper, Jardin du roi, 1739–88. Outlined his theory of transmutation in Histoire naturelle (1749–1804). FRS 1739. (DBF; DSB; Record of the Royal Society of London.) Lesseps, Ferdinand Marie (Ferdinand) de (1805–94). French engineer. Constructed a canal across the Isthmus of Suez, 1859–69; commissioned to attempt a similar project at Panama, 1879–89, but the attempt failed and he was charged with fraud. (EB (1970).) LeSueur, William Dawson (1840–1917). Canadian civil servant, author, and critic. BA, classics, University of Toronto, 1863. Chief secretary of the Post Office in Ottawa, 1888–1902. Published on literary, ethical, and political topics, including Darwinian evolution. (DCB.) Lewis, Thomas (1836/7–92). Labourer. Resided in Cudham, Kent, a neighbouring village to Down. Secretary of the Down Friendly Society. Licensee of the Old Jail inn, Cudham, 1881. Grocer in Down, 1891. (BMD (Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/855/79/24), 1891 (RG12/631/39/19); Correspondence vol. 24, letter to J. M. F. Ludlow, 11 February 1876; The National Archives (FS 1/232 626620).) Lindley, John (1799–1865). Botanist and horticulturist. Assistant in Joseph Banks’s library and herbarium, 1819. Garden assistant secretary, Horticultural Society of London, 1822–6; assistant secretary, 1826–41; vice-secretary, 1841–58; honorary secretary, 1858–62. Lecturer on botany, Apothecaries’ Company, from 1836. Professor of botany, London University (later University College, London), 1829–60. Horticultural editor of the Gardeners’ Chronicle from 1841. FRS 1828. (R. Desmond 1994; DSB; ODNB.) Linné, Carl (Carolus Linnaeus) von (1707–78). Swedish botanist and zoologist. Professor of practical medicine, University of Uppsala, 1741; professor of botany, diatetics, and materia medica, 1742; court physician, 1747. Proposed a

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system for the classification of the natural world, and reformed scientific nomenclature. FRS 1753. (DSB; Record of the Royal Society of London.) Litchfield, Henrietta Emma (1843–1927). CD’s daughter. Married Richard Buckley Litchfield in 1871. Assisted CD with his work. Edited Emma Darwin (1904) and (1915). (Burke’s landed gentry 1952; Correspondence; Freeman 1978.) 10 January 1880, 17 January 1880, 17 [ January 1880], 1 February 1880, [1 February 1880] Litchfield, Richard Buckley (1832–1903). Barrister. BA, Cambridge (Trinity College), 1853. Admitted to the Inner Temple, 1854; called to the bar, 1863. Firstclass clerk in the office of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners. Married Henrietta Emma Darwin in 1871. A founder and treasurer of the Working Men’s College; taught mathematics there, 1854–70, and music from 1860. (Alum. Cantab.; Emma Darwin (1915) 2: 204, 206; R. B. Litchfield, Record, personal and domestic, vol. 1 (DAR 248/1).) [1 February 1880], 2 February 1880, 3 February 1880 Liveing, George Downing (1827–1924). Chemist. Fellow, St John’s College, Cambridge, 1853–60 and 1880–1924; president, 1911–24. Professor of chemistry, Staff and Royal Military College, Sandhurst, 1860. Professor of chemistry, Cambridge University, 1861–1908. FRS 1879. (Alum. Cantab.; ODNB.) Lloyd, Francis (1846/7–80). Philosopher and writer. Studied at the universities of Halle and Athens, 1875. In poor health and poverty-stricken abroad in 1877. Died in Smyrna, Turkey. (Correspondence vol. 25, letter to [Francis Lloyd], 1 May [1877]; Lloyd and Newton 1875; Standard, 22 April 1880, p. 1.) Lockyer, Joseph Norman (1836–1920). Astronomer. Civil servant in the War Office from 1857; published papers on solar physics. Secretary to the royal commission on scientific instruction and the advancement of science, 1870–5; seconded to the Science and Art Department at South Kensington from 1875; first director of the Solar Physics Observatory, and professor of astronomical physics, Royal College of Science, South Kensington, 1890–1911. Established the journal Nature in 1869. Knighted, 1897. FRS 1869. (DNB; DSB; ODNB.) Loftus, Orphie. See Wilooshwahwilis. Louise Caroline Alberta, Princess Louise, marchioness of Lorne (1848– 1939). Sixth child of Queen Victoria and Prince Albert. In 1871, married John George Edward Henry Douglas Sutherland Campbell, marquess of Lorne, who succeeded as ninth duke of Argyll in 1900. (ODNB s.v. Louise, Princess, duchess of Argyll.) Lowe, Hudson (1769–1844). Army officer and colonial governor. Served in the Mediterranean and Northern Europe before becoming governor of St Helena and gaoler to Napoleon I, 1816–21. Knighted, 1814. (ODNB.) Lowell, James Russell (1819–91). American poet and essayist. Editor of Atlantic Monthly, 1857–61; North American Review, 1864–8. Professor of literature, Harvard University, 1856–74. United States envoy to Madrid, 1877; London, 1880. (ANB; J. Turner 1999, pp. 18, 272.)

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Lubbock, Constance Mary (1860–92). Second daughter of Ellen Frances and John Lubbock. Married the Liberal politician Sydney Charles Buxton in 1882. (BMD (Birth index, Marriage index); Census returns of England and Wales 1871 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG10/875/44/21); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 3 February 2020); ODNB s.v. Buxton, Sydney Charles.) Lubbock, Gertrude (1863–1934). Third daughter of Ellen Frances and John Lubbock. (BMD (Birth index); Census returns of England and Wales 1871 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG10/875/44/21); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry. com, accessed 3 February 2020).) Lubbock, John, 4th baronet and 1st Baron Avebury (1834–1913). Banker, politician, and naturalist. Son of John William Lubbock and a neighbour of CD’s in Down. Studied entomology and anthropology. Worked at the family bank from 1849; head of the bank from 1865. Liberal MP for Maidstone, Kent, 1870–80; for London University, 1880–1900. Succeeded to the baronetcy in 1865. Created Baron Avebury, 1900. FRS 1858. (DSB; Hutchinson 1914; ODNB; Record of the Royal Society of London.) 9 May 1880 Ludlow, John Malcolm Forbes (1821–1911). Indian-born lawyer and social reformer. Called to the bar, 1843. Founding member of the Christian Socialist movement, 1848, and editor of the weekly Christian Socialist, 1850. Helped to found the Working Men’s College, Great Ormond Street, London, in 1854 and lectured there. Secretary of the royal commission on friendly and benefit societies, 1870–4. Chief registrar of friendly societies, 1875–91. (ODNB.) 4 August 1880 Lyell, Charles, 1st baronet (1797–1875). Scottish geologist. Uniformitarian geologist whose Principles of geology (1830–3), Elements of geology (1838), and Antiquity of man (1863) appeared in many editions. Professor of geology, King’s College, London, 1831. President of the Geological Society of London, 1835–7 and 1849– 51; of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1864. Travelled widely and published accounts of his trips to the United States. CD’s scientific mentor and friend. Knighted, 1848; created baronet, 1864. FRS 1826. (DSB; ODNB.) Lynch, Richard Irwin (1850–1924). Gardener and botanist. Became a student gardener at the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, in 1867; foreman of the herbaceous department, 1870; foreman of the propagation department, 1871. Curator of the Cambridge University Botanic Garden, 1879–1919. Associate of the Linnean Society, 1881. Honorary MA, University of Cambridge, 1906. (Employment book (f. 48), Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew; ODNB.) McDermott, Frederick (1855–1924). Barrister. A student of the Middle Temple. Called to the bar, 1879. (BMD (Birth index); Census returns of England & Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/763/15/24); England &

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Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry. com, accessed 30 November 2016); Men-at-the-bar.) 23 November 1880, 24 November 1880 Macdonald, William (1840–90). Scottish educator and church elder. Apprenticed as a pupil-teacher in Edinburgh before attending university there. Classical master at the Royal High School of Edinburgh, 1867. Engaged in many activities associated with the Educational Institute of Scotland. Rector of the Otago Boys’ High School in Dunedin, New Zealand, 1878–85. Member of the Knox Church congregation, 1878; member of the Session, 1880. First president of the New Zealand Institute. (Hislop 1892, pp. 135–7.) Macdonell, Helen Augusta (1854–1914). Daughter of the educationalist and social reformer Fanny Hertz. Married George Paul Macdonell on 10 January 1880. (BMD (Birth index, Death index); London, England, Church of England marriages and banns, 1754–1932 (Ancestry.com, accessed 15 January 2018); ODNB s.v. Hertz, Fanny.) McIntosh, William Carmichael (1838–1931). Physician and marine zoologist. Professor of natural history, St Andrews, 1882–1917. FRS 1877. (DNB; DSB.) 18 June 1880 Mackintosh, Daniel (1815–91). Scottish geomorphologist and Quaternary geologist. Author of The scenery of England and Wales (1869), and of papers on the drift and erratics of North Wales. Fellow of the Geological Society of London, 1871. Lecturer in physical geography, Liverpool College. (Correspondence vol. 27, letter from Daniel Mackintosh, 14 October 1879; Geological Magazine 28 (1891): 432; Sarjeant 1980–96.) 15 January 1880, 11 November 1880, 13 November 1880, 21 November 1880, 21 December 1880, 24 December 1880 McLennan, Eleonora Anne (1830–95). Daughter of Francis Holles Brandram, JP for Kent and Sussex, and Maria Brandram. Married John Ferguson McLennan as his second wife in 1875. (England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 15 March 2016); England, select births and christenings, 1538–1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed 15 March 2016); ODNB s.v. McLennan, John Ferguson.) McLennan, John Ferguson (1827–81). Scottish lawyer and social anthropologist. MA, King’s College, Aberdeen, 1849. Studied mathematics at Trinity College, Cambridge. Began practising law in Edinburgh in 1857. Moved to London in 1870. Appointed parliamentary draughtsman for Scotland, 1871. Published on kinship, marriage, and the law. Regarded as one of the founders of modern British social anthropology. (ODNB.) 30 November 1880 McNab, William Ramsay (1844–89). Botanist. MD, Edinburgh, 1866. Professor of natural history, Royal Agricultural College, Cirencester, 1870–2. Professor of botany, Royal College of Science, Dublin, 1872–89. Scientific superintendent, Royal Botanic Gardens, Glasnevin, 1880–9. (ODNB.)

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Marnock, Robert (1800–89). Scottish landscape gardener. First recorded as gardener at Bretton Hall, Yorkshire; won a competition to design the Sheffield Botanic Garden and became its first curator, 1834–40; won a second competition to design the garden of the Royal Botanic Society in Regent’s Park, London, and became curator there, 1840–62; freelance gardener, working on many projects, including Greenlands, Henley-on-Thames; Brambletye, near East Grinstead; Weston Park, Sheffield; and Alexandra Park, Hastings, 1862–79. (ODNB.) Marsh, Othniel Charles (1831–99). American palaeontologist. Studied at Phillips Academy, Andover, and at Yale College under James Dwight Dana and Benjamin Silliman Jr, graduating in 1860. MA, Sheffield Scientific School, 1862. Studied in Germany. Professor of palaeontology, Yale, 1866. An early supporter of the theory of natural selection. Identified eighty new forms of dinosaur. (ANB.) 28 July 1880, 31 August 1880 Marshall, Victor Alexander Ernest Garth (1841–1928). Landowner. Of Monk Coniston, Lancashire. BA, Cambridge (Trinity College), 1864. Son of James Garth Marshall and Mary Alicia Pery Spring Rice; a cousin of W. C. Marshall. (Alum. Cantab.; Burke’s peerage s.v. Monteagle.) Marshall, Victoria Alberta Alexandrina (1854–1936). Daughter of Alexander Hamilton-Gordon and Caroline Emilia Mary Herschel. Married Victor Marshall in 1876. (BMD (Birth index, Marriage index); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 19 January 2018).) Marshall, William Cecil (Bill) (1849–1921). Architect. BA, Cambridge (Trinity College), 1872. Son of Henry Cowper Marshall and Catherine Anne Lucy Spring Rice. Friend of Horace Darwin. Designed many tennis courts, and the billiard room with dressing room and bedroom above for Down House. (Alum. Cantab.; Correspondence vol. 24, letter to W. C. Marshall, 19 September 1876; England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry. com, accessed 13 March 2013).) Martindale, Isaac C. (1842–93). American banker and botanist. Cashier, National State Bank of Camden, New Jersey, 1875; later cashier of the Camden National Bank. Treasurer, Academy of Natural Sciences, Philadelphia, 1890. Made collections in Switzerland and near Camden that formed the basis of an extensive herbarium. (Bulletin of the Torrey Botanical Club 20 (1893): 98–100.) Martins, Charles Frédéric (1806–89). French botanist. Qualified as a doctor in Paris in 1834. Professor of botany and natural history, faculty of medicine, Montpellier, 1851. Director of the botanic garden, Montpellier, 1851–79. Also published on geology and meteorology. (Dictionnaire universel des contemporains; NBU; Rioux 2011.) Marx, Karl Heinrich (Karl) (1818–83). German-born revolutionary and thinker. Lived in London from 1849. (ODNB.) Mason, Josiah (1795–1881). Manufacturer and philanthropist. In 1829, in Birmingham, started a pen-nib factory that became the largest in the world by the

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1870s. Founded Mason College in 1880; it was later absorbed into Birmingham University. (ODNB.) [before 22 September 1880], 22 September 1880 Masters, Maxwell Tylden (1833–1907). Botanist, journal editor, and general medical practitioner. Subcurator, Fielding Herbarium, University of Oxford, circa 1853–7. GP at Peckham from 1856. Lecturer on botany at St George’s Hospital medical school, 1855–68. Editor of the Gardeners’ Chronicle, 1865–1907. Active in the Royal Horticultural Society, succeeding Joseph Dalton Hooker as the chairman of the scientific committee; secretary of the International Horticultural Congress, 1866. Studied malformations in plants. FRS 1870. (Clokie 1964, pp. 106, 208; ODNB.) 25 November 1880, [after 25 November 1880] Matthews, Richard (1811–93). Missionary. Missionary on board the Beagle, sent to establish a mission at Tierra del Fuego. Abandoned this aim in 1833 and rejoined the Beagle. Missionary in New Zealand from 1835. (DNZB.) Maw, George (1832–1912). Tile manufacturer, geologist, botanist, and antiquarian. Partner with his younger brother Arthur in the encaustic tile company Maw & Co. of Broseley, Shropshire. Established a well-known garden at his residence at Benthall Hall, Shropshire; an expert on crocuses. Wrote on the geology of western England and North Wales. Travelled to Morocco and Algeria with Joseph Dalton Hooker in 1871 and independently in 1873, writing on the geology of these countries. (Benthall 1980; R. Desmond 1994; Gardeners’ Chronicle, 12 February 1881, pp. 205–6, 208, 209; Sarjeant 1980–96.) 6 November 1880, 8 November 1880 Maxwell, James Clerk (1831–79). Scottish physicist. Fellow, Trinity College, Cambridge, 1855. Professor of natural philosophy, King’s College, London, 1860– 5. Member of the newly formed electrical standards committee of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1862. Superintended the building of the Cavendish Laboratory at Cambridge; first professor of experimental physics, University of Cambridge, 1871. Wrote papers on colour vision, the kinetic theory of gases, electricity, and magnetism. FRS 1861. (DSB; ODNB.) May, Arthur Dampier (1857–1916). Artist. Made two drawings of dogs used in Expression, pp. 54 and 55. Friend of Samuel Butler (1835–1902). (BMD (Birth index); Correspondence vol. 20, letter from Samuel Butler to Francis Darwin, [before 30 May 1872]); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 2 January 2018); Expression, pp. 54, 55.) Meehan, Thomas (1826–1901). English-born botanist, horticulturist, and author. Gardener at the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, 1845–8. In 1848, emigrated to the United States, where he worked as a gardener. Established a nursery in Germantown, Pennsylvania, circa 1853. Editor, Gardener’s Monthly, 1859–87; Meehan’s Monthly, 1891–1901. Botanist on the Philadelphia state board of agriculture, 1877–1901. Elected to the Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia, 1860; to the American Philosophical Society, 1871. (Baker 1965; DAB.) 28 April 1880, 14 June 1880

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Meldola, Raphael (1849–1915). Chemist and entomologist. Studied at the Royal College of Chemistry, 1866–8. Assistant to the assayer of the Royal Mint, 1868–71. Worked in the coal-tar dye industry, 1871–3 and 1877–85. Took part in the Royal Society of London’s eclipse expedition to the Nicobar Islands, 1875. Professor of chemistry, Finsbury Technical College, from 1885. Interested in protective colouring and mimicry in moths; secretary of the Entomological Society of London, 1876–80. FRS 1886. (ODNB.) 24 November 1880, 25 November 1880 Mellersh, Arthur (1812–94). Naval officer. Midshipman and mate on HMS Beagle, 1825–36. Served off the coast of Syria, then in command of HMS Rattler in the Burma campaign in 1852. Served off the coast of China in the 1850s, suppressing piracy, and in the Caribbean and South America before retiring in 1864. (Modern English biography; The Times, 28 September 1894, p. 4.) Mellersh, Henrietta Alice (1851–1936). Daughter of Arthur and Henrietta Frances Mellersh. Lived in Hove, Sussex, 1881. (BMD (Birth index); Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/1097/31/21); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1995 (Ancestry.com, accessed 18 June 2020).) Mellersh, Henrietta Frances (1814–86). Née Butler. Married Arthur Mellersh in 1850. (Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG9/626/65/17); England, select births and christenings, 1538–1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed 29 November 2017); England, select marriages, 1538–1973 (Ancestry.com, accessed 29 November 2017); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 29 November 2017) Mendola, Antonio (1828–1908). Italian landowner and agriculturist. Of Favara, Sicily. Studied nature and agriculture, especially viticulture; had an extensive collection of vines. Used a large part of his inheritance for philanthropic public works. (EI appendice I.) 8 January [1880] Mengozzi, Giovanni Ettore (1811–82). Italian philosopher, author, and expert in homoeopathy. Founded the Accademia Nazionale, la Scuola Italica, in 1860, with the aim of restoring a more fundamental nationalistic Italian philosophy. (Giudice 2016, pp. 92–3.) 17 October 1880, [before 28] October 1880, 28 October 1880, 24 November 1880, [after 24 November 1880], 15 December 1880 Meredith, William, 3d baronet (bap. 1724 d. 1790). Politician. Succeeded as third baronet in 1752. MP for Wigan, Lancashire, 1754–60; Liverpool, 1761–80. Lord of the Admiralty, 1765. (ODNB.) Miliarakis, Spyridon (1852–1919). Greek physician and botanist. MD, Athens, 1876; practised medicine in Skopje and returned to Athens to teach zoology and botany, 1876–81. Studied botany at the University of Würzburg, 1881–4; PhD in natural sciences, 1884. Lecturer and curator of botany museum, Athens, 1884–92; professor of botany at the University of Athens, 1892–1918. Published articles on

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CD’s work, including a translation of ‘Biographical sketch of an infant’ in 1877. Researched the marine algae of Greece and wrote several general natural history texts. (National and Kapodistrian University of Athens, http://www.biol.uoa.gr/ istorika-stoixeia/spyridwn-mhliarakhs.html, accessed 16 November 2016.) Milne, John (1850–1913). Geologist and seismologist. Educated at King’s College, London, and the Royal School of Mines. Professor of mining and geology at the Imperial College of Engineering, Tokyo, 1875. Following the Yokohama earthquake of 1880, began to develop instruments to record earthquakes anywhere in the world. Co-developer of the first successful seismograph, 1896. Returned to England in 1895 and set up a seismological observatory at Shide, Isle of Wight. FRS 1887. (ODNB.) Milne-Edwards, Henri (1800–85). French zoologist. Professor of hygiene and natural history, École centrale des arts et manufactures, 1832. Professor of entomology, Muséum d’histoire naturelle, 1841, with responsibility for the collections of crustaceans, myriapods, and arachnids as well as insects; professor of mammalogy, 1861. Foreign member, Royal Society of London, 1848. (DSB.) Mivart, St George Jackson (1827–1900). Comparative anatomist. Converted to Catholicism, 1844. Called to the bar, 1851, but never practised. Established his reputation as an anatomist by his studies on primates. Lecturer in comparative anatomy, St Mary’s Hospital Medical School, London, 1862–84. Secretary, Linnean Society, 1874–80; vice-president, 1892. Professor of the philosophy of natural history, University of Louvain, 1890–3. Excommunicated, 1900. Vigorous critic of Darwinism. Attempted to reconcile evolutionary theory and Catholicism. FRS 1869. (DNB.) Mohl, Mary Elizabeth (1793–1883). Salon hostess and author. Lived with her mother, Elizabeth Clark, in France. After her mother’s death, married the German-born orientalist Julius ( Jules) Mohl (1800–76) in 1847 and lived with him in Paris. A supporter of Florence Nightingale. A friend of the Bonham Carters, who lived at Ravensbourne Lodge, Keston, about two miles from Down. (ODNB.) Moniez, Romain-Louis (Romain) (1852–1936). French naturalist and professor of medicine at the University of Lille. A specialist in animal parasites. (Bibliothèque nationale de France, https://data.bnf.fr/fr/13485769/romain_moniez/ (accessed 5 June 2019); NUC.) 10 October 1880 Monk, Henry Wentworth (1827–96). Canadian farmer, social reformer, and author. Educated at Christ’s Hospital, London, 1834–42. Went to Palestine in 1853 and worked at a Jewish farm colony until 1857. Became acquainted with Holman Hunt and John Ruskin. Wrote a number of works on his interpretation on the biblical Book of Revelation. Lived in Canada and at times in the US and London. (CDEL; DCB; Lambert [1947].) 27 August 1880

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Montgomery, Alexander (1828/9–85). Educator. Emigrated to New Zealand. Headmaster of the Albany Street School in Dunedin, New Zealand, 1875; headmaster of the Normal School Practising Department, 1875–85. (Bathgate 1890, p. 151; Otago Daily Times, 27 March 1885, p. 6.) Moore, Joseph (1817–92). Medallist and die-sinker. Based in Birmingham. Initially worked on the production of dies for commercial uses, mainly buttons. Partner in Allen and Moore, 1844. Began trading by himself as a die-sinker, 1856, producing numerous prize and commemorative medals. Founder and first president of the Midland Art Club. Cut the die for the Darwin Medal of the Midland Union of Natural History Societies, 1881. (Midland Naturalist 5 (1882): 159; ODNB.) Morgan, Lewis Henry (1818–81). Anthropologist. Practised law in Rochester, New York, from 1844 until the mid 1860s. Studied the Iroquois, and kinship in the Iroquois and other Native American peoples. Published League of the Ho-de’nosau-nee, or Iroquois (1851); Systems of consanguinity and affinity of the human family (1871); and Ancient society (1877). (ANB.) Morison, James Augustus Cotter (1832–88). Writer. Educated at Oxford. Member of staff of the Saturday Review. Wrote books on St Bernard, Edward Gibbon, and Thomas Babington Macaulay. (ODNB.) Morley, John, Viscount Morley of Blackburn (1838–1923). Politician and writer. Lost his faith while at Lincoln College, Oxford; earned a living in London from 1860 as a teacher and journalist. Editor of the Fortnightly Review, 1867–82; of the Pall Mall Gazette, 1880–3; of Macmillan’s Magazine, 1883–5. Liberal MP for Newcastle, 1883–95; for Montrose Burghs, 1896–1908. Chief secretary for Ireland, 1886 and 1892–5; secretary of state for India, 1905–10. Created Viscount Morley of Blackburn, 1908. (ODNB.) Morren, Charles Jacques Édouard (Édouard) (1833–86). Belgian botanist. Son of Charles François Antoine Morren. Professor extraordinarius of botany, Liège, 1861; professor and director of the botanic garden, 1868–86. Editor of La Belgique horticole. ( Jorissenne [1887].) Morris, William (1834–96). Designer, author, and visionary socialist. BA, Oxford, 1856. Founded Morris, Marshall, Faulkner & Co., specialising in the design of domestic interiors, in 1861; the company was known as Morris & Co. from 1875. (ODNB.) Morrison, Alfred (1821–1897). Autograph and art collector. Studied at Edinburgh University, 1836–9, and Trinity College, Cambridge, 1839–40. Joined his father in Morrison, Sons & Co. from 1841 until it was wound up in the 1850s. Inherited the Fonthill estate near Hindon, Wiltshire, in 1857. Became a collector of objets d’art and formed large collections of engraved portraits, historical autographs, and gems. (ODNB.) Morrison, Charles (1817–1909). Merchant banker. Studied at Edinburgh and Cambridge Universities. Joined his father in Morrison, Sons & Co. from 1841 until it was wound up in the 1850s. Became an independent banker, specialising

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in mortgage, railway, and utility investments in Britain, the United States, and South America. Left an estate worth over £10 million on his death. (ODNB.) Morse, Edward Sylvester (1838–1925). American zoologist. Specialist in molluscs and brachiopods. Studied at Lawrence Scientific School, Harvard University, 1859–62, and worked as an assistant to Louis Agassiz, but did not take a degree. With Alpheus Hyatt, Alpheus Packard Jr, and Frederic Ward Putnam, founded the American Naturalist in 1868. Professor of zoology and comparative anatomy at Bowdoin College, 1871–4. Travelled in Japan, 1877–80. Director of the Peabody Museum in Salem, Massachusetts, 1880–1916. (ANB.) 23 March 1880, 9 [April] 1880 Moseley, Henry Nottidge (1844–91). Naturalist. BA, Oxford, 1868. Travelled to Vienna with Edwin Ray Lankester to study physiology in 1869; to Leipzig in 1871. Travelled around the world on the Challenger expedition, 1872–6. Fellow, Exeter College, Oxford, from 1876. Travelled along the west coast of the United States in 1877. Assistant registrar, University of London, 1879–81. Linacre Professor of human and comparative anatomy, Oxford, 1881–7. FRS 1879. (ODNB.) 30 April 1880, 2 May 1880 Mostyn Owen, William (1769/70–1849). Army officer. Lieutenant, Royal Dragoons. Squire of Woodhouse, Shropshire. (Burke’s landed gentry 1952; Community trees, familysearch.org (accessed 9 April 2013).) Moulton, John Fletcher, Baron Moulton (1844–1921). Mathematician and judge. Senior wrangler at Cambridge University, 1868. Fellow of Christ’s College, Cambridge, 1868–75. Called to the bar, 1874. Judge of the Court of Appeal, 1906–12. Member of the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, 1912–21. Organised the manufacture of explosives and poison gas during the First World War. Created a life peer in 1912. FRS 1880. (Alum. Cantab.; ODNB.) Mulholland, John, 1st Baron Dunleath (1819–95). Textile manufacturer and politician. Educated at Belfast Royal Academy. Joined his father as a partner in the family linen business in 1840; sole proprietor, 1846. Created an integrated spinning and weaving business, the York Street Flax Spinning Company, with his brother-in-law in 1851. High sheriff for co. Down, 1868; co. Tyrone, 1873. MP for Downpatrick, 1874–85. Created Baron Dunleath, 1892. (ODNB.) Müller, Heinrich Ludwig Hermann (Hermann) (1829–83). German botanist and entomologist. Brother of Johann Friedrich Theodor (Fritz) Müller. Schoolteacher in Schwerin, 1854–5. Studied blind cave insects in Krain, 1855. Teacher of natural sciences at the Realschule in Lippstadt, 1855–83; became director of the school. After settling in Lippstadt, studied the local flora, in particular the mosses. CD’s Orchids directed Müller’s attention to the pollination and fertilisation of flowers, on which he published several papers and books. (P. Gilbert 1977; Krause 1883; Science 2 (1883): 487–8.) 27 April 1880, 18 July 1880, 14 August 1880, 27 November 1880, 27 November 1880, 30 November 1880 Müller, Johann Friedrich Theodor (Fritz) (1822–97). German naturalist. Emigrated to the German colony in Blumenau, Brazil, in 1852. Taught mathematics

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at the Lyceum in Destêrro (now Florianópolis), 1856–67. Naturalista viajante of the National Museum, Rio de Janeiro, 1876–91. His anatomical studies on invertebrates and work on mimicry provided important support for CD’s theories. (ADB; DBE; Möller ed. 1915–21; NDB; West 2003.) Müller, Rosa (1854–79). Daughter of Johann Friedrich Theodor (Fritz) Müller. Committed suicide in Berlin. (Möller ed. 1915–21, 3: 60, 116.) Müller, Wilhelm Hermann (1857–1912). German publisher and politician. Son of Hermann Müller. Studied natural science at Jena, Strasbourg, and Göttingen. Schoolteacher in Lippstadt, 1877–80; London, 1880; Liegnitz, 1881. Bookseller and partner in the publishing firm Carl Flemming, Glogau, 1888–98. Member of state parliament, 1899–1912. (Friese 2010, p. 29.) Mundella, Anthony John (1825–97). Politician. Apprenticed as a stockinger in Leicester, 1836. Became involved in the Chartist agitation for parliamentary reform. Entered the hosiery trade and also became superintendent of a poor Sunday school. Partner in a Nottingham hosiery firm, where he made his fortune, from 1848. Engaged with popular education. MP for Sheffield, 1868–97. A supporter of the 1870 Education Act and other legislation designed to improve the conditions of the working class. FRS 1882. (ODNB.) Munk, Hermann (1839–1912). German physiologist. Studied medicine at Berlin and Göttingen; MD 1859. Habilitated in physiology at Berlin, 1862; professor extraordinarius, 1869; professor of physiology, 1876. Director of the physiological laboratory of the Berlin veterinary school, 1876. Studied the location of vision and other senses in the brain. (NDB.) Munns, William (1834/5–1919). Farmer. Of Brading, Isle of Wight, Hampshire. Uncovered remains of a Roman villa in April 1880. (Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/1182/108/1); England, select births and christenings, 1538–1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed 2 May 2019); England, select deaths and burials, 1538–1991 (Ancestry.com, accessed 2 May 2019); Nicholson 1881.) Murie, James (1832–1925). Physician and naturalist. MD, Glasgow, 1857; appointed pathologist to the Glasgow Royal Infirmary, 1857. Naturalist and medical officer on John Petherick’s expedition to the upper White Nile, 1861–3. Prosector to the Zoological Society of London, 1865–70. Assistant secretary, Linnean Society, 1876–80; librarian, 1880–8. (R. Desmond 1994; Proceedings of the Linnean Society of London (1925–6): 92–4.) 30 October 1880, 14 December [1880] Murray, John (1808–92). Publisher, and author of guide-books. CD’s publisher from 1845. (Freeman 1978; ODNB s.v. Murray family, publishers.) 9 June 1880, 11 June 1880, 13 June [1880], 10 July 1880. See also Cooke, Robert Francis. Murray, John (1841–1914). Canadian-born marine scientist and oceanographer. Went to Scotland to complete his education; studied at the University of Edinburgh, 1864–5, 1868–72, but did not graduate. Worked under Peter Guthrie Tait on the construction of an electrical deep-sea thermometer. Prepared scientific

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apparatus for the Challenger expedition, 1872; naturalist to the expedition, 1872–6. Chief assistant, Challenger office, Edinburgh, 1876–82; director, 1882–95. Editor of the Report on the scientific results of the voyage of HMS Challenger (1880–95). Knighted, 1898. FRS 1896. (ODNB.) Murray, John Thomas (1849–1907). Australian butchery manager. Originally from Launceston, Tasmania. Lived in Maryborough, Queensland, 1873–1900. Manager of the Co-operative Butchering Company in Maryborough; manager of Moran & Co., butchering firm, in Charters Towers, Queensland, at his death. (Australia, birth index 1788–1922 (Ancestry.com, accessed 12 December 2019); Maryborough Chronicle, 7 August 1907, p. 2.) 6 January 1880 Myddelton Biddulph, Fanny (1806/7–87). Second daughter of William Mostyn Owen Sr. Married Robert Myddelton Biddulph in 1832. A close friend and neighbour of CD before the Beagle voyage. (BMD (Death index) (s.v. Biddulph, Frances Myddelton); Burke’s landed gentry 1952; England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 15 April 2011).) Nägeli, Carl Wilhelm von (1817–91). Swiss botanist. Maintained a teleological view of evolution. Originally studied medicine, but transferred to botany under Alphonse de Candolle at Geneva. Worked for eighteen months with Matthias Jacob Schleiden at the University of Jena, then worked in Zurich, where he collaborated with Carl Cramer, 1845–52. Professor of botany, University of Freiburg, 1852; University of Munich, 1857. (DSB s.v. Naegeli, Carl Wilhelm von.) Napier, Macvey (1776–1847). Journal editor. Studied law at Glasgow and Edinburgh Universities. Admitted to the Society of Writers to the Signet, 1799; librarian, 1805. Edited the supplement to the sixth edition of Encyclopaedia Britannica, 1814–24; seventh edition, completed 1842. Professor of conveyancing, Edinburgh University, 1824. Edited the Edinburgh Review, 1829–47. (ODNB.) Napoleon I (1769–1821). Emperor of the French. (EB.) Nash, Louisa A’hmuty (1838–1922). Author. Daughter of Henry and Mary Desborough. Married Wallis Nash in 1868; they lived in Down during part of the 1870s, and later emigrated to the US. Painted a portrait of CD in indian ink. Author of Recollections of Abraham Lincoln (1897). (BMD (Marriage index); England, select births and christenings, 1538–1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed 6 February 2015); Freeman 1978; Oregon death index 1921–1930 (Ancestry.com, accessed 6 February 2015).) Nash, Wallis (1837–1926). Lawyer and agriculturalist. Studied at New College, University of London. Lived at The Rookery, north of Down, Kent, 1873–7. Emigrated to Oregon in 1879. Practised law and farming. Involved in founding the Oregon Pacific Railroad and Oregon Agricultural College. Editorial writer for the Oregon Journal. Wrote about his travels in Oregon. (Smith and Dimick 1976, pp. 78–9.) 4 January 1880, 1 February 1880

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Nathusius, Hermann Engelhard von (1809–79). German livestock breeder. Studied zoology at the University of Berlin, 1828–30. Turned to agriculture, specialising in cattle and horse breeding, from 1830. Director, state economic board of Saxony, and advisor to the ministry of agriculture, 1869. Chairman, agricultural institute, Berlin, and lecturer in animal husbandry from 1870. (DBE; NDB.) Nature. 9 April [1880], 5 November [1880], [before 30 December 1880] Naudin, Charles Victor (1815–99). French botanist. Joined the herbarium staff at the Muséum d’histoire naturelle and became professor of zoology at the Collège Chaptal, Paris, in 1846. Resigned his professorship almost immediately owing to a severe nervous disorder. Appointed aide-naturaliste at the Muséum d’histoire naturelle, 1854. Established a private experimental garden at Collioure in 1869, earning his living by selling seeds and specimens. First director of the staterun experimental garden at Antibes, 1878. Experimented widely on plants, particularly on acclimatisation and hybridity. Published a theory of transmutation based on hybridisation. (DSB; Taxonomic literature.) Nevill, Dorothy Fanny (1826–1913). Society hostess and horticulturist. Daughter of Horatio Walpole, third earl of Orford; married Reginald Henry Nevill in 1847. Developed a notable garden at Dangstein, near Petersfield, Hampshire, where she cultivated orchids, pitcher-plants, and other tropical plants; employed thirty-four gardeners. (ODNB.) 23 December 1880 Newall, Robert Stirling (1812–89). Scottish-born engineer and astronomer. Patented wire rope, 1850. Manufacturer of telegraph cables and owner of a cable-laying company. Mayor of Gateshead, 1867–8. Member of the Royal Astronomical Society, 1864; member of the Institution of Mechanical Engineers, 1879. FRS 1875. (ODNB.) Newington, Samuel (1814–82). Superintendent of mental home and horticulturist. Superintendent of a mental home at Ticehurst in Sussex. Invented horticultural equipment. Contributed to Gardeners’ Chronicle. (BMD (Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1871 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG10/1046/62/22); R. Desmond 1994.) 23 November 1880 Newman, Henry Wenman (1788–1865). Army officer and landowner. Joined the South Gloucestershire Militia in 1814; captain, 1820; lieutenant-colonel commandant, 1854–60. Succeeded to his father’s estates at Thornbury Park, Gloucestershire, in 1829. (Burke’s landed gentry 1871; Modern English biography.) Newton, Alfred (1829–1907). Zoologist and ornithologist. Travelled throughout northern Europe and North America on ornithological expeditions, 1854–63. Editor of Ibis, the journal of the British Ornithologists’ Union, 1865–70. Professor of zoology and comparative anatomy, Cambridge University, 1866–1907. FRS 1870. (DNB.)

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Newton, William (b. 1838/9). Editor. Worked in the civil branch of the Royal Engineers, 1871. Edited the work of his friend Francis Lloyd and wrote the introduction to Lloyd’s A scientific view of Mr. Francis Galton’s theories of heredity (1876). (Census returns of England and Wales 1871 (The National Archive: Public Record Office RG10/425/23/1); Lloyd 1876a.) 17 April 1880 Nicoll, John (1822/3–91). Scottish farmer. Of Bellfield House, Forfar. Known for breeding the Champion potato variety. (Census returns of Scotland 1881 (The National Archives of Scotland: Forfar 7/17); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–1995 (Ancestry.com, accessed 5 September 2018); Salaman 1985.) Nicols, Robert Arthur (Arthur) (1840–91). Writer and traveller. Wrote on zoology. (BMD (Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1841 (The National Archives: Public Record Office HO107/657/6), 1871 (RG10/1330/23/39); Correspondence vol. 19, letter from Arthur Nicols, 7 March 1871.) 15 March 1880 Nixon, Emma (1810–89). Daughter of Millicent and John Gisborne, and granddaughter (by her first marriage) of Elizabeth Darwin, Erasmus Darwin’s second wife. Married Henry Nixon (1805/6–1835), incumbent of Astbury, Cheshire, and later Boroughbridge, Yorkshire, in 1834. (Belfast News Letter, 27 October 1835, p. 2; Derby Mercury, 28 October 1835, p. 3; Derbyshire, England, Church of England marriages and banns, 1754–1932 (Ancestry.com, accessed 1 October 2018); England, select births and christenings, 1538–1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed 1 October 2018); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858– 1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 1 October 2018).) Nobbe, Johann Christian Friedrich (Friedrich) (1830–1922). German agricultural chemist, botanist, and seed researcher. Doctorate, University of Jena, 1858. Lecturer in plant and animal physiology at Staatliche höhere Gewerbeschule und der landwirtschaftlichen Versuchsstation (state higher vocational college and agricultural experiment station), Chemnitz, 1859–8; professor of biological sciences at Akademie für Forst- und Landwirte (college of forestry and agriculture), Tharandt, 1868–1904. Developed a pioneering seed-testing laboratory and published Handbuch der Samenkunde (Handbook of seed science; 1876). (NDB.) Noel, James Wriothesley (1861–1932). Army officer. Youngest son of Sarah Gay Forbes Noel, née Darwin. Gained the rank of lieutenant in the Wiltshire Militia. (Burke’s peerage.) Noel, Sarah Gay Forbes (1830–89). CD’s second cousin. Daughter of William Brown Darwin. Married Edward Andrew Noel in 1848. (Alum. Cantab. s.v. Noel, Edward Andrew; BMD (Death index); Freeman 1978.) Nolan, John Philip (1838–1912). Irish landowner, army officer, and politician. Officer in the Royal Artillery, 1857; served throughout the Abyssinia campaign, 1867–8. MP for Galway, 1872 and 1874–85; Galway North, 1885–95 and 1900–6. (Dictionary of Irish biography to 2002; Stenton and Lees 1978.)

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Norman, Ebenezer (1835/6–1923). Schoolmaster and copyist. Schoolmaster in Down from 1854. Employed as a copyist by CD. Banker’s clerk in Deptford, 1871. (Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG9/462/73/8), 1871 (RG10/748/75/31); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 10 February 2016); Freeman 1978.) Norton, Elizabeth Gaskell (Lily) (1866–1933). Daughter of Charles Eliot and Susan Ridley Sedgwick Norton. (Massachusetts, death index, 1901–1980 (Ancestry. com, accessed 1 May 2019); U.S. passport applications, 1795–1925 (Ancestry.com, accessed 1 May 2019).) Ogle, William (1827–1912). Physician and naturalist. Took holy orders in 1853. MD 1861. Lecturer on physiology at St George’s Hospital, 1858–69; assistant physician, 1869–72. Medical officer for health for East Hertfordshire, 1873–9. Superintendent of statistics, General Register Office, 1880–1903. Translated Aristotle’s On the parts of animals into English in 1882. Published on flower structure and mechanisms for fertilisation. (Alum. Oxon.; Journal of the Royal Statistical Society 75 (1912): 659–61; Szreter 1996, p. 86 n. 37.) Oliver, Daniel (1830–1916). Botanist. Assistant in the herbarium of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, 1858; librarian, 1860–90; keeper, 1864–90. Professor of botany, University College, London, 1861–88. FRS 1863. (R. Desmond 1994; List of the Linnean Society of London, 1859–91; ODNB.) Olmsted, Frederick Law (1822–1903). American landscape architect. Farmed on Staten Island, New York, for several years; also pursued literary interests and travelled widely. Wrote extensively on slavery and the economic and social conditions of the American South. Appointed superintendent of Central Park, New York City, 1857; architect-in-chief, 1858. Superintendent, Frémont Mariposa mining estates, California, 1863–5. Reappointed landscape architect, Central Park, 1865, until his removal in 1878. Thereafter worked independently. (DAB.) Orundellico ( Jemmy Button) (d. 1861). A Fuegian of the Yahgan tribe. Given the name Jemmy Button. Brought to England in 1830 by Robert FitzRoy; returned to Tierra del Fuego on the Beagle in 1833. (Hazlewood 2000.) Otago University. [16 February 1880] Oudemans, Jean Abraham Chrétien (1827–1906). Dutch astronomer. Studied at Leiden University. Astronomer of the obsevatory at Leiden, 1853–6; professor of astronomy at Utrecht, 1856; chief of the geographical service in the East Indian Colonies, 1857–75; professor of astronomy and director of the observatory at Utrecht, 1875–98. (Monthly Notices of the Royal Astronomical Society 67 (1907): 241–2; NNBW.) Owen, Richard (1804–92). Comparative anatomist. Assistant conservator of the Hunterian Museum, Royal College of Surgeons of England, 1827; Hunterian Professor of comparative anatomy and physiology, 1836–56. Superintendent

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of the natural history departments, British Museum, 1856–84; prime mover in establishing the Natural History Museum, South Kensington, 1881. President of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1858. Described the Beagle fossil mammal specimens. Knighted, 1884. FRS 1834. (DSB; ODNB.) O’Neill, T. Warren (fl. 1870s). American lawyer. Called to the Philadelphia bar, 1870. Author of Refutation of Darwinism (1880). Committed to an asylum by 1886. (List of the Philadelphia Bar, 25 December 1871, p. 7; Philadelphia Times, 17 January 1886, p. 1.) Packard, Alpheus Spring Jr (1839–1905). American entomologist. Studied under Louis Agassiz. Qualified as a physician but practised for only a few months. In 1867, co-founder, with Edward Sylvester Morse, Alpheus Hyatt, and Frederic Ward Putnam, of the American Naturalist, which he edited for about twenty years. Professor of zoology and geology at Brown University, 1878–1905. (ANB; DSB.) Paget, George Edward (1809–92). Physician. BA, Cambridge, 1831. MD 1838. Physician to Addenbrooke’s Hospital, Cambridge, 1839–84. President, Cambridge Philosophical Society, 1855–6. Regius professor of physic, 1872. FRS 1873. Knighted, 1887. (ODNB.) Paget, James, 1st baronet (1814–99). Surgeon. Assistant surgeon at St Bartholomew’s Hospital, London, 1847; surgeon, 1861–71. Arris and Gale Professor of anatomy and surgery at the Royal College of Surgeons of England, 1847–52. Lectured on physiology in the medical school, St Bartholomew’s, 1859–61; on surgery, 1865–9. Appointed surgeon-extraordinary to Queen Victoria, 1858; serjeant-surgeon, 1877. Created baronet, 1871. FRS 1851. (ODNB.) 12 November 1880, 14 November 1880, 3 December 1880, 13 December 1880 Pallas, Pyotr Simon (1741–1811). German naturalist and geographer. Travelled widely in the Russian empire. Foreign member, Royal Society of London, 1764. (ADB; DSB; Record of the Royal Society of London.) Palmer, Roundell, 1st Earl of Selborne (1812–95). Lawyer and politician. Conservative MP for Plymouth, 1847–57; for Richmond, Yorkshire, 1861–72. Attorney-general, 1863–6. Lord chancellor, 1872–4, 1880–5. Created Baron Selborne, 1872. FRS 1860. (DNB.) Parker, Charles (1831–1905). Clergyman. CD’s nephew. Fourth son of Henry Parker and CD’s sister Marianne. BA, Oxford, 1850. Vicar of Ford, Shropshire, 1863–70; curate of Symondsbury, Dorset, 1870–1; curate of Eccleston, Cheshire, 1871–6; vicar of Betton-Strange, Shropshire, 1876–83. (Alum. Oxon.; Crockford’s clerical directory 1886; Darwin pedigree; Shrewsbury Chronicle, 24 November 1905, p. 5.) Parker, Marianne (1798–1858). CD’s eldest sister. Married Henry Parker (1788– 1856) in 1824. (Darwin pedigree.) Parker, Thomas Jeffery (1850–97). Biologist, university professor, and museum curator. A student of Thomas Henry Huxley at the Royal School of Mines; demonstrator, 1872–80. Professor of biology at the University of Otago and curator of the Otago Museum, 1880–97. A strong advocate of evolution. FRS 1888. (DNZB.)

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Parker, William Kitchen (1823–90). Comparative anatomist. A general practitioner in Pimlico, London; also did a great deal of biological research. Hunterian Professor of comparative anatomy, Royal College of Surgeons, from 1873. Known for his research on the skull. FRS 1865. (ODNB.) Parnell, Thomas (1679–1718). Irish poet and essayist. (ODNB.) Parson, Arthur George (1845–1907). Solicitor in London. Married Mabel Wedgwood in 1880. (BMD (Birth index, Marriage index); Census returns of England and Wales 1891 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG12/571/128/2); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 12 June 2019).) Parsons, Henry Franklin (1846–1913). Physician, naturalist, and geologist. Studied the geology of parts of Somerset and Yorkshire. (Sarjeant 1980–96.) Parsons, Joshua Frederick (Frederick) (1849–1912). Surgeon. Of Frome, Somerset. Matriculated at the University of London, 1866. MRCS 1871. (England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 4 October 2019); Medical directory 1881; Somerset, England, Church of England baptisms, 1813–1914 (Ancestry.com, accessed 4 October 2019); UK, University of London student records, 1836–1945 (Ancestry.com, accessed 4 October 2019).) 3 October 1880 Payne, George (1841/2–1924). Gardener. Gardener at Abinger Hall from 1870 until at least 1914. (Burial records of St James’s, Abinger, Surrey (http://www.stjameschurchabinger.org, accessed 17 November 2017); Census returns of England and Wales 1871 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG10/827/79/9), 1911 (RG14/3177/50); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 16 November 2017); Kew Guild Journal 2: 50 (www.kewguild.org.uk).) Pedley, Eve Eleanor Annie (1854–1941). Daughter of Thomas Humphrey Pedley and his wife, Mary Constance Gully, and stepdaughter of Richard Matthews Ruck. Married R. M. Ruck’s brother, Oliver Edwal Ruck, in 1884. (BMD (Birth index, Marriage index, Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG9/2527/53/4), 1881 (RG11/891/59/1), 1891 (RG12/3884/89/19); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 8 July 2019); England, select births and christenings, 1538–1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed 8 July 2019).) Pedley, Mary Eliza (1852–1920). Daughter of Thomas Humphrey Pedley and his wife, Mary Constance Gully, and stepdaughter of Richard Matthews Ruck. (BMD (Birth index, Marriage index, Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG9/2527/53/4), 1881 (RG11/891/59/1); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 8 July 2019); England, select births and christenings, 1538–1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed 8 July 2019).)

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Penck, Friedrich Karl Albrecht (Albrecht) (1858–1945). German geographer and geologist. Studied chemistry, botany, mineralogy, and geology at Leipzig and Munich, 1875–8. Assistant geologist, Land Survey of Saxony, 1878–80. Survey mapping for Bavarian Geological State Research from 1880; habilitated in geography at Munich. Professor of physical geography, Vienna, 1885–1906. Professor and director of the Geographical Institute and the Museum of Oceanography, Berlin, 1906–26. Noted for his work on stratigraphy. (NDB.) Perrier, Edmond (1844–1921). French zoologist. Held posts at the Muséum d’histoire naturelle from 1867; became director in 1900. Declared his acceptance of the theory of evolution in 1879 and became its principal defender in France. (DSB.) Petrie, Donald (1846–1925). Scottish teacher, school inspector, and botanist. Attended the University of Aberdeen. Moved to Melbourne, Australia, in 1867 to teach at the Scotch College. Inspector of schools with the provincial government in Otago, New Zealand, 1873; with the national government, 1877; with the Auckland Education Board, 1894–1910. Member of the Otago Institute, 1874. Carried out a systematic study of the flora of New Zealand. Fellow of the Linnean Society of London, 1886. (DNZB.) Pfeffer, Wilhelm Friedrich Philipp (Wilhelm) (1845–1920). German botanist and plant physiologist. Studied chemistry at Göttingen and Marburg and qualified as an apothecary before moving to Berlin and then Würzburg to study botany. Appointed privat-dozent in Marburg, 1871, and began studies of plant irritability and osmosis. Appointed professor extraordinarius of pharmacy and botany, Bonn, 1873; moved to Basel in 1877, and to Tübingen in 1878. Professor of botany at the University of Leipzig, and director of the Botanical Institute, from 1887. (DSB.) 25 November 1880 Phillpotts, Henry (1778–1869). Clergyman. BA, Oxford, 1795. Ordained priest, 1804. Known for his outspoken support of conservative causes. Bishop of Exeter, 1830–69. (ODNB.) Phinn, Jane (1794–1869). Richard Buckley Litchfield’s paternal aunt. Married Thomas Phinn in 1822. Waite Hockin Stirling’s mother-in-law. (BMD (Death index); Great Torrington baptisms 1776–1812, https://www.genuki.org.uk/big/ eng/DEV/GreatTorrington/TorringtonBaptisms (accessed 30 November 2018); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 1 November 2019); Somerset, England, marriage registers, bonds and allegations, 1754–1914 (Ancestry.com, accessed 30 November 2018).) Pitman, Henry (1826–1909). Teacher of phonography and journalist. Brother of Sir Isaac Pitman (ODNB), the inventor of phonography, an improved system of shorthand. (Census returns of England and Wales 1841 (The National Archives: Public Record Office HO107/970/10/11/14), 1881 (RG11/3504/84/47); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966

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(Ancestry.com, accessed 21 June 2016); England, select births and christenings, 1538– 1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed 21 June 2016).) 24 April 1880 Pitt, William (Pitt the elder), 1st earl of Chatham (1708–88). Politician. Prime minister of Great Britain, 1766–8. (ODNB.) Placzek, Baruch Jakob (1835–1922). Austrian rabbi. Assistant to his father as rabbi of Moravia from 1861; Landesrabinner of Moravia from 1884. Chief rabbi of Brünn, 1905. Knight of the order of Francis Joseph. Curator of the Israelitische-Theologische Lehranstalt of Vienna. Founder of a number of philanthropic societies and honorary member of several political societies. Published poems, a novel, and works of natural history under the pseudonym Benno Planek. ( Jewish encyclopedia; NUC.) 19 November 1880, [after 19 November 1880] Pollock, Frederick, 3d baronet (1845–1937). Jurist. BA, Cambridge University, 1867; fellow of Trinity College, 1868. Called to the bar, 1871. Corpus Professor of jurisprudence, Oxford, 1883–1903. Founding editor of the Law Quarterly Review, 1885. Wrote extensively on legal topics. Succeeded as third baronet in 1888. (ODNB.) Preston, Samuel Tolver (1844–1917). Engineer and physicist. Educated at the University of Aberdeen. Trained as a telegraph engineer and was employed on one of the Atlantic cable ships. After retirement, published Physics of the ether (1875), and several other works. PhD, Munich, 1894, with a dissertation on theories of gravitation. Author of papers on the kinetic theory of gases and on cosmical physics. (BHGW; Nature, 3 May 1917, p. 190.) 20 May 1880, 22 May 1880, 5 August 1880, 8 August 1880, 24 October 1880, 25 October 1880, 26 October 1880 Prestwich, Joseph (1812–96). Geologist and businessman. Entered the family wine business in London in 1830; became proprietor in 1842. Professor of geology, Oxford University, 1874–88. President of the Geological Society of London, 1870–2. An expert on the Tertiary geology of Europe. Prominent in studies of human prehistory. Knighted, 1896. FRS 1853. (DSB; ODNB.) 2 January 1880, 3 January 1880 Preyer, William Thierry (William) (1841–97). English-born German physiologist. Studied medicine and natural science at Bonn, Heidelberg, Berlin, and Vienna. PhD, Heidelberg, 1862. Habilitated at Bonn, 1865. MD, Jena, 1866. Professor of physiology, Jena, 1869; Berlin, 1888–94. Worked mainly on developmental physiology. A proponent of science teaching in schools. (DBE.) 25 November 1880, 27 November 1880, 2 December 1880 Price, John (1803–87). Scholar, schoolteacher, and naturalist. Educated at Shrewsbury School with CD, 1818–22; BA, Cambridge (St John’s College), 1826. Assistant master, Shrewsbury, 1826–7. Headmaster of the junior department at Bristol College, then classics principal at Liverpool High School, before settling in Chester. A founding member of the Chester Natural Science Society. Member

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of the Plymouth Brethren. (Alum. Cantab.; Eagle (St John’s College, Cambridge) 15 (1888): 169–72; Modern English biography.) Pucananlacitanjiz (William Beckenham Button) (b. c. 1869). Fuegian. Grandson of Orundellico ( Jemmy Button). Orphaned at the age of 8. Lived at the orphanage established by the South American Mission Society at Ushuaia in the Beagle Channel, Patagonia. Renamed William Beckenham when support was provided for him by the Beckenham and Shortlands Association. (Hazlewood 2000, p. 343; South American Missionary Magazine, 1 March 1877, p. 76; 1 February 1878, p. 32; 1 October 1879, p. 223.) Pustkuchen, Johann Friedrich Wilhelm (1793–1834). German evangelical clergyman and writer. Known for his critique of Johann Wolfgang von Goethe in Wilhelm Meister’s Wanderjahre and subsequent novels with titles that copied Goethe’s own. Sometimes wrote under the pen name Glanzow, which he later added to his surname. (ADB.) Pythagoras (b. mid 6th century bce). Greek philosopher and mathematician. (Oxford classical dictionary.) Quenstedt, Friedrich August (1809–89). German palaeontologist and stratigrapher. Associate professor of mineralogy, geology, and palaeontology, University of Tübingen, 1837; professor, 1842–89. (ADB; DSB.) Ramsay, Andrew Crombie (1814–91). Geologist. Appointed to the Geological Survey of Great Britain, 1841; senior director for England and Wales, 1862; director-general, 1872–81. Professor of geology, University College, London, 1847–52; lecturer on geology at the Royal School of Mines, 1852–71. President of the Geological Society of London, 1862–4. Knighted, 1881. FRS 1862. (DSB; ODNB.) 17 June 1880 Rattan, Volney (1840–1915). American botanist and schoolteacher. Graduated from the University of Wisconsin in 1861. Taught botany at Placerville, in the military academy at Oakland, at the Girls’ High School, San Francisco, and at San Jose. Worked with the educator John Swett (1830–1913) and the naturalist and environmental philosopher John Muir (1838–1914). His book on California flora was widely used in schools. (Barnhart comp. 1965; Mariposa Gazette, 13 March 1915, p. 2.) 3 November 1880 Rawlinson, James (1769–1848). Artist. Painted two portraits of Erasmus Darwin. Inventor of a colour-grinding mill. (Keynes 1994, pp. 77–9; Mechanics’ Magazine, 22 July 1826, pp. 177–9.) Reade, Thomas Mellard (1832–1909). Architect and geologist. Draughtsman for the London and North Western railway company, 1853–60. Set up in private practice as an architect and civil engineer in 1860; architect to the Liverpool School Board, 1870–1902. Joined the Liverpool Geological Society in 1870. Fellow of the Geological Society of London, 1872; awarded its Murchison medal, 1896. Worked on local glacial and post-glacial deposits; published nearly

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200 scientific papers, and The origin of the mountain ranges (1886). (ODNB.) 21 September 1880, 22 September 1880, 7 December 1880, 9 December 1880, 10 December 1880 Reichenbach, Heinrich Gustav (1824–89). German botanist. Appointed professor extraordinarius of botany, Leipzig, in 1855. Director of the botanic gardens in Hamburg, 1863–89. Wrote extensively on orchids. (ADB.) Reimarus, Johann Albert Heinrich (1729–1814). German physician and naturalist. Studied pharmacy in Göttingen in 1752; studied medicine in Leiden in 1753; in Edinburgh in 1754. Met Erasmus Darwin (1731–1802) while at Edinburgh; studied with him in London in 1755. Returned to Leiden in 1756 and graduated in 1757. Set up a medical practice in Hamburg. (ADB.) Reinwald, Charles-Ferdinand (1812–91). German-born bookseller and editor. Founded a business exporting French books in Paris in 1849. Editor in particular of foreign scientific works, and of the Dictionnaire universel de la langue française, by M. P. Poitevin. Published the Catalogue annuel de la librairie française. (Dictionnaire universel des contemporains.) 16 June 1880, 7 October 1880, 14 October 1880, 20 October 1880 Reynolds, James William (b. 1849). Clergyman. BA, Oxford, 1883. Curate of SS. Philip and James, Oxford, 1881. Clerk in holy orders, Ecclesfield, 1891. Living in North Shields, 1911. (Alum. Oxon.; Foster 1893; Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/1499/115/23), 1891 (RG12/3787/32/2), 1911 (RG14/30755).) Reynolds, John Russell, baronet (1828–96). Physician and neurologist. MD, University of London, 1852. Fellow, Royal College of Physicians, 1859. Professor of the principles and practice of medicine, University College, London, from 1865. Married Margaretta Susannah Ainslie, 1852. Created baronet, 1895. FRS 1869. (ODNB.) Reynolds, Margaretta Susannah (1832–80). Daughter of Robert Ainslie. Married John Russell Reynolds in 1852. (BMD (Death index); England, select births and christenings, 1538–1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed 15 July 2019); England, select marriages, 1538–1973 (Ancestry.com, accessed 15 July 2019).) Ribeiro, Carlos (1813–82). Portuguese army officer, geologist, and politician. Enlisted in the army in 1833. Began geological research in 1840. Director of a number of coal mines, 1848; organised the section of mines, quarries, and geological works, founded the national mining service, and established the national geological survey in 1852. Founded the commission for geological works and organised the first topographical survey of Portugal in 1857. Studied the antiquity of humans in Portugal, 1866–8. Elected a deputy to Parliament, 1874. Helped to organise the International Congress of Anthropology and Prehistoric Archaeology, Lisbon, in 1880. (DSB s.v. Ribeiro Santos, Carlos; O grande livro dos Portugueses.) 25 November 1880 Rich, Anthony (1804–91). Solicitor, author, and antiquary. BA, Cambridge (Caius College), 1825. Honorary fellow, Caius College, 1886. Admitted at Lincoln’s Inn,

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1824. Lived in Italy, 1842–9. Published antiquarian works. Left nearly all of his property to CD’s heirs. (Alum. Cantab.; Freeman 1978; London, England, Church of England baptisms, marriages and burials, 1538–1812 (Ancestry.com, accessed 7 July 2017).) 7 March 1880, 4 June 1880, 26 October 1880, 20 November [1880] Richmond, William Blake (1842–1921). Painter. Son of the painter George Richmond. Entered the Royal Academy Schools in 1858. Slade Professor of fine art, Oxford, 1879–83. Knighted, 1897. (ODNB.) Ricotti, Ercole (1816–83). Italian historian and politician. Graduated at the University of Turin, 1836. Professor of military (later modern) history, Turin 1846–79. Municipal councillor, Turin, 1877–83. President of the Academy of Sciences, Turin, 1879–83. (DBI.) 4 January 1880 Robertson, George Croom (1842–92). Philosopher and psychologist. MA, Marischal College, Aberdeen, 1861. Studied philosophy and psychology in Germany, 1862–3. Grote Professor of mind and logic, University College, London, 1866. First editor of Mind, 1876–91. Promoted women’s suffrage and the admission of women to classes in the University of London. (ODNB.) Robertson, William Henry (1810–97). Physician. MD, Edinburgh, 1830. FRCP 1872. Practised in Buxton, where he studied the effects of the local mineral waters on disease. His Guide to the use of the Buxton waters reached twenty-four editions in his lifetime. Honorary physician to the Devonshire Hospital and Buxton Bath Charity for sixty years. (Physicians vol. 4.) Roebuck, William Denison (1851–1919). Conchologist and entomologist. Involved with the establishment of the Yorkshire Naturalists’ Union (1877), the Conchological Society, the Leeds Conchological Club, and the Leeds Naturalists’ Field Club. President, Yorkshire Naturalists’ Union, 1903. Editor of the Naturalist, the journal of the YNU, 1884–1902. Instituted ‘Fungus Forays’. Honorary MSc, University of Leeds, 1915. Fellow of the Linnean Society, 1884. (Proceedings of the Linnean Society of London 131 (1918–19): 64–5.) 25 October 1880 (to G. H. Darwin), 26 October 1880 (to G. H. Darwin), 1 November 1880, 3 November 1880 Rogers, John Innes (1840–1912). Wholesale grocer. Wholesale grocer’s clerk, 1861; wholesale grocer, 1891. (Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG9/109/4/8), 1891 (RG12/632/52/53); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 13 October 2015); London, England, births and baptisms, 1813–1906 (Ancestry.com, accessed 13 October 2015).) 13 January 1880 Rogers, William Henry (1818–98). Nurseryman. Ran Red Lodge Nursery, Bassett, Southampton, founded by his father William Rogers. Alderman and JP for Southampton. (Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/1223/96/16); R. Desmond 1994; Gardeners’ Chronicle 3d ser. 24 (1898): 427.)

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Rolleston, George (1829–81). Physician and physiologist. Appointed physician to the British Civil Hospital at Smyrna (Izmir), Turkey, 1855, during the Crimean War. Physician to Radcliffe Infirmary, Oxford, and Lee’s Reader in anatomy at Christ Church, Oxford, 1857. Linacre Professor of anatomy and physiology, Oxford University, 1860–81. FRS 1862. (ODNB.) Romanes, Charlotte Elizabeth (1852–1911). Sister of George John Romanes. Participated in an experiment in which she kept a cebus monkey at her home and recorded its behaviour in a diary, which was published as part of her brother’s work Animal intelligence. (BMD (Birth index); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 15 January 2018); E. D. Romanes 1896; G. J. Romanes 1882, pp. 484–95.) Romanes, Ethel (1856–1927). Writer and lecturer on religion. Married George John Romanes in 1879. Sat on the council of the Froebel Society (an organisation that promoted early childhood education and training for kindergarten teachers). Wrote a biography of her husband after his early death in 1894. Published devotional works and sat on the councils of the Pan-Anglican Congress in 1908. Member of the Christian Social Union. Converted to Catholicism in 1919. Published historical works and novels in the last part of her life. (ODNB.) Romanes, Ethel Georgina (Fritz) (Sister Etheldred) (1880–1914). Anglican nun. Daughter of George John Romanes and Ethel Romanes. From the age of 6, known as Fritz. Attended Lady Margaret Hall, Oxford, reading classics and theology, 1899–1902. Entered the Community of St Mary the Virgin, Wantage, Berkshire, 1908; became a nun in 1910. Served briefly in India before returning to England due to illness, 1914. (Census returns of England and Wales 1911 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG14/6479/115); E. D. Romanes 1918.) Romanes, George John (1848–94). Evolutionary biologist. Of independent means. BA, Cambridge, 1871. Struggled to combine scientific reason and Christian faith. Carried out physiological studies on jellyfish, and wrote on the evolutionary psychology of animals and humans. Studied under John Scott Burdon Sanderson, 1874–6. Honorary secretary of the Physiological Society, set up to influence legislation on vivisection, 1876. FRS 1879. (Alum. Cantab.; DSB; ODNB; Record of the Royal Society of London.) 28 January 1880 (from Grant Allen), 3 February 1880, 5 February 1880, 6 February 1880, 22 April 1880, 5 November 1880, 13 November 1880, 14 November [1880], 15 November 1880, 18 November 1880, 10 December 1880, 13 December 1880, 14 December 1880, 17 December 1880, 20 December 1880 Romanes, Isabella Gair Rose (1810–83). Scottish. Daughter of the Rev. Robert Smith, parish minister of Cromarty. Married, in Canada, the Rev. George Romanes; mother of George John Romanes. The family returned to London in 1848. (E. D. Romanes 1896, pp. 1–2, 148; UK and Ireland, Find a grave index, 1300s– current (Ancestry.com, accessed 27 February 2017).) Rotton, John (d. 1769). Gentleman. Of Duffield, Derbyshire. Friend of Erasmus Darwin (1731–1802). Married Elizabeth Clive (who was not his first wife),

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sister of Archdeacon Robert Clive, at Moreton Say, Shropshire, in 1756. (England, select marriages, 1538–1973 (Ancestry.com, accessed 30 April 2019); letter from C. H. Tindal, 1 January 1880; Prerogative Court of Canterbury will registers (The National Archives: Public Record Office PROB 11/953/173).) Roundell, Charles Savile (1827–1906). Politician and lawyer. BA, Oxford, 1850; fellow of Merton College, Oxford, 1851–74. Called to the bar at Lincoln’s Inn, 1857. Secretary to the Royal Commission on disturbances in Jamaica under General Eyre, 1865. Secretary to the Royal Commission on the revenues of the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge, 1872. Liberal MP for Grantham, 1880– 5; Skipton, 1892–5. (Alum. Oxon.; Stenton and Lees 1978.) Rouquette, Jules (Saint Geniez) (b. 1853). French poet and doctor. MD, Montpellier, 1881. Poet and journalist under a number of pseudonyms, including ‘Saint Geniez’. (Bibliothèque nationale de France, http://data.bnf.fr/12443252/ jules_rouquette/ (accessed 26 October 2018).) 2 April 1880 Rousseau, Jean Jacques (1712–78). Genevan philosopher. (EB.) Ruck, Arthur Ashley (1847–1939). Soldier and civic official. Entered the army in 1866; major, 1882; retired with the rank of lieutenant-colonel, 1886. Chief constable of Carnarvonshire after his retirement from the army until 1912. (Army list; BMD (Birth index); Records of the Carnarvonshire Constabulary, GB 0219 XJ, XS/1234 (www.nationalarchives.gov.uk, accessed 17 January 2014); The Times, 15 July 1939, p. 1.) Ruck, Lawrence (1819/20–96). Landowner. Married Mary Anne Matthews in 1841. Father of Amy Richenda Ruck, who married Francis Darwin in 1874. (BMD (Death index, Marriage index); Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/5478/64/18); Montgomeryshire collections 17: 52; ODNB s.v. Darwin, Bernard Richard Meirion, and Darwin, Sir Francis.) Ruck, Richard Matthews (1851–1935). Army officer. Brother of Amy Richenda Ruck, the first wife of Francis Darwin. Attended the Royal Military Academy, Woolwich. Entered the Royal Engineers, 1871; captain, 1883, major, 1889; lieutenant-colonel, 1896; colonel, 1904; major-general, 1908. Married as her second husband Mary Constance Pedley, widow of Thomas Humphrey Pedley and daughter of John Gully, in 1878. Knighted, 1920. (Ruck 1935; WWW 1929–40.) Ruskin, John (1819–1900). Author, artist, and social reformer. Concentrated on writing and lecturing on economic and social issues between 1855 and 1870. First Slade Professor of art, Oxford University, 1869–9 and 1883–4. (ODNB.) Ryder, Dudley Francis Stuart, Viscount Sandon, 3d earl of Harrowby (1831–1900). Politician. MP for Lichfield, 1856–60; for Liverpool, 1868–82. Served as privy councillor and cabinet minister in various Conservative governments. Styled Viscount Sandon, 1847–82; became third earl of Harrowby in 1882. (ODNB.) Sachs, Julius (1832–97). German botanist and plant physiologist. PhD, Prague, 1856. Research assistant, forestry academy, Tharandt, 1859. Professor of botany,

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agricultural training institute, Poppelsdorf, 1861; professor, Freiburg im Breisgau, 1867; Würzburg, 1868. Founded the institute of plant physiology, Würzburg. Ennobled, 1877. (DBE; DSB.) Salt, George Moultrie (1825–1907). County attorney. Eldest son of Thomas Salt. Admitted to practise, 1845. Partner in the law firm Salt & Sons, Shrewsbury, 1848–1907. (D. Harris 2004; Law list 1848–1907.) [26? February 1880] Sanderson, John (1838–1903). Scottish-born wool merchant. Lived in Australia for some time; settled in Chislehurst, Kent, at Bullers Wood, 1872. (Australia, birth index, 1788–1922 (Ancestry.com, accessed 31 July 2019); Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office (RG 11/854/69/14), 1891 (RG 12/630/125/4); Scotland, national probate index (calendar of confirmations and inventories), 1876–1936 (Ancestry.com, accessed 1 July 2019); Scotland, select births and baptisms, 1564–1950 (Ancestry.com, accessed 1 July 2019).) Sanford, William Ayshford (1818–1902). Artist, architect, and civil servant. Resided at Nynehead Court, Somerset. Matriculated at Trinity College, Cambridge, in 1837. Colonial secretary of Western Australia, 1851–5. President of the Somerset Archaeological Society. Interested in natural history; co-authored works with William Boyd Dawkins on mammalian palaeontology. (Alum. Cantab.; Burke’s landed gentry 1906; Dictionary of Australian artists.) Sarcey, Francisque (1827–99). French journalist and drama critic. Contributed articles to the paper Le XIXe siècle. (EB.) Schaaffhausen, Hermann (1816–93). German physiologist, anatomist, and anthropologist. Studied at Bonn, 1834–7; Berlin, 1837–9. Habilitated at Bonn, 1844; professor from 1855. Published prolifically especially on anthropology; some of his works were translated into English for the Anthropological Review. A supporter of Darwinian theory. (DBE; Tort 1996.) Schellen, Thomas Joseph Heinrich (1818–84). German teacher and school director. Began teaching in Cologne, 1841; senior teacher, Dusseldorf, 1842–51. Director of the technical college and Realschule, Münster, 1851–8; director and teacher, higher Bürgerschule (city school), Cologne, 1858–81. Wrote several guides to teaching mathematical and scientific subjects, as well as books for nonspecialists on scientific and technical advances. (ADB.) Schmidt-Zabierow, Ida von (b. 1832 d. 1881 or later). German-born AustroHungarian noblewoman. Daughter of Pauline Mohl and Robert Mohl; niece of Mary Elizabeth Mohl. Married Franz Freiherr von Schmidt-Zabierow (1824– 99), Austrian politician, in Heidelburg in 1859. (Baden, Germany, Lutheran baptisms, marriages, and burials, 1783–1875 (Ancestry.com, accessed 5 February 2020); Lesser 1984, pp. 127–8, 164; Württemberg, Germany, Lutheran baptisms, marriages, and burials, 1500–1985 (Ancestry.com, accessed 5 February 2020).) Schneider, Georg Heinrich (1846–1904). German educator and writer on animal psychology. Studied philosophy and pedagogy at Leipzig and Jena; attended Ernst Haeckel’s lectures at Jena, from around 1869. Worked at the German school in Naples, where he built a small aquarium to pursue his research on animal

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psychology, 1878–80. Was refused a place at the Zoological Station at Naples, partly due to lack of qualifications, but also because of his conflict with Anton Dohrn, the director. Emigrated to Chile in 1889; founder and first director of the German School in Santiago, 1891. Co-founder and first director of the Instituto Pedagógico, a teacher-training college, 1892. (Groeben ed. 1985, p. 298; Heuss 1991, p. 225; James 1983, p. 393; Lucidi 2009, pp. 21–5.) 2 April 1880, 3 April 1880 E. Schweizerbart’sche Verlagsbuchhandlung. German publishing company in Stuttgart. Founded by Wilhelm Emanuel Schweizerbart in 1830; conducted by his nephew Christian Friedrich Schweizerbart from 1841, and by Eduard Koch from 1867. ( Jubiläums-Katalog.) Sclater, Philip Lutley (1829–1913). Lawyer and ornithologist. One of the founders of Ibis, the journal of the British Ornithologists’ Union, 1858; editor, 1858–65 and 1878–1912. Secretary of the Zoological Society of London, 1860–1903. FRS 1861. (DSB; Scherren 1905.) 29 December 1880 Scott, John (1836–80). Scottish botanist. Gardener at several different country estates, before becoming foreman of the propagating department at the Royal Botanic Garden, Edinburgh, in 1859. Through CD’s patronage emigrated to India in 1864, and worked briefly on a Cinchona plantation before taking a position as curator of the Calcutta botanic garden in 1865. Seconded to the opium department, 1872–8. Carried out numerous botanical experiments and observations on CD’s behalf. Fellow of the Linnean Society of London, 1873. (Lightman ed. 2004; ODNB.) Scott, Walter, baronet (1771–1832). Scottish poet and novelist. President of the Royal Society of Edinburgh, 1820. Created baronet, 1818. (ODNB.) Seaton, William Sharpey (1852–1931). Civil engineer. Educated at University College, London, 1870–2. Assistant to Sir William Thomson and Henry Charles Fleeming Jenkin in the construction of Brazilian submarine telegraph cables, 1873–6. Assisted Warren de la Rue in electrical research, 1877–8, after which he was employed by a number of telegraph construction companies. (England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 4 November 2019); UK, civil engineer records, 1820–1930 (Ancestry.com, accessed 4 November 2019).) Seddon, William Zaccheus (1868–1960). Bricklayer and buildings contractor. Of Bolton, Lancashire. (1939 England and Wales register (Ancestry.com, accessed 25 July 2018); Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/3827/44/27), 1911 (RG14/23303); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1995 (Ancestry.com, accessed 25 July 2018).) 2 February 1880, 4 February 1880 Sedgwick, Adam (1785–1873). Geologist and clergyman. Woodwardian Professor of geology, Cambridge University, 1818–73. Prebendary of Norwich Cathedral, 1834–73. President, Geological Society of London, 1829–31; British Association

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for the Advancement of Science, 1833. FRS 1821. (DSB; ODNB; Record of the Royal Society of London.) Sedgwick, Adam (1854–1913). Zoologist. First class, natural sciences tripos, Cambridge University, 1877. Fellow, Trinity College, 1880. Lecturer in animal morphology, Cambridge University, 1883–90; reader, 1890–1907; professor of zoology and comparative anatomy, 1907–9. Professor of zoology, Imperial College of Science, 1909–13. FRS 1886. (Alum. Cantab.; ODNB.) Semper, Carl Gottfried (1832–93). German zoologist. Studied engineering, Hannover, 1851–4. Studied zoology, histology, and comparative anatomy, University of Würzburg; completed his thesis in 1856. Travelled in the Philippines and Palau Islands, 1858–65, and acquired zoological and ethnographical collections. Appointed privat-dozent, University of Würzburg, 1866; professor and director of the Zoological Institute, 1869. Published on zoology (especially molluscs), geography, and ethnography. (DSB.) Settegast, Hermann Gustav (Hermann) (1819–1908). German agronomist. Studied agriculture for nine years in East Prussia, then natural science in Berlin from 1844 and rural economy at Hohenheim from 1845. Administrator and instructor, Proskau, 1847. Director of the agricultural academy, Waldau bei Königsberg, 1858; Proskau, 1862. Professor of agriculture, Breslau, 1868. (DBE.) Seward, Anna (1742–1809). Poet. Active in Lichfield literary circles. Wrote a biography of CD’s grandfather Erasmus Darwin (1804). (ODNB.) Shakespeare, William (1564–1616). Poet and dramatist. (ODNB.) Sidgwick, Eleanor Mildred (Nora) (1845–1936). College head. Sister of Arthur James Balfour. Married Henry Sedgwick in 1876. Worked for the Society for Psychical Research, founded by Henry Sedgwick. Taught mathematics at Newnham College, Cambridge, and worked on measurements of electricity with her brother-in-law, John William Strutt, Lord Rayleigh. Vice-principal of Newnham College, 1880; principal, 1891–1910. (ODNB.) Sidgwick, Henry (1838–1900). Philosopher. BA, Cambridge, 1859; fellow and lecturer in classics, 1859–69; lecturer, 1869–83; Knightbridge Professor of moral philosophy, 1883–1900. Author of The methods of ethics (1874). First president of the Society for Psychical Research, 1882–5. Promoter of the higher education of women. (ODNB.) Silveira da Motta, Ignacio Francisco, baron de Vila Franca (1815–85). Brazilian politician and farmer. Awarded the title of baron de Vila Franca in 1875. (https://www.geni.com/, accessed 26 September 2019.) Simon, Jules François (1814–96). French political leader and philosopher. Professor of philosophy, Sorbonne, 1839–48. Minister of instruction in the French government, 1870; prime minister, 1876–7. (EB.) Skertchly, Sydney Barber Josiah (1850–1926). Geologist. Attended the Royal School of Mines, London. Assistant curator to the Geological Society of London; assistant geologist to the khedive of Egypt from late 1869. Geologist in the Fenlands and East Anglia for the Geological Survey of Great Britain in the

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1870s. Member of the Geological Society of London, 1871. Assistant geologist, British Geological Survey, 1870–81. Went to California, Borneo, and China as a geologist. Moved to Brisbane, Australia, in 1891. Taught botany in Hong Kong in 1893. Assistant government geologist in the Geological Survey of Queensland, 1895–7. President of the Royal Society of Queensland, 1898. (Aust. dict. biog.; Pioneers of the British Geological Survey, www.bgs.ac.uk.) 16 February [1880] Skey, Henry (1836/7–1914). Draughtsman. Emigrated to New Zealand with his brother William in 1860. Worked in the New Zealand goldfields, 1860– 2. Draughtsman to the New Zealand geological survey from 1862. Senior draughtsman to the local Survey Department in Dunedin, 1882–1903. Presented a series of papers on astronomy and aeronautics at the Otago Institute, of which he was an early member. (DNZB s.v. Skey, William; Historic Cemeteries Conservation Trust of New Zealand, http://www.cemeteries.org.nz/stories/ skeyhenry300907.pdf (accessed 8 May 2019); New Zealand, cemetery records, 1800– 2007 (Ancestry.com, accessed 19 August 2019).) Skinner, John (1840–1903). Coachman. From Godstone, Surrey; lived with his parents in Cudham, close to Down, in 1861. Employed at Down from 1866, and after CD’s death by Emma Darwin. Married Helen Nightingale at Chelsfield, Kent, in 1867. Lived in Cambridge after Emma moved there for the winters. (CD’s Classed account books (Down House MS); Census returns of England and Wales 1841 (The National Archives: Public Record Office HO107/1077/4/2747), 1861 (RG9/462/46/7), 1891 (RG12/1280/135/32); England, select marriages 1538– 1973 (Ancestry.com, accessed 5 July 2018); UK and Ireland, Find a grave index, 1300s– current (Ancestry.com, accessed 5 July 2018).) Smiles, Samuel (1812–1904). Biographer. Medical diploma, Edinburgh University, 1832. Editor, Leeds Times, 1838–42. Assistant secretary, Leeds and Thirsk Railway, 1845–54; secretary, South Eastern Railway, 1854–66. President, National Provident Institution, from 1866. Wrote self-help books and biographies. (ODNB.) Smith, Matilda (1815–90). Indexer. Worked for John Murray. Daughter of Anne Palgrave (1777–1872) and Edward Rigby; married James Smith (1808–71), an East India merchant, in 1847. Mother of Matilda Smith (1854–1926), the botanical artist. Indexed Cross and self fertilisation, Forms of flowers, and Movement in plants. (Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG/9/2686/95/37); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 3 April 2019); England, select births and christenings, 1538–1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed 3 April 2019); letters from Matilda Smith to John Murray, 27 October 1876, 16 June 1877 (National Library of Scotland, John Murray Archive (family papers)) and John Murray copies ledger (National Library of Scotland, John Murray Archive & Publishers’ Collections, MS.42733); Scotland, select marriages, 1561–1910 (Ancestry.com, accessed 3 April 2019).) Smyth, Robert Brough (1830–89). Mining engineer. Emigrated to Victoria,

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Australia, in 1852. Secretary, Board of Mines, 1860; honorary secretary, Board for the Protection of Aborigines, 1860; director of the geological survey of Victoria, 1871–6. Fellow of the Linnean Society of London, 1874. (Aust. dict. biog.; ODNB.) Sorby, Henry Clifton (1826–1908). Geologist. Pioneered microscopic petrology. President of the Geological Society of London, 1878–80. Established the chair of geology at Sheffield University. FRS 1857. (DNB; DSB.) Souza Corrêa, João Arthur (Arthur) de (1835/6–1900). Brazilian diplomat. Lieutenant in the Brazilian Navy and member of the Foreign Legion; fought in the Crimean War. Attaché to the Brazilian legations in London and Paris, 1859–89; minister resident in Spain and then envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary in Rome, 1889; minister in London, 1890–1900. (The Times, 24 March 1900, p. 9.) 20 October 1880, 23 October 1880 Sowerby, George Brettingham Jr (1812–84). Conchologist and illustrator. Assisted his father, George Brettingham Sowerby (1788–1854), in a business selling natural history specimens; succeeded to the business in 1854. Illustrated numerous works on shells. Fellow of the Linnean Society of London, 1844. (DNB s.v. Sowerby, George Brettingham the elder.) Spallanzani, Lazzaro (1729–99). Italian priest and natural scientist. Best known for his disproof of spontaneous generation and his elucidation of the process of digestion. Professor in Modena, 1763–9; Pavia, 1769–99. (DSB.) Spallanzani Monument Committee. 30 June 1880 Spencer, Herbert (1820–1903). Philosopher. Apprenticed as a civil engineer on the railways, 1837–41. Became subeditor of the Pilot, a newspaper devoted to the suffrage movement, in 1844. Subeditor of the Economist, 1848–53. From 1852, author of books and papers on transmutation theory, philosophy, and the social sciences. (DSB; ODNB.) Spottiswoode, Eliza Taylor (1836/7–94). Born in Madras. Daughter of William Urquhart Arbuthnot, member of the Council for India. Married William Spottiswoode in 1861. Their at-homes at Grosvenor Place in London attracted well-known scientists and politicians. (BMD (Death index); ODNB s.v. Spottiswoode, William.) Spottiswoode, William (1825–83). Mathematician and physicist. Succeeded his father as queen’s printer in 1846. Throughout his life pursued mathematical studies in which he supplied new proofs of known theorems and also did important original work; produced a series of memoirs on the contact of curves and surfaces. President of the mathematical section of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1865; of the Royal Society of London, 1878–83. FRS 1853. (DNB.) 21 May 1880, 24 May 1880 Stahl, Christian Ernst (Ernst) (1848–1919). Alsatian-born German botanist. Received his doctorate in botany from Straßburg (Strasbourg), 1873. Julius

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Sachs’s assistant, Würzburg, 1874; habilitated, 1877. Professor extraordinarius of botany, Straßburg, 1880. Professor of botany and director of the botanic garden, Jena, 1881. Travelled to Java, where he collected mosses and liverworts, 1889–90; Mexico, 1894. Worked on various aspects of plant physiology, development, and ecology. (NDB.) Stanford, Charles Villiers (1852–1924). Irish composer. Entered Queens’ College, Cambridge, as a choral scholar, in 1870; migrated to Trinity College, 1873. BA, Cambridge, 1874; Mus.Doc. 1889. Organist of Trinity College, Cambridge, 1873–82. Professor of composition and orchestral playing, Royal College of Music, 1883. Professor of music, Cambridge University, 1887. Knighted, 1902. (Alum. Cantab.; ODNB.) Stanley, Edward Henry, 15th earl of Derby (1826–93). Politician and diarist. BA, Cambridge, 1848. MP for King’s Lynn, 1848–69. Visited the West Indies twice, 1848–50. First secretary of state for India from 1858. Foreign secretary from 1874. Colonial secretary from 1882. Succeeded to the earldom in 1869. (ODNB.) 25 June 1880, 8 July 1880 Stanley, Mary Catherine, countess of Derby (1824–1900). Political hostess. Daughter of George Sackville-West, fifth Earl De La Warr (1791–1869). Married James Brownlow William Gascoyne-Cecil in 1847. After his death, married Edward Henry Stanley, fifteenth earl of Derby, in 1870. Deeply involved in Conservative politics. (ODNB.) Steer, Sophia (1854/5–1935). Daughter of Mary Ann Steer and Alexander Steer, tailor, of Limpsfield, Surrey. Married William Jackson, butler at Down House, at Down in 1880. (Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG9/446/76/11), 1881 (RG11/855/92/20); Downe marriage register 1838–1911 (kent-opc.org, accessed 17 December 2019); Surrey, England, Church of England baptisms, 1813–1917 (Ancestry.com, accessed 17 December 2019).) Stewart, Balfour (1828–87). Physicist and meteorologist. Assistant, Kew Observatory, 1856. Assistant lecturer, Edinburgh University, 1856–9. Director, Kew Observatory, 1859–71. Secretary to the government meteorological committee, 1867–9. Professor of natural philosophy, Owens College, Manchester, 1870–87. Worked on radiant heat and the phenomena of sunspots and terrestrial magnetism. With Peter Guthrie Tait, published Unseen universe (Stewart and Tait 1875), seeking to deduce the existence of immortal souls from scientific evidence. Co-founder, Society for Psychical Research. FRS 1862. (ODNB.) Stirling, Gertrude Louisa (1860–1940). Daughter of Waite Hockin Stirling and Louisa Jane Stirling. Travelled to the Falklands with her parents, returning to England after her mother’s death, and living in Dorset with her aunt and uncle. Married Alfred John Dickinson, a farmer in Argentina, in Buenos Aires in 1886, returning with him to England by 1901. (Argentina, National Census, 1895: Santa Fe, Belgrano, Las Rosas 210 (Familysearch.org, accessed 24 February

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2020); Census returns of England and Wales 1871 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG10/1981/79/21), 1901 (RG13/2320/65/18); England, Andrews newspaper index cards, 1790–1976 (Ancestry.com, accessed 28 August 2018); England, select births and christenings, 1538–1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed 28 August 2018); St James’s Gazette, 1 January 1887, p. 15.) Stirling, Louisa Jane (1824–64). Daughter of Thomas Phinn, surgeon, and his wife, Jane. Married Waite Hockin Stirling in Cheltenham, Gloucestershire, in 1852. Died in Argentina. (Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG9/1728/45/40); Gloucestershire, England, Church of England marriages and banns, 1754–1938 (Ancestry.com, accessed 3 September 2019); Macdonald 1929, p. 59; Somerset, England, Church of England baptisms, 1813–1914 (Ancestry.com, accessed 3 September 2019).) Stirling, Waite Hockin (1829–1923). Clergyman and missionary. Secretary, Patagonian Mission Society, 1857–62. Superintendent missionary of Tierra del Fuego, 1862–9. Bishop of the Falkland Islands, 1869–1900. Assistant bishop of Bath and Wells, 1901–11; canon of Wells, 1901–20; precentor, 1903–20. (Alum. Oxon.; Crockford’s clerical directory 1923; Hazlewood 2000; Macdonald 1929.) St John, Charles George William (1809–56). Sportsman and naturalist. Worked in the Treasury, 1828–33, then moved to Sutherland, where he studied animals and birds. Author of Short sketches of the wild sports and natural history of the Highlands (1846), which went through many reprints. (ODNB.) Stokes, George Gabriel, 1st baronet (1819–1903). Physicist. Lucasian Professor of mathematics, Cambridge University, 1849–1903. Secretary of the Royal Society of London, 1854–85; president, 1885–90. President of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1869. Conservative MP for Cambridge University, 1887–91. Master of Pembroke College, Cambridge, 1902–3. Created baronet, 1889. FRS 1851. (DSB; ODNB.) Stokes, John Lort (1812–85). Naval officer. Midshipman on HMS Beagle, 1825–30; mate and assistant surveyor, 1831–6; lieutenant, 1837–41; commander, 1841–3. Captain on HMS Acheron, surveying off New Zealand, 1847–51; on half pay, 1851–60; employed surveying the Channel coasts, 1860–3; rear admiral, 1864; vice-admiral, 1871; admiral, 1877. (ODNB; Navy list 1847–64; O’Byrne 1849.) Story-Maskelyne, Mervyn Herbert Nevil (Nevil) (1823–1911). Mineralogist. Lectured on mineralogy, Oxford University, 1850–7; professor of mineralogy, 1856–95. Keeper of the mineral department, British Museum, 1857–80. MP for Cricklade, 1880–5; North Wiltshire, 1885–92. FRS 1870. (Alum. Oxon.; Morton 1987; ODNB.) Story-Maskelyne, Thereza Mary (1834–1926). Welsh botanist, astronomer, and experimental photographer. A granddaughter of the naturalist Lewis Weston Dillwyn, and daughter of the photographer John Dillwyn Llewelyn. Supplied climate data to the British Association for the Advancement of Science. Married Mervyn Herbert Nevil Story-Maskelyne, professor of mineralogy, University of Oxford, in 1858. Mother of three daughters, including the educator and gardener

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Thereza, Lady Rucker. (Morton 1987; ODNB s.v. Llewelyn, John Dillwyn, and Rucker, Thereza Charlotte.) Strahan, Aubrey (1852–1928). Geologist. BA, Cambridge, 1875; ScD, 1907. Assistant geologist, Geological Survey of England and Wales, 1875; geologist, 1901; assistant to the director, 1909; director, 1914. FRS 1903. (ODNB.) Strasburger, Eduard Adolf (Eduard) (1844–1912). German botanist. Inspired by Ernst Haeckel’s enthusiasm for CD’s theory of evolution. Studied natural sciences in Paris, Bonn, and Jena from 1862. PhD in botany, 1866. Professor extraordinarius and director of the Botanical Institute, Jena, 1869; professor, 1871. Taught at the University of Bonn from 1881; rector, 1891–2. Travelled through Italy and Egypt, and around the Red Sea. Co-editor of Jahrbuch für wissenschaftliche Botanik from 1894. Published histological–cytological works on plant fertilisation. (DBE; DSB.) 8 August 1880, 5 December 1880 Stuart, James (1843–1913). Engineer and politician. BA, Cambridge, 1866; fellow of Trinity College, 1867. Professor of mechanism and applied mechanics, 1875– 89; established the mechanical workshops and inaugurated the mechanical sciences tripos. Originator of university extension lectures, 1873. MP for Hackney, 1884; for Hoxton, 1885–1900; for Sunderland, 1906–10. Rector of St Andrews University, 1898–1901. (Alum. Cantab.) Sugiura, Shigetake ( Jugo) (1855–1924). Japanese educator and journalist. Studied at the Daigaku Nanko (later the University of Tokyo) and Tokyo Kaisei School. Selected to study abroad; studied agricultural science at Owens College (later the University of Manchester) and chemistry at London University, 1876. Director of the preparatory school of the University of Tokyo, 1882–5. Later established the nationalist organisation Seikyosha and published a nationalist journal. (Large 1992, pp. 17–18; Portraits of modern Japanese historical figures, National Diet Library, Tokyo, https://www.ndl.go.jp/portrait/e/datas/112.html (accessed 7 June 2019).) Sulivan, Bartholomew James (1810–90). Naval officer and hydrographer. Lieutenant on HMS Beagle, 1831–6. Surveyed the Falkland Islands in HMS Arrow, 1838–9. Commander of HMS Philomel, 1842–6. Resided in the Falkland Islands, 1848–51. Commanded HMS Lightning in the Baltic, 1854–5. Naval officer in the marine department of the Board of Trade, 1856–65. Admiral, 1877. Knighted, 1869. (ODNB.) 2 January [1880], 3 January 1880, 16 May [1880], 20 May 1880, 12 November 1880, 16 November 1880, 17 November 1880 Sulivan, James Button. See Cooshaipunjiz. Sulivan, Sophia (1809/10–90). Daughter of Vice-Admiral James Young, of Barton End, near Stroud, Gloucestershire. Married Bartholomew James Sulivan in 1837. (County families 1871, s.v. Sulivan, Bartholomew James; ODNB s.v. Sulivan, Bartholomew James; Sulivan ed. 1896, pp. xii, 395.) Sulivan, Sophia Henrietta (1837/8–1914). Daughter of Sophia and Bartholomew James Sulivan. Married the surgeon Henry Bullock in 1882. (Census

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returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/1194/136); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 1 February 2017); Hampshire Telegraph & Sussex Chronicle, 21 October 1882, p. 3.) Sully, James (1842–1923). Psychologist. Contributed to the child-study movement. Grote Professor of the philosophy of mind and logic at University College, London, 1892–1903. Instrumental in setting up the psychology laboratory at UCL, 1898. (ODNB.) Swallow, George Clinton (1817–99). American geologist. State geologist of Missouri, 1853–61. Assistant state geologist, Kansas Geological Survey, 1864–5; state geologist, from 1865. Professor of agriculture, University of Missouri, 1870; dean, Agricultural and Mechanical College, 1872–82. (ANB.) Tait, Archibald Campbell (1811–82). Clergyman and educationalist. Headmaster, Rugby School, 1842–50. Dean of Carlisle, 1850–6. Known as a university reformer; nominated a member of the Oxford University commission in 1850. Bishop of London, 1856–69. Archbishop of Canterbury, 1869–82. (ODNB.) Tait, Peter Guthrie (1831–1901). Scottish mathematician and physicist. Studied mathematics at Edinburgh University and Peterhouse, Cambridge. Fellow of Peterhouse, 1852–4. Professor of mathematics, Queen’s College, Belfast, 1854–60; of natural philosophy, Edinburgh, 1860–1901. Published widely on mathematics and physics; published Treatise on natural philosophy (1867) with William Thomson (later Lord Kelvin). (ODNB.) Tait, Robert Lawson (Lawson) (1845–99). Scottish gynaecological surgeon. Studied in Edinburgh with James Young Simpson. House surgeon, Clayton Hospital, Wakefield, 1867–70. Started a practice in Birmingham in 1870. Junior surgeon, Birmingham and Midland Hospital for Women, 1871. Instigated a nurses’ training programme, and supported education and professional positions for women as nurses and doctors. Internationally recognised pioneer in abdominal surgery, especially ovariotomy. Professor of gynaecology, Queen’s College, Birmingham, 1887. Founding member of the Birmingham Medical Society; president of the Birmingham Medical Institute, 1889–93. (ODNB.) 12 January 1880, 13 January 1880, 15 January [1880], 18 January [1880], 13 February 1880, 14 February 1880, 15 July [1880], 16 July [1880], 19 July 1880 Tait, Sybil Anne (1844–1909). Daughter of William Stewart. Married Lawson Tait in 1871. (BMD (Birth index, Death index); West Yorkshire, England, marriages and banns, 1813–1935 (Ancestry.com, accessed 9 January 2014).) Taylor, John Ellor (1837–95). Curator and populariser of science. With John Gunn, established the Norwich Geological Society in 1864. Fellow of the Geological Society of London, 1869. Curator of the Ipswich Corporation Museum, 1872– 93, giving an annual free lecture series in the natural sciences. Editor, Hardwicke’s Science-Gossip, 1872–93. Fellow of the Linnean Society of London, 1873. (ODNB.) Tearle, William (1852–1922). Railway clerk. Born in Ealing, Middlesex. In St Neots, Huntingdonshire, 1881. Married Eleanor Todd (1860–1935) in 1888. In Keighley,

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Yorkshire, 1891, 1901. Retired to Bedford by 1911. (BMD (Birth index, Marriage index, Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/1610/68/3), 1891 (RG12/3540/81/34), 1901 (RG13/4078/86/19), 1911 (RG14/8839/126).) [before 16] April 1880, 16 April 1880 Teesdale, John Marmaduke (1818/19–88). Solicitor. A neighbour of CD from 1875; lived at Downe Hall. (BMD (Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/855/92/19); Correspondence vol. 23, letter from Emma Darwin to J. B. Innes, 24 December [1875].) Thiselton-Dyer, Harriet Anne (1854–1945). Second child of Frances Harriet and Joseph Dalton Hooker. Married William Turner Thiselton-Dyer in 1877. (Allan 1967 s.v. ‘Hooker pedigree’.) Thiselton-Dyer, William Turner (1843–1928). Botanist. Educated at Christ Church, Oxford. Professor of natural history at the Royal Agricultural College, Cirencester, 1868–70. Professor of botany, Royal College of Science, Dublin, 1870–2; Royal Horticultural Society, London, 1872. Directed botanical teaching at the Department of Science and Art, South Kensington, London, 1873, 1875, 1876. Appointed assistant director of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, by Joseph Dalton Hooker, 1875. Married Hooker’s eldest daughter, Harriet Anne, in 1877. Appointed director of Kew, 1885. Knighted, 1899. FRS 1880. (ODNB.) 15 January 1880, 18 January [1880], 27 January 1880, 15 April 1880, 23 November [1880], [after 23 November 1880] Thomas, Thomas Henry (1839–1915). Welsh artist. Studied at the Royal Academy Schools in London, and in Italy. Worked as an artist in London, including for the Graphic; later settled in Cardiff. Member of the Cardiff Naturalists’ Society from 1879; president, 1888. Discovered fossil footprints in the Triassic rocks of Glamorgan, Wales, in 1878. (Transactions of the Cardiff Naturalists’ Society 48 (1915): 5–16.) 22 October 1880 Thompson, Henry, 1st baronet (1820–1904). Surgeon. MB, University College, London, 1851; FRCS 1853. Specialised in the treatment of urethral stricture, enlarged prostate, and bladder stones. Designed new surgical instruments for lithotrity (an operation to remove bladder stones). Professor of clinical surgery, University College, London, 1866. Knighted, 1867; created baronet, 1899. (ODNB.) Thompson, William (1805–52). Irish naturalist. President of the Belfast Natural History Society, 1843–52. (R. Desmond 1994; ODNB.) Thompson, William (1823–1903). Horticulturist. Founded a nursery at Ipswich later known as Thompson and Morgan. Awarded the first Victoria Medal of Honour by the Royal Horticultural Society, 1897. (R. Desmond 1994.) Thomson, Allen (1809–84). Scottish anatomist and embryologist. Professor of physiology, Edinburgh, 1842–8. Introduced the use of the microscope in

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teaching anatomy. Regius professor of anatomy, University of Glasgow, 1848–77. FRS 1848. (ODNB.) Thomson, Charles Wyville (1830–82). Scottish naturalist and oceanographer. Professor of mineralogy and geology, Queen’s College, Belfast, 1854–62; of natural history from 1862. Professor of botany, Royal College of Science, Dublin, 1868–70. Appointed regius professor of natural history, University of Edinburgh, 1870. Interested in deep-sea researches; appointed chief of the civilian scientific staff of the Challenger expedition, 1872–6. Knighted, 1877. FRS 1869. (DSB; ODNB.) Thomson, Frances Anna (1837–1916). Née Blandy. Lived on Madeira with her family. Married William Thomson (the future Lord Kelvin) as his second wife in 1874. (Madeira, Portugal, baptism index, 1538–1911 (Ancestry.com, accessed 9 April 2019); ODNB s.v. Thomson, William (1824–1907).) Thomson, George Malcolm (1848–1933). Indian-born Scottish educationalist. Emigrated to New Zealand, 1868; settled in Dunedin, 1871. Tutor at the High School of Otago, 1871; junior master, 1872; science master, 1877–1903. Taught music and chemistry at the Girls’ Provincial School. Involved in Bible teaching and helped establish the Young Mens’ Christian Association and the Dunedin City Mission. Published extensively on plants, crustaceans, fish, and fisheries. Fellow of the Linnean Society of London. (DNZB.) Thomson, William, Baron Kelvin (1824–1907). Scientist and inventor. Professor of natural philosophy, Glasgow, 1846–99. Formulated laws of equivalence and transformation in thermodynamics and a doctrine of available energy. Pioneered telegraphic systems and assisted in the laying of the first transatlantic cable. Wrote on the age and cooling of the earth. Proposed a hydroelectric scheme for Niagara. Created Baron Kelvin of Largs, 1892. FRS 1851. Awarded the Copley Medal, 1883. (DSB; ODNB.) Tichborne claimant (d. 1898). Claimant of baronetcy. Identified himself as the long-lost Sir Roger Tichborne after arriving in England in 1866. Involved in a number of civil and criminal actions in connection with his claim. Identified by some as Arthur Orton, although most of the Orton family denied he was their relative. (ODNB.) Tindal, Charles Harrison (1850–1929). Barrister. Son of Acton and Henrietta Euphemia Tindal of the Manor House, Aylesbury; his brother Nicolas married a great-granddaughter of Erasmus Darwin (1731–1802). BA, Oxford, 1870; BCL 1877. Called to the bar, Lincoln’s Inn, 1878. (Alum. Oxon.; BMD (Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG9/865/81/25); Darwin pedigree; Men-at-the-bar.) 1 January 1880, 5 January 1880 Topley, William (1841–94). Geologist. Studied at the Royal School of Mines, 1858–62. Assistant geologist, Geological Survey, 1862; geologist, 1868. In charge of the publication of maps and memoirs in the London survey headquarters office, 1880; head of that office, 1893. FRS 1888 (ODNB.)

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Torbitt, James (b. c. 1822 d. 1895). Irish wine merchant and grocer. Premises at 58 North Street, Belfast. Attempted large-scale commercial production and distribution of potato seeds to produce plants resistant to blight fungus. (DeArce 2008.) 12 February 1880, 3 March 1880, 4 March 1880, 5 March 1880, 5 March 1880, 6 March 1880, 6 March [1880], 10 March 1880, 11 March [1880], 12 March 1880, 12 March [1880], 17 March [1880], [18 March 1880], 20 March 1880, 28 March 1880, 30 March 1880, 1 April 1880, 9 May 1880, 13 May 1880, 7 June 1880, 14 June 1880, 16 June 1880, 26 September 1880, 29 September 1880, 29 October 1880, 11 December 1880, 13 December 1880, 15 December 1880, 19 December 1880, 23 December 1880, 25 December 1880 Trelease, William (1857–1945). American botanist. BS, Cornell University, 1880; DSc, Harvard, 1884. Instructor in botany, University of Wisconsin, 1881; professor and head of the botany department, 1883. Englemann Professor of botany, Washington University, St Louis, Missouri, 1885. Chief administrator of the Missouri Botanical Garden at St Louis, 1889–1912. Professor and head of the Department of Botany, University of Illinois, 1913. (ANB.) Tylor, Alfred (1824–84). Geologist. Educated at the School of the Society of Friends, Grove House, Tottenham. Entered the family brassfoundry business in 1840, but studied geology in his spare time. Wrote on the Quaternary period. Brother of Edward Burnett Tylor. (ODNB; Sarjeant 1980–96.) 20 March 1880 Tylor, Edward Burnett (1832–1917). Anthropologist. Educated at the School of the Society of Friends, Grove House, Tottenham. Author of Primitive culture (1871). Keeper of Oxford University Museum, 1883; reader in anthropology, Oxford University, 1883; professor, 1896; professor emeritus, 1909. President of the Anthropological Society, 1879–80, 1891–2. Helped to establish anthropology as a legitimate field of scientific enquiry. Knighted, 1912. FRS 1871. (Men and women of the time 1899; ODNB.) 19 June [1880], 21 June 1880 Tyndall, John (1820–93). Irish physicist, lecturer, and populariser of science. Studied in Marburg and Berlin, 1848–51. Professor of natural philosophy, Royal Institution of Great Britain, 1853–87; professor of natural philosophy, Royal School of Mines, 1859–68; superintendent of the Royal Institution, 1867–87. Scientific adviser to Trinity House and the Board of Trade, 1866–83. FRS 1852. (DSB; ODNB.) Ulrich, George Henry Frederick (1830–1900). German-born geologist. Became a naturalised British subject. Worked in the Prussian mines service before emigrating to Australia in 1853. Worked on goldfields in Victoria, 1853–7. Employed by the Geological Survey of Victoria, 1858–69. Curator of minerals at the Industrial and Technological Museum in Melbourne, and lecturer in mining at the University of Melbourne. Examined the goldfields in Otago province, New Zealand, 1875. Director of the school of mines, Dunedin, from 1878. (DNZB.)

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Umberto I (1844–1900). King of Italy. Married his cousin Margherita, daughter of Ferdinand, duke of Genoa, in 1868. Became king in 1878. (EI.) Usborne, Alexander Burns (1808–85). Naval officer. Master’s assistant then master on HMS Beagle, 1831–5. Took command of a small schooner and surveyed the coast of Peru, 1835–6. Master on the Beagle in Australia, 1838–9. Surveyed the coasts of England and Ireland, 1847–65. Created staff commander, 1863; captain, 1867. Retired in 1868. (BMD (Death index); England, select births and christenings, 1538–1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed 21 April 2017); Freeman 1978; Narrative 2: 19–20; Navy list 1838–85.) Vaccà, Luigi (1814–90). Italian physician and university teacher. MD, Modena, 1838; professor of materia medica at Modena, 1840; vice-rector, 1859–61; rector, 1861–89. (Barbieri and Taddei 2006.) Vetter, Benjamin (1848–93). Swiss zoologist. Studied medicine at Basel and Heidelberg from 1866 but switched to zoology after four semesters and received his doctorate in 1870. Assistant, Zoological Institute, Heidelberg, 1871; Jena, 1872. Habilitated in zoology, Dresden Technical Institute, 1874; professor extraordinarius of zoology, 1878; director of the zoological collection, 1880. A strong supporter of CD. Editor of the scientific journal Kosmos from October 1882. (ADB.) Victoria, queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and empress of India (1819–1901). Succeeded to the throne in 1837; designated empress of India, 1876. (ODNB.) Viellard, Eugène (1819–96). French naturalist and surgeon. In the merchant navy. Explored New Caledonia and Tahiti, 1855–67, making extensive botanical collections. Professor of botany and director of the botanical garden at Caen, 1871–95. ( JSTOR Global Plants: plants.jstor.org/stable/10.5555/al.ap.person. bm000008875 (accessed 27 November 2019).) Viëtor, Carl Adolf Theodor Wilhelm (Wilhelm) (1850–1918). German philologist. Studied theology and philology at Leipzig, Berlin, and Marburg; PhD, Marburg, 1875. Head of the Garnier education institute, 1876–82. Lecturer at University College, Liverpool, 1882–4. Professor extraordinarius of English philology, University of Marburg, 1884; professor, 1894. Editor of Zeitschrift für Orthographie and Phonetische Studien. (Meyers grosses Konversations-Lexikon; Philipps Universität Marburg, Universitätsarchiv, https://www.uni-marburg. de/uniarchiv/pkat/gnd?id=118804499 (accessed 1 May 2019).) 16 September 1880 Vilmorin, Charles Henry Philippe Lévêque (Henry) de (1843–99). French botanist. Took over the Paris seed firm of Vilmorin–Andrieux in 1873. Worked on the hybridisation of wheat. (Heuzé 1899; H. F. Roberts 1929, pp. 151–4.) Vincent, Teja & Co. Italian bankers. Based in Turin. (Banking almanac.) 5 January 1880 Vines, Sydney Howard (1849–1934). Botanist. BSc, London, 1873. BA, Cambridge, 1876; ScD, 1887. Fellow, Christ’s College, Cambridge, 1876–88. University

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reader in botany, 1884–8. Sherardian Professor of botany, Oxford, 1888–1919. President, Linnean Society, 1900–4. Wrote a textbook on plant physiology. FRS 1885. (Alum. Cantab.) Vivian, Edward (1808–93). Banker in Torquay. Wrote on geology, meteorology, and human antiquity. Explored Kent’s cavern, near Torquay. (Modern English biography; Royal Society catalogue of scientific papers.) 11 June 1880 Vöchting, Hermann (1847–1917). German plant physiologist and botanist. Studied botany at Berlin and Göttingen. Professor extraordinarius of botany, Bonn, 1877. Professor and director of the botanic garden, Basel, 1878; Tübingen, 1887. Studied plant movement, organ formation, and the influence of light on flower formation and leaf position in his seminal work, Über Organbildung im Pflanzenreich (1878). Discovered the fixed polarity of apex and base of shoots. (Leopoldina 54 (1918): 60.) 8 December 1880, 16 December 1880 Vogt, Carl (1817–95). German naturalist. Received a doctorate in Giessen in 1839; worked in Switzerland with Louis Agassiz on a treatise on fossil and freshwater fish until 1846. Professor of zoology, Giessen, 1846. Forced to leave the German Federation for political reasons, 1849; settled in Geneva. Professor of geology, Geneva, 1852; director of the Institute of Zoology, 1872. (ADB; DSB; Judel 2004.) Voronin, Mikhail Stepanovich (Mikhail Stepanowitsch Woronin) (Михаи́л Степа́нович Воро́нин) (1838–1903). Russian botanist, mycologist, and algologist. Graduated, St Petersburg University, 1858, then studied with Anton de Bary in Freiburg. Completed a masters degree at St Petersburg with a dissertation on the developmental phases of algae, 1861; doctorate in botany, Novorossysk University, Odessa, 1874. Member of the Russian Academy of Sciences, 1898. Worked on various fungal parasites, and discovered the fungi that cause ergotism in rye. Considered the founder of phytopathology in Russia. (Complete dictionary of scientific biography.) Vries, Hugo de (1848–1935). Dutch botanist, cytologist, and hybridiser. Studied at Leiden, 1866–70; at Heidelberg with Wilhelm Hofmeister in 1870, and at Würzburg with Julius Sachs in 1871. Completed a doctorate in physiological botany in 1876. Professor extraordinarius, botany, Amsterdam, 1878; professor, 1881. Developed a theory of heredity inspired by CD’s hypothesis of pangenesis (Intracellulare pangenesis (1889)). Rediscovered Mendelian segregation laws in the 1890s, and published on them in Die Mutationstheorie (1901–3). (DSB; Tort 1996 s.v. de Vries, Hugo.) 8 December 1880 Wagner, Moritz Friedrich (Moritz) (1813–87). German zoologist and explorer. Studied at the natural history colleges in Erlangen and Munich, 1834–5. Made a scientific expedition to Algeria in 1836. Editor of the Augsburger allgemeine Zeitung, 1838. Continued his studies in Göttingen in 1840. Made research

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trips to the Caucasus, Armenia, Persia, and South Asia, 1843–5; to North and Central America, 1852–5; to Panama and Ecuador, 1857–9. Professor at Munich University from 1862. Formulated the migration theory for fauna and flora in 1868. (DBE.) Wallace, Alfred Russel (1823–1913). Naturalist. Collector in the Amazon, 1848– 52; in the Malay Archipelago, 1854–62. Independently formulated a theory of evolution by natural selection in 1858. Lecturer and author of works on protective coloration, mimicry, and zoogeography. President of the Land Nationalisation Society, 1881–1913. Wrote on socialism, spiritualism, and vaccination. FRS 1893. (DSB; ODNB.) 5 January 1880, 9 January 1880, 11 October 1880, 3 November 1880, 8 November 1880, 21 November 1880 Wallace, Annie (1848–1914). Eldest daughter of William Mitten. Married Alfred Russel Wallace in 1866. (Marchant ed. 1916, 2: 252–3.) Wallace, Richard, baronet (1818–90). Philanthropist and art collector. Owner of an Irish estate in Lisburn; MP for Lisburn, 1873–85. Donated a public park to the town. Created baronet, 1871. Knighted, 1878. (ODNB.) Wallace, Violet Isabel (1869–1945). Schoolteacher. Daughter of Alfred Russel Wallace and Annie Wallace. Worked as a kindergarten teacher in Liverpool; later started a school near her parents at Tulgey Wood, Broadstone. (BMD (Birth index, Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1911 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG14/12264/41); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 3 January 2018; Raby 2001, pp. 199, 262, 282).) Wallace, William Greenell (1871–1951). Engineer. Son of Alfred Russel Wallace and his wife, Annie. Engineering apprentice at J. H. Holmes & Co. of Newcastleupon-Tyne. Worked at Houston Thomson, an electrical engineering firm in Newcastle and Rugby. Associate, Institution of Electrical Engineers, 1894. Travelled, worked, and collected for a time in the United States. (England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry. com, accessed 7 September 2019); Raby 2001, pp. 210, 263, 271; UK, Electrical Engineer membership forms, 1871–1901 (Ancestry.com, accessed 7 September 2019).) Waller, Frederick William (1846–1933). Architect. Married Jessie Oriana Huxley in 1878. (BMD (Birth index); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1995 (Ancestry.com, accessed 2 July 2019); London, England, Church of England marriages and banns, 1754–1932 (Ancestry.com, accessed 2 July 2019).) Waller, Jessie Oriana (1858–1927). Daughter of Henrietta Anne and Thomas Henry Huxley. Married Frederick William Waller, architect, in 1878. Shared her mother’s interest in Moravian principles of education, and published an article, ‘Mental and physical training of children’, in 1889. (Bibby 1959; R. W. Clark 1968; A. Desmond 1994–7; London, England, Church of England marriages and banns, 1754–1921 (Ancestry.com, accessed 12 May 2016); Waller 1889.)

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Waller, Oriana Huxley (1880–1971). Daughter of Jessie Oriana Huxley and Frederick William Waller. Married Edward Sidney Pollock Haynes in 1905. (BMD (Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1891 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG12/771/98/9); Gloucestershire, England, Church of England marriages and banns, 1754–1938 (Ancestry.com, accessed 2 July 2019).) Wardle, George Young (1836–1910). Business manager and artist. Manager of the decorative arts firm Morris, Marshall, Faulkner & Co. (Morris & Co. from 1875), 1870–90. Married Madeleine Hamilton Smith, accused poisoner, in 1861. Travelled to the United States on business in 1880. (Census returns of England and Wales 1871 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG10/2882/71/18), 1881 (RG11/320/102/26); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 3 January 2020); England, select births and christenings, 1538–1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed 3 January 2020); ODNB s.v. Smith, Madeleine Hamilton; Sharp and Marsh 2012, p. 109 n.2.) Waring, Anne (1662–1722). Daughter and heir of Robert Waring of Wilford, Nottinghamshire. Married William Darwin (1655–82) in 1680. Their son Robert Darwin bought the estate of Elston Hall, Nottinghamshire, from the Lascelles family on the death of his grandmother Anne Lascelles in 1708. (Darwin pedigree; ‘The Darwins & Elston Hall’, Elston Heritage Project, elstonheritage.org.uk (accessed 6 December 2018).) Warming, Johannes Eugenius Bülow (Eugenius) (1841–1924). Danish botanist. Worked in Brazil, 1863–6. Adopted a Lamarckian theory of evolution in the 1870s. Founder of plant ecology. Professor of botany, University of Copenhagen, 1886–1911. (DSB.) Waterhouse, Alfred (1830–1905). Architect. Designed public buildings in Cambridge, Oxford, Manchester, and London, including the Museum of Natural History, South Kensington. (ODNB.) Waterhouse, George Robert (1810–88). Naturalist. A founder of the Entomological Society of London, 1833. Curator of the Zoological Society of London, 1836–43. Assistant in the mineralogical branch of the natural history department of the British Museum, 1843–50; keeper, mineralogical and geological branch, 1851–6; keeper, geology department, 1857–80. Described CD’s mammalian and entomological specimens from the Beagle voyage. (DNB.) Watson, Henry William (1827–1903). Mathematician and clergyman. Educated at King’s College, London, and Cambridge University. Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, 1851; assistant tutor, 1851–3. Mathematics master at the City of London School, 1854. Mathematical lecturer, King’s College, London, 1857. Ordained priest, 1858. Mathematics master, Harrow School, 1857–65. A founder of the Alpine Club, 1857. Incumbent of the parish of Berkswell, near Coventry, 1865–1902. Published on mathematics and the kinetic theory of gases. A founder of the Birmingham Philosophical Society and president, 1880–1. FRS 1881. (ODNB.)

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Watson, Sereno (1826–92). American botanist. Graduated, Yale College, 1847, then studied medicine and taught in various schools. Studied chemistry and mineralogy at Yale’s Sheffield Scientific School. Joined Clarence King’s US Geological Exploration of the Fortieth Parallel as a general assistant, 1867; appointed botanist, 1868. Collected plants in Nevada and Utah and completed a report on the collection at Harvard. Curator of the herbarium, Harvard, 1874–92; instructor in phytology, 1881–3. Described numerous plant species and worked on several taxonomic revisions of plant genera and families. Co-author of the Botany of California (1876–80). (ANB.) Wedgwood, Caroline Sarah (1800–88). CD’s sister. Married Josiah Wedgwood III, her cousin, in 1837. (Darwin pedigree.) Wedgwood, Catherine (Kitty) (1774–1823). Daughter of Josiah Wedgwood I and his wife, Sarah. CD’s and Emma Darwin’s aunt. (Emma Darwin (1904) (Wedgwood pedigree).) Wedgwood, Constance Rose (1846–1903). Second-youngest child of Frances and Francis Wedgwood. Married Johannes Hermann Franke in 1880. Died in Germany. (England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1995 (Ancestry.com, accessed 26 February 2020); Freeman 1978.) Wedgwood, Fanny Mabel (Mabel) (1852–1930). Youngest child of Francis Wedgwood and Frances Mosley. Married Arthur George Parson in 1880. (BMD (Marriage index, Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1871 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG10/2827/7/8), 1891 (RG12/571/128/2); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 19 December 2019); England, select births and christenings, 1538–1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed 19 December 2019); Wedgwood and Wedgwood 1980.) Wedgwood, Frances Julia (Snow) (1833–1913). Novelist, biographer, historian, and literary critic. Daughter of Hensleigh and Frances Emma Elizabeth Wedgwood. Published two novels in her mid-twenties, one under the pseudonym Florence Dawson. Wrote book reviews and an article on the theological significance of Origin. Conducted an intense friendship with Robert Browning between 1863 and 1870. Published a study of John Wesley (1870), and helped CD with translations of Linnaeus in the 1870s. Published The moral ideal: a historical study (1888). Active in the anti-vivisection movement. (Wedgwood and Wedgwood 1980; ODNB.) Wedgwood, Henry Allen (Harry) (1799–1885). Barrister. Emma Darwin’s brother. BA, Jesus College, Cambridge, 1821. Married Jessie Wedgwood, his cousin, in 1830. (Alum. Cantab.) Wedgwood, Hensleigh (1803–91). Philologist. Emma Darwin’s brother. Qualified as a barrister in 1828, but never practised. Fellow, Christ’s College, Cambridge, 1829–30. Police magistrate at Lambeth, 1831–7; registrar of metropolitan carriages, 1838–49. An original member of the Philological Society, 1842. Published A dictionary of English etymology (1859–65). Married Frances Emma Elizabeth Mackintosh in 1832. (Freeman 1978; ODNB.)

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Wedgwood, Josiah I (1730–95). Master-potter. Founded the Wedgwood pottery works at Etruria, Staffordshire. Grandfather of CD and Emma Darwin. Interested in experimental chemistry. Contributed several papers on the measurement of high temperatures to the Royal Society of London’s Philosophical Transactions. Associated with scientists and scientific societies. FRS 1783. (DSB; ODNB.) Wedgwood, Josiah III (1795–1880). Master-potter. Emma Darwin’s brother. Partner in the Wedgwood pottery works at Etruria, Staffordshire, 1841–4; moved to Leith Hill Place, Surrey, in 1844. Married CD’s sister Caroline, his cousin, in 1837. (Freeman 1978.) Wedgwood, Katherine Elizabeth Sophy (Sophy) (1842–1911). Daughter of Caroline Sarah Wedgwood and Josiah Wedgwood III. CD’s niece. (Darwin pedigree; Freeman 1978.) 8 October [1880], 15 October [1880] Wedgwood, Sarah Elizabeth (Elizabeth) (1793–1880). Emma Darwin’s sister. Resided at Maer Hall, Staffordshire, until 1847, then at The Ridge, Hartfield, Sussex, until 1862. Moved to London before settling in Down in 1868. (Emma Darwin (1915), Freeman 1978.) Wedgwood, Thomas (1771–1805). Son of Josiah Wedgwood I. A lifelong invalid. Developed a proto-photographic process. Published researches on heat and light, 1791–2. (ODNB.) Weismann, Leopold Friedrich August (August) (1834–1914). German zoologist. Studied medicine at Göttingen, 1852–6; qualified as a doctor, 1858. Physician to Archduke Stephan of Austria, 1861–3. Studied zoology at Giessen in 1861; habilitated at Freiburg im Breisgau, 1863; privat-dozent in zoology and comparative anatomy, 1863; professor extraordinarius, 1866; professor of zoology, 1874. Best known for his work on heredity, especially the theory of continuity of the germ-plasm. (DBE; DSB.) Welcker, Hermann (1822–97). Anatomist and anthropologist. Studied natural sciences and medicine in Heidelberg and Giessen; MD, Giessen, 1851. After practising at the clinic in Giessen, became a privat-dozent in anatomy at Heidelberg, 1853, then demonstrator at Giessen. Professor extraordinarius of anatomy, Halle, 1859; professor and director of the anatomical institute, 1866– 93. (ADB; Leopoldina 33 (1897): 121.) 18 January 1880, 30 January 1880 Westphal, Carl Friedrich Otto (Carl) (1833–90). German psychiatrist and neurologist. Studied medicine at Berlin, Heidelberg, and Zurich; MD, Berlin, 1855. Worked at the Berlin Charité from 1858; assistant in the department for the mentally ill. Professor extraordinarius of psychiatry, 1869; professor, 1874. Published on diseases of the spinal cord and other neurological diseases. (ADB.) Whaits, Mary Ann (1838–98). Daughter of John Hanks, patent leather dresser, of Bristol. Married Robert Whaits in Swansea in 1856. In 1876, travelled with her husband and daughter to Ushuaia, Tierra del Fuego, to the mission established by Thomas Bridges. Died of influenza at Tekenika, Hoste Island, Tierra del

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Fuego. (Anglicanhistory.org/sa/young1905/07.html, accessed 27 February 2020; Bridges 1948, p. 70; Census returns of England and Wales 1851 (The National Archives: Public Record Office HO107/1954/424/17), 1861 (RG9/1715/50/7), 1871 (RG10/2531/61/12).) Whaits, Robert (1836–1921). Wheelwright and missionary. Lived in Bristol, 1861, 1871. With his wife and daughter, assistant to the missionary Thomas Bridges in Ushuaia, Tierra del Fuego, from 1876. Married Agnes Fletcher in Londonderry in 1899; travelled with her to England from the Falkland Islands in 1911. Lived in Westbury-on-Trym, Bristol, in 1915. (BMD (Marriage index, Death index); Bridges 1948, p. 70; Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG9/1715/50/7), 1871 (RG10/2531/61/12); Gloucestershire, England, electoral registers, 1832–1974 (Ancestry.com, accessed 27 February 2020); Hazlewood 2000, pp. 326, 347; Ireland, civil registration marriages index, 1845–1958 (Ancestry.com, accessed 27 February 2020); UK and Ireland, incoming passenger lists, 1878–1960 (Ancestry.com, accessed 27 February 2020); Western Daily News, 28 March 1921, p. 8.) Wheler, Elizabeth Anne (1808–1906). Daughter of Samuel Tertius and Frances Anne Violetta Galton. Sister of Francis Galton. Married Edward Wheler in 1845. (Darwin pedigree.) 10 January 1880 Whitaker, William (1836–1925). Geologist. Employed by the Geological Survey, 1857–96. Considered a pioneer of English hydrogeology. President, Geological Society of London, 1898–1900. FRS 1887. (ODNB.) 16 March 1880 White, Walter (1811–93). Librarian and writer. Son of a cabinet-maker. Left school at fourteen and worked with his father. In America, 1834–9. Employed as secretary to a music teacher, Joseph Mainzer, whom he accompanied to Edinburgh. Attendant in the library of the Royal Society of London from 1844; assistant secretary to the society, 1861–84. Granted a life pension on retirement. Author of many travel books. (ODNB.) 28 November [1880] Whitehead, Stephen (1829/30–90). Agricultural labourer. Of Down, Kent. Secretary of the Down Friendly Society, 1877. (BMD (Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/855/88/12); The National Archives (TNA FS 1/232/626620).) Whitley, Charles Thomas (1808–95). Clergyman and mathematician. Attended Shrewsbury School, 1821–6. BA, Cambridge, 1830. Reader in natural philosophy and mathematics, Durham University, 1833–55. Vicar of Bedlington, Northumberland, 1854–95. (Alum. Cantab.; Modern English biography.) Whitley, Frances (1809–79). Daughter of John and Ellen Whitley of Winwick, Lancashire. Married Charles Thomas Whitley, a cousin, in 1836. (Correspondence vol. 2, letter to C. T. Whitley, 23 November [1838]; England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com,

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accessed 19 October 2017); Lancashire, England, Church of England baptisms, marriages and burials, 1538–1812 (Ancestry.com, accessed 19 October 2017); Lancashire, England, Church of England marriages and banns, 1754–1936 (Ancestry.com, accessed 19 October 2017).) Whitley, James (fl. 1760s). Comedian. Led a group of entertainers (Whitley’s company of comedians) who performed in the Midlands. (Drakard 1822, pp. 351, 397.) Wichura, Max Ernst (1817–66). German lawyer and botanist. Prussian government official in Breslau (Wrocław), 1859–66. Devoted his spare time to botany and made frequent excursions to study European flora. Published a number of papers, including one on dimorphism in Scabiosa and Lythrum (‘Ueber unvollkommene Diklinie’, Jahresberichte der schlesischen Gesellschaft für vaterländische Kultur 36 (1858): 65–6), and a major work on hybridisation, Die Bastardbefruchtung im Pflanzenreich erläutert an den Bastarden der Weiden (1865). (ADB.) Wiesner, Julius (1838–1916). Austrian botanist. Lecturer in physiological botany, Polytechnical Institute, Vienna, 1861; professor extraordinarius, 1868. Professor of plant physiology, School of Forestry, Mariabrunn, 1870. Professor of the anatomy and physiology of plants, and founding professor of the Institute of Plant Physiology of the University of Vienna, 1873–1909. Ennobled, 1909. (DBE; DSB.) Wilberforce, Henry William (1807–73). Clergyman and journalist. Youngest son of William Wilberforce (1759–1833). BA , Oxford, 1830. Ordained deacon, 1834; perpetual curate of Bransgore, 1834; vicar of Walmer, near Deal, 1841; of East Farleigh, near Maidstone, 1843. Resigned his vicarage and converted to Roman Catholicism in 1850. Secretary of the Catholic Defence Association, 1852. Editor of the Catholic Standard (renamed Weekly Register in 1855), 1854–64. (ODNB.) Wilberforce, Robert Isaac (1802–57). Clergyman. Second son of William Wilberforce (1759–1833). BA, Oxford, 1823; fellow, Oriel College, 1826–31. Ordained priest, 1828; archdeacon of the East Riding, 1841. Converted to Roman Catholicism, 1854; entered the Accademia Ecclesiastica in Rome, 1856. (ODNB.) Wilberforce, Samuel (1805–73). Clergyman. Rector of Brighstone, Isle of Wight, 1830–40; of Alverstoke, Hampshire, 1840–3. Chaplain to Prince Albert, 1841. Dean of Westminster, 1845. Bishop of Oxford, 1845–69. Bishop of Winchester, 1869–73. FRS 1845. (ODNB; Record of the Royal Society of London.) Wilberforce, William (1759–1833). Philanthropist and politician. Parliamentary leader of the movement for the abolition of slavery, 1787, and a founder of the Anti-Slavery Society, 1823. (ODNB.) Wilberforce, William (1798–1879). Politician. Eldest son of William Wilberforce (1759–1833). Called to the bar, 1825. JP for Yorkshire and Middlesex. MP for Hull, 1837–8. Converted to Roman Catholicism in 1850. (Alum. Cantab.; Stenton 1976.) Wild, Henriette (b. 1849/50). French governess. May have been employed for Elizabeth Gaskell (Lily) Norton, when Norton was staying with her aunt and uncle, Sara and William Erasmus Darwin, in Bassett, Southampton, 1880–1.

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Employed by the Langmores, neighbours of William Erasmus Darwin, in 1891. (Census returns of England and Wales 1891 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG12/929/117/21); letter from Emma Darwin to H. E. Litchfield, [19] June 1881] (DAR 219.9: 266).) Wilder, Burt Green (1841–1925). American anatomist. MD 1866. Assistant in comparative anatomy, Museum of Comparative Zoology, Harvard, 1866–8. Curator of herpetology, Boston Society of Natural History, 1867–8. Professor of neurology and vertebrate zoology, Cornell University, 1867–1910; professor emeritus, 1910. Worked especially on the brain. (WWWS.) Williams & Norgate. Booksellers and publishers specialising in foreign scientific literature, with premises at Covent Garden, London, and South Frederick Street, Edinburgh. A partnership between Edmund Sydney Williams (1817–91) and Frederick Norgate. Publishers of the Natural History Review. (Modern English biography s.v. Williams, Edmund Sidney; Post Office Edinburgh directory.) 16 March 1880, 28 April [1880], 3 May [1880], 16 June [1880], [before 4 September 1880], 16 November 1880 Williamson, William Crawford (1816–95). Surgeon and naturalist. Surgeon to the Chorlton-on-Medlock dispensary, Manchester, 1842–68; to the Manchester Institute for Diseases of the Ear, 1855–70. Professor of natural history, anatomy, and physiology, Owens College, Manchester, 1851–91. Began a comprehensive study of the plants of the coal measures in 1858. FRS 1854. (DSB; ODNB.) 13 January 1880, 10 August 1880, 18 August [1880], 2 September 1880 (to Emma Darwin), 17 November 1880, 18 November 1880 Wilooshwahwilis (b. c. 1863). Orphan in the South American Mission Society orphanage at Ushuaia in the Beagle Channel, Patagonia. Renamed Orphie Loftus. Married Alfred Mahteen in October 1879. (Letter from B. J. Sulivan, 2 January [1880]; South American Missionary Magazine, 1 October 1879, p. 223; 1 December 1879, p. 258; 2 January 1882, p. 15.) Wilson, Alexander Stephen (1827–93). Scottish civil engineer and botanist. Trained as a civil engineer and worked mostly on railways in the north of Scotland. After his marriage into the Stephen family of North Kinmundy, concentrated on botany; worked in particular on agricultural subjects, including ergot in grasses, and improving yields in turnips and wheat. (R. Desmond 1994; Gardeners’ Chronicle, 25 November 1893, p. 665.) 5 January 1880, 8 January 1880, 13 February 1880, 17 February 1880, 20 February 1880 Wilson, James Maurice (1836–1931). Schoolmaster and clergyman. BA, Cambridge, 1859. Assistant master, Rugby school, 1859–79. Ordained deacon and priest, 1879. Headmaster, Clifton College, 1879–90. Archdeacon of Manchester, 1890–1905. Canon of Worcester, 1905–26. (Alum. Cantab.; ODNB.) Wise, John Richard de Capel (1831–90). Author and ornithologist. Matriculated at Lincoln College, Oxford, 1849, but took no degree. Collected birds’ eggs from an early age and studied zoology and botany on travels abroad. Published poems

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and a novel, as well as books on natural history and scenery, illustrated by Walter Crane. Wrote the ‘Belles-Lettres’ section of the Westminster Review. His book of poetry, The first of May: a fairy masque (1881), illustrated by Crane, was dedicated to CD. (ODNB.) Woodward, Henry (1832–1921). Geologist and palaeontologist. Joined his brother, Samuel Pickworth Woodward, as an assistant in the geological department, British Museum, in 1858; keeper of geology, 1880–1901. Co-founder of the Geological Magazine, 1864; editor, 1865–1918. President of many scientific organisations, including the Geological Society of London, Palaeontographical Society, Royal Microscopical Society, Malacological Society, Geologists’ Association, and Museums Association. FRS 1873. (Geological Magazine (1921) 58: 481–4, WWW.) 8 April 1880, 10 April 1880 Woodward, Samuel Pickworth (1821–65). Naturalist. Subcurator, Geological Society of London, 1839–45. Professor of botany and natural history at the Royal Agricultural College, Cirencester, 1845–7. First-class assistant in the department of geology and mineralogy, British Museum, 1848–65. Awarded an honorary PhD by the University of Göttingen, 1864. (ODNB; Sarjeant 1980–96.) Wrangel, Ferdinand Petrovich von (Фердина́нд Петро́вич Вра́нгель) (1796–1870). Russian navigator. Explored northern waters. Director of the Russian American Company, 1840–9. Naval minister, 1855–7. (GSE.) Wrangham, Bartlett Downs (1829/30–98). Clerk. Of Sheffield. Banker’s clerk, 1861. Cashier at iron works, 1881, 1891. (Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG9/3470/4/1), 1881 (RG11/4633/117/23), 1891 (RG12/3804/142/28); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 30 October 2017).) [before 16 September 1880], 16 September 1880 Wright, George Robert Nicol (1819/20–1900). Archaeologist and author. Original member of the British Archaeological Association, 1843. Contributed papers to its journal. Fellow of the Society of Antiquities, 1857. (Modern English biography.) Wright, Joseph (1734–97). Painter. Known as Wright of Derby. Known particularly for his use of strong effects of light and shade, his most famous paintings being those of figures illuminated by artificial light. A friend of Josiah Wedgwood I and Erasmus Darwin (1731–1802). (ODNB.) Wright, Thomas (1809–84). Scottish physician and palaeontologist. Medical officer for Cheltenham and the surrounding districts, and surgeon to Cheltenham General Hospital. Formed an extensive collection of Jurassic fossils. President of the Literary and Philosophical Association of Cheltenham. FRS 1879. (ODNB.) Wrigley, Alfred (1817–98). Mathematician and educator. Professor of mathematics at the Royal Military College, Addiscombe, Surrey, 1841–61. Headmaster, Clapham Grammar School, from 1862; later added a department for pupils preparing for admisson to military colleges and the Indian Civil Service; the school closed in 1882. Worked as an examiner until 1893. (Alum. Cantab.; Modern English

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biography; Monthly Notices of the Royal Astronomical Society 59 (1899): 232–3; The Times, 16 September 1867, p. 4.) Würtenberger, Leopold (1846–86). German palaeontologist and geologist. Unable to complete his studies in geology, mineralogy, chemistry, and mathematics at Karlsruhe Polytechnikum owing to financial difficulties. Sent his manuscript on ammonites to Ernst Haeckel in 1872, but was unable to take a doctorate for his work owing to inability to pay the necessary fees. Employed in assistant positions in Karlsruhe, 1874–7, but had to resign owing to illness. Published Studien über die Stammesgeschichte der Ammoniten in 1880. Assistant at the Meteorological Station, Karlsruhe, 1882. (Svojtka et al. 2009.) 6 March 1880 Zöckler, Otto (1833–1906). German Lutheran theologian. Studied theology at Giessen to become a secondary school teacher, 1851–4. Studied for entrance to the Lutheran clergy at Friedberg, 1856. Habilitated in theology at Giessen and began teaching in 1856. Attended lectures on botany, zoology, chemistry, and experimental physics. Wrote several critiques of Darwinism based on theological and philosophical arguments. (BJDN; Gregory 1991; Gregory 1992.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY The following bibliography contains all the books and papers referred to in this volume by author–date reference or by short title. Short titles are used for some standard reference works (e.g. ODNB, OED), for CD’s books, and for editions of his letters and manuscripts (e.g., Descent, LL, Notebooks). Works referred to by short titles are listed in alphabetical order according to the title; those given author–date references occur in alphabetical order according to the author’s surname. Notes on manuscript sources are given at the end of the bibliography. Abbot, Francis Ellingwood. [1870.] Truths for the times. Mount Pleasant, Ramsgate: Thomas Scott. Adams, R. J. Q. 2007. Balfour: the last grandee. London: John Murray. ADB: Allgemeine deutsche Biographie. Under the auspices of the Historical Commission of the Royal Academy of Sciences. 56 vols. Leipzig: Duncker & Humblot. 1875– 1912. Ainslie, Robert. 1865. Discourses delivered in Christ Church, New Road, Brighton. London: Longmans, Green, Reader, and Dyer. Brighton: J. H. and C. Treacher. Alberti, Samuel J. M. M. 2009. Nature and culture: objects, disciplines and the Manchester Museum. Manchester: Manchester University Press. Allan, Mea. 1967. The Hookers of Kew, 1785–1911. London: Michael Joseph. Allen, Joel Asaph. 1871. On the mammals and winter birds of East Florida, with an examination of certain assumed specific characters in birds, and a sketch of the bird-faunæ of Eastern North America. Bulletin of the Museum of Comparative Zoölogy 2 (1870–1): 161–450. Alum. Cantab.: Alumni Cantabrigienses. A biographical list of all known students, graduates and holders of office at the University of Cambridge, from the earliest times to 1900. Compiled by John Venn and J. A. Venn. 10 vols. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1922–54. Alum. Oxon.: Alumni Oxonienses: the members of the University of Oxford, 1500–1886: … with a record of their degrees. Being the matriculation register of the university. Alphabetically arranged, revised, and annotated by Joseph Foster. 8 vols. London and Oxford: Parker & Co. 1887–91. ANB: American national biography. Edited by John A. Garraty and Mark C. Carnes. 24 vols. and supplement. New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press. 1999–2002. ‘Ancient glaciers of Caernarvonshire’: Notes on the effects produced by the ancient glaciers of Caernarvonshire, and on the boulders transported by floating ice.By Charles Darwin. Philosophical Magazine 3d ser. 21 (1842): 180–8. [Shorter publications, pp. 140–7.]

Bibliography

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Annandale, Thomas. 1865. The malformations, diseases and injuries of the fingers and toes. Edinburgh: Edmonston & Douglas. Army list: The army list. London: printed for the compiler of the annual official army list; Her Majesty’s Stationery Office. 1815–1900. Arthur, William. 1878. On the brown trout introduced into Otago. [Read 9 July 1878.] Transactions and Proceedings of the New Zealand Institute 11: 271–90. Ashmole, Myrtle and Goodacre, John Duncan, eds. 2011. Francis Burges Goodacre: correspondence with Charles Darwin, 1873–1879. Privately published. Augspurger, Carol K. 1980. Mass-flowering of a tropical shrub (Hybanthus prunifolius): influence on pollinator attraction and movement. Evolution 34: 475–88. Aust. dict. biog.: Australian dictionary of biography. Edited by Douglas Pike et al. 14 vols. [Melbourne]: Melbourne University Press. London and New York: Cambridge University Press. 1966–96. Autobiography: The autobiography of Charles Darwin 1809–1882. With original omissions restored. Edited with appendix and notes by Nora Barlow. London: Collins. 1958. Aveling, Edward Bibbins. 1878–9. Darwin and his work. Student’s Magazine and Science and Art, 2 September 1878, pp. 32–3; 1 October 1878, pp. 55–7; 2 December 1878, pp. 99–100; 1 February 1879, pp. 148–9; 1 March 1879, pp. 175–6; 1 April 1879, pp. 207–8; 1 September 1879, pp. 30–3. ——. 1881. The student’s Darwin. London: Freethought Publishing Company. Axon, William Edward Armytage. 1891. Shelley’s vegetarianism. Manchester: The Vegetarian Society and John Heywood. Bacon, Delia Salter. 1857. The philosophy of the plays of Shakspere unfolded. London: Groombridge and Sons. Bahr, Ehrhard. 1998. The novel as archive: the genesis, reception, and criticism of Goethe’s Wilhelm Meister’s Wanderjahre. Columbia, SC: Camden House. Baildon, Henry Bellyse. 1880. The spirit of nature: being a series of interpretative essays on the history of matter from the atom to the flower. London: J. & A. Churchill. Baker, Herbert G. 1965. Charles Darwin and the perennial flax—a controversy and its implications. Huntia 2: 141–61. Balfour, Francis Maitland. 1878. A monograph on the development of elasmobranch fishes. London: Macmillan and Co. ——. 1880–1. A treatise on comparative embryology. 2 vols. London: Macmillan & Co. Ball, Valentine. 1880. Jungle life in India; or the journeys and journals of an Indian geologist. London: Thos. De La Rue & Co. Banking almanac: The banking almanac, directory, yearbook and diary. London: Richard Groombridge; Waterlow & Sons. 1845–1919. Barbier, Edmond, trans. 1877. Les plantes insectivores. By Charles Darwin. (French translation of Insectivorous plants.) With introduction and notes by Charles Martin. Paris: Reinwald. ——, trans. 1879–80. De la variation des animaux et des plantes à l’état domestique. By Charles Darwin. (French translation of Variation 2d ed.) 2d French edition. Preface by Carl Vogt. 2 vols. Paris: C. Reinwald et Cie.

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Weismann, August. Studies in the theory of descent. Translated by Raphael Meldola. 3 parts. Part I (1880): On the seasonal dimorphism of butterflies. Part II (1881): The origin of the markings of caterpillars. On phyletic parallelism in metamorphic species. Part III (1882): The transformation of the Mexican axolotl into amblystoma. On the mechanical conception of nature. London: Sampson Low, Marston, Searle, & Rivington. Welcker, Hermann. 1864. Ueber die Entwicklung und den Bau der Haut und der Haare bei Bradypus, nebst Mittheilungen über eine im Innern des Faulthierhaares lebende Alge. Abhandlungen der Naturforschenden Gesellschaft zu Halle 9 (1864–5): 17–72. ——. 1870. Ueber die künstliche Verkrüppelung der Füsse der Chinesinnen. Archiv für Anthropologie 4: 221–32. ——. 1872a. Die Füsse der Chinesinnen. Zweite Mittheilung. Archiv für Anthropologie 5 (1871–2): 133–52. [——.] 1872b. Darwinismus. In Brockhaus Conversations-Lexikon. Supplement to the 11th edition. Leipzig: F. A. Brockhaus. ——. 1875a. Ueber das Hüftgelenk, nebst einigen Bemerkungen über Gelenke überhaupt, insbesondere über das Schultergelenk. Zeitschrift für Anatomie und Entwickelungsgeschichte 1 (1875–6): 41–79. ——. 1875b. Beiträge zur Myologie. (Conjugatio musculorum.— Ueber Muskelvarietäten.— M. tibialis anticus, M. extensor carpi rad. longus, Mm. interossei manus et pedis.— Platysma myoides.) Zeitschrift für Anatomie und Entwickelungsgeschichte 1 (1875–6): 173–204. ——. 1876. Zur Anatomie des ligamentum teres femoris. Nachtrag zu Abhandlung VII dieses Bandes. Zeitschrift für Anatomie und Entwickelungsgeschichte 2 (1876–7): 231–5. ——. 1878a. Die Einwanderung der Bicepssehne in das Schultergelenk. Nebst Notizen über Ligamentum interarticulare humeri und Lig. teres femoris. Archiv für Anatomie und Entwickelungsgeschichte (1878): 20–42. ——. 1878b. Zur Lehre von Bau und Entwickelung der Wirbelsäule. Zoologische Anzeiger 1: 291–5, 311–14. West, David A. 2003. Fritz Müller. A naturalist in Brazil. Blacksburg, Va.: Pocahontas Press. ——. 2016. Darwin’s man in Brazil: the evolving science of Fritz Müller. Gainsville, Fla.: University Press of Florida. Westphal, Carl. 1871. Ueber künstliche Erzeugung von Epilepsie bei Meerschweinchen. Berliner Klinische Wochenschrift 8: 449–51; 461–3. Whewell, William. 1833. Astronomy and general physics considered with reference to natural theology. London: William Pickering. Whitaker, William. 1867. On subaërial denudation, and on cliffs and escarpments of the chalk and lower Tertiary beds. [Read 8 May 1867.] Geological Magazine 4: 447–54, 483–93. Wichura, Max Ernst. 1865. Die Bastardbefruchtung im Pflanzenreich erläutert an den Bastarden der Weiden. Breslau: E. Morgenstern.

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Williamson, Lori. 2005. Power and protest: Frances Power Cobbe and Victorian society. London: Rivers Oram Press. Williamson, William Crawford. 1871–92. On the organization of the fossil plants of the coal-measures. In 19 parts. [Read 26 January 1871 – 25 February 1892.] Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London 161 (1871): 477–510 – 184 (1893): 1–38. Wilson, Alexander Stephen. 1879. Experiments with kubanka and saxonica wheat: first year’s experiments and results. Gardeners’ Chronicle, 24 May 1879, pp. 652–4. ——. 1880. Kubanka and Saxonka wheat. Gardeners’ Chronicle, 24 January 1880, p. 108; 7 February 1880, pp. 172–3. Windscheffel, Ruth Clayton. 2006. Politics, religion and text: W. E. Gladstone and Spiritualism. Journal of Victorian Culture 11: 1–29. [Wise, John Richard de Capel.] 1881. The first of May: a fairy masque; presented in a series of 52 designs by Walter Crane. London: H. Sotheran. Woodward, Henry. 1866–78. A monograph of the British fossil Crustacea, belonging to the order Merostomata. London: Palaeontographical Society. Wrangel, Ferdinand Petrovich von. 1840. Narrative of an expedition to the Polar Sea, in the years 1820, 1821, 1822, & 1823. Commanded by lieutenant, now admiral, Ferdinand von Wrangell, of the Russian Imperial Navy. Translated from the German by Elizabeth Juliana Sabine. Edited by Edward Sabine. London: James Madden. Würtenberger, Leopold. 1880. Studien über die Stammesgeschichte der Ammoniten. Ein geologischer Beweis für die Darwin’sche Theorie. Leipzig: Ernst Günther. WWW: Who was who: a companion to Who’s who, containing the biographies of those who died during the period [1897–1995]. 9 vols. and cumulated index (1897–1990). London: Adam & Charles Black. 1920–96. WWWS: World who’s who in science from antiquity to the present. Edited by Allen G. Debus. Chicago: Marquis-Who’s Who. 1968. Youatt, William. 1837. Sheep: their breeds, management, and diseases. To which is added the mountain shepherd’s manual. London: Baldwin and Cradock. Zöckler, Otto. 1877–9. Geschichte der Beziehungen zwischen Theologie und Naturwissenschaft, mit besonderer Rücksicht auf Schöpfungsgeschichte. 2 vols. Gütersloh: E. Bertelsmann. ——. 1880. Darwin’s Großvater als Arzt, Dichter und Naturphilosoph. Ein Beitrag zur Vorgeschichte des Darwinismus. In Sammlung von Vorträgen für das deutsche Volk, edited by Wilhelm Frommel and Friedrich Pfaff, vol. 3. Heidelberg: Carl Winter’s Universitätsbuchhandlung. Zonneveld, Jacques. [2003.] Sir Brooke Boothby: Rousseau’s roving baronet friend. [Voorburg]: De Nieuwe Haagsche.

NOTES ON MANUSCRIPT SOURCES The majority of the manuscript sources cited in the footnotes to the letters are either in the Darwin Archive, Cambridge University Library, or at Down House, Downe, Kent. Further details about the Darwin Archive are available in the Handlist of Darwin papers at the University Library Cambridge (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1960) and the unpublished supplementary handlist available at the library; a new catalogue of the papers is currently being prepared. Further details about the manuscripts at Down House are available in Philip Titheradge, ed. The Charles Darwin Memorial at Down House, Downe, Kent, revised ed. ([Downe: Down House Museum], 1981) and from the curator (The Curator, Down House, Downe, Kent, BR6 7JT). In addition, there are a number of named sources that are commonly used in the footnotes: for each of these, the editors have provided brief descriptive notes. Many manuscript sources are now available online through Cambridge Digital Library (cudl.lib.cam.ac.uk), the Darwin Manuscripts Project (www.amnh.org/ our-research/darwin-manuscripts-project), and at The complete work of Charles Darwin online (darwin-online.org.uk). CD’s Account books (Down House MS). This series of seventeen account books begins on 12 February 1839, a fortnight after CD and Emma’s marriage, and ends with CD’s death. The books contain two sets of accounts. From the start, CD recorded his cash account according to a system of double-entry book-keeping. On each left-hand page he recorded credits (i.e., withdrawals from the bank, either in the form of cash paid to himself or cheques drawn for others), and on each right-hand page he recorded debits (i.e., cash or cheques paid to others). CD also recorded details of his banking account from the start, but only noted them down in a single column at the bottom of the left-hand page of his cash account. In August 1848, however, he began a system of detailing his banking account according to double-entry book-keeping, in a separate chronological section at the back of each account book. On the left, he recorded credits to the account in the form of income (i.e., investments, rent, book sales, etc.). On the right, he recorded debits to the account (i.e., cash or cheque withdrawals). CD’s Classed account books (Down House MS). This series of four account books, covering the years 1839–81, runs parallel to CD’s Account books. For each year, September–August (after 1867, January–December), CD divided his expenditure into different classes; in addition, he made a tally for the year of his income, expenditure, cash in hand, and money in the bank. From 1843, CD also compiled at the back of each book a separate account of the total expenditure under the various headings in each year, and from 1844 he added a full

Notes on manuscript sources

741

account of his income in each year, and of capital invested and ‘paid’ up.CD’s Experimental notebook (DAR 157a). This notebook contains notes on some of the experiments carried out between 13 November 1855 (with some back references) and 20 May 1868; the majority of the notes date from before 1863. Often only the details of the experiment attempted are given, usually with cross-references to results recorded in CD’s portfolios of notes. The notebook also contains a number of letters to CD. CD’s Investment book (Down House MS). This book records for each of CD’s investments the income received during the period 1846–81. CD’s ‘Journal’. See Appendix II. CD’s Library catalogue (DAR 240). This manuscript catalogue of CD’s scientific library was compiled by Thomas W. Newton, assistant librarian of the Museum of Practical Geology, London, in August 1875. Additions to the catalogue were later made by Francis Darwin (who inherited most of his father’s scientific library) and by H. W. Rutherford, who apparently used this catalogue as a basis for compiling his Catalogue of the library of Charles Darwin now in the Botany School, Cambridge (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1908). However, there are items listed in this manuscript catalogue that do not appear in Rutherford’s published catalogue, and which must have been dispersed after being listed. Down Coal and Clothing Club account book (Down House MS). CD was for some years treasurer of this charitable organisation. The account book records subscriptions made by honorary subscribers between 1841 and 1876; between 1848 and 1869 the entries are in CD’s handwriting. For the years 1841–8 and 1868–76, there is also a statement of expenditures, though not in CD’s handwriting. Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242). This is a series of small pocket diaries, in which Emma recorded details of the health of family members, trips made by herself, CD, and their children, school holidays, and visits to Down by others. The collection at CUL comprises diaries for the years 1824, 1833–4, 1839–45, and 1848–96. H. E. Litchfield’s autobiography (DAR 246). This unfinished autobiography, written in 1926 on forty-two loose leaves, and chiefly concerning Henrietta Emma Darwin’s childhood, has never been published. List of pamphlets (DAR 252.4). This is a catalogue of CD’s pamphlet collection prepared by CD and Francis Darwin in 1878 (see the letter from Emma Darwin to Henrietta Emma Litchfield, [ June 1878] (DAR 219.9: 175)). From about 1878 CD began to arrange the articles, papers, and reprints he received into a numbered collection. CD maintained this reprint collection until his death, when it was taken over by Francis Darwin. Francis continued the collection, adding new items, the numbers running consecutively from those of his father. Evidently, until this catalogue was prepared, CD used a working index similar to that of his ‘List of reviews’. The catalogue is in two sections, a list of the quarto collection and one of the general collection. Both sections are

742

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alphabetically arranged with the entries pasted on sheets in a loose-leaf folder. List of reviews (DAR 262.8: 9–18 (English Heritage MS: 88206151– 60)). This manuscript, headed ‘List Reviews of Origin of Sp & of C. Darwins Books’, was CD’s working index to his collection of reviews of his own books. It corresponds approximately to the review collection in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL, but includes some items that were dispersed after being listed. Reading notebooks. See Correspondence vol. 4, Appendix IV. These notebooks are divided into sections entitled ‘Books Read’ and ‘Books to be Read’. CD’s entries in ‘Books Read’ often include a brief opinion of the work. Scrapbook of reviews (DAR 226.1 and 226.2). Many of the reviews contained in these two volumes bear CD’s annotations and thus were evidently collected by CD. However, the scrapbook seems to have been assembled by Francis Darwin: the tables of contents are in the handwriting of H. W. Rutherford, an assistant at Cambridge University Library who acted as a copyist for Francis on several occasions (see Francis Darwin and A. C. Seward, eds. More letters of Charles Darwin (London: John Murray, 1903), 1: x, and Francis Darwin, ed. The foundations of the Origin of Species. Two essays written in 1842 and 1844 by Charles Darwin (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1909)). In addition, the scrapbook is identified as Francis’s in a note (DAR 226.1: 132a) made in 1935 by Arthur Keith, whose appeal led to the purchase of Down House as a Darwin memorial (see Arthur Keith, An autobiography (London: Watts & Co., 1950)). DAR 226.1 bears the inscription ‘Reviews of C. Darwin’s works’ on the spine, and contains, among others, reviews of Origin and Orchids; DAR 226.2 is inscribed: ‘Reviews. Descent. Expression. Insect. Pl. Eras. D.’ W. E. Darwin’s botanical notebook (DAR 117). This notebook contains observational and experimental notes on plants made by William, often in consultation with CD. The first observation bears the date 13 July 1862, and, although the date of the last observation is 26 June 1870, most of the notes were made between 1862 and 1864. The notebook originally contained letters from CD, but these were later removed. William entered notes made from botanical textbooks in a separate notebook (DAR 234). W. E. Darwin’s botanical sketchbook (DAR 186: 43). This sketchbook, which contains entries dated 1862–72, was evidently begun in parallel to William’s botanical notebook. It contains ink drawings of various parts of plants, and of sections, together with descriptions, which are sometimes very extensive.

INDEX The dates of letters to and from Darwin’s correspondents are listed in the biographical register and index to correspondents and are not repeated here. Darwin’s works are indexed under the short titles used throughout this volume and listed in the bibliography. The abbreviation FD refers to Francis Darwin, ED has been used for Erasmus Darwin (1731–1802), and CD is Charles Darwin. Abbot, Francis Ellingwood: CD sends subscription for the Index 175 & n3, 200 n1; CD thanks for review of T.W. O’Neill’s The refutation of Darwinism 175 & nn 1–2; W.E. Darwin regrets Abbot will no longer be editor of the Index, and asks that he stop advertising CD’s appreciation of it 226–7 & 227 nn 1–5; sends CD the review of T.W. O’Neill’s The refutation of Darwinism 200 & n2; thanks CD for his subscription to the Index 199–200 & 200 n1 Abbott, Edwin Abbott 216 & n4 Abies nordmanniana see Pinus nordmanniana Abies pectinata (silver fir; A. alba) 85 & n2, 473 & n1 Abinger, Surrey: estate 341 & 342 n2; site of Roman villa 313 & 314 nn 1–5, 318 & 319 nn 1–4, 326– 7 & 327 nn 1–3, 329 & 330 nn 1–3, 330 & nn 1–4, 331 & nn 1–4, 337 & n1, 342, 346–7 & 347 nn 1–2 Abney, William de Wiveleslie 381 & 382 n5 aboriginal people: Australian 443 & nn 2–3, 444 & 445 n2; Iroquois 444 & 445 nn 2–3 About, Edmond François Valentin 325 & 326 n5, 544 & 545 n5 Abronia umbellata (sand verbena) 421 & 422 n5, 422 & 422–3 n2 absorption 422 & 422–3 n2 Abutilon striatum (painted Indian mallow; A. pictum) 109–10 & 112 n11, 162 & n4 Accademia Nazionale, la Scuola Italica 344 & 345 n3, 546 & 547 n3; elects CD honorary president 356 & 357 n5, 425 & n3, 425 & 426 n2, 477 & 482 nn 2–3, 547 & 548 n5, 551 & n3, 559 & 563 nn 2–3, 572–3 & 573 n1 Achard, A. 241 & n2 Acland, Henry Wentworth 301 & n3

acorn worms (Balanoglossus) 81 & 82 n7 Actiniae (sea anemones; Actiniidae) 81 & 82 n7 Adams, Eliza 389 & n7 Adams, John Couch 389 & n6 Adams, William 3 & 6 n11 Adventure 206 & n2 Aecidium elatinum (fir broom rust; Melampsorella caryophyllacearum) 85 & n2, 473 & n1 Aegilops (goatgrass) 21 & 22 n4, n7, 26 & n1 Aegilops cylindrica (jointgrass) 21–2 & 22 n6 Aegilops speltaeformis (x Aegilotriticum triticoides) 22 & 22 n7 Agassiz, Alexander 189–90 & 190 n3 age, CD’s views on old age 325 Aglais io (peacock) 32 & 33 n2 Aglais urticae (small tortoiseshell) 32 & 33 n2 Ainos, people 145 & 147 n5 Ainslie, Oliver Alexander: enquires about the sale of S.E. Wedgwood’s home, Tromer Lodge 13–14 & 414 nn 1–3, 426 & 427 nn 1–7, 438 & 438–9 nn 1–4 Ainslie, Robert 413–14 & 414 n2, 426 & 427 n4, 438 & 439 n2 Alabama argillacea see Aletia argillacea Alabama cotton (Gossypium hirsutum) 30 & 31 n2, 47 n2 alarms, burglar 287 & n4 Alberts, Karl: E. Krause’s publisher 143 & 144 n2, 283 & n7, 532 & n2, 541 & 542 n7; publisher of Kosmos 263 & n2, 282 & 283 n3, 316 & 317 n5, 433–4 & 434 n4, 541 & 542 n3, 543 & 544 n5, 552 & 553 n4 Aletia argillacea (cotton leafworm; Alabama argillacea) 216–17 & 217 nn 2–3 Aleurothrixus floccosus (woolly whitefly) 148 & 150 n6

744

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algae 81 & 82 n7 alkaline matter exuded from leaves 181 & 182 n1, 214 & 214–15 n15, 476 & n5 Allen, Ellen 48 & n5 Allen, Grant: writes to G.J. Romanes about life in Hyères, France 47–8 & 48 nn 1–8, 69 & 70 n5 Allen, Jerrard Grant 48 & n3 Allen, Joel Asaph 20 & n2 Allen Gardiner 10 & 11 n13 Allman, George James 385 & 386 n6, 475 & nn 1–2; Civil List pension for A.R. Wallace 486 & 486–7 nn 1–4, 488 & n2, 505 & n1, 584; president of the Linnean Society 486 & 487 n2 Alps 293 & n1, 293 & n5, 294 & 295 nn 1–2, 296 & 297 nn 3–4, 301 & 302 nn 1–2; fossils 365 & 367–8 n8, 378 & 379 n3 American Civil War 212 & 213 nn 11–12 Ammophila julii 53 n4 anatomy 39–41 & 41–2 nn 1–11, 51 & n2, 523–4 & 524–5 nn 1–11 ‘Ancient glaciers of Caernarvonshire’ (CD) 34–5 & 35 n3, 387 n2, 408 n3, 472 n4 Anser anser (common European goose; domestic variety of wild greylag goose) 394–5 & 395 n3 Anser cygnoides (Chinese goose; domestic variety of wild swan goose) 394–5 & 395 n3 Antarctica 366 & 368 n24 Anthocharis cardamines (orange tip) 32 & 33 n2 ants 109 & 112 n10, 162 & n7, 280 & nn 2–3 ant-tree (Triplaris americana) 109 & 112 n10, 162 & n7 aphids 280 & n3 Aphyllon uniflorum (naked broomrape; Orobanche uniflora) 228 & n3 appendix 315–16 & 316 n2 D. Appleton & Co. 245 & 246 n4, 249 & n7, 263 & n2, 290 & n1; royalties paid to CD from US editions 134–5 & 135 n1, 308–9 & 309 nn 1–2; would be pleased to receive plates for Movement in plants 300 & nn 1–2 Araucaria cunninghamii (Moreton Bay pine) 453 & 454 n3 Araujia sericifera see Physianthus albens Arctic, fossils 365 & 368 n13 Arctic Ocean 365 & 367–8 n8 Ardea cinerea (grey heron) 42 & n1 Arecaceae see Palmae Arms, William 201 n2, 206 n2 arsenic poisoning 34 & nn 1–2 Ashburner, Anne 212 & 213 n15, 213 & 214 n11, 252 & 253 n5, 255 & 256 n5 Asher, Georg Michael 21 & 22 n3, 85 & n1 Ashley Heath, Staffordshire, erratic boulder 471 & 472 n4

Athenæum: announcement for Movement in plants, wrong title ‘Circumnutation of plants’ 187 n4; S. Butler’s letter regarding Evolution, old and new xviii–xix, 45 & n2, 53–5 & 58 nn 8–15, 63–4 & 64 nn 1–2, 67 & n1, 68 & n1, 71 & n1, 72 & nn 1–2, 74 & n2, 77–8 & 78 nn 1–5, 80 & n2, 93–4 & 94 n2, 150–1 & 151 n6, 219 & 220 n12, 465 & n3, 526 & 527 n2, 529 & n2, 530 & n2, 558 & n3; CD’s draft replies to S. Butler’s letter xix, 53 & 57 nn 1–7, 55–7 & 58 nn 16–25 Atkin, Mary Elizabeth 265 & n3 atoms 274 & 275 n2 Atyoida potimirim (tiny shrimp; neon shrimp; Potimirim potimirim) 434 n5, 454 & 456 n5, 553 n5, 553–4 & 555 n5 Aurelius, Marcus 242 n3 Australia 333 & 334 n2, 366 & 368 n24, 412 & 413 nn 8–9; Tasmania, CD’s opinion of 63 & n3 Australian aborigines 443 & nn 2–3, 444 & 445 n2 autographs (CD’s): H. Johnson, CD sends to 398 Autotype Company: London premises destroyed by fire 144 & 145 n1 auxanometer 208 & 209 n3, 210 Avebury, Wiltshire 318 & 319 n8, 329 & 330 n4 Aveling, Edward Bibbens: asks if he may dedicate his discussions of CD’s works, The student’s Darwin, to CD 334 & 336 nn 1–7; CD avoids writing on religion 336–7; CD would prefer that Aveling’s work not be dedicated to him as that would imply his approval xxii, 336 & 337 n3; lived with Karl Marx’s daughter 337 n1; sent presentation copy of Movement in plants 575 Averrhoa bilimbi (bilimbi; cucumber tree) 267 & 268 n6 AWARDS AND POSITIONS (CD) see Darwin, Charles Robert, AWARDS AND POSITIONS Axon, William Edward Armytage: asks CD’s views on vegetarianism 280–1 & 281 nn 1–4 Azores: flora and fauna 333 & 334 n3, 365–6 & 368 nn 16–18; seed dispersal 379 & 380 nn 7–8 BAAS see British Association for the Advancement of Science Bacon, Francis 255 & 256 n6, 389 & 390 n2 Bad Ems, Germany 301 & n2 Badger, Edward William 247 & 248 n3; asks CD’s permission to use his name for Midland Union of Natural History Societies’ Darwin prize 250–1 & 251 nn 1–4; CD honoured to have prize named after him 252 & nn 1–2 Bagley, Hannah 219 & 220 n11 Baildon, Henry Bellyse: CD thanks for book 221 & n1

Index Baker, John Gilbert 412 & 413 n5 Balanoglossus (acorn worms) 81 & 82 n7 Balfour, Alice Blanche 404 & n4 Balfour, Arthur James 400 & n7, n9, 404 & n4 Balfour, Cecil Charles: visits Down 566 Balfour, Francis Maitland 82 n4, 381 & 382 n8, 400 & 402 n10; CD has ordered his book, A treatise on comparative embryology 292 & n2, 292 & 293 n2; CD has read his address to the British Association for the Advancement of Science meeting 292 & 293 n1; CD on sensitivity of plants 292 & 293 n3; CD on H. Spencer’s theory of nerve formation 292 & 293 n4; CD on visit to H. and I. Darwin 292 & 293 n5; CD visits his laboratory 293 n5, 566 & 567 n25; lunched with CD 566 & 568 n29; met H. and I. Darwin in Zermatt 296 & 297 nn 3–4; thanks CD for his letter 296 & nn 1–2; thanks CD for presentation copy of Movement in plants and sends comments xx, 409 & nn 1–3, 575 Balfour, Gerald William 296 & 297 n3; visits Down 566 & 567 n21 Ball, Valentine: sent CD his book Jungle life in India 169 & nn 1–3 barbed goatgrass (Aegilops ventricosa) 21 & 22 n4 Barbier, Arthémise: financial support after death of E. Barbier 325–6 & 326 nn 3–6, 347 & 348 n2, 544 & 545 nn 3–6 Barbier, Edmond: death of 325 & 326 n3, 339 n3, 348 n2, 544 & 545 n3, 545 n3; illness affecting the translation of a number of CD’s works into French 230–1 & 231 n3, n4, n8, 537–8 & 538 n3, n4, n8 Barbier, Marguerite 325 & 326 n4, 544 & 545 n4 bark, Peruvian 2–3 & 6 n9 barnacles, cement-glands 89 & n3 Barton, Charles Robert 483 & n6 Bartram’s oak (Quercus x heterophylla) 188 & n2 Bary, Anton Heinrich de: sent presentation copy of Movement in plants 575 & 577 n36 Basini, Guiseppi 239, 539 Bastian, Henry Charlton 292 & n2 Batalin, Alexander Fedorovich: sent presentation copy of Movement in plants 575 & 576 n23 Bates, Henry Walter 385 & 386 n2, 446 & 447 n1, 584; CD on memorial for a Civil List pension for A.R. Wallace 510 & nn 1–4, 511 & nn 1–3, 512 & 513 n1; travelled to the Amazon with A. R. Wallace 512 & 513 n1, 581 & 584 n2, 582 bats 40 & 41 n7, 523 & 525 n7 Bauhinia 411 & 413 n3 Baveno, Italy 294 & 295 n2

745

Baxter, Payne and Lepper: CD on vicarial tithes 338 & 338–9 nn 1–3 Baxter, William Walmisley 222 & n3 beaches, raised 382 & 383 n2 Beagle voyage 63 n3, 201 & n3, 332 n2, 350, 355 n4, 384 & n4, 396 n1 beans, growth of 93 & nn 2–3 Beaulieu Abbey, Hampshire 233 & nn 1–2, 236 & n4, 295 & nn 1–2, 299 & n3, 410 & n4, 417 & n4, 443 & 444 n1, 446 & n2, 451 & 452 n6 bees 415 & n4, 550 & n4 beetles 411 & n3; larvae 98 & 99 n3, 101 Belgium, cat racing 101 & n4 Bembex julii 53 n4 Bengal, India 6 n15 Bennett, Alfred William: sent presentation copy of Movement in plants 575 Bennett, James Risdon 216 n4 Bentham, George: asks CD to sign certificate proposing W.T. Thiselton-Dyer as fellow of the Royal Society of London 87 & 88 n1; CD on difficulty working with dried flowers 89 & 90 n4; CD on orchid terminology and taxonomy 89 & 89–90 nn 2–4; CD sends certificate of proposal for fellowship of the Royal Society of London for FD 503 & nn 1–2; CD signs certificate proposing W. T. Thiselton-Dyer as fellow of the Royal Society of London 89 & n1; on orchids 87–8 & 88 nn 2–5; signs certificate of proposal for fellowship of the Royal Society of London for FD 507 & n1 bequests, A.R. Wallace’s essay on 20 & 21 n6 Berberis darwinii 354 & 355 n4 Bereshit Rabbah 402 & 403 n3, 549 & n3 Bergsma, Pieter Adriaan: Royal Scientific Society of the Dutch East Indies elect CD as corresponding member 569–70 & 570 n1 Berkeley, George: views on perception xvii, 3–4 & 6 n13 Bertrand, Edouard 415 & n4, 550 & n4 Besant, Annie 334 & 336 n4, n7, 335 Beta vulgaris (mangel-wurzel; mangold wurzel) 140 & 141 n1 Bethnal Green branch of South Kensington Museum 375 & n6, 581 & 584 n6, 583 Bidder, George Parker 241 & n4 Biddulph, Fanny see Myddelton Biddulph, Fanny bignonias (Bignoniaceae) 228 & n3 bilimbi (Averrhoa bilimbi) 267 & 268 n6 binding feet, in Chinese women 40 & 41 n10, 51 & n4, 524 & 525 n10 bindweed (Convolvulus) 208 & 209 nn 2–3, 306 & 306–7 n4, 542 & 543 n4

746

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‘Biographical sketch of an infant’ (CD) 73 & n1, 75 & 76 n3 biographies of CD 31 & 32 n1, 33 & n2 Birmingham, Mason Science College 27 & 28 n7, 304–5, 305 n2, 581–2 & 584 n10 Birmingham Philosophical Society 31 & 32 n3, 38 & n2; elect CD first honorary member 84–5 nn 1–2, 86–7 & 87 n1, 106–7 & 107–8 nn 1–4, 116 & 116–17 nn 1–3; research fund 247 & 248 nn 4–5, 249–50 & 250 n3, 254 & n1 birthday greetings: Birmingham Philosophical Society 106, 107; W. Breitenbach 79 & n5, 528 & 529 n5; F.A. Dohrn 80 & 81 n1; E. Haeckel 76–7 & 77 n2, 527–8 & 528 n2; E. Krause 80 & n2, 529 & n2; L. Tait 31 & 32 n2 birthday greetings responses from CD: W. Breitenbach 83–4 & 84 nn 1–2; H.W. Crosskey 116; F.A. Dohrn 88 & 89 n1; E. Haeckel 82 & n1; E. Krause 84 & n1; L. Tait 84 & n1 black locust (Robinia pseudoacacia) 416–17 & 417 n3, 421–2 & 422 n10, 422 & 423 n3, 431–2 & 432 n2, 443 & 444 n2 blackberry (Rubus fruticosus) 381 & 382 n3, 485 & 486 n4 Blair, William Newsham: Otago Institute, Dunedin, New Zealand; congratulations on 21st anniversary of publication of Origin 571–2 Blarney, Ireland 206 & n4 Blomefield, Thomas Wilmot Peregrine 126 & n9 bloom on plants: FD’s work on 181–2 & 182 n3, 214 & 214–15 n15; in Venezuela 108 & 110 nn 1–3, 162 & n5 Bode, Johann Elert 122 n4 Bode’s Law 122 & n4 bog orchids (Habenaria; Platanthera) 379 & 380 n8 Bogue, David 42 & n2 Bonney, Thomas George 484 Bonnier, Gaston 108–9 & 112 n7, 162 & n6; CD and A. Ernst critical of his work on nectaries 272 & 274 n10, 295 & 296 n1; H. Müller’s critical review of book on nectaries 251 & 252 nn 1–2, 279 & n2, 295 & 296 n1; Les nectaires: étude critique, anatomique et physiologique 251 & 252 nn 1–2 Boothby, Brooke 5 & 7 n19, n20 The botanic garden (ED) 2–3 & 6 n9, 214 & 215 n16 Botanical Institute, Würzburg: J. Sachs’ laboratory of plant physiology 187 n3, 214–15 n15 Botanische Jahresbericht: sent presentation copy of Movement in plants 575 & 577 n34 Botanisches Centralblatt: sent presentation copy of Movement in plants 575 & 576 n30

botany: physiological 249 & n4, 458 & nn 3–4, 486 & n5, 487, 556 & nn 3–4; systematic 507 & n1 Bower, Frederick Orpen 421 & 422 n7, 422 & 423 n2 Brading, Isle of Wight, Roman villa 446 & n4, 447 & 447–8 nn 1–2, 449–52 & 452 nn 1–5, 487 & nn 1–3 Bradlaugh, Charles 334 & 336 n2, n4 Bradypus tridactylus (pale-throated sloth) 40 & 41 n9, 524 & 525 n9 bramble (Rubus fruticosus) 381 & 382 n3, 485 & 486 n4 Brand, Henry 171 & n2 Brassica napus var. napobrassica (rutabaga; swede) 66 & 67 n6, 97 & 99 n2 Brassica oleracea (cabbage) 67 n6, 97 & 99 n2, 473 & 474 n3, 494 & n2 Brassica rapa (turnip) 67 n6, 97–8 & 99 n2, 102 n2 Brassicaceae see Cruciferae Braumüller, Wilhelm von 359 & 360 n1 Brazil 302 & n2 Brazilian tuco-tuco (Ctenomys brasiliensis) 358 & 359 n2, n4 Breitenbach, Wilhelm 83–4 & 84 nn 1–2, 303; CD thanks for paper 302 & n1; new scientific society at the University of Jena 78 & 79 nn 1–4, 528 & 529 nn 1–4; sends good wishes for CD’s birthday 79 & n5, 528 & 529 n5; travelling to Brazil 302 & n2 Bressa, Cesare Alessandro 17 n1 Bressa prize, awarded to CD by Royal Academy of Sciences of Turin 17 & nn 1–2, 19–20 & 20 n1, 23 & nn 1–2, 88–9 & 89 n3 Bridges, Mary Ann 10 & 11 n12 Bridges, Mary Ann Varder 10 & 11 n12 Bridges, Thomas 9 & 10 & 11 n3, n12, 201 & n4 Bridgman, William Kencely 361 n3 Brindisi, Italy 314 & 315 n2 Brindley, James 5–6 & 7 n21, n22 British Association for the Advancement of Science (BAAS): F.M. Balfour’s chairman’s address 292 & 293 n1, 296 & n2; encounter between S. Wilberforce and T.H. Huxley (1860) 174 n5; funds for scientists travelling to Naples Zoological Station 102–3 & 103 n3, 114 & 116 n2 British Museum 171 & nn 1–3, 173 & 174 n3 British schools 65 & 66 n1 broad bean (Vicia faba) 391 & 392 n3 Broca, Paul 51 & n3 Brodiaea (cluster-lilies) 163 & 165 n4 Bromley railway station 287 & 288 n2, 315 Bronn, Heinrich Georg: translated Origin, gave his

Index objections in additional chapter 197 & 198 n3 Brook, George: visits Down 567 & 568 n36; Yorkshire Naturalists’ Union delivers address to commemorate 21 years since publication of Origin 352 & 353 n2, 356, 571 broomrapes (Orobanchaceae) 228 & n3 Browne, Walter Raleigh: archbishop of Canterbury invites CD to attend a conference on science and religion 483–5 & 485 n1, 494 & nn 1–2; CD, health will not allow him to attend conference 489 & nn 1–2; CD on why he feels the conference would do no good 495 & n2 Brown-Séquard, Charles Édouard 448 & 449 n3 Bruce, Henry Austin 385 & 386 n2, 464 & n1, 469 & n3, 504 & 505 n7, 505 & n1, 510 & n3, 584 Brunton, Thomas Lauder, 1st baronet: CD thanks for book 132 & n1 Bryce, James 215 & 216 n2 Bryoclonia 45 n1, 46 Büchner, Ludwig 50 & 51 n3, 334 & 336 n4, n7, 336 & 337 n2, 525 & 526 n3 Buckley, Arabella Burton: CD on attempting to obtain a Civil List pension for A.R. Wallace xxiv, 361 & 361–2 nn 1–4, 380 & nn 1–5, 388 & n3; CD on slave-making ants 280 & nn 1–3; CD thanks for book, Life and her children 388 & nn 1–2; Civil List pension for A.R. Wallace 374–5 & 375–6 nn 1–8, 580; notes on A.R. Wallace xxiv, 374 & 375 n4, 385 & 386 n1, 581–2 & 584 nn 2–12 Buhlmeyer, Frédéric 230 & 231 n7, 326 & n6, 538 & n7, 544 & 545 n6 Bulwer-Lytton, Edward George Earle Lytton 441 & n3 Bunbury, Millicent Adele 29 & n5 Burdon Sanderson, John Scott: CD asks for date of his lecture at the Royal Institution 511 & n2; CD asks him to sign FD’s certificate of proposal for fellowship of the Royal Society of London 511 & n1; interested in chapters on sleep in Movement in plants 515 & n4; lecture on movement in leaves of Dionaea 515 & nn 2–3; sent presentation copy of Movement in plants 574 & 576 n3; signed FD’s certificate of proposal for fellowship of the Royal Society of London 514 & 515 n2 Burg, Cornelis Leendert van der: CD sends thanks 248 & nn 1–2; Royal Scientific Society of the Dutch East Indies elect CD as corresponding member 245 & nn 1–3, 540 & nn 1–3, 569–70 & 570 n1 burglar alarms 287 & n4 Burgoyne, John 5 & 7 n16

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Burnaby, Emma 127 & 129 n3 bush morning-glory (Ipomoea leptophylla) 43 & 44 n4, 140 & 141 nn 1–2, 175 & 176 n2, 240 & n2 Busk, George 515 & n5 Bustelli, Giovanni Andrea: Scuola Italica elects CD honorary president 572–3 & 573 n1 Butler, Samuel xvii, 49 & n4; CD on revisions to E. Krause’s Kosmos essay in Erasmus Darwin xviii, 11 & 13 nn 1–4; CD’s draft letters to the Athenæum in response to Butler’s 53 & 57 nn 1–7, 55–7 & 58 nn 16–25; Evolution, old and new xviii, 7–8 & 8 n2, 23 & n4, 62 n3, 465 & n2, n5, 474 n6, 502 & n1, 558 & n2, n5; former opinion of CD 70 & n4; T.H. Huxley’s opinion of 67 & 68 nn 4–5; on E. Krause’s article on ED xviii, 7–8 & 8 nn 1–5, 465 & n2, 558 & n2; letter to the Athenæum regarding Erasmus Darwin and Evolution, old and new xviii–xix, 45 & n2, 53–5 & 58 nn 8–15, 63–4 & 64 nn 1–2, 67 & n1, 68 & n1, 71 & n1, 72 & nn 1–2, 74 & n2, 77–8 & 78 nn 1–5, 80 & n2, 93–4 & 94 n2, 150–1 & 151 n6, 219 & 220 n12, 465 & n3, 526 & 527 n2, 529 & n2, 530 & n2, 558 & n3; Life and habit 56 & 58 n23; G.J. Romanes’s opinion of 476 & n4; Unconscious memory xix, 465 n2, n4, 470 & n3, 474 & n6, 476 n4, 502 & n1, 558 n2, n4; will write to Athenæum about CD’s revisions to E. Krause’s Kosmos essay in Erasmus Darwin 45 & nn 1–2; writes ‘abusive’ letter to CD in St James’s Gazette 470 & n4 see also Erasmus Darwin (CD); Krause, Ernst butterflies, iridescence 32 & 33 nn 1–3 butterfly orchids (Platanthera) see Habenaria Button, James FitzRoy (Cooshaipunjiz) 9–10 & 11 n7, 384 & n1, 395 & 396 n1, 396 n1 Button, Jemmy (Orundellico) 384 n1, 396 n1 Button, William Beckenham (Pucananlacitanjiz) 10 & 11 n11 Buxton, Derbyshire: W.E., S. and Elizabeth Darwin visit 236 & n6, 252 & 253 n4, 255 & 256 nn 3–5 Byrsonima (locustberries) 271 & 274 n4 Byttneraceae (Byttnerioideae; Malvaceae) 17–18 & 18 n1 cabbage (Brassica oleracea) 67 n6, 97 & 99 n2, 473 & 474 n3, 494 & n2 Caird, Edward 196 & 197 n8 Caird, James 118 & 119 n3, 132 & n2, 229 & n2, 232 & n2, 327 & n5, 482 & 483 n3; CD on funds collected for J. Torbitt’s potato experiments 147 & 150 n3; CD on J. Torbitt’s good results 312 & n2, 313 & 314

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Caird, James, cont. n7; CD sends report of J. Torbitt’s potato experiments 147–9 & 150 nn 1–11, 514 & n1, n4; confidence in J. Torbitt’s work 135–6 & 136 nn 1–3, 151, 154 n4, 154 & 155 n2; funds for J. Torbitt’s work on potatoes xxiv–xxv, 123 & n1, 123 & 124 n2, 124 & 125 n2, 125 & 126 n3, 130 & 131 n2, 131 & nn 1–2, 141 & n2, 195 & n3, 333 & n2, 474 & 475 nn 2–3, 489–90 & 490 n2, 514 & n4; on potato crop yields 333 & n3; thanks CD for sending extract of J. Torbitt’s letter 332–3 & 333 n1; thanks CD for sending report of J. Torbitt’s potato experiments 151 & 152 nn 1–4 see also potatoes ( J. Torbitt’s project) calcium oxalate 108 & 112 n6 Calcutta, Royal Botanic Garden 311 n1, 315 n2 California live oak (Quercus agrifolia) 163 & 165 n3 California manroot (Megarrhiza californica; Marah fabacea) xix–xx, 36 & n2, 43 & 43–4 nn 1–3, 45 n3, 66 & 66–7 nn 2–7, 95–6 & 96–7 nn 1–4, 133 & n4, n6, 141 n2, 163–5 & 165–6 n1, n2, n3, n5, n9, 164–5, 178–9 & 179 nn 1–3, 363 & n1, 422 n4 Cambrian period 365 & 368 n15, 378 & 379 n4 Cambridge Scientific Instrument Company 382 n6, n10 Cambridge University: CD attended 500 n2; CD visits when staying with H. Darwin 566 & n24, n26, n27; proposal to modify entrance requirements 381 & 382 n7; University Tests Act, 1871 215–16 & 216 nn 1–4 Campanini, Naborre 239, 539 Campbell, George Douglas 374 & 375 n3, 380 & n3, 385 & 386 n3; CD sends memorial for a Civil List pension for A.R. Wallace 502–3 & 503 nn 1–4, 504 & 505 n4, 505 & n2, 506 & 507 n4, 510 & n4, 512 & 513 n2, 584; CD visits 506 & 507 n5 Campbell, John George Edward Henry Douglas Sutherland, marquess of Lorne 238 & n8 canary grass (Phalaris canariensis) 473 & 474 n3, 494 & n2 Candolle, Alphonse de 241 & n2; CD thanks for sending book, Phytographie; and on finishing writing Movement in plants xx, 209, 211 & nn 1–6; cited in Origin 6th ed. 366 & 368 n25; hybrid bees 415 & n4, 550 & n4; revised version of Origine des plantes cultivées 415 & n5, 550 & n5; thanks CD for presentation copy of Movement in plants 414–15 & 415 nn 1–3, 549–50 & 550 nn 1–3, 575; visits Down 307 & n1, 312 & 313 n2, 566 & 568 n33

Candolle, Anne Casimir Pyramus de 211 & n5, 414 & 415 n2, 549 & 550 n2 Candolle, Augustin Pyramus de 415 & n3, 549 & 550 n3 Candolle, Jeanne-Victoire-Laure 307 & n1, 313 n2 Canestrini, Giovanni: CD thanks for sending book 201 & 202 n1 Canis cancrivorus (crab-eating fox; Cerdocyon thous) 196 & 197 n6 Canis familiaris (domestic dog; Canis lupus familiaris) 196 & 196–7 nn 5–7, 197 & 198 n5, 377 & n2, 473 Canis vetulus (hoary fox; Lycalopex vetulus) 196 & 197 n6 canyon live oak (Quercus chrysolepis) 163 & 166 n6 Cape sundew (Drosera capensis) 33–4 & 34 n1, 276 & nn 2–3, 283 n2 Capitellidae (polychaete worms) 81 & 82 n7 Caprellidae (skeleton shrimps) 81 & 82 n7 capybara (Hydrochoeris hydrochaeris; Hydrochoerus hydrochaeris) 369 & 370 n5 Carapus (Fierasfer) 81 & 82 n7 cardoon 368 n20 Caridina 455 & 456 n6, 554 & 555 n6 Carlisle, Henry Hermann 194 & n3, 194–5 & 195 n2 Carlyle, Thomas 128 & 129 n12 Carneri, Bartholomäus von: sends his book Grundlegung der Ethik, dedicated to CD 359–60 & 360 nn 1–2 Carpenter, Alfred John 216 n4 Carrington, Alexander Randall: frogs in New Zealand 393 & 394 nn 1–2 Carruthers, William: botanist to the Royal Agricultural Society 195 & n4, 229 & 230 n3 Caruccio, Antonio 239, 539 Carus, Julius Victor: CD asks him to translate Movement in plants for German edition 186–7 & 187 nn 1–5; CD on Earthworms 302–4 & 304 n3, 410 & n3; CD on size of Movement in plants 302 & 304 n1; CD sending a presentation copy of Movement in plants 410 & n2, 576 & 577 n44; CD sends proof-sheets of Movement in plants for translation into German 297 & nn 1–2, 302 & 304 n1, 410 & n1; editor of Zoologischer Jahresbericht 403–4 & 404 n2; translated Movement in plants for German edition 244 & n3, 300–1 & 301 n1, 403–4 & 404 n1; translation of word ‘gemmule’ in German edition of Variation 454 & 456 n3, 553 & 555 n3; visit from H.W. Acland 301 & n3; visited Bad Ems 301 & n2 Cash, William 352; visits Down 567 & 568 n36

Index Castle Morton, Worcestershire: CD’s property 243 & nn 1–2 Catholic church, in Germany 316 & 317 n4, 543 & 544 n4 cats: homing instincts xxi, 100, 100–1 & 101 n2, n4, 531; and mice 496 & nn 1–3 caudicle 87 & 88 n4 caulicle 66 & n5 Cave, Thomas 229 & 230 n5 Cayley, Arthur 389 & n6, 464 & n4 Cebus fatuellus (tufted capuchin; Sapajus apella) 488 & 489 n4 Cecil, Sackville Arthur 117 & 118 n5 Cecropia (embauba; trumpet tree) 162 & n8 celts (stone hatchets) 253 & n4 cement-glands 89 & n3 Cercereis julii 53 n4 Cerdocyon thous see Canis cancrivorus chalk 466 Challenger expedition 371 n1, 371–2 & 372 n3, 466 & n3 chalybeate 3 & 6 n10 Chamberlain, Joseph 220 & 221 n3 ‘Champion’ potato 82–3 & 83 nn 2–3, 123 & n2, 139 & 140 n3 Chantre, Ernest 491–2 & 492 n5 Charles, Robert Fletcher: asks CD’s permission to use extracts from Journal of researches for school readers 221–2 & 222 nn 1–4, 225 & nn 1–2, 225–6 & 226 nn 1–3; J. Murray gives consent for him to use the extracts 226 & n1 charlock (Sinapis arvensis) 97 & 99 n2 Château de Fontainebleau, France 516–18 & 519 nn 1–4, 563–4 & 564 nn 1–3 Chatin, Joannes: quoted by CD in Movement in plants 427 & 428 n1, 430 & 431 n2 Chelicerata 171 & n3 Chester, Joseph Lemuel: CD thanks for his history and pedigree of the Darwin family in Lincolnshire 112 & 113 nn 1–5; thanks CD for his letter and sends him The marriage, baptismal and burial registers of the collegiate church or abbey of St. Peter, Westminster 113 nn 1–2; work on Darwin ancestry xvii–xviii, 117 & 118 nn 1–2, 119 & nn 1–4, 122 & n2, 212 n5 Chester Society for Natural Science 285 & n1, 288–9 & 289 n1 chickens 440 & n4 Chilean miners 281 & n3 Chiloe Island, Chile 355 n4 chimaeras 67 & n1 Chinese goose (domestic variety of wild swan goose; Anser cygnoides) 394–5 & 395 n3

749

Chinese guardian lions, Château de Fontainebleau, France 516–18 & 519 nn 1–4, 517, 563–4 & 564 nn 1–3 Chinese ring-necked pheasant (Phasianus torquatus) 137 & n1 Chinese women, foot binding 40 & 41 n10, 51 & n4, 524 & 525 n10 Ciesielski, Theophil 501 & n2; sent presentation copy of Movement in plants 576 & 577 n38 cinchona tree 6 n9 circumnutation 462–3 & 463 n2, 501 & n3, 565; CD, term not suitable for title of Movement in plants 187 & n4; in Desmodium 260 & n4; diagrams in Movement in plants 413 n2; in Oscillaria 501 & 502 n5; in seedlings 297 & n2; woodcuts in Movement in plants 187 & n2 Cirripedia 282 & n3 Civil List pension, for A.R. Wallace xvii, xxiii–xxiv, 361 & 361–2 n1, nn 3–4, 374–5 & 375–6 nn 1–8, 380 & nn 1–5, 385–6 & 386 nn 1–8, 388 & n3, 389 & n1, 432–3 & 433 nn 1–2, 434–5 & 435 nn 1–2, 439 & n5, 458 & 459 n2, 459 & n2, 464 & n1, 469 & nn 1–3, 486 & 486–7 nn 1–4, 488 & nn 1–3, 493 & n3, 496 & n2, 502–3 & 503 n2, 505 & n1, 506 & 507 n4, 507 & 508 n2, 509 & n1, 510 & n2, 511 & n2, 511 & 512 n2, 512 & n2, 512 & 513 nn 1–3, 580 & 584 n1 Civil War: American 212 & 213 nn 11–12; English 5 & 7 n18 clairvoyance 183 n5 Clapham Grammar School: CD’s four youngest sons attended 258 n2, 261 & n2 Clark, Andrew: invited to Down 191, 192, 194 & n4, 566 & 567 n13 Clark, John Willis: met CD 566 & 567 n28 Clarke, Col. 47 & n3 Cleatham Estate, Lincolnshire 117 & 118 n2, 214 n5 cliff-brake (Pellaea) 163 & 165 n4 climate change 365 & 368 n10, n13 climbing plants, FD’s lecture on 72 & n4, 223–4 & 224 n1, 226 n2, 242 & n1 Climbing plants 2d ed. (CD) 184 & n3, 223–4 & 224 nn 2–3, 226 & n2 Climbing plants French ed. (CD) 230 & 231 n5, 538 & n5 Climbing plants US ed. (CD): sales 134 & 135 n1, 308 & 309 nn 1–2 Clive, Benjamin 2 Clive, George 2 & 6 n5 Clive, Rebecca 2 & 6 n3, 19 & n3 Clive, Robert (1722/3–92) 2–6 & 6 n4, 19 & nn 1–2 Clive, Robert (1725–74) 2 & 6 n3, 5 & 6 n15, 7 n16 clouded yellow (Colias croceus) 32 & 33 n2

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Clowes, Edward Arnott 376 & n5, 380 & 381 n1 William Clowes & Sons 55, 57 & 58 n25, 114 & n2, 242 & n2, 245 & 246 n5, 249, 260 & n2, 267 & n3, 290 & 291 n2, 340 & 341 n2, 345 & n3, 431 & n2; delay with Movement in plants due to the indexer 376 & nn 1–5 club-root 97–9 & 99 nn 2–3, 97, 98 cluster-lilies (Brodiaea) 163 & 165 n4 Cnidaria 420 & n4 Coan, Titus: Adventures in Patagonia 201 & nn 2–3, 205–6 & 206 nn 1–2 coastal manroot (Megarrhiza oregana; Marah oregana) 133 & nn 5–6, 163 & 165 n3 Cobaea penduliflora 270–1 & 274 nn 2–4, 295 & 296 nn 1–2 Cobbe, Frances Power 129 n17 Cobbett, William 435 & n2 Coccus viridis (soft scale insect) 148 & 150 n6 Cockburn, William 371 n3 Coenonympha pamphilus (small heath) 32 & 33 n2 coffee: cultivation 148 & 150 n6; taverns 384 & n3 Cohn, Ferdinand Julius: thanks CD for presentation copy of Movement in plants and sends comments 500–1 & 501–2 nn 1–5, 575 & 577 n35 Cole, William: CD declines to join the Epping Forest and County of Essex Naturalists’ Field Club but gives donation 22–3 & 23 n1; CD elected Honorary Member of the Epping Forest and County of Essex Naturalists’ Field Club 85–6 & 86 nn 1–2; CD sends his thanks 95 & n1 Coleridge, Samuel Taylor 502 & n2 Colias croceus (clouded yellow) 32 & 33 n2 Colias hyale (pale clouded yellow) 32 & 33 n2 Collier, John 214 n14, 509 & n3 Collier, Marian 509 & n3 colonial tuco-tuco (Ctenomys sociabilis) 358 & 359 n3 coloration, protective 380 & n2 Colvin, Sidney 212 & 213 n13 comb jellies (Ctenophora) 81 & 82 n7, 420 & n4 Commelina coelestis (dayflower) 457 & n5 common blackberry (Rubus fruticosus) 381 & 382 n3, 485 & 486 n4 common dandelion (Taraxacum officinale) 390 & n4 common European goose (domestic variety of wild greylag goose; Anser anser) 394–5 & 395 n3 common morning-glory (Convolvulus major; Ipomoea purpurea) 209 n2 common moth-vine (Physianthus albens; Araujia sericifera) 272 & 274 nn 11–12 common pheasant (Phasianus colchicus) 137 & n1 common purslane (Portulaca oleracea) 228 & n2

common sundew (Drosera rotundifolia) 34 & n3, 73 & 74 n3, 75 & 76 n5, 276 & nn 2–3, 283 n2 common wasp (Vespula vulgaris) 52 & n2, 99 & 100 n4, 530 & 531 n4 comparative anatomy 39–41 & 41–2 nn 1–11, 51 & n2, 523–4 & 524–5 nn 1–11 compasses: built for CD by H. Darwin 1 & n3 Comstock, John Henry: sends CD his book, Report upon cotton insects 216–17 & 217 nn 1–4 Comte, Auguste 344 & n2, 546 & 547 n2 Coniston, Lake District 277 n6, 504 n3 continents 27 & 28 n5, 459 & 459–60 nn 1–2, 466 & n2, 466–7 & 468 nn 1–5 Convolvulus (bindweed) 208 & 209 nn 2–3 Convolvulus arvensis (field bindweed) 306 & 306–7 n4, 542 & 543 n4 Convolvulus macrorhizus see Ipomoea jalapa Convolvulus major (common morning-glory; Ipomoea purpurea) 209 n2 convulsions, induced in guinea pigs 448 & 449 n3 Cooke, Robert Francis: asks CD if he has arranged anything with D. Appleton & Co. re US ed. of Movement in plants 290 & n1; asks CD if he wants to send corrections for Forms of flowers 114 & n2; CD asks for advertisement for Movement in plants to be placed in Nature 376 & 377 n4; CD on alternative titles for Movement in plants xx, 184 & nn 1–3; CD on French translation of Movement in plants 340 & 341 nn 1–2; CD on index for Movement in plants; ‘worst ever published’ 376–7 & 377 nn 5–7; CD on printing and price of Movement in plants xx, 248–9 & 249 nn 1–9; CD received copies of Movement in plants 404 & nn 1–2; CD thanks J. Murray for C. St John’s Sketches of the wild sports and natural history of the Highlands 404 & nn 3–4; CD will pay the costs of publishing Movement in plants xx, 254–5 & 255 n1; electrotypes for French and German translations of Movement in plants, charges for 345 & nn 1–4, 346 & nn 1–3, 347 & n1; illustrations from Climbing plants have been sent to W.S. Dallas for FD’s article 226 & n2; on indexer for Movement in plants 290 & 291 n2, 380 & 381 n2; lettering on spine of Movement in plants 345, 346; presentation copies of Movement in plants with cut edges 345 & n2, 376 & 377 n3; printing and price of Movement in plants xx, 245 & 246 nn 1–6, 254 & nn 1–2, 369 & n1; progress with printing Movement in plants 380–1 & 381 nn 1–4; reprint of Descent 2d ed. 394 & nn 1–2; sales of Erasmus Darwin 114 & n1; sales of Movement in plants 370 & n1, 376 & 377 n2, 381; sales of Movement in plants,

Index needs to print more copies 431 & nn 1–2, 435 & n3; sends CD proof-sheet for title page of Movement in plants 185 & nn 1–2; tells CD J. Murray has given permission for R.F. Charles to use extracts from Journal of researches for school readers 226 & n1; will send CD copy of Forms of flowers 2d ed. 226 & n3 see also Murray, John (1808–92) Cooper, James Davis 246 & n6, 248–9 & 249 n3 Cooshaipunjiz (James Button Sulivan; James FitzRoy Button) 9–10 & 11 n7, 384 & n1, 395 & 396 n1, 396 n1 Cope, Edward Drinker 343 & n5 coral reefs 304 & nn 1–2, 305 & 306 n2 Coral reefs 2d ed. (CD) 110 & 112 n14, 162 & n2, 304 & n1, 306 n2 Cornelia, mother of the Gracchi 291 & 292 n4 cotton (Gossypium) 30–1 & 31 nn 1–3, 36 & n1, 47 & n2 cotton leafworm (Aletia argillacea; Alabama argillacea) 216–17 & 217 nn 2–3 cotyledons: development of 36 & nn 2–3, 43 & 43–4 nn 1–3, 66 & 66–7 nn 2–7, 95–6 & 96–7 nn 1–4, 140 & 141 nn 1–2; geotropism in 457 n5; and light 473 & 473 n3, 501 & 502 n4; sleep in 36 & n1, 209 n2 Cowes, Isle of Wight 257–8 & 258 n3, 261 n6 Cowie, Aberdeenshire: zoological station 372 & 373 n5 crab-eating fox (Canis cancrivorus; Cerdocyon thous) 196 & 197 n6 Crane, Walter 242 n3, 259–60 & 260 n2 Crawley, Charles 381 & 382 n9, 509 n5 Crawley, William 508 & 509 n5 Cretier, H.: Royal Scientific Society of the Dutch East Indies elect CD as corresponding member 245 & nn 1–3, 540 & nn 1–3, 569–70 & 570 n1 Crier, John: CD on converting shares in Monmouthshire Canal and Railway Company to Great Western Railway shares 362 & nn 1–4 Crinum 392 & 393 n10 crocuses 374 & n1, 377 & 378 n4 Croll, James 27 & 28 n4; glacial periods 365 & 368 n11 Cross and self fertilisation (CD) 217 n4; Crinum 393 n10 Cross and self fertilisation French ed. (CD) 230 & 231 n5, 538 & n5 Cross and self fertilisation US ed. (CD): sales 134 & 135 & n1, 309 & nn 1–2 cross-fertilisation 18 & n3; in potatoes 148–9 & 150 n7

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Crosskey, Henry William: address making CD the first honorary member of the Birmingham Philosophical Society 106–7 & 107–8 nn 1–4; CD thanks for the address 116 & 116–17 nn 1–4 Cruciferae (Brassicaceae) 85 & n3, 97–9 & 99 nn 2–3 crustaceans 171 & n3, 454–5 & 456 nn 4–6, 553–4 & 555 nn 4–6 Ctenomys brasiliensis (Brazilian tuco-tuco) 358 & 359 n2, n4 Ctenomys haigi (Haig’s tuco-tuco) 358 & 359 n3 Ctenomys sociabilis (colonial tuco-tuco) 358 & 359 n3 Ctenophora (comb jellies) 81 & 82 n7, 420 & n4 cucumber tree (Averrhoa bilimbi) 267 & 268 n6 Cucurbita ovifera 422 n4 Cucurbitaceae 36 & nn 2–3, 412 & 413 n5, 421 & 422 nn 3–4 cuttings, of plants 485 & 486 n4 Cuvier, Georges 508 & 509 n6 Cyperaceae (sedges) 108 & 110 n3 Daktulosphaira vitifoliae (phylloxera) 148 & 150 n6 Dallas, William Sweetland 74 & n4, 526 & 527 n4; asks if CD and FD will sign testimonial for J. Murie for post of librarian at the Linnean Society 317 & nn 1–2; on S. Butler’s letter to the Athenæum concerning Erasmus Darwin 72 & nn 1–3; FD’s lecture on climbing plants 72 & n4, 242 & nn 1–2; editor of Popular Science Review 223–4 & 224 n1, 226 n2; poetry book by J.R.C. Wise, dedicated to CD 242 & n3, 259– 60 & 260 nn 1–2; review of Erasmus Darwin 55 & 58 n14; review of Evolution, old and new 55 & 58 n15; translation of E. Krause’s article on ED 7–8 & 8 n1, 11 & 13 n1, n4, 54 & 58 n10 Dallinger, William Henry 484 dandelion (Taraxacum officinale) 390 & n4 Dante Alighieri 358 & n3, 548 & n3 Darbishire, Robert Dukinfield 498–9 & 499 n3 Darwin, Bernard: amused by CD’s forgetfulness 277 & n5; CD sends love to 506 & 507 n7; FD sends love to 266, 381 & 382 n11; nicknames 209 & n5, 265 & 266 n4, 381 & 382 n11, 476 & n4; sent home from Wales 260 & 261 n7, 265 & 266 n4; visits Coniston, Lake District 504 & n3; visits Southampton 209 & n5 Darwin, Charles Robert: Beagle voyage 63 n3, 201 & n3, 332 n2, 350, 355 n4, 384 & n4, 396 n1; biographies of 31 & 32 n1, 33 & n2; birthday (aged 71 on 12 February 1880) 31 & 32 n2, 33, 76–7 & 77 n2, 79 & n5, 80 & n2, 80 & 81 n1, 106, 107, 527–8 & 528 n2, 528 & 529 n5, 529 & n2; S. Butler’s letter to the Athenæum regarding

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Darwin, Charles Robert, cont. Erasmus Darwin, CD’s draft replies xix, 53 & 57 nn 1–7, 55–7 & 58 nn 16–25; S. Butler’s letter to the Athenæum regarding Erasmus Darwin, CD’s letters to friends and family asking for advice 53 & 57 nn 1–7, 63–4 & 64 nn 1–4, 64–5 & 65 nn 1–6, 65 & n4, 68 n1; S. Butler’s letter to the Athenæum regarding Erasmus Darwin, CD’s relief at T.H. Huxley’s advice not to respond 70 & nn 1–5; Cambridge University student 500 n2; children xvii, xxvi, 28 & 29 nn 1–2, 30 & nn 1–3, 499 & 500 nn 4–5; children send gift of fur coat xxvi, 37 & n1, 37–8 & 38 nn 1–4; Civil List pension for A.R. Wallace xvii, xxiii–xxiv, 361 & 361–2 n1, nn 3–4, 374–5 & 375–6 nn 1–8, 380 & nn 1–5, 385–6 & 386 nn 1–8, 388 & n3, 389 & n1, 432–3 & 433 nn 1–2, 434–5 & 435 nn 1–2, 439 & n5, 458 & 459 n2, 459 & n2, 464 & n1, 469 & nn 1–3, 486 & 486–7 nn 1–4, 488 & nn 1–3, 493 & n3, 496 & n2, 502–3 & 503 n2, 505 & n1, 506 & 507 n4, 507 & 508 n2, 509 & n1, 510 & n2, 511 & n2, 511 & 512 n2, 512 & n2, 512 & 513 nn 1–3, 580; Civil List pension for A.R. Wallace, memorial for xxiv, 385–6 & 386 nn 1–8, 469 & n1, 580–4 & 584 nn 1–14; Midland Union of Natural History Societies name Darwin prize after him 247 & 248 nn 1–3, 249 & 250 nn 1–2, 250–1 & 251 nn 1–4, 252 & nn 1–2, 256 & 257 n12; on religious belief xxii, 177 & n1, 336–7, 356, 423, 489 & n2, 495 & n1, 547; Royal Society of London, CD would like to see FD proposed for fellowship xxvi, 439 & n2, 446–7 & 447 n1, 456 & 457 n1, 493 & n1, 503 & nn 1–2, 507 & n1, 511 & n1; Shrewsbury school, attended 223 & n4, 500 n2; signatory on memorial about clerical restrictions for posts at Oxford and Cambridge universities 215–16 & 216 nn 1–4; views on autographs 398; views on fame 178; views on old age 325; views on work xxvi, 69, 178, 209, 499 see also OPPONENTS OF CD’S THEORIES; PUBLICATIONS (CD); READING (CD); SCIENTIFIC VIEWS (CD); SCIENTIFIC WORK (CD); SUPPORT FOR CD’S THEORIES AWARDS AND POSITIONS: Birmingham Philosophical

Society, honorary member 84 & 85 n2, 86–7 & 87 n1, 106–7 & 107–8 nn 1–4, 116 & 116–17 nn 1–3; Chester Society for Natural Science, suggest awarding CD a medal, but does not as he is unable to attend annual conversazione in Chester 285 & n1, 288–9 & 289 n1; Down Friendly Society, treasurer 267 & n1, 270 & n2,

294 n2; Epping Forest and County of Essex Naturalists’ Field Club, honorary member 85–6 & 86 nn 1–2, 95 & n1; Italian School, Pythagorean Academy, honorary president 356 & 357 n5, 425 & n3, 425 & 426 n2, 477 & 482 nn 2–3, 547 & 548 n5, 551 & n3, 559 & 563 nn 2–3, 572–3 & 573 n1; Otago Institute, Dunedin, New Zealand; congratulations on 21st anniversary of publication of Origin 571–2; Royal Academy of Sciences of Turin, Bressa prize 17 & nn 1–2, 19–20 & 20 n1, 23 & nn 1–2, 88 & 89 n3; Yorkshire Naturalists’ Union, address to commemorate 21 years since publication of Origin xxiii, 356 & n3, 363–4 & 364 nn 1–2, 397 & n1, 399 & n1, 407 & n6, 567 & 568 n36, 570–1 & 571 n1, 570–1 & 571 n1 DIPLOMAS: Italian School, Pythagorean Academy, honorary president 572–3 & n1; Royal Scientific Society of the Dutch East Indies, corresponding member 245 & nn 1–3, 248 & nn 1–2, 540 & nn 1–3, 569–70 & 570 n1 FINANCES: F.E. Abbot, subscription for the Index 175 & n3, 199–200 & 200 n1; G. Allen, contributed to fund for 48 n2; A. Barbier, charity, widow of E. Barbier 347 & 348 n2; Birmingham Philosophical Society, research fund 247 & 248 n5, 249–50 & 250 n3, 254 & n1; Bressa prize 17 & n2, 19–20 & 20 nn 1–2, 88–9 & 89 n3; Castle Morton tithes 243 & nn 1–2; J.L. Chester, for research on Darwin ancestry 119 & n4; H. Darwin, marriage settlement and allowance 1 & n1; divides surplus income annually amongst his children 1 & n2, 28 & 29 nn 1–2, 30 & nn 1–2, 49 n2, n5; A. Dohrn, contribution for Naples Zoological Station 105–6 & 106 nn 1–3, 114 & 116 n2; Epping Forest and County of Essex Naturalists’ Field Club, donation to 23 & n1, 85 & 86 n1; Erasmus Darwin, profits on 263–4 & 263 n1; R.P. Hardy, payment for valuation of Down Friendly Club 294 & n1; S.M. Herzfeld, payment to 157 n6, 166 & n1; S.M. Herzfeld (1878), payment to 155 & 156 n1; Kosmos, offers to pay for this year’s and next year’s issues 263; E. Krause, profits on Erasmus Darwin 263–4 & 263 n1; F. Lloyd (1877), payment to 178 & n3; Monmouthshire Canal and Railway Company shares, converts to Great Western Railway shares 362 & nn 1–4; Monmouthshire Canal and Railway Company shares, dividend 362 & n4; Movement in plants, CD offers to pay the costs of publishing xx, 254–5 & 255 n1, 369 n1, 376

Index & 377 n2, 404 & n2, 417 & n5; property and shares inherited from mother 222 & 223 n6; C.F. Reinwald, sale of French editions 230 & 231 n5, 538 & n5; Royal Society of London fellows, for portrait of J.D. Hooker 214 & n14; G.M. Salt, sends CD road bonds to sign 105 & nn 1–3; L. Spallanzani, contribution towards a monument for 239 n4; J. Torbitt, contribution to assist with potato research 86, 118 & 119 n4, 121 & n2, 123 & 124 n3, 125 n3, 490 & n4; J. Torbitt (1878), contribution to assist with potato research 120 & n5; US publications, D. Appleton & Co. 134–5 & 135 n1, 308–9 & 309 nn 1–2; vicarial tithes 338 & 339 n2; Williams & Norgate, subscription to Fauna und Flora des Golfes von Neapel 396 & nn 1–2 HEALTH: better than it used to be 499; conversation fatigues much 20, 288, 289 & 290 n2; even a short journey is apt to fatigue much 87; excitement of much conversation brings on giddiness 315; faintness and fatigue xxiii; false newspaper reports of ill health 506 & n2, 510 & n3; finds it difficult now to think over new subjects 69; W.H. Flower glad to find so well 93 & n4; had bad cough 174; had cold 166 & 167 n4; half knocked-up condition 499; has not strength or time for correspondence 352, 353 n3; has very little strength and journey too long 311; health will not allow him to attend conference at Lambeth Palace 489; keeping fairly well 396; R. Meldola glad to hear good accounts of 424; not been well of late 359 & n1; old and has very little strength 337; periods of illness in former years xxi, 472 & 473 n5; in poor health 356, 547; suffers from fatigue of travelling and any unusual excitement 285; tired from writing letters 252 & 253 n3, 253, 260; very little bodily strength 397; weak health 168; wrist, helped by wearing wrist bands 297 & 298 n2, 298–9 & 299 n1 OPPONENTS OF THEORIES see OPPONENTS OF CD’S THEORIES

see PUBLICATIONS (CD) see READING (CD) SCIENTIFIC VIEWS see SCIENTIFIC VIEWS (CD) SCIENTIFIC WORK see SCIENTIFIC WORK (CD) SUPPORT FOR THEORIES see SUPPORT FOR CD’S PUBLICATIONS

READING

THEORIES TRIPS AND VISITS;

F.M. Balfour (Cambridge; visit to laboratory) 293 n5, 566 & 567 n25; E.A. Darwin (London; 3–11 Dec, 1879) 233 & n2; E.A. Darwin (London; 4–8 Mar) 85 n2, 87 n2, 106 & 107 n2, 116 nn 1–2, 117 & 118 n7, 118 &

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n2, 121 nn 1–2, 122 & n7, 127 & 129 n2, 233 & n2, 566 & 567 n8; E.A. Darwin (London; 19–21 Aug) 277 & 278 n3, 284 & n1, 566; E.A. Darwin (London; 7–11 Dec) 409 n2, 411 & n5, 452 & n2, 457 & n2, 458 & 459 n3, 464 & n2, 466 & n1, 469 & n4, 469–70 & 470 n2, 470 & n2, 472 & n3, 473 & 474 n4, 475 & 476 n2, 567; H. and I. Darwin (Cambridge; 14–19 Aug) 276–7 & 277 n3, 277 & 278 n3, 280 n1, 280 n2, 284 & 285 n3, 285 & n5, 286 & n3, 287 & n5, 293 & n5, 566 & 567 n23; W.E. and S. Darwin (Bassett, Southampton; 25 May–8 June) 199 & n5, 207 & 208 n2, 209 n1, n4, 211 & n4, 213 & 214 n9, 222 & 223 n4, 223 & n3, 224 & n6, 566 & 567 n18; T.H. & K.E. Farrer (Abinger Hall, Surrey; 8–13 Apr) 118 & n2, 174 & n2, 566 & 567 n10, n12; H.E. and R.B. Litchfield (London; 28 Oct–2 Nov) xxvi, 359 & n1, 360 & nn 1–2, 361 n1, 361 & n2, 370 & 371 n4, 372 & n1, 567 & 568 n35; C.S. Wedgwood (Leith Hill; 11–15 Dec) 446 n7, 457 & n2, 466 & n1, 469 n4, 470 & n2, 471 & 472 n6, 472 & 473 n6, 474 & 475 n1, 567 & 568 n42; Coniston, Lake District (1879) 277 n6, 504 n3; G.D. Campbell (London; 1881) 506 & 507 n5 Darwin, Elizabeth (1847–1926) 446 & n5; CD gives a portion of his surplus income 28 & 29 nn 1–2, 49 & n2; Darwin children send CD gift of a fur coat xxvi, 37 & n1, 37–8 & 38 nn 1–4; W.E. Darwin will bank her portion of CD’s surplus income 49 & n2; W.E. Darwin will send cheque book 236 & n6; W. Preyer sends his regards 430 & n4; sends card to W.E. Darwin 23 & n6; visits Buxton with W.E. and S. Darwin 236 & n6, 252 & 253 n5; visits Warwick 258 n4; E.A. Wheler sends remembrances 29 & 30 n8 Darwin, Emma: as amanuensis for CD 58 n16; S. Butler, comments on letter from xviii, 8 n5; S. Butler, opinion on whether CD should reply to letter in the Athenæum 65 & n3; S. Butler, writes to W.E. Darwin about CD’s reaction to 61 n10; CD says she feels she and S. Darwin have married into a ‘dreadful family’ 444; copies letter from T.H. Huxley for R.B. Litchfield 70 & n5; criticised B. Disraeli’s proclamation of Queen Victoria as empress of India in 1876 355 n7; G.H. Darwin hopes she is standing London well 122 & n7; H. Darwin writes about outing near Turin whilst on honeymoon xxi, 301 & 302 nn 1–2; S. Darwin sends love 167; W.E. Darwin sends love 79, 256; W.E. Darwin sorry she is

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Darwin, Emma, cont. not well 284 & 285 n3; W.E. Darwin thanks for letter 432 & n4; on the Farrers’ opposition to H. Darwin and Ida’s marriage 214 n6; on J.W.C. Fegan’s use of Down Reading Room 104 n1; W.H. and G.R. Flower send regards 93; health, W.E. Darwin sorry she is not well 284 & 285 n3; health, illness 320 & 324 n6, 340 & n6; health, much better of late 405; J.M. Herbert sends his remembrances 508; A.M. Hoole comforted by Emma’s frequent visits 287 & n6; letter to H.E. Litchfield about visit from E.H. and M.C. Stanley 446 & n6; L.A. Nash glad to get her letter, and will write 17 & n4; Origin, realises it is 21 years since publication xxiii, 174 & n6; W. Preyer sends his regards 430 & n4; A. Rich hopes she approves change of prime minister 355 & n7; B.J. Sulivan sends his regards 10, 206, 384; unable to go to concert 222 & 223 n5; visits W.E. & S. Darwin in Southampton 209 & n1, nn 5–6; E.A. Wheler sends remembrances 29; W.C. Williamson asks whether members of the Yorkshire Naturalists’ Union should visit Down to congratulate CD on the coming of age of Origin of species xxiii, 291 & nn 1–3, 352 & 352–3 n1; writes to W.E. Darwin about CD’s reaction to S. Butler 61 n10; writes to K.E. Farrer about S.E. Wedgwood’s illness 329 & 330 n5; writes to H.E. Litchfield about J. Wedgwood’s final illness 119 & n6 Darwin, Emma Cecilia Ida (Ida) 122 & n6, 277 n3, 278 n3, 280 n1, 280 n2, 400 & n8; CD’s opinion of, charming 286 & n3, 499; CD’s opinion of, marvellously strong 327; honeymoon, Penzance 38 n4; honeymoon tour 293 & n1, 293 & n5, 296 & 297 n3, 301 & 302 n1, 331 & 332 n6; house in Cambridge 318 & 319 n9, 381 & 382 n4, 499 & n4; marriage to H. Darwin 29 & n7, 30 & n3, 127 & 129 n6, 180 & n2, 566 & 567 n5; met T.H. Farrer in Oxford 130 & n2; visits Down 315 & n2, 327 & n8; visits Down for Christmas 432 & n4; visits T.H. Farrer 329 & 330 n6, 331 & 332 n6; writes to H.E. Litchfield about E. Farrer’s health 213 & 214 n7 Darwin, Erasmus xvii, 12; arsenic, medical uses 34 & n2; biography of, by A. Seward, Memoirs of the life of Dr. Darwin 11 & 13 n2, 29 & n2; The botanic garden 2–3 & 6 n9, 214 & 215 n16; CD’s grandfather 119 n3, 132 n1; complexion 29; date of death 80 & n3, 84 & n2, 529 & n3; forerunner of Darwinism 202 & n2; friendship with R. Gifford and R. Clive xvii, 1–6 & 6 n1,

n9, n13, 19 & n1; influence on CD 23 & n4; E. Krause’s biography of 7–8 & 8 nn 1–3, 325 & n4; Lunar Society of Birmingham, member 116 & 117 n4; portraits 29 & n6, 256 & 257 n11; shorthand 184 & 185 nn 1–4; silhouette playing chess with son Erasmus Darwin 12; smallpox scars 29 & n3; vegetarian 281 & n4; visiting card 122 & n2; wasp removing wings from a fly 52 & n2, 99 & 100 nn 3–4, 530 & 531 nn 3–4; work on imagination in sleep and contemplation 241 & n6; Zoonomia 6 n13, 34 n2, 52 & n2, 241 & 241–2 n6 see also Erasmus Darwin (CD) Darwin, Erasmus (1759–99): silhouette playing chess with father ED 12 Darwin, Erasmus Alvey: CD and Emma visit 85 n2, 87 n2, 106 & 107 n2, 116 nn 1–2, 117 & 118 n7, 118 & n2, 121 n2, 122 & n7, 127 & 129 n2, 233 & n2, 277 & 278 n3, 279 & 280 n2, 284 & n1, 409 n2, 411 & n5, 452 & n2, 457 & n2, 458 & 459 n3, 464 & n2, 466 & n1, 469 & n4, 469–70 & 470 n2, 470 & n2, 472 & n3, 473 & 474 n4, 475 & 476 n2, 566–7; on H. Darwin and W. Thomson 389 & nn 5–7; helps fund J. Torbitt’s potato experiments 124 & 125 n3, 125 & 126 n4, 131 & 132 n4, 136 & n1, 147 & 150 n2, 489–90 & 490 n4; sends CD letter from G.M. Salt about road bonds 105 & nn 1–3; sent presentation copy of Movement in plants 575; thanks CD for pamphlets, one from O. Zöckler on ED as a forerunner of Darwinism 202 & nn 1–4; tithes for CD’s property at Castle Morton, Worcestershire 243 & nn 1–2 Darwin, Francis 119 & n3; O.A. Ainslie enquires about the sale of S.E. Wedgwood’s home, Tromer Lodge 438 & 438–9 nn 1–4; S. Butler, opinion on whether CD should reply to letter in the Athenæum 65 & n3; Castle Morton tithes 243 n1; CD gives a portion of his surplus income 28 & 29 nn 1–2; CD on memorial for a Civil List pension for A.R. Wallace 506 & 507 n4; CD on proposed visit with G.D. Campbell 506 & 507 n5; CD on walk from Monk Coniston estate 277 & nn 6–7; CD says Francis right to send Bernard home 260 & 261 n7, 265 & 266 n4; CD sends waterproof coat and leggings 506 & 507 n2; CD’s son 35 & n3, 143 & n1, 291 & 292 n4; W.S. Dallas asks CD whether Francis could add his signature to a testimonial for J. Murie for post of librarian at the Linnean Society 317; B. Darwin, sends love or messages to 266, 381 & 382 n11; Darwin children send CD gift of a fur coat

Index xxvi, 37 & n1, 37–8 & 38 nn 1–4; on Down School committee 140 n1; fishing 266; J.M. Herbert met 508 & 509 n5; illness 50 & n5; seashore plants 266; sprained ankle 277 & n4; travels to Brittany 209 & n4, 212 & 213 n16, 214 & n15; visits Coniston, Lake District 250 & n4, 277 & n4, nn 6–7, 504 & n3, 506 & 507 n2; visits H. & I. Darwin in Cambridge 381 & 382 nn 4–11, 419 n11; visits W.E. & S. Darwin in Southampton 209 & n1, nn 5–6; visits H.E. & R.B. Litchfield 476 & n3; visits Wales 250 & n4, 258 n4, 260 & n5, 265–6 & 266 nn 4–6; will write to W. Nash 63 & n4 Darwin, Francis (letters written on CD’s behalf): É. Heckel 431 & nn 1–3 Darwin, Francis (scientific work) 85 n2, 104 n1, 285 & n3, 391 & n2, 410 & n6, 415 & n6, 421 & 422 n8, 445 & n5, 550 & n6; asks CD to send abstracts of his papers 476 & nn 1–4; bloom on leaves 181–2 & 182 n3, 214 & 214–15 n15; brambles, paper nearly finished 381 & 382 n3; brambles, paper on growth of cuttings 485 & 486 n4; CD on book about earthworms 260 & n3; CD on corrections of proof-sheets for Movement in plants 260 & nn 1–2, 267 & 267–8 nn 1–6, 276–7 & 277 n2; CD on earthworm casts xxi, 265 & n3; CD on inadequate envelopes 260; CD on E. Stahl’s paper 506 & 507 n6; CD on E.B. Tylor’s notice about ancient furrowed fields 265 & n2; CD sends E. Stahl’s paper 260 & 260–1 n6; CD states J.D. Hooker interested in pulvinus of Desmodium 260 & n4; CD would like to see proposed for fellowship of the Royal Society of London xxvi, 439 & nn 1–4, 441 & 442 n1, 446–7 & 447 n1, 493 & n1; CD’s secretary and assistant 15 & 17 n1, 197 & 198 n4, 209 & 211 n3, 260 & n2, 342 n1, 473 & 474 n2; chemical analysis 266 & n1; climbing plants 72 & n4, 223–4 & 224 n1; climbing plants, lecture published in Popular Science Review 223–4 & 224 n1, 226 & n2, 242 & nn 1–2; earthworms, looking for 265–6 & 266 nn 5–6; W.H. Flower writes to on bean experiments; and sending CD book 93 & nn 1–4; made abstracts of papers for Nature 476 & 477 n6, 504 & n1; Movement in plants, correcting index 376–7 & 377 n6; Movement in plants, credited on title page 411 & 413 n1, 457 & n3, 555 & n3; Movement in plants, suggestion for title of 184 & n3; Ophideres fullonica 217 n3; opinion of G.E. Mengozzi 345 n3, 547 n3; potash, experiments with 476 & n5; presents papers at the Linnean Society 476 & n2, 485 & 486 n4,

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488 & n2, 493 & 494 n1; radicles 461–2 & 462 n2; rate of growth of plants 208 & 209 nn 2–3; G.J. Romanes’s opinion of 488 & n2; Royal Society of London, certificate to propose for fellowship 441–2 & 442 nn 1–5, 453 & 454 n1, 456 & 457 n1, 503 & nn 1–2, 507 & n1, 511 & n1, 514 & 515 n1; Royal Society of London, fellow (1882) 439 & n2, 447 n2, 457 n1, 493 n1, 503 n1; thanks CD for papers 265 & 266 n2; ‘The theory of the growth of cuttings; illustrated by observations on the bramble, Rubus fruticosus’ 485 & 486 n4, 488 & n2; worked at J. Sachs’s laboratory in Würzburg, Germany 187 n3, 214–15 n15 Darwin, George Howard 23 & n3, 68 n4, 320 & 324 n6, 510 & n3; astronomy, difficulties with 400 & n6, 405 & n4; Bode’s Law 122 & n4; Cambridge University 256 & n9; Castle Morton tithes 243 & n2; CD asks him to decipher a German letter 285 & nn 1–4; CD asks him to look for an edition of ED’s Botanic Garden 214 & 215 n16; CD enjoyed visit to Cambridge very much 285 & n5; CD gives a portion of his surplus income 28 & 29 nn 1–2; CD on J.L. Chester’s work on Darwin ancestry 119 & nn 1–4; CD on E. Darwin’s health 405; CD on E. Farrer’s health 213 & 214 nn 6–7; CD on George’s health xxvi, 213, 416 & n4; CD on George’s illness and proposed visit to J.F. McLennan 49–50 & 50 nn 1–5; CD on illustrations for Movement in plants 405 & nn 1–2, 416 & n3, 435 & n3; CD on letter from J.F. McLennan 119 & n7; CD on letter from S.G.F. Noel about her grandfather W.A. Darwin 211–12 & 212–13 nn 1–7, 213 & 214 nn 1–5; CD on lunch with S.V. Kovalevskaya and V.O. Kovalevsky 464 & nn 1–4; CD on review of Movement in plants in The Times 405 & n6; CD on A. Rich’s advice that George spend winter in Rome 416 & n4; CD on ripple marks 405 & n3, 416 & n2; CD on ripple marks left by lime-tree fruits 328 & nn 1–2; CD on sales of Movement in plants 435 & n1; CD on visit to Southampton 213 & 214 n9; CD on J. Wedgwood’s illness 119 & n6; CD sends reference to Nature article on detecting seismic activity 102 & n1; CD tells him essays have arrived at Down 224 & nn 1–2; CD thanks for information about trypsin 261 & nn 3–4; CD’s advice on reference for A. Wrigley 261 & n2; CD’s opinion of W. Thomson 214 & n12; CD’s son 143 & n1, 291 & 292 n4, 499 & 500 n5; on CD’s visit to London 117 & 118 n7; Darwin

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Darwin, George Howard, cont. children send CD gift of a fur coat xxvi, 37 & n1, 37–8 & 38 nn 1–4; on H. and I. Darwin’s house 212 & 213 n17; H. Darwin’s toothache 258 & n4, 261 & n5; R. Darwin’s opinion of xviii, 256 & 256–7 n9; experiments on directional instinct 377 & 378 n3; fellow of the Royal Society of London (1879) 439 & n3; health, good 299 & n2, 381 & 382 n8; health, unwell 117, 119 & n5, 122, 127, 212 & 213 n10, 217 & 219 n2, 400, 406 & n5; interested in genealogy xviii, 112 & 113 n5, 117 & 118 n1, 213 & 214 n5; joins F.A. and W. Thomson on their yacht 257–8 & 258 n3, 261 & n6, 406 & n5; letter from R. Darwin enclosing one of Erasmus Darwin’s visiting cards 122 & n2; letter from J.F. McLennan 117 & 118 n6; on letter from S.G.F. Noel about her grandfather W.A. Darwin xviii, 211–12 & 212–13 nn 1–7; mathematics, difficulties with 122; Movement in plants, illustrations for frontispiece, 399 & 400 nn 1–3, 401, 405 & n2, 435 n3; Movement in plants, sent presentation copy 575 & n11; obtaining trypsin 258 & nn 5–6; ‘On the analytical expressions which give the history of a fluid planet of small viscosity, attended by a single satellite’ 117 & 118 n3, 122 & n3, n5, 464 & n3; ‘On the formation of ripple-mark in sand’ 400 n4, 432 n3; ‘On the secular changes in the elements of the orbit of a satellite revolving about a tidally distorted planet’ 328 & 329 n3; ‘On the tidal friction of a planet attended by several satellites, and on the evolution of the solar system’ 400 n6; opinion of A.R. Wallace’s book, Island life 365 & 368 n14; payment to J.L. Chester for work on Darwin ancestry 117 & 118 n2; pendulum to measure lunar disturbance of gravity 117 & 118 n4, 122 & n6, 214 & n13, 258 & n3, 416 & n5; on people he has met 212 & 213 nn 11–14; planning to visit W. Thomson in Glasgow 117 & 118 n5; reference for A. Wrigley 257 & 258 nn 1–2; ripple marks 328 & 329 n1, 399 & 400 nn 4–5, 432 & n3; W.D. Roebuck writes about members of the Yorkshire Naturalists’ Union visiting Down to congratulate CD on Origin of species 352 & 352–3 nn 1–2, 355–6 & 356 nn 1–3; A. Sedgwick elected natural sciences fellow 328 & 329 n2; sends tea-service to W. Jackson 122 & n7; The tides and kindred phenomena in the solar system 400 n6; tides and their connection with astronomy 400 & n6; translation of letter in Norwegian, from A.L. Kielland 518–19 &

519 n1, n4; trip to Davos, Switzerland 127 & 129 n5; unwell 117, 119 & n5, 122, 127, 212 & 213 n10, 217 & 219 n2, 400, 406 & n5; visit to R. Darwin 256 & n9; visit to A. Rich 127 & 129 n5; will copy J.L. Chester’s manuscript 117 & 118 n1; W.C. Williamson sends his regards 397 & n4; worked on Darwin family history for Erasmus Darwin 212 & n5 Darwin, Horace 122 & n6, 337 n2, 400 & n8; builds auxanometer 209 n3, 210; Cambridge Scientific Instrument Company 381 & 382 n6; CD and Emma visit in Cambridge 276–7 & 277 n3, 277 & 278 n3, 280 n1, 280 n2, 284 & 285 n3, 285 & n5, 286 & n3, 287 & n5, 293 & n5, 566 & 567 n23; CD gives a portion of his surplus income 28 & 29 nn 1–2, 30 & nn 1–2; CD on advantages of a house with a garden 180 & nn 1–3; CD on Horace’s allowance 1 & n1; CD thanks for compasses 1 & n3; CD’s son 143 & n1, 291 & 292 n4, 499 & 500 n5, 504 n3; Darwin children send CD gift of a fur coat xxvi, 37 & n1, 37–8 & 38 nn 1–4; FD visits in Cambridge 381 & 382 nn 4–11; honeymoon, Penzance 38 n4; honeymoon tour xxi, 293 & n1, 293 & n5, 296 & 297 n3, 301 & 302 n1, 331 & 332 n6; house in Cambridge xxvi, 318 & 319 n9, 320 & 324 n5, 381 & 382 n4, 499 & 500 n4, 566 & n26; intending to buy a house in Cambridge 180 n2, 212 & n17; marriage to Ida Farrer 29 & n7, 30 & n3, 127 & 129 n6, 180 & n2, 287 & n5, 566 & 567 n5; met T.H. Farrer in Oxford 130 & n2; Movement in plants, sent presentation copy 575 & n11; pendulum to measure lunar disturbance of gravity 117 & 118 n4, 122 & n6, 214 & n13, 258 & n3, 416 n5; sends CD drawings for Earthworms 319–21 & 324 n1, 322–3; sends CD his observations on earthworms at Gravetye Manor 319 & 324 nn 2–3, 321; suggests CD could donate Bressa prize money to Zoological Station, Naples 23 & n2; toothache 258 & n4, 261 & n5; visited W. Thomson (1879) 389 & nn 5–6; visits Down 315 & n2, 327 & n8; visits Down for Christmas 432 & n4; visits T.H. Farrer 329 & 330 n6, 331 & 332 n6, 341 & 342 n3; worm-casts xxi, 293 & nn 1–2, 294 & 295 nn 1–2, 301 & 302 n2, 319 & 324 n4; writes to E. Darwin about Turin 301 & 302 nn 1–2 Darwin, Leonard: S. Butler, opinion on whether CD should reply to letter in the Athenæum 65 & n3; CD gives a portion of his surplus income 28 & 29 nn 1–2; CD on E. Farrer’s interaction with 213 & 214 n8; CD’s son 143

Index & n1, 291 & 292 n4; Darwin children send CD gift of a fur coat xxvi, 37 & n1, 37–8 & 38 nn 1–4; instructor in chemistry and photography 112 & 113 n4, 212 & 213 n8; interest in Darwin family history xviii, 117 & 118 n2; Movement in plants, sent presentation copy 575 & n11 Darwin, Mary Anne 256 & 257 n10 Darwin, Reginald 185 n2, 212 & 213 n6; G.H. Darwin will send copy of J.L. Chester’s Darwin family history 122 & n2; W.E. Darwin visits 256 & 256–7 nn 8–11; opinion of G.H Darwin xviii, 256 & 256–7 n9 Darwin, Robert Waring 2 & 6 n1, n6, 19 & n2, n6, 34 & n2, 112 & 113 n2, 132 n1, 213 & 214 n4, 222 & 223 n6; Castle Morton tithes 243 n2 Darwin, Sara 220 n10; American 212 & 213 n11; CD, Emma, FD and Bernard visit 209 & nn 4–6, 566 & 567 n18; CD sends love and sympathy for having married into such a ‘dreadful family’ 444 & n3; CD sends love to 222 & 223 n4, 233 & n3, 252 & 253 n4; consulting physician and taking waters at Buxton 252 & 253 n4, 255–6 & 256 n7; Darwin children send CD gift of a fur coat 37 & n1, 37–8 & 38 nn 1–4; letter from H.E. Litchfield 167 & n5; niece, Lily Norton, visits 299 & n4; petition about the preservation of Niagara Falls 236 & n2, 237–8 & 238 n2; returning home 284 & 285 n4; sends love to CD 23 & n8, 49 & n3, 167; visits America (1878) 227 & n3; visits Buxton with Elizabeth Darwin 236 & n6, 252 & 253 n4; visits Down 79 & n2, 166 & 167 n4; visits Down for Christmas 432 & n4, 451 & 452 n7, 487 & n5 Darwin, Susan Elizabeth: Castle Morton tithes 243 & n2 Darwin, Susannah 2 & 6 n6, 19 & n6; property inherited by CD 222 & 223 n6 Darwin, Violetta Harriot: death of 29 & 30 n9 Darwin, William, of Cleatham (1573?–1644) 37 n3, 112 & 113 n3, 118 n1, 119 n3, 523 n3 Darwin, William Alvey xviii, 211 & 212 n2, 213 & 214 n2 Darwin, William Erasmus 219 & 220 n10, 388 & 389 n2; amused by A. Sedgwick’s attack on Vestiges of the natural history of creation 299 & n5; Brading, Isle of Wight, Roman villa 446 & n4, 447 & 447–8 nn 1–2, 449–52 & 452 nn 1–5; S. Butler, E. Darwin writes about CD’s reaction to 61 n10; on S. Butler’s letter to CD xviii, 49 & n4; CD, Emma, FD and Bernard visit 199 & n5, 207 & 208 n2, 209 & n1, nn 4–6, 211 & n4, 213 & 214 n9, 222 & 223 n4, 224 & n6, 566

757 & 567 n18; CD, has greatly enjoyed visit 222 & 223 n4; CD asks him to contact E. Hearne and H.H. Carlisle to support J. Lubbock’s election campaign 194 & n3, 195 & n3; CD gives a portion of his surplus income 28 & 29 nn 1–2, 30 & nn 1–2; CD has found supplier of potash 222 & n3; CD on E. Darwin’s concert 222 & 223 n5; CD on J. Geikie’s book Prehistoric Europe: a geological sketch 447 & 448 n3; CD on general election 166 & 167 n3; CD on leaves of false acacia in worm burrows 416–17 & 417 n3, 443 & 444 n2; CD on list of property and shares inherited from his mother 222 & 223 n6; CD on Movement in plants 417 & nn 5–6; CD on Movement in plants, more copies needed 444 & n4; CD on Movement in plants, reception in Germany 487 & n4; CD on visitors to Down 194 & n4; CD on worm-casts at buried pavement at Beaulieu Abbey xxi, 233 & nn 1–2, 295 & nn 1–2, 417 & n4, 443 & 444 n1; CD on worm-casts at Roman villa at Brading, Isle of Wight 447 & 447–8 nn 1–2, 487 & nn 1–3; CD requests more wrist bands for injured wrist 297 & 298 n2; CD sends J. Geikie’s letter 252 & 252–3 nn 1–2; CD sends A. Gray’s Natural science and religion 222 & n2; CD sends love to S. Darwin and sympathy for having married into such a ‘dreadful family’ 444 & n3; CD tired from writing letters 252 & 253 nn 2–3; on CD’s award of Bressa prize, agrees with H. Darwin that CD could donate prize money to Zoological Station, Naples 23 & nn 1–3; CD’s son 143 & n1, 291 & 292 n4, 499 & 500 n5; G.H. Darwin, interested in his work on ripples 432 & n3; Darwin children send CD gift of a fur coat xxvi, 37 & n1, 37–8 & 38 nn 1–4; G.H. Darwin in good health 299 & n2; G.H. Darwin visits 129 n5, 299 & n2; on E. Darwin’s letter about visit from E.H. and M.C. Stanley 446 & n6; S. Darwin’s treatment at Buxton 255–6 & 256 n7; ED’s influence on CD 23 & n4; gardener 410 & n5; J. Geikie, finds his letter interesting 255 & 256 nn 1–2; J. Geikie, would like to meet at Down at Christmas 451 & 452 n7; general election 167 & nn 4–5; G.K. Gilbert’s book on geology of Henry Mountains, Utah 166 & 167 n2, 167 & n2; glad CD had good visit to H. Darwin 284 & 285 n3; on W. James’ visit 284 & nn 1–2; leaves of false acacia in worm burrows 431–2 & 432 n2; local find of flint tools 167; meets F.E. Abbot 227 & n3; meets R. Darwin 256 & 256–7 nn 8–11; Movement in plants, glad

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Darwin, William Erasmus, cont. it is selling well 446 & n3; Movement in plants, review in the Standard 432 & n5; Movement in plants, thanks CD for presentation copy 410 & nn 1–3, 575; petition about the preservation of Niagara Falls 236 & nn 2–3; regrets F.E. Abbot will no longer be editor of the Index 227 & n3; Roman villa at Brading, Isle of Wight 446 & n4, 447 & 447–8 nn 1–2, 449–52 & 452 nn 1–5; sends CD more wrist bands for injured wrist 298–9 & 299 n1; sends CD notes on thickness of mould in Teg Down and Rifle valley 515 & 516 nn 2–4; thanks CD for his share of CD’s surplus income 49 & n2, n3, n5; visit from S. Darwin’s niece, L. Norton 299 & n4; visits America (1878) 227 & n3; visits Buxton 236 & n6, 255 & 256 nn 3–5; visits Down 79 & n2, 166 & 167 n4; visits Down for Christmas 432 & n4, 451 & 452 n7, 487 & n5, 516 & n5; visits Stratford-upon-Avon 255 & 256 n6; will collect worm-casts from Beaulieu Abbey for CD 236 & n4, 299 & n3, 410 & n4, 446 & n2, 451 & 452 n6; will send Greek dictionary 79 & n3; would like to meet T.H. and H.A. Huxley 79 & n4; writes to F.E. Abbot, editor of the Index, on CD’s behalf 226–7 & 227 nn 1–5; young guineafowl that had been raised by chickens being attacked by adults 236 & n5 Darwinism 77, 138 & nn 1–2, 191 & n2, 528; F.M. Balfour, role in embryology 293 & n1; A. & C. Dodel–Port, on how theory now accepted 460 & 461 nn 3–4, 557 & nn 3–4; T.W. O’Neill, The refutation of Darwinism 133 n3, 150 & 151 n5, 175 & nn 1–2, 200 & n2; O. Zöckler 202 & n2, 258–9 & 259 nn 3–4, 540 & 541 nn 3–4 see also evolution; natural selection Davis, James William 352; visits Down 567 & 568 n36 Day, Thomas 4 & 6 n14 dayflower (Commelina coelestis) 457 & n5 death xxii, 104 & n1 Decaisne, Joseph 313 & n4 decay, in leaves 418 & 419 n9 deervetch (Lotus) 267 & n3 deformity 311 & n2 Delphinium nudicaule (red larkspur) 44 & 45 n3, 133 & n2, 150 & 151 n3 Delpino, Federico: thanks CD for presentation copy of Movement in plants and sends his photograph 458 & nn 1–5, 556 & nn 1–5, 575 & 576 n19 Deplanche, Émile 367 n4 Derbyshire, Buxton 236 & n6, 252 & 253 n4, 255 & 256 nn 3–5

Descent (CD) 24 n2, 73 & n1, 75 & 76 n3, 189 n1; critical review in The Times (1871) 411 & n4; domestic animals learning to avoid poisonous herbs 235 n1; ethical behaviour 269 n6; muscles 192–3 & 193 n1, 194 & n2; ocelli 137 n1 Descent 2d ed. (CD) 30 & n1, 231 n4, 538 n4; inheritance of characteristics equal in both sexes 353 & n2; instincts 449 n3; marriage practices 373 & n1; morality 202–5 & nn 2–4, 207 & 208 n3; reprint 394 & nn 1–2; skin colour xxii, 71 & 72 n2; small hard bodies causing inflammation of the appendix 316 & n2 Descent French 3d ed. (CD): E. Barbier translated 230 & 231 n4, 326 & n7, 538 & n4, 544 & 545 n7 Descent US ed. (CD): sales 135 & n1, 309 & nn 1–2 descent theory 51 & n2, 174 & n5 see also evolution Desmodium 260 & n4 Desmodium gyrans frontispiece, 400 n2, 401 developmental anatomy 39–41 & 41–2 nn 1–11, 51 & n2, 523–4 & 524–5 nn 1–11 Devereux, Robert 389 & 390 n2 devil’s tongue (Opuntia rafinesquii; O. humifusa) 228 & n2 Dew-Smith, Albert George 116 n2, 381 & 382 n6; met CD 566 & 567 n24, n28 diaheliotropism 79 n3 Dickens, Charles 127 & 129 n4 Dickie, George 441 & 442 n3, 453 & 454 n1 Dickins, Frederick Victor 145–6 & 147 n1, 172 n3; H.N. Mosely tells CD of Dickins’s reputation as a scientist and his knowledge of Japan 189– 90 & 190 nn 1–5 digger wasps (Sphex) 52 n2, 99 & 100 n4, 530 & 531 n4 Dionaea muscipula (Venus fly trap) 73 & 74 n3, 75 & 76 n5, 515 & nn 2–3 DIPLOMAS (CD) see Darwin, Charles Robert, DIPLOMAS

diseases in plants 383 & 384 n1, 390–1 & 391–2 nn 1–2, nn 5–6 dispersal of seeds 42 & n1, 366–7 & 369 n26, 379 & 379–80 nn 6–8, 418 & n5 Disraeli, Benjamin 128 & 129 n11, 355 & n7 ‘Distribution of the erratic boulders’ (CD) 34 & 35 n2 Dixie, Florence: sending CD copy of Across Patagonia 369 & 370 nn 1–3, 441 & nn 1–3; travels and animals brought back from Patagonia 369 & 370 nn 4–5; tuco-tuco in Patagonia 358 & 359 nn 1–4 Dixon, Charles: seed found in the feathers of a heron 42 & nn 1–2

Index Dixon, James: CD thanks for note on control of muscles 194 & nn 1–2; on muscles which he can control 192–3 & 193 nn 1–3 Dodel-Port, Arnold: acceptance of Darwinism at Zurich University 460 & 461 nn 3–4, 557 & nn 3–4; sending CD fourth part of his botanical atlas 460 & 461 nn 5–7, 557 & 557–8 nn 5–7; thanks CD for presentation copy of Movement in plants 460 & 461 n2, 556–7 & 557 n2, 576 & 577 n41 Dodel-Port, Carolina: thanks CD for presentation copy of Movement in plants 460 & 461 n2, 556–7 & 557 n2 dogfish sharks 67 & n1 dogs 196 & 196–7 nn 5–7, 197 & 198 n5, 377 & n2, 473 Dohrn, Felix Anton 115, 396 nn 1–2; CD offers to pay for apparatus with Bressa prize money 88–9 & 89 n3; CD on the use of his gift 105–6 & 106 nn 1–3; CD thanks for birthday congratulations 88 & 89 n1; photograph as a young man in his laboratory 115; progress of the Naples Zoological Station 80–1 & 81–2 nn 2–8; G.H. Schneider, conflict with Dohrn 159 & 161 n3, 535 & 536 n3; sends CD birthday congratulations 80 & 81 n1; suggests starting a fund for British scientists who wish to work at the Naples Zoological Station using CD’s gift 102–3 & nn 1–5; thanks CD for his gift 114 & 116 nn 1–2; visited Down (1870) 81 & 82 n3 domestication 197 & 198 n6 Down, Reading Room 104 & 104–5 nn 1–2 Down, Tromer Lodge (S.E. Wedgwood’s house) 405 & n5, 413–14 & 414 nn 2–3, 426 & 427 nn 1–7, 438 & 439 n2, 442 & 442–3 n1, 448 & n1 Down Friendly Society: CD asks about increasing sickness benefits for members 270 & nn 1–4, 277–8 & 278 nn 1–4, 278 & nn 1–4, 294 & nn 1–2; CD treasurer 267 & n1, 270 & n2, 294 n2 Down House: Bromley railway station 287 & 288 n2, 315; Orpington railway station 191 n2, 192, 287 & 288 n2, 288 & n2, 311–12, 315, 427 & n2 Down House visitors: C.C. Balfour 566 & 567 n6; G.W. Balfour 566 & 567 n21; A. de Candolle 307 & n1, 312 & 313 n2, 566 & 568 n33; H. Darwin 315 & n2, 327 & n8, 432 & n4; I. Darwin 315 & n2, 327 & n8, 432 & n4; S. Darwin 79 & n2, 166 & 167, 432 & n4, 451 & 452 n7, 487 & n5, 516 & n5; W.E. Darwin 79 & n2, 166 & 167 n4, 432 & n4, 451 & 452 n7, 487 & n5, 516 & n5; F. A. Dohrn (1870) 81 & 82 n3; J.W.C. Fegan and boys 286 & n5, 287 & n3, 566 & 568 n30; A.M. Fiske 199 & n4, 566 &

759

567 n17; J. Fiske 199 & n4, 566 & 567 n17; G.R. Flower 93 & n4, 95 & n5, 566; W.H. Flower 93 & n4, 95 & n5, 566; J.H. Franke 199 & n3; W.E. Gladstone (1877) 435 n2; E. Gurney 566 & 567 n21; K.S. Gurney 566 & 567 n21; E. Haeckel (1879) 77 & n5, 528 & n5; H. Hooker 566 & 567 n22; J.D. Hooker 260 & n4, 566 & 567 n22; H.A. Huxley 566 & 567 n19; T.H. Huxley 566 & 567 n19; J.B. Innes 284 & n3, 566 & 567 n16; J.W. Judd 289 & 290 n2, 566 & 568 n32; G. King 311–12 & 312 n3, 314 & 315 n4, 315 & n1, 566 & 568 n34; V.O. Kovalevsky 409 n2, 427 & n2, 567 & 568 n41; Lewisham and Blackheath Scientific Association members xxiii, 243–4 & 244 nn 1–3, 247 & n1; H.E. Litchfield 258 n4, 315 & n2; R.B. Litchfield 258 n4, 315 & n2; J.N. Lockyer 567 & 568 n40; C.M. Lubbock 567 & 568 n40; G. Lubbock 566 & 567 n14; J. Lubbock 566 & 567 n14, 567 & 568 n40; O.C. Marsh (1878) 261–2 & 262 n1; V. Marshall 566; V.A.A. Marshall 566; A.G. Parson 199 & n3; A. Rich (1879) 218 & 219 n9; E.H. Stanley 446 & n6, 567 & 568 n39; M.C. Stanley 446 & n6, 567 & 568 n39; L. Tait 566; S.A. Tait 566; H.A. Thiselton-Dyer 566 & 567 n21; W.T. ThiseltonDyer 566 & 567 n21; F.A. Thomson 214 n12; W. Thomson 214 & n12; H. Vöchting (1871) 462 & n4; C.R. Wedgwood 199 & n3; F.J. Wedgwood 405 & n5; M. Wedgwood 199 & n3; Yorkshire Naturalists’ Union members xxiii, 355–6 & 356 n3, 363–4 & 364 nn 1–2, 397 & n1, 399 & n1, 407 & n6, 567 & 568 n36, 570–1 & 571 n1 Down School Committee: G.S. Ffinden resigns 140 & n1 drifts, gravel 246 & 247 nn 1–2, 252 & 252–3 nn 1–2, 253 & nn 1–4, 435–6 & 436 n2 Drosera capensis (Cape sundew) 33–4 & 34 n1, 276 & nn 2–3, 283 n2 Drosera dichotoma (forked-leaf sundew; D. binata) 24 & n1, 34 & n4 Drosera intermedia (spoonleaf sundew) 276 & n3, 283 n2 Drosera rotundifolia (common sundew; round-leaved sundew) 34 & n3, 73 & 74 n3, 75 & 76 n5, 276 & nn 2–3, 283 n2 Drosera spatulata (spoon-leaved sundew) 34 & n3, 276 & n2 Du Bois-Reymond, Emil: petitions German parliament for a subsidy for Naples Zoological Station 103 & n5 Duguid, William: head gardener at Down (1879– 80) 43 & 44 n4, 141 & n4 Duncan, Ethel see Romanes, Ethel

760

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Dutch East Indies Royal Scientific Society, elect CD as corresponding member 245 & nn 1–3, 248 & nn 1–2, 540 & nn 1–3, 569–70 & 570 n1 Duval-Jouve, Joseph: sent presentation copy of Movement in plants 576 & 577 n45 Dykes, Lamplugh Brougham Ballantine 389 & n5 earless seals (Phoca) 39 & 41 n4, 523 & 525 n4 earth, mould 447 & n1, 515 & 516 nn 3–4 earthquakes 382, 386–7; detection of 102 & n1 earthworms xvii, xxi, 232 & nn 1–2, 232–3 & 233 n1, 234 & nn 1–2, 260 & n3, 265 & nn 2–3, 265–6 & 266 nn 5–6, 319 & 324 nn 1–4, 327–8 & 328 nn 1–4, 390 & n2, 510 & n2; casts 233 & nn 1–2, 236 & n4, 293 & n2, 294 & 295 nn 1–2, 295 & nn 1–2, 296, 301 & 302 n2, 313 & 314 n5, 318 & 319 n4, 330 & n4, 331 & n2, 337 & nn 2–3, 338 & n3, 339–40 & 340 n2, 342–3 & 343 nn 1–3, 346–7 & n1, 410 & n4, 443 & 444 n1, 447; false acacia leaves in burrows 416–17 & 417 n3, 421–2 & 422 n10, 422 & 423 n3, 431–2 & 432 n2, 443 & 444 n2; pine needles in burrows 327 & n4; at site of Roman villa at Abinger, Surrey 313 & 314 nn 1–5, 318 & 319 nn 1–4, 337 & nn 1–3, 341–2 & 342 nn 1–5, 346–7 & 347 nn 1–2; at site of Roman villa at Brading, Isle of Wight 447 & n1, 449–52 & 452 nn 1–5, 487 & nn 1–3; Venezuelan 342–3 & 343 nn 1–3 Earthworms (CD) xxi, 232 n2, 233 n1, 234 & n2, 260 & n3, 390 & n2, 565 & 567 n2; CD mentions to J.V. Carus 302–4 & 304 n3; cited E.B. Tylor 265 n2; H. Darwin’s drawings 319–21 & 324 n1, 322–3; H. Darwin’s observations on earthworms at Gravetye Manor 319 & 324 nn 2–3, 321; A. Ernst on presentation list 343 & n6; A. Ernst’s observations 342–3 & n2; T.H. Farrer’s observations 313 & 314 n2; H. Johnson’s observations 398 n2; G. King’s observations 312 & n4; lack of worms on heath 327–8 & 328 n2; pine needles in worm burrows 327 & n4; referred to article by W.K. Bridgman 360 & 361 n3; response to light 328 & n4; Robinia pseudoacacia 416–17 & 417 n3, 421–2 & 422 n10; Roman villa at Abinger 326–7 & 327 nn 1–3; St Catherine Hill, Hampshire 515 & 516 n4; stones swallowed by worms used to grind their food 347 & n2, 443 & 444 n1; worm-casts 293 n2, 295 n2, 302 n2, 313 & 314 n5 East India Company xvii, 5 & 6 n15, 7 n16 Easton, Edward 319 & 324 n3 Echinocystis fabacea 133 n6 echinoderms 81 & 82 n7, 167 & n3, 372 & 373 n5, 398 & n4, 475 & 476 nn 2–3

echinoids 167 & n3 Echinus (sea urchins) 398 & n4 Eddowes’s Journal 407 & n4, 411 & n3 Edgeworth, Richard Lovell 4 & 6 n14 Edinburgh University, CD attended 223 & n4 education of women 351–2 & 352 n2, 353 & nn 1–2 Edward, Thomas 386 & n8 Elam, Charles 196 & n4, 198 n7 Elston Hall, Nottinghamshire 211–12 & 212 n3, 214 n3 embauba (Cecropia) 162 & n8 embryology 292 & 293 nn 1–2, 448 & 449 n2 emotions, development of xxi–xxii, 69 & n1, 73 & nn 1–2, 75 & 76 n4 Encyclopaedia Britannica 9th ed.: insectivorous plants 490 & n1 Engelmann, George 188 & n2 English Civil War 5 & 7 n18 Epidendreae 87 & 88 n4 Epping Forest 20 & 21 n5, 27 & 28 n6, 143 & n2, 375 & 376 n7, 581–2 & 584 n9, 583 Epping Forest and County of Essex Naturalists’ Field Club: CD declines to join but gives donation to 22–3 & 23 n1; elect CD honorary member 85–6 & 86 nn 1–2, 95 & n1 Erasmus Darwin (CD): S. Butler alleges CD and E. Krause have made unacknowledged references to Evolution, old and new xviii, 502 & nn 1–3; S. Butler asks CD about 7–8 & 8 n1, n3, n4; S. Butler’s letter to the Athenæum 45 & n2, 53–5 & 58 nn 8–15, 63–4 & 64 nn 1–2, 465 & n3, 558 & n3; CD on E. Krause’s essay prompting him to write 325 & n4; CD on revisions to E. Krause’s original Kosmos essay 11 & 13 nn 1–4, 63–4 & 64 n1, 71 & n2; CD sending to J.L. Chester 119 & n8; ED vegetarian 281 & n4; error on ED’s date of death 80 & n3, 84 & n2, 529 & n3; French translation, C.F. Reinwald interested in producing 231 & n8, 538 & n8; H. Pitman on ED’s use of shorthand 184 & 185 n2; portrait used for frontispiece 29 & n6; profits for ED’s medical practice in Lichfield 212 & 213 n7; profits from 263 & n3, 263–4 & 263 n1, 282 & 283 n4, 541 & 542 n4; reviews xviii, 18 & 19 n2, 25 & n2, 36–7 & 37 n2, 39 & n3, 61 & 62 n2, 182 & 183 n5, 259 & n5, 262 & 263 n1, 521–2 & 522 n2, 522 & 523 n2, 540 & 541 n5; sales of xviii, 78 & n7, 114 & n1, 182 & n2; B.J. Sulivan reading 10 & 11 n15, 14 & n4; O. Zöckler refers to in his pamphlet on ED and Darwinism 202 & n2, 258–9 & 259 n3, 540 & 541 n3 see also Butler, Samuel; Darwin, Erasmus; Krause, Ernst

Index Erasmus Darwin 2d ed. (CD) 11 & 13 n3, 18 & 19 n3, 19 & n5, 68 & 69 n5, 241 & n6 Erasmus Darwin German ed. (CD) 11 & 13 n2, 18 & 19 n3, 25 & n3, 74 & 75 n6, 78 & n8, 80 & n3, 186 & n4, 283 & n6, 465 n3, 522 & n3, 526 & 527 n6, 529 & n3, 541 & 542 n6, 558 n3; CD thanks E. Krause for 182 & 182–3 nn 1–5; delay due to J. Murray not sending phototypes and electrotypes 143 & 144 n2, 144 & 145 n1, 531–2 & 532 n2; E. Krause sends to CD 179–80 & 180 nn 1–3, 537 & nn 1–3; reviews 258–9 & 259 nn 1–5, 540 & 540–1 nn 1–5 see also Krause, Ernst Erasmus Darwin US ed. (CD) 263 & n2, 282 & 283 n5, 541 & 542 n5 Ercolani, Giovanni Battista: CD thanks him for sending copy of his work on the placenta 174–5 & 175 n1 Erebidae 217 nn 2–3 Eriocaulaceae (pipewort) 108 & 110 n3 Ernst, Adolf: bloom on plants in Venezuela 108 & 110 nn 1–3; CD asks him to look for wormcasts near Caracas 296; CD interested in Ernst’s article on Cobaea penduliflora 295 & 296 nn 1–2; CD on Ernst’s experiments with pollen grains of Melochia parvifolia 17–18 & 18 nn 1–3; CD on Ernst’s letter about plants in Venezuela 162 & nn 1–8; CD on flowers of Lisianthus vasculosus 295 & 296 n2; CD on misquote about G. Bonnier in American Naturalist 295 & 296 n1; earthworms and worm-casts near Caracas 342–3 & 343 nn 1–3; fertilisation of Cobaea penduliflora 270–1 & 274 nn 2–4; flowers of Lisianthus vasculosus 271–2 & 274 nn 5–10, 273; heterostyly in plants 108 & 110–12 nn 4–5; insects trapped in Physianthus albens flowers 272 & 274 nn 11–12; misquote about G. Bonnier in American Naturalist 343 & nn 4–5; nectaries in species of plants in Venezuela 108–10 & 112 nn 6–15; on presentation list for Earthworms 343 & n6; sent presentation copy of Movement in plants 575 & 576 n24; thanks CD for his Geological observations 270 & 274 n1 erratic boulders 35 & nn 3–4, 471 & 472 nn 3–4, 491–2 & 492 nn 3–5 ethics 202–5 & nn 2–4, 207 & 208 n3, 268–9 & 269 nn 1–7 ethnic groups: Ainos 145 & 147 n5; Australian aborigines 443 & nn 2–3, 444 & 445 n2; Fuegians 9–10 & 11 nn 3–11, 14; Iroquois 444 & 445 nn 2–3; Mapuche 9 & 11 n5; marriage practices 373 & n1; Samoyedic people 100–1 & 101 n3

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Eudocima phalonia see Ophideres fullonica Evans, Arthur John 400 & 402 n10 Evans, John 400 & 402 n10 evolution xxiii, 138 & nn 1–2, 177 n2, 191 & n2, 200 & 201 n1; F.E. Abbot 199–200; F.M. Balfour, role in embryology 293 & n1; S. Butler, former opinion 70 & n4; A. & C. Dodel-Port, on how theory of Darwinism now accepted 460 & 461 nn 3–4, 557 & nn 3–4; C. Elam 196 & n4; J. Fiske 181 & n5; E. Haeckel 77, 528; T.H. Huxley 174 & n5, 196 & n3, 197 & 198 n2; O.C. Marsh 261–2 & n1, 290 & n1; T.W. O’Neill, The refutation of Darwinism 133 n3, 150 & 151 n5, 175 & nn 1–2, 200 & n2; J. Rouquette, poem 157, 532–3; G.H. Schneider 159 & 161 nn 2–3, 534–5 & 536 nn 2–3; C.W. Thomson 370 & 371 n1, 371–2 & 372 nn 1–5; M.F. Wagner 144 & n4, 532 & n4; J.R.C. Wise 242 & n3; H. Woodward 173 & 174 n3; O. Zöckler 202 & n2, 258–9 & 259 nn 3–4, 540 & 541 nn 3–4 see also natural selection evolution (CD comments on) 51 & nn 2–3, 52, 206 & 207 n1 see also natural selection evolution, mental 372 & n3, 373 n6 Evolution, old and new 7–8 & 8 n2, 11 & 13 n3, 67 & 68 n4, 69 n5, 71 & n4; S. Butler’s letter to the Athenæum xviii–xix, 45 & n2, 53–5 & 58 nn 8–15, 63–4 & 64 nn 1–2, 67 & n1, 68 & n1, 71 & n1, 72 & nn 1–2, 74 & n2, 77–8 & 78 nn 1–5, 80 & n2, 93–4 & 94 n2, 150–1 & 151 n6, 219 & 220 n12, 465 & n3, 526 & 527 n2, 529 & n2, 530 & n2, 558 & n3; reviews of 55 & 58 n15, 61 & 62 nn 2–3 Evolution, old and new 2d ed. 62 n3 Ewart, James Cossar 372 & 373 n5, 476 n3 Expression (CD) 70 n4, 73 & n1, 75 & 76 n3, 189 n1; cited C. St John 404 n3; facial muscles during grief 383 & n2; muscles 193 n1, 194 & n2 Expression US ed. (CD): sales 134 & 135 n1, 309 & nn 1–2 extra-long-staple cotton (Gossypium barbadense) 30 & 31 nn 2–3, 47 n2 Eyre, John Joseph: on contraction of facial muscles during grief 383 & nn 1–2 Eyre, Mary Teresa 383 & n1 Fabre, Jean-Henri: cats, homing instincts xxi, 100, 101 & n4, 531; CD comments on Souvenirs entomologiques 51–2 & 52–53 nn 1–6; CD on homing instincts xxi, 100–1 & 101 nn 1–5; CD thanks for book Souvenirs entomologiques 24 & nn 1–2; CD’s condolences on the death of Fabre’s son 52 & 52–3 n4; error about species of wasp

762

Index

Fabre, Jean-Henri, cont. in Souvenirs entomologiques 99 & 100 nn 1–4, 530 & 531 nn 1–4; sends CD Souvenirs entomologiques 13 & nn 1–2, 521 & nn 1–2; Souvenirs entomologiques 69 & n4; will try CD’s suggested method of testing homing instincts in insects 100 & n7, 531 & n7 Fabre, Jules: death of 52 & 52–3 n4 facial muscles 383 & n2 Falk, Adalbert 316 & 317 n4, 543 & 544 n4 Falkland Islands 10 & 11 n2, 201 n3, 206 & n2, 471 & 472 n7 Falsan, Albert 491–2 & 492 n5 false acacia (Robinia pseudoacacia) 416–17 & 417 n3, 421–2 & 422 n10, 422 & 423 n3, 431–2 & 432 n2, 443 & 444 n2 fame, CD’s views on 178 Faraday, Michael 374 & 375 n2 Farrer, Emma Cecilia Ida (Ida) see Darwin, Emma Cecilia Ida (Ida) Farrer, Katherine Euphemia (Effie): CD’s niece 141 & n2; concerns about H. Darwin and Ida’s marriage 214 n6; E. Darwin writes about S.E. Wedgwood’s illness 329 & 330 n5; health 213 & 214 n7; visit to Rome 136 & n4, 141; visiting the Story-Maskelynes and Avebury stone circle 318 & 319 n8; S.E. Wedgwood’s niece 314 n8, 347 n3 Farrer, Thomas Cecil 329 & 330 n6 Farrer, Thomas Henry 195 & n1; answers CD’s questions on earthworms at site of Roman villa at Abinger 318 & 319 nn 2–4, 329 & 330 n7, 331 & n2, 341–2 & 342 nn 1–5; answers CD’s questions on trenches dug at Abinger 329 & 330 nn 1–3, 331 & n1, nn 3–4; article on bequests, ‘Freedom of land’ 20 & 21 n6; Board of Trade, permanent secretary 83 n2; CD and Emma visit 174 & n2, 566 & 567 n12; CD calls on when in London 118 & n2, 566 & 567 n10; CD may write to The Times with a report of Torbitt’s work 125–6 & 126 n5, n7; CD on H. and I. Darwin’s visit to Down 327 & n8; CD on funding for further potato experiments 125–6 & 126 nn 1–7, 131 & 131–2 nn 1–4, 514 & nn 1–4; CD on particles of brick in wormcasts 337 & nn 2–3, 338 & nn 1–3, 346–7 & 347 nn 1–2; CD on pine needles in worm burrows 327 & n4; CD on site of Roman villa at Abinger, earthworms 313 & 314 nn 1–5, 330 & n4; CD on site of Roman villa at Abinger, location of trenches 326–7 & 327 nn 1–3, 330 & nn 1–3, 337 & n1; CD on J. Torbitt’s good results 312 & n2, 313 & 314 n6; CD on C.S.

Wedgwood’s illness 313 & 314 nn 8–9; CD on S.E. Wedgwood’s illness 313 & 314 nn 8–9, 327 & n7, 347 & n3; CD sends J. Torbitt’s letter and asks if government help available for his work on potatoes 86 & nn 1–2; CD sends J. Torbitt’s report on year’s work on potatoes 514 & n1; CD sends postscript to letter dated 7 March 1878, supporting J. Torbitt’s potato experiments 119–20 & 120 nn 1–5; CD thanks for copy of Farrer’s notes about excavation at Abinger 337 & n1; CD will send draft of his letter to The Times 131 & 132 n3; on CD writing to The Times to invite subscriptions to J. Torbitt’s fund 130 & n1, 130 & 131 n2; on H. and I. Darwin in their new house 318 & 319 n9; gives CD J. Caird’s address 318; illness 474; met I. and H. Darwin in Oxford 130 & n2; objections to engagement between H. Darwin and Ida 214 n6; potatoes, meets CD to discuss J. Torbitt’s work 118 & 118–19 n2; potatoes, sends letter from J. Caird and cheque for J. Torbitt’s work 130 & 131 n1; potatoes, sends letter from J. Caird expressing confidence in J. Torbitt’s work 135–6 & 136 nn 1–3; potatoes, support for J. Torbitt’s work xxiv–xxv, 83 n2, 123, 124 & 125 n2, 141 & n2, 147 & 150 n3, 153 & n2, 220 & 221 n2, 228 & 229 nn 1–2, 232 & n2, 318 & 319 nn 5–6, 474 & 475 n2, 489–90 & 490 n2; potatoes, thinks it useless to ask government for help with J. Torbitt’s work 123 & n1; sends CD copies of CD’s earlier letters 130 & n1; sends CD worm-casts 331 & n5; sent presentation copy of Movement in plants 575 & 576 n10; visit from H. and I. Darwin 329 & 330 n6, 331 & 332 n6; visiting the StoryMaskelynes and Avebury stone circle 318 & 319 n8; visits Rome 136 & n4, 141, 147 & 150 n4; on S.E. Wedgwood’s illness 318 & 319 n7, 329 & 330 n5; worm journal 313 & 314 n1 see also potatoes ( J. Torbitt’s project) Faulds, Henry: asks for help with his work on fingerprints xxii, 90–2 & 92–3 nn 1–3; CD sends his letter to F. Galton 168 & n1, 168 & nn 1–2; F. Galton will take his letter to the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland 170 & nn 1–4 Fayrer, Joseph 196 & 197 n6 feathers, markings on 137 & n1 Fegan, James William Condell: CD gives him the use of Down village Reading Room 104 & 104–5 nn 1–2; takes party of poor boys to visit Down 286 & n5, 287 & n3, 566 & 568 n30 female education 351–2 & 352 n2, 353 & nn 1–2

Index Ferguson, Charles Eugene: CD recommends books about evolution 30 & n1 Ferrari, Henri 259 & n5, 263 n1, 540 & 541 n5 Ferretti, Gisberto 239, 539 fertilisation, of plants 188 n4, 270–2 & 274 nn 1–12 fertility: crossed and self-fertilised plants 18 & n3; hybrids 188 & nn 1–2, 393 n10 fevers, treatment with Peruvian bark 2–3 & 6 n9 Ffinden, George Sketchley: resigns from Down School Committee 140 & n1 Field, Henry Martyn 206 & n3 field bindweed (Convolvulus arvensis) 306 & 306–7 n4, 542 & 543 n4 Fierasfer (Carapus) 81 & 82 n7 figworts (Scrophulariaceae) 228 & n3 Fijian islands 364 & 367 n4 Filhol, Henri 196 & n3 FINANCES (CD) see Darwin, Charles Robert, FINANCES

fingerprints xxii, 90 & 92–3 nn 1–3, 91, 92, 168 n1, 168 nn 1–2, 170 & nn 1–4 fir broom rust (Aecidium elatinum; Melampsorella caryophyllacearum) 85 & n2, 473 & n1 fir trees, needles in earthworm burrows 327 & n4 fish, freshwater 366 & 368 nn 21–2 Fiske, Abby Morgan 180–1 & 181 n2, 199 & n4, 566 & 567 n17 Fiske, John: CD invites to Down to visit 199 & nn 1–6; trip to England, would like to visit CD 180–1 & 181 nn 1–5; visits Down 199 & n4, 566 & 567 n17 Fison, Lorimer 443 & nn 2–3, 444 & 445 n2 FitzRoy, Maria Isabella 395 & 396 n1 FitzRoy, Robert 201 n3, 206 n2, 396 n1 flea-beetles (Phyllotreta) 98 & 99 n3 Fleming, Ida Mary Sheldon 446 & n8 flint tools 167, 253 & n4 Flora, oder allgemeine botanische Zeitung: sent presentation copy of Movement in plants 575 & 576 n28 Flower, Georgiana Rosetta: visits Down 93 & n4, 95 & n5, 566 Flower, William Henry 183 n4, 385 & 386 n6; CD thanks for books 95 & nn 1–4; Civil List pension for A.R. Wallace 486 & 487 n4, 488 & nn 1–3, 505 & n1, 584; visits Down 93 & n4, 95 & n5, 566; writes to FD, sending books 93 & nn 1–3 flowers: Lisianthus vasculosus 271–2 & 274 nn 5–10, 273 Focke, Wilhelm Olbers 392 & 393 n4, 398 & n3, 468 & n1 Fontainebleau Château, France 516–18 & 519 nn 1–4, 563–4 & 564 nn 1–3

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foot binding, in Chinese women 40 & 41 n10, 51 & n4, 524 & 525 n10 footprints, fossil 348 & 350 nn 1–2, 349 forked pepperweed (Lepidium oxycarpum) 164 & 166 n8 forked-leaf sundew (Drosera dichotoma; D. binata) 24 & n1, 34 & n4 Formica (ants) 280 n2 Forms of flowers (CD) 18 & n3, 112 n14; homostyly in Primula 302 n1 Forms of flowers 2d ed. (CD) 18 n1, 110 n4, 114 & n2, 185 & 186 n1, 224 & n4, 226 & n3, 565 & 567 n3 Forms of flowers French ed. (CD) 230 & 231 n5, 538 & n5 Forms of flowers US ed. (CD): sales 134 & 135 n1, 309 & nn 1–2 Forster, William 220 & 221 n4 Forster, William Edward 195 & n2, 220 & 221 n4, 474 & 475 n4; J. Torbitt plans to write to for support for his potato experiments xxv, 229 & n2, 231–2 & 232 nn 1–2; unable to support J. Torbitt with growing disease-free potatoes 482 & 483 n2, 490 & n3 Fossil Cirripedia (CD) 209 & 211 n2 fossils: in the Alps 365 & 367–8 n8, 378 & 379 n3; British Museum’s collection 173 & 174 n3; echinoids 167 & n3; footprints 348 & 350 nn 1–2, 349; plants 397 & n3; plants and Sauria in the Arctic 365 & 368 n13 Foster, Michael 381 & 382 n10, 457 n1; proposes FD for fellowship of the Royal Society of London 447 n2, 493 n1 foveal ligament 39 & 41 n3, 51 & n2, 523 & 525 n3 Fox, Charles Woodd: CD sends condolences on W.D. Fox’s death xxv, 173 & nn 1–3; CD sorry to hear W.D. Fox seriously ill 153 & nn 1–2; tells CD of his father, W.D. Fox’s death 169–70 & 170 nn 1–3 Fox, Ellen Sophia 169–70 & 170 n2; CD and Emma send their sympathies 173 & n3 Fox, William Darwin: CD’s memories of xxv, 153 & n2, 173; death of 169–70 & 170 nn 1–3, 173 & n2, 192 & n3 France: Château de Fontainebleau 516–18 & 519 nn 1–4, 563–4 & 564 nn 1–3; Hyères 47–8; Jardin des plantes, Paris 313 & n4; Vichy 241 & 242 n7 Frank, Albert Bernhard 391 & n2; sent presentation copy of Movement in plants 575 & 576 n25 Franke, Johannes Hermann: visits Down 199 & n3 Frankland, Edward 266 n1; CD on analysing water samples after soaking leaves 181–2 & 182 nn 1–2

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Freiburg im Breisgau botanic garden, Germany 453 & n3 R. Friedländer und Sohn 424 & n2 frogs 393 & 394 nn 1–2 Frost, Henry Frederick 192 n3 Fuegians 9–10 & 11 nn 3–11, 14 Fulcher, Robert 381 & 382 n6 Galápagos flora 366 & 368 n19 gallenes (guineafowl) 236 & n5 galls 98, 101 & 102 nn 1–2, 391 & 392 nn 5–7, 418 & 419 n9 Galton, Emma Sophia 241 & 242 n8 Galton, Frances Anne Violetta 29 & n4 Galton, Francis: Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, fellow 168 & n2; book on hereditary genius 178 & n2; CD finds Galton’s visualising work interesting 168 & n3, 170 & n5; CD forwards H. Faulds’ letter on fingerprints xxii, 168 & n1, 168 & nn 1–2; CD invites to lunch at H.E and R.B. Litchfield’s home 360 & nn 1–2; ED’s work on imagination 241 & n6; fingerprints and H. Faulds’ letter 170 & nn 1–4; illness 241 & 242 n7, 360 & n2; invited to Down 191 & n1, 192, 194 n4, 566 & 567 n13; thanks CD for sending C. Vogt’s article 240–1 & 241 nn 1–2; visits Vichy 241 & 242 n7; ‘Visualised numerals’ 241 & nn 3–4; will send CD his paper ‘Statistics of mental imagery’ 241 & n5 Galton, Louisa Jane 191 & n1, 241 & 242 n7, 566 & 567 n13 Gambetta, Léon Michel 212 & 213 n14 Gapitche, A.: CD on mortality and lifespans xxii, 104 & n1 Gardeners’ Chronicle: sent review copy of Movement in plants 346 & n5, 427 & 428 n1 Gardiner, Allen Francis 11 n13 Gardner, John Starkie 453 & 454 n3 Garrick, David 6 & 7 n23 Garrison, Herod Dailey: CD thanks for note about inheritance 189 & n1 Gärtner, Karl Friedrich von 392 & 393 n5 Gathorne-Hardy, Gathorne 156 & 157 n5, n7, 156 & 157 n5 Geddes, Patrick: CD gives permission to use figures from Insectivorous plants for article in Encyclopaedia Britannica 490 & nn 1–2 geese, cross-breeding 394–5 & 395 n3, 398 & n2 Geikie, James 27 & 28 n4, 167 & n2, 451 & 452 n7; asks if he may publish CD’s views on gravel drift in his forthcoming book Prehistoric Europe: a geological sketch 246 & 247 nn 1–2; causes of intercrossings in glacial deposits 491–2 & 492

nn 3–5; CD gives permission for Geikie to use his views on gravel drift 253 & nn 1–4; CD thanks for Prehistoric Europe: a geological sketch 435–6 & 436 nn 1–2, 471 & n1; CD’s comments on Prehistoric Europe: a geological sketch 471 & 472 nn 2–7; D. Mackintosh’s work on erratic boulders 491–2 & 492 n3, 495 n3; Prehistoric Europe: a geological sketch 255 & 256 nn 1–2, 257 n2, 447 & 448 n3, 491 & 492 nn 1–2; sends copy of W.C. Kerr’s paper 492 & n6; thanks CD for his letter and permission 257 & nn 1–2 geitonogamy 271 & 274 n3 general election 166 & 167 n3, 167 & nn 4–5 geographical distribution: A.R. Wallace’s work xxiv, 27 & 28 nn 1–5, 364–7 & 367–369 n1, nn 4–26, 418 & n7, 582–3 geographical isolation and new species 144 & n4, 532 & n4, 552 & 553 n5 geological formations 365, 367 Geological observations 2d ed. (CD) 110 & 112 n14, 162 & n2, 270 & 274 n1 geological time 365 & 368 n15, 378 & 379 n4; changes in oceans and continents 459 & 459– 60 nn 1–2, 466 & n2, 466–7 & 468 nn 1–5 geology, of Australia and New Zealand 333 & 334 n2, 366 & 368 n24 geotropism 66 & 67 n7, 417 & 418 n2, 457 n5 German handwriting (Kurrentschrift) 285 & n2 Germany: Bad Ems 301 & n2; Catholic church in 316 & 317 n4, 543 & 544 n4; Freiburg im Breisgau botanic garden 453 & n3; J. Sachs’ laboratory of plant physiology, Würzburg 187 n3, 214–15 n15; University of Jena 79 & n5, 83–4 & 84 n2, 528 & 529 n5 germination 501 & n2; Delphinium 44 & 45 n3, 150 & 151 n3; Ipomoea 140 & 141 nn 1–2, 176 n2, 240 & n2, 262 & nn 1–2; Megarrhiza xix–xx, 36 & n2, 43 & 43–4 nn 1–3, 44 & 45 n2, 66 & 66–7 nn 2–7, 95–6 & 96–97 nn 1–4, 150 & 151 n2, 163–5 & 165–6 n1, n2, n5, n9, 164–5, 178–9 & 179 nn 1–3, 240 n1; Trichosanthes 36 & n3 Giacchi, Michele 477 & 482 n3, 559 & 563 n3 giant musk ox (Praeovibos priscus) 253 n2 giant tortoises 364 & 367 n5 Giesl, Oskar von 50 & 51 nn 1–3, 525–6 & 526 nn 1–3 Gifford, Elizabeth 2 & 6 n7 Gifford, Euphemia 2 & 6 n4 Gifford, Richard 2 & 6 nn 1–2, 19 & n1 Gilbert, Grove Karl 167 n2 Gildersleeve, Basil Lanneau 212 & 213 nn 11–12 Gillies, Robert: Otago Institute, Dunedin, New Zealand; congratulations on 21st anniversary of publication of Origin 571–2

Index Gisbourne, Millicent 29 & n5 glacial deposits 34–5 & 35 n1, n3, 246 & 247 nn 1–2, 253 & nn 1–4, 386 & 387 n2, 471 & 472 n5, n7, 491–2 & 492 nn 3–5 glacial epochs 365 & 367 n7, 368 nn 9–12, 378, 471 & 472 n1, 491 & 492 n1 glacial theory 9 n1, 14 n1, 27 & 28 n4 Gladstone, Helen 400 & n8; met CD 400 & n8, 566 & 567 n28 Gladstone, John Hall 155 & 156 n2, n7, 484 Gladstone, William Ewart 167 & n4, 355 & n7, 380 & n3, 385 & 386 n3, 400 n8, 412 & 413 n16, 503 n4, 506 & 507 n4; CD a signatory on memorial about clerical restrictions for posts at Oxford and Cambridge universities 215–16 & 216 nn 1–4; CD presenting memorial requesting a Civil List pension for A.R. Wallace xxiv, 505 & 505–6 nn 1–5, 509 & nn 1–2, 510 & n3, 511 & 512 nn 2–3, 512 & 513 n2, 580, 584; J. Torbitt writes about growing blight-resistant potatoes xxv, 482–3 & 483 nn 1–8, 497–8 & 498 n2, 500 & n2; visits Down (1877) 435 n2 Glen Roy, Scotland 9 n1 goatgrass (Aegilops) 21 & 22 n4, n7, 26 & n1 Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von 67 & 68 n5 Goldsmid, Julian 130, 147 & 150 n3, 151 & 152 n2 Goodacre, Francis Burges: thanks CD for sending a copy of his letter to Nature 24–5 & 25 n1 Goodale, George Lincoln 66 & n2 Gore, George 247 & 248 n4, 250 n3 Gossypium (cotton) 30–1 & 31 nn 1–3, 36 & n1, 47 & n2 Gould, Augustus Addison 364 & 367 n6 gouramis 366 & 368 n22 Graham, Christopher Columbus: thanks CD for his letter 152 & n1, 177 & 178 nn 1–3 Grant, Daniel 218 & 219 n4 grapevines (Vitis) 148 & 150 n6, 395 & 396 n2, 396 & n2, 420 & n6 grasses 22 & n7 gravel deposits 34–5 & 35 n1, n3, 246 & 247 nn 1–2, 252 & 252–3 nn 1–2, 253 & nn 1–4, 382 & 383 n1, 386 & 387 nn 1–2, 435–6 & 436 n2, 471 & 472 n7, 491–2 & 492 nn 3–5 Gravetye Manor, West Hoathly, Sussex 319 & 324 nn 2–3, 321 gravity, lunar disturbance of 117 & 118 n4, 214 n13, 416 & n5 Gray, Asa: CD, difficulty working with dried flowers 90 n4; CD on germination of Delphinium 44 & 45 n3; CD on germination of Megarrhiza xix–xx, 43 & 43–4 nn 1–3, 44 & 45 n2, 95–6 & 96–7 nn 1–4; CD on Ipomoea leptophylla 140

765

& 141 nn 1–2; CD thanks for seeds 150 & 151 n2; CD thanks for sending V. Rattan’s letter 178–9 & 179 nn 1–5; comments on animal and vegetable kingdoms 414–15 & 415 n2, 549 & 550 n2; germination of Delphinium 133 & n2; germination of Ipomoea 240 & nn 1–2, 262 & nn 1–2; germination of Megarrhiza xix–xx, 66 & 66–7 nn 1–7, 163 & 165 n2; looks forward to publication of Movement in plants 313 & n4; may have met CD in London 472 & 472–3 n4, 567 & 568 n45; Natural science and religion 222 & n2; regrets was unable to visit CD 312 & 313 n2; review of The refutation of Darwinism 133 & n3, 150 & 151 n5, 175 & n2; seeds of Megarrhiza 133 n1, nn 4–6; sends CD cotton seeds 30–1 & 31 nn 1–4, 47 & nn 1–2; sends CD letter from V. Rattan about germination in Megarrhiza and other seedlings xx, 163–5 & 165–6 nn 1–10; sent presentation copy of Movement in plants 576; tour of herbaria in Europe 307 & n2, 313 & n3, 413 & n12; visits J.D. Hooker at Kew 413 & n12, 453 & 454 n4, 472–3 n4 Gray, Jane Loring 307 & n2, 313 & n3, 412 & 413 n12, 453 & 454 n4 grayling (Hipparchia semele) 32 & 33 n2 green pheasant (Phasianus versicolor) 137 & n1 Grey, George 581 grey heron (Ardea cinerea) 42 & n1 greylag goose (Anser anser) 394–5 & 395 n3 grief 383 & n2 Grisebach, August Heinrich Rudolf 271 & 274 n6 growth, rate of, and light 208 & 209 & n3 guanaco (Lama guanicoe) 369 & 370 n5 guava 366 guinea pigs, convulsions induced in 448 & 449 n3 guineafowl 236 & n5 Günther, Albert 364 & 367 n4, 386 & n7; CD on memorial for Civil List pension for A.R. Wallace 496 & nn 1–2, 504 & 505 nn 1–7; giant tortoises 364 & 367 n5; signs memorial for Civil List pension for A.R. Wallace 507 & 508 n2, 584 Gurney, Edmund: visits Down 566 & 567 n21 Gurney, Kate Sara 566 & 567 n21 Gurney, Thomas 185 n2 Guthrie, Malcolm: critique of H. Spencer, On Mr. Spencer’s formula of evolution 69 & nn 2–3, 76 nn 1–2 Guzmán, Antonio Leocadio 109–10 & 112 n12 Guzmán Blanco, Antonio 109–10 & 112 n12 Habenaria (rein orchids; bog orchids; Platanthera) 379 & 380 n8

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Haberlandt, Gottlieb: sent presentation copy of Movement in plants 576 & 577 n43 Hacon, William Mackmurdo: H. Darwin’s marriage settlement 1 n1 Haeckel, Ernst 30 & n1, 50 & 51 n3, 78 & 79 n3, 159 & 161 n2, 334 & 336 n5, 455, 525 & 526 n3, 528 & 529 n3, 534 & 536 n2, 554; CD thanks for book Das System der Medusen 45 & n1, 46; CD thanks for letter 82 & n1; on influence of Darwinism on his field of morphology 77 & nn 3–4, 528 & nn 3–4; Monographie der Medusen 77 & n4, 528 & n4; sends CD birthday greetings 76–7 & 77 n2, 527–8 & 528 n2; sent presentation copy of Movement in plants 575 & 576 n31; theory of heredity, perigenesis 440 & n4, 454 & 456 n3, 553 & 555 n3; visited Down (1879) 77 & n5, 528 & n5 Hahn, Otto: CD thanks for book 493 & nn 1–2; sends CD his book on meteorites and their organisms 485 & nn 1–2 Haig’s tuco-tuco (Ctenomys haigi) 358 & 359 n3 Haliburton, Sarah Harriet: CD on health of C.S. Wedgwood 472 & 473 n6; CD thanks for letter and reminisces about their youth xx, 411 & nn 1–5; CD thanks for letter and suggests she visit Down in the spring 472 & nn 1–3; CD would like to visit F. Myddelton Biddulph 472 & 472– 3 nn 4–5; congratulates CD on his success xx, 407 & nn 1–6; happiness at having met CD and Emma at home of E.A. Darwin 469–70 & 470 nn 1–4 Hamond, Robert Nicholas 206 & n5, 395 & 396 n1 Hamond, Sophia Caroline 206 & n5 Hampden, John: offered £500 to anyone who could prove the earth was round 433 & n1 handwriting (German) 285 & n2 Hardwick, Harriet 219 & 220 n11 Hardy, Ralph Price: CD asks about increasing sickness benefits for members of the Down Friendly Club 270 & nn 1–4, 277–8 & 278 nn 1–4, 278 & nn 1–4, 294 & n1; CD on loss of most of the annual balance sheets 277–8 & 278 n4, 278 & nn 1–2, 294 & n2 Harris, J.: asks CD about the ‘apes’ from which humans have evolved 200 & 201 n1; CD replies that the reason one species is common and another rare can’t be explained 206 & 207 n1 Harrison, Anne Dorothea 340 & n3 Harrison, Geoffrey Richard 340 & n3 Harrison, Lucy Caroline: CD remembers she is fond of worms xxi, 327–8 & 328 nn 3–4; children 340 & n3 Harrison, Thomas Edmund 340 & n3

Haswell, Robert 426 & 427 n7 Haughton, Samuel 453 & 454 n3, 457 & n3 Hawaii (Sandwich Islands) 201 & n2 Hawkins, John Luther: CD thanks for note about cats avoiding certain species of mice 496 & nn 1–3 HEALTH (CD) see Darwin, Charles Robert, HEALTH Hearne, Edwin 194 & n3, 194–5 & 195 n2 heathland, lack of worms 327–8 & 328 n2 Heckel, Édouard: asks CD about ‘provoked’ movements in plants 306 & n3, 542 & n3; corresponding member of the Institut de France 306 & 307 n5, 542 & 543 n5; Movement in plants, FD writes to about translation for French edition 431 & nn 1–3; Movement in plants, sent presentation copy 576 & 577 n46; Movement in plants, supervising the translation for French edition 306 & n2, 431 & n2, 542 & n2; Movement in plants, translated for French edition 244 & n3, 339 & n3, 545 & n3; sends CD his work on Convolvulus arvensis 306 & 306– 7 n4, 542 & 543 n4 Heer, Oswald 460, 557 Heldreich, Theodore von: CD thanks for sending article and poem 240 & n1 heliotropism 79 n3 Hellwald, Friedrich von 455 & 456 n8, 554 & 555 n8 hens 440 & n4 Herbert, John Maurice: CD on his life and children, and reminiscences xxvi, 499 & 500 nn 1–5; reply to CD’s letter 508 & 508–9 nn 1–6 Herbert, Mary Charlotte 500 n2, 508 & 508–9 nn 1–3 Herbert, William 392 & 393 n5, n10 heredity: CD’s hypothesis of pangenesis 391 & 392 n8, 440 & n4, 454 & 456 n3, 553 & 555 n3; theories of 180 n3, 537 n3 see also inheritance heron, grey (Ardea cinerea) 42 & n1 Herschel, Caroline Lucretia 128 & 129 n14 Herschel, John Frederick William 420 & n5 Hertz, Helen Augusta 48 & n6 Herzfeld, S.M.: asks CD for financial help 155–6 & 156–7 nn 1–7; W. Spottiswoode writes to CD about 207 & nn 1–3, 208 & nn 1–2; thanks CD for his help and would like to meet him 166 & nn 1–2 Heslop, Thomas Pretious 38 & n2, 106 & 107 n1 heterostyly 108 & 110–12 nn 4–5, 302 n1 Hick, Thomas 352; visits Down 567 & 568 n36 Higgins, Henry Hugh: CD on collection of Cirripedia specimens 282 & n3; CD thanks for essay on Nassa 281 & 282 n2

Index Hilaria belangeri (mesquite grass) 16 & 17 n5 Hildebrand, Friedrich: Freiburg im Breisgau botanic garden moving to new premises 453 & n3; thanks CD for presentation copy of Movement in plants 453 & n1, 575 & 576 n17 Hipparchia semele (grayling) 32 & 33 n2 Hippocrates: similarities in wording between his and CD’s theories 179 & 180 n3, 182 & 183 n4, 537 & n3 hoary fox (Canis vetulus; Lycalopex vetulus) 196 & 197 n6 Hobbes, Thomas 203 & 205 n5 Hocken, Thomas Morland: Otago Institute, Dunedin, New Zealand; congratulations on 21st anniversary of publication of Origin 571–2 Hoffmeister, Werner 232 & n2 Hogg, Jabez: CD replies to his queries about arsenic poisoning 34 & nn 1–2 Holbrook, Martin Luther 280 & 281 n1 homing instincts xxi, 52 & 53 n5, 100, 100–1 & 101 nn 1–4 homostyly 302 n1 Hooker, Brian Harvey Hodgson 412 & 413 n11 Hooker, Hyacinth 307 n2, 412 & 413 n12, 453 & 454 n4; CD thanks for bananas from Kew 332 & n1; dined with CD 566 & 567 n20; visits Down 566 & 567 n22 Hooker, Joseph Dalton 30–1 & 31 n4, 47 & n2, 67 & 68 n2, 88 & n6, 123 & n1, 123 & 124 n1, 131 & n2, 153 & n3, 417 & n5, 422 n3, 432 & n5, 482 & 483 n3; appointment of vegetable pathologist for Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew 412 & 413 n16, 418 & 419 n10; CD on Hooker’s comments on Movement in plants 417 & 418 nn 1–2, 418 & 419 n12; CD on J. Paget’s lecture on plant diseases 418 & 418–19 nn 8–9; CD on proposing FD for fellowship of the Royal Society of London 439 & nn 1–4, 446–7 & 447 nn 1–2, 456–7 & 457 nn 1–2, 493 & nn 1–2; CD on A.R. Wallace’s book Island life 417–18 & 418–19 nn 3–7, n13, 457 & n4, 466 & n2; CD requests seeds 457 & n5; Civil List pension for A.R. Wallace xxiii–xxiv, 361 & 362 n4, 385 & 386 n6, 432–3 & 433 nn 1–2, 434–5 & 435 nn 1–2, 439 & n5, 486 & 487 n3, 488 & n3, 493 & n3, 504 & 505 n3, 510 & n2, 511 & n2, 511 & 512 nn 1–3, 512 & n2, 512 & 513 n1, 580, 584; coffee cultivation 148 & 150 n6; correspondence between J.S. Gardner and S. Haughton about Araucaria cunninghamii in Nature 453 & 454 n3, 457 & n3; dedication in A.R. Wallace’s book Island life 364 & 367 n2, 413 n6, 418 & n7, 457 n4; dined with CD 566 &

767

567 n20; floras of Australia and New Zealand 333 & 334 n2; Genera plantarum 412 & 413 n10; A. Gray and wife visit 312 & 313 n2, 412 & 413 n12, 453 & 454 n4; A. Gray’s tour of European herbaria 307 & n2; interested in pulvinus of Desmodium 260 & n4; J. Paget’s lecture on plant diseases 412 & 413 n14; portrait of 214 n14; on proposing FD for fellowship of the Royal Society of London 441–2 & 442 nn 1–5, 453 & 454 n1; Royal Botanic Gardens, director 412 & 413 n10; Royal Society of London, member of the council 439 & n4, 441 & 442 n2; Royal Society of London, president (1873–8) 214 n14, 362 n4; sends condolences on death of S.E. Wedgwood 412 & 413 n17; tells CD A. de Candolle would like to visit Down 307 & n1; thanks CD for presentation copy of Movement in plants, and comments on 411–12 & 413 nn 1–5, 574 & 576 n4; tour of Italy 307 & n2, 453 & 454 n4; visits Down 260 & n4, 566 & 567 n22; A.R. Wallace’s book, Island life xxiv, 412 & 413 nn 6–9; on work and young sons 412 & 413 nn 10–11 Hooker, Joseph Symonds 412 & 413 n11 Hooker, Reginald Hawthorn 412 & 413 n11 Hooker, Richard 37 & n4, 44, 67 & 68 n2, 522 & 523 n4 Hooker, William Jackson 355 n4 Hoole, Alice Mary 284 & n3, 286 & n4, 287 & n6, 442 & 443 n2 Hoole, Stanley 286 & n4, 442 & n1 Horace, Roman poet 6 & 7 n24, 127 & 129 n9 Howitt, Alfred William 444 & 445 n2; CD suggests he write a book on mental powers of Australian aborigines 443 & nn 1–3 Huber, Jean Pierre 52 & n3 Hughes, Frances Jane: CD advises she does not publish her essay attempting to reconcile Genesis and science 191–2 & 192 nn 1–2; CD on death of W.D. Fox 192 & n3 Hughes, Thomas McKenny: CD on medal from Chester Society for Natural Science 285 & n1, 288–9 & 289 n1 Hume, David 129 n10 Humphry, George Murray 484 Hunt, Thomas Carew 368 n18 Hunter, John 93 & nn 2–3, 95 & n2, n4 Hutton, Frederick Wollaston 365 & 367 n7; Otago Institute, Dunedin, New Zealand; congratulations on 21st anniversary of publication of Origin 571–2 Huxley, Ethel Gladys 509 & n3 Huxley, George Thomas Scott 354 & 355 n5

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Huxley, Henrietta Anne 79 & n4, 385 & 386 n4, 389 & 390 n5, 409 & n4, 509 & n4, 566 & 567 n19 Huxley, Henry 509 & n3 Huxley, Leonard 196 & 197 n8, 509 & n3 Huxley, Nettie 509 & n3 Huxley, Rachel 196 & n4, 509 & n3 Huxley, Thomas Henry 131 & 132 n4, 181 & n5, 216 n4, 453 & 454 n2; S. Butler, CD’s relief at Huxley’s advice not to respond to letter 70 & nn 1–5; on S. Butler’s letter to the Athenæum xix, 67 & 67–8 nn 1–5, 71 & n3; S. Butler’s letter to the Athenæum, CD asks advice on whether to reply 63–4 & 64 nn 1–4, 65 & n4, 68 n1; CD asks Huxley’s opinion on his letter to Nature, ‘Sir Wyville Thomson and Natural Selection’ 370–1 & 371 nn 1–3, 385 & 386 n5; CD enjoyed their talk 370 & 371 n4; CD has read and admires article ‘The coming of age of the Origin of species’ 193 & nn 1–3; CD on Huxley’s lecture at the Zoological Society of London 512 & n3; CD on natural selection xxiii, 197 & 198 nn 1–7; CD on proposed Civil List pension for A.R. Wallace 434–5 & 435 nn 1–2, 505 & 505–6 nn 1–5, 512 & nn 1–2; CD on proposed Civil List pension for A.R. Wallace, signatories 385–6 & 386 nn 1–8, 388 & n3, 464 & nn 1–2, 505 & nn 1–2; CD visits while in London 567 & 568 n43; CD would like to visit while in London 120 & 121 nn 1–2, 458 & 458– 9 nn 1–3, 459 & nn 1–2, 464 & n1; CD’s letter to Nature, ‘Sir Wyville Thomson and Natural Selection’ 370–1 & 371 nn 1–3, 385 & 386 n5, 389 & 390 n3; on Christmas dinner with all his children 509 & n3; Civil List pension for A.R. Wallace xxiv, 361 & n3, 374 & 375 n1, 380 & n5, 389 & 389–90 nn 1–2, 432–3 & 433 nn 1–2, 458 & 459 n2, 459 & n2, 469 & nn 1–4, 486 & 487 n2, 488 & n3, 504 & 505 n3, 512 & 513 n1, 580–1, 584; Civil List pension for A.R. Wallace, advises CD to send memorial to W.E. Gladstone 509 & nn 1–2, 510 & n2, 511 & 512 n2; The crayfish 127 & 129 nn 8–9; W.E. and S. Darwin would like to meet 79 & n4; dogs, his work on 196 & 196–7 nn 5–7; lecture on ‘The coming of age of the Origin of species’ at the Royal Institution xxiii, 173 & 174 n2, 174 & nn 1–6, 291 & n2; lecture on ‘The coming of age of the Origin of species’ at the Royal Institution, CD wished he could have attended 174 & n2; opening address for Mason Science College, ‘Science and culture’ 304–5 & 305 n2, 305 & n1; palaeontology providing evidence in support of evolution 196 & n3;

planned biographies of men of science 127–8 & 129 n10; review of C.W. Thomson’s remarks on natural selection 370 & 371 n1, 371–2 & 372 n4; sent presentation copy of Movement in plants 574 & 576 n6; visits Down 566 & 567 n19; visits Oxford 196 & 197 n8 Hybanthus prunifolius (Ionidium anomalum) 110 & 112 n13, 111 hybridism 387 & 388 nn 2–3, 392 & 393 nn 3–10, 394–5 & 395 nn 1–6, 398 & nn 1–3, 415 & n4, 550 & n4; hybrid fertility 188 & nn 1–2, 393 n10 Hydrochoeris hydrochaeris (capybara; Hydrochoerus hydrochaeris) 369 & 370 n5 hydromedusa (Tiaropsis polydiademata; Mitrocomella polydiademata) 468 n3 Hyères, France 47–8 hypocotyl 43, 66 & 66–7 n5 ice ages 365 & 367 n7, 368 nn 9–12, 378, 471 & 472 n1, 491 & 492 n1 imagery, mental 241 & nn 5–6 Index: CD sends subscription for 175 & n3, 200 n1; W.E. Darwin writes to editor F.E. Abbot on CD’s behalf 226–7 & 227 nn 1–5 India, Bengal 6 n15 Indian fig (Opuntia vulgaris; O. ficus-indica) 228 & n2 inheritance 138 & nn 1–2, 189 & n1, 351–2 & 352 n2, 353 & nn 1–2 see also heredity inland seas 417–18 & 418 n4 Innes, Eliza Mary Brodie 442 & 443 n3 Innes, John Brodie: burglar alarms 287 & n4; burglary at J. Lubbock’s home, High Elms 287 & n2; CD, objects sent not barnacles but lichens 286 & nn 1–2; CD on burglary at J. Lubbock’s home 286 & nn 6–7; CD on visit from ‘vagabond boys’ at Down 286 & n5; CD’s visit to H. Darwin at Cambridge 286 & n3, 287 & n5; finds what he thinks are barnacles on a mountain rock 284 & n2, 286 & 287 n1; health of A.M. Hoole 284 & n3, 286 & n4, 287 & n6, 442 & 443 n2; sale of Tromer Lodge, S.E. Wedgwood’s house 442 & 442–3 n1, 448 & n1; visits Down 284 & n3, 566 & 567 n16 insect pollination 188 n4, 270–2 & 274 nn 1–12 insectivorous plants 463 & n4; sensitivity 73 & 74 n3 Insectivorous plants (CD) 74 n3, 463 & n4, 490 & n1 Insectivorous plants French ed. (CD) 230 & 231 n5, 538 & n5 Insectivorous plants US ed. (CD): sales 309 & nn 1–2 instinctive behaviour xxi; homing 52 & 53 n5, 100 & nn 1–5, 100–1 & 101 nn 1–4; origins of 448 & 449 nn 3–4

Index interglacial periods 471 & 472 n2, 491 & 492 n1 introduced plants 366 & 368 n20, 378–9 & 379 n5 Ionidium anomalum (Hybanthus prunifolius) 110 & 112 n13, 111 Ipomoea jalapa (jalap; I. purga; Convolvulus macrorhizus) 262 & n2 Ipomoea leptophylla (bush morning-glory) 43 & 44 n4, 140 & 141 nn 1–2, 175 & 176 n2, 240 & n2 Ipomoea macrorhiza (largeroot morning-glory) 262 & n2 Ipomoea pandurata (man-of-the-earth; wild potato vine) 165 & 166 n10, 175–6 & 176 n1, n3, 179 & n5, 240 & n2 Ipomoea purpurea see Convolvulus major Ireland 366 & 368 n21; Blarney 206 & n4; failure of potato crop (1879) xxv, 474 & 475 n4, 483 & n8, 506 n3 iridescence in butterflies 32 & 33 nn 1–3 Iroquois tribespeople 444 & 445 nn 2–3 islands 27, 333 & 334 nn 2–3; oceanic 466 & n3, 467 & 468 n2; Pacific 364 & 367 n4, n6 Isle of Wight: Brading, Roman villa 446 & n4, 447 & 447–8 nn 1–2, 449–52 & 452 nn 1–5, 487 & nn 1–3; Cowes 257–8 & 258 n3, 261 n6 Italy: Alps 294 & 295 nn 1–2, 301 & 302 nn 1–2; Brindisi 314 & 315 n2; Macugnaga 294 & 295 n1; Royal Academy of Sciences in Turin award CD Bressa prize 17 & nn 1–2, 19–20 & 20 n1, 23 & nn 1–2, 88 & 89 n3; Scandiano, birthplace of L. Spallanzani 239 & n2, 539 & n2; Scuola Italica honours CD’s studies 356 & 357 n5, 547 & 548 n5 see also Zoological Station, Naples Jackson, Henry William: CD on arrangements for Lewisham and Blackheath Scientific Association members’ visit to Down 243–4 & 244 nn 1–3; CD thanks for note and wishes weather had been better for the visit 247 & n1 Jackson, William 122 & n7 Jäger, Gustav 161 & n5, 456 & n10, 536 & 536–7 n5, 554–5 & 555 n10 jaguar (Panthera onca) 369 & 370 n5 jalap (Ipomoea jalapa; I. purga; Convolvulus macrorhizus) 262 & n2 James, William: W.E. Darwin suggests he visit CD 284 & n1 Jamieson, Thomas Francis 9 n1, 14 & n1 Japan: detection of seismic activity 102 & n1; Ōmori archaeological site 92 n1, 145–6 & 147 nn 1–7, 172 & n5, 189–90 & 190 n2; progress in 14 & n2, 172 & n6; Tokyo 146 & 147 n6, 190 & n5 Jardin des plantes, Paris 313 & n4

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Jeffrey, Francis 128 & 129 n12 Jena University, Germany 79 & n5, 83–4 & 84 n2, 528 & 529 n5 Jessel, George 194–5 & 195 n1, 216 n4 Jessup, Edward 277 & n5 Johnson, Henry xvii, 225 n1; CD sending presentation copy of Movement in plants 390 & n3, 575; CD sends his autograph 398; CD thanks for letter and answers to his questions 390 & nn 1–2, 397 & 398 nn 1–2; CD thanks for notes about archaeology 223 & nn 1–4; false newspaper report stating CD is very ill 506 & nn 1–3, 510 & nn 1–3; work on plant movement 390 & n4 Johnson, Mary Elisabeth 223 & n3, 390 & n1, 506 & n3 W. & A.K. Johnston 460 & 461 n7, 557 & 558 n7 jointgrass (Aegilops cylindrica) 21–2 & 22 n6 Jona, Alfredo 239, 539 Jordan, Alexis 22 n7 Joule, James Prescott 374 & 375 n2, 580 Journal of botany: sent review copy of Movement in plants 346 & n5 Journal of researches (CD) 368 n20; Chilean miners 281 & n3 Journal of researches (1860) (CD) 221–2 & 222 n1, 225 & nn 1–2, 225 & 226 n2, 226 & n1; Lacerta 440 & n4; tuco-tucos 358 & 359 n2, n4 Joyce, James Gerald 319 n1 Judd, John Wesley 467 & 468 n2; CD suggests they meet at E.A. Darwin’s house in London 279–80 & 280 nn 1–4; CD suggests time for Judd to visit Down 288 & nn 1–2; proposes visit to CD at Down 287–8 & 288 nn 1–2; sends CD W. Whitaker’s paper on sea-cliffs and escarpments and hopes his visit has not overtired him 289 & 290 nn 1–2; visits Down 289 & 290 n2, 566 & 568 n32 Keltie, John Scott: preface to B.G. Wilder’s letter to Nature on vivisection 307 & 308 n1, 309 & 310 nn 1–2 Kenilworth Castle, Warwickshire 255 & 256 n5 Kent’s cavern, Torquay 223 n2 Kepler, Johann 298 & n2, 300 & n1 Kerner von Marilaun, Anton: sent presentation copy of Movement in plants 575 & 576 n18 Kerr, Washington Caruthers 471 & 472 n7, 492 & n6, 495 n3, 498 & 499 n1 Kew see Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew Kielland, A.L.: on Chinese guardian lions at Château de Fontainebleau, France 516–18 & 519 nn 1–4, 517, 563–4 & 564 nn 1–3 Kinder Scout, Derbyshire 255 & 256 n3

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Index

King, George: CD invites to visit Down 311–12 & 312 n3; CD on earthworms 312 & 312 n4; CD on travel and visit to Down 315 & nn 1–3; CD thanks for specimens of malformed young pigs 311 & 312 n1; death of J. Scott 311 & n1, 311 & 312 nn 1–2; sends CD specimens of malformed young pigs preserved by J. Scott 311 & n2; sent presentation copy of Movement in plants 575 & 576 n20; visits Down 566 & 568 n34; would be happy to visit Down for dinner 314 & 315 nn 3–4 King, Philip Gidley 384 & n4 Kingsley, Charles 419 & n1 Kingsley, Frances Eliza 419 & n1 Kippist, Richard 317 & n1 Knight, Thomas Andrew: potato experiments 139 & 140 n2, 483 & n7 Knox, Robert Bent 139 & n3 Koch, Eduard 187 & n5, 300 & 301 n1, 345 & n4, 346 & n3, 455 & 456 n7, 554 & 555 n7 Kölreuter, Joseph Gottlieb 392 & 393 n5 Kosmos: CD allowed his name to appear in full title 428 & n2; CD on future of 439 & 440 n2; CD will pay for 263, 282 & 283 n3, 541 & 542 n3; ‘Fertility of hybrids from the common and Chinese goose’, translation published 143–4 & 144 n3, 144 & 145 n2, 532 & n3; issue commemorating CD’s 70th birthday 33 & n2, 35 & n2, 80 & n2, 529 & n2; E. Krause, editor 439 & 440 n2, 465 & n3, 558 & n3; E. Krause, review of S. Butler’s Evolution, old and new 465 & n5, 558 & n5; E. Krause on future of 433–4 & 434 n4, 455 & 456 nn 7–9, 552 & 553 n4, 554 & 555 nn 7–9; E. Krause’s article about CD’s grandfather, ED xviii, 7–8 & 8 n1, 11 & 13 n1, n4, 465 & n3, 558 & n3; F. Müller, ‘Observations on Brazilian butterflies’ 423–4 & 424 n2; H. Müller, ‘Gaston Bonniers angebliche Widerlegung der modernen Blumentheorie’ 251 & 252 nn 1–2, 279 & n2, 295 & 296 n1; prejudice against in Germany 316 & 317 n5, 543 & 544 n5; publisher would like to send to CD free as before 316 & 317 n5, 324 & 325 n3, 543 & 544 n5; review of Movement in plants 433–4 & 434 n3, 552 & 553 n3; ‘The sexual colours of certain butterflies’, translation published 143–4 & 144 n3, 144 & 145 n2, 532 & n3; translation of full title 428 n2; B. Vetter, editor from Oct. 1882 104 n1 see also Krause, Ernst Kovalevskaya, Sofia Vasilyevna 409 n2, 427 n2, 472 n4; CD meets for lunch, and his opinion of 464 & nn 2–4, 567 & 568 n44

Kovalevsky, Vladimir Onufrievich: CD meets for lunch 464 & n2, 472 & n4, 567 & 568 n41, n44; would like to meet CD while in London 408–9 & 409 nn 1–2, 427 & nn 1–2 Krakauer, Alfred: CD replies to his note 31 & n1 Krause, Ernst: asks CD about the name Hooker 37 & n4, 44, 522 & 523 n4; asks CD the meaning of ‘yeoman’ 37 & n3, 44 & n2, 522 & 523 n3; S. Butler’s book, Unconscious memory, Krause intends to respond in Kosmos xix, 465 & nn 1–5, 470 & n3, 502 & nn 1–3, 558 & nn 1–5; CD advises Krause not to respond to S. Butler’s letter to the Athenæum 77–8 & 78 nn 1–5; CD concerned for F. Müller after flood 440 & n3; CD on S. Butler 470 & nn 1–4; CD on Erasmus Darwin, sales and profits 78 & n7, 263 & n3, 263–4 & 263 n1, 325; CD on Erasmus Darwin, sends review 18 & 19 n2; CD on Erasmus Darwin, suggests delay sending phototype and electrotypes due to fire at premises of the Autotype Company 144 & 145 n1; CD on error about ED’s date of death in Erasmus Darwin 84 & n2; CD on future of Kosmos 439 & 440 n2; CD on Kosmos, intends to pay for 263 & n2; CD on Kosmos, thanks for continuing to send it to him for free 324 & 325 n3; CD on F. Müller’s articles 324–5 & 325 n3, 440 & n4; CD praises Krause’s article on ED 325 & nn 4–5; CD sends S. Butler’s letter to the Athenæum 71 & nn 1–4; CD thanks for 2d ed. of Krause’s book, Werden und Vergehen 324 & 325 n1; CD thanks for articles 262–3 & 263 n1; CD thanks for German edition of Erasmus Darwin 182 & 182–3 nn 1–5; CD will send Movement in plants 325 & n6; comments on S. Butler’s letter to the Athenæum 74 & 74–5 nn 1–6, 526 & 527 nn 1–6; decides not to respond to S. Butler’s letter to the Athenæum 93–4 & 94 nn 1–3, 530 & nn 1–3; error about ED’s date of death in Erasmus Darwin 80 & n3, 529 & n3; essay about ED xviii, 7–8 & 8 nn 1–3, 11 & 13 n1, n4, 18 n1, 55–7 & 58 n19, n20, n23, n25, 57 n7, 72 & n3, 80 & n2, 325 & n4, 465 & n3, 502 & n3, 529 & n2, 558 & n3; German edition of Erasmus Darwin 11 & 13 n2, 18 & 19 n3, 25 & n3, 179–80 & 180 nn 1–3, 283 & n6, 465 n3, 522 & n3, 537 & nn 1–3, 541 & 542 n6, 558 n3; German edition of Erasmus Darwin, delay because phototype and electrotypes not received from J. Murray 143 & 144 n2, 144 & 145 n1, 531–2 & 532 n2; G. Jäger, newspaper report that he had fallen under train 456 & n10, 554–5 & 555 n10; Kosmos, future of 433–4 & 434 n4, 455 &

Index 456 nn 7–9, 552 & 553 n4, 554 & 555 nn 7–9; Kosmos, Krause will inform publishers that CD intends to pay 2 years’ subscription 263 & n2, 282 & 283 n3, 541 & 542 n3; Kosmos, publisher would like to send to CD as before 316 & 317 n5, 543 & 544 n5; Kosmos, publishing CD’s recent letters to Nature 143–4 & 144 n3, 144 & 145 n2, 532 & n3; F. Müller, flood and his latest papers 433–4 & 434 n5, 445 & n2, 552 & 553 n5; F. Müller, sends copy of Muller’s article on regeneration of lost limbs 454–5 & 456 nn 4–6, 553–4 & 555 nn 4–6; pangenesis hypothesis 454 & 456 nn 2–3, 553 & 555 nn 2–3; possible French edition of Erasmus Darwin 25 & n4, 522 & n4; returns copy of S. Butler’s letter to the Athenæum 76 & nn 1–3, 527 & nn 1–3; review of S. Butler’s Evolution, old and new 465 & n5, 558 & n5; on reviews of Erasmus Darwin 25 & n2, 36–7 & 37 n2, 258–9 & 259 nn 1–5, 521–2 & 522 n2, 522 & 523 n2, 540 & 540–1 nn 1–5; sends CD 2d ed. of his book, Werden und Vergehen 316 & 317 n2, 543 & n2; sends CD birthday congratulations 80 & n2, 529 & n2; sends CD German edition of Erasmus Darwin 179–80 & 180 nn 1–3, 537 & nn 1–3; sends CD lecture by O. Zöckler 258–9 & 259 n3, 540 & 541 n3; thanks CD for cheque for profits of Erasmus Darwin 282 & 283 n4, 541 & 542 n4; thanks CD for presentation copy of Movement in plants 433 & 434 nn 2–3, 552 & 553 nn 2–3, 575 & 576 n32; Ultramontanists’ criticism of H. Müller for recommending Krause’s book Werden und Vergehen be taught in schools 316 & 317 n4, 324 & 325 n2, 543 & 544 n4; M. Wagner’s articles opposed to theory of selection 144 & n4, 532 & n4 see also Erasmus Darwin (CD); Kosmos Kühne, Wilhelm Friedrich 258 & nn 5–6, 261 n3 La Plata, South America 366 & 368 n20 laccoliths 166 & 167 n2 Lacerta 440 & n4 Lacordaire, Jean Théodore 99 & n4, 530 & n4 Lafitau, Joseph-François 444 & 445 n3 Lake District 277 & n4, nn 6–7, 504 n3 Lama guanicoe (guanaco) 369 & 370 n5 Lamarck, Jean Baptiste de 8 n2, 58 n23 laminae, geology 495 & n2, n4, 498–9 & 499 nn 1–3 Lancaster, Joseph 66 n1 Lange, Friedrich Albert 204 & 205 n5 Langton, Catherine: Castle Morton tithes 243 & n2; trust 1 & n1 Langton, Charles 384 & n2 Langton, Emily Caroline 10 & 11 n15

771

Lankester, Edwin Ray: CD invites to Down to visit 192 & nn 1–2, 194 n4, 566 & 567 n13; Degeneration: a chapter in Darwinism 191 & nn 1–2 large tortoiseshell (Nymphalis polychloros) 32 & 33 n2 largeroot morning-glory (Ipomoea macrorhiza) 262 & n2 larvae, beetle 98 & 99 n3, 101 Lawrence, John 10 & 11 n9 Layton, Charles 134–5 & 135 n1, 308–9 & 309 nn 1–2 Lea, Arthur Sheridan 258 & n6, 261 & n4 learning, in animals 234–5 & 235 nn 1–3 leaves: decay in 418 & 419 n9; substances exuded from 181 & 182 n1, n3, 214 & 214–15 n15, 476 & n5 Leclerc, Georges Louis, comte de Buffon 502 & n2 Leiopelma 394 n2 Lemuria 366 & 368 n23 Lepidium (pepperweed) 164 & 166 nn 7–8 Lesseps, Ferdinand 128 & 129 n16 LeSueur, William Dawson 268 & 269 n4 The Levellers 5 & 7 n18 Lewis, Thomas 294 n2 Lewisham and Blackheath Scientific Association, members visit Down xxiii, 243–4 & 244 nn 1–3, 247 & n1 lichens 286 & n2, 286 & 287 n1 life: definition of 3; on earth, origin of 485 & nn 1–2 ligaments 39 & 41 n3, 51 & n2, 523 & 525 n3 light: and cotyledons 501 & 502 n4; effect of brief flashes on plants xx, 473 & 474 n3, 488 & n1, 494 & n2, 506 & 507 n6; and leaf movements 412 & 413 n4; and rate of growth 208 & 209 & n3 lily tree (Magnolia conspicua; M. denudata) 188 n3 Limenitis camilla (white admiral) 32 & 33 n3 Lincolnshire: Cleatham Estate 117 & 118 n2, 214 n5; Lincoln 214 & n5 Lindley, John 87 & 88 nn 3–4 Linné, Carl von (Carolus Linnaeus) 5 & 7 n19, 234 & 235 n1, 377 & n2 Linnean Society: G.J. Allman president 486 & 487 n2; FD presents papers 488 & n2, 493 & 494 n1; post of librarian 317 & nn 1–2, 361 n2; sent presentation copy of Movement in plants 574 & 576 n2 lions, Chinese guardian, Château de Fontainebleau, France 516–18 & 519 nn 1–4, 517, 563–4 & 564 nn 1–3 Lisianthus vasculosus (ring-gentian; Symbolanthus vasculosus) 271–2 & 274 nn 5–10, 273, 295 & 296 n2

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Litchfield, Henrietta Emma 23 & n3, 167 & n5; advice to CD should he decide to reply to S. Butler’s letter in the Athenæum 60 & 60–1 nn 7–10; advises CD not to reply to S. Butler’s letter in the Athenæum xix, 58–9 & 60 nn 1–3; CD and Emma visit xxvi, 359 & n1, 360 & nn 1–2, 361 n1, 361 & n2, 370 & 371 n4, 372 & n1, 567 & 568 n35; CD asks for advice on his reply to S. Butler’s letter to the Athenæum 53 & 57 nn 1–7; CD gives a portion of his surplus income 28 & 29 nn 1–2; Darwin children send CD gift of a fur coat xxvi, 37 & n1, 37–8 & 38 nn 1–4; E. Darwin writes about visit from E.H. and M.C. Stanley 446 & n6; E. Darwin writes on J.W.C. Fegan’s use of Down Reading Room 104 n1; sent presentation copy of Movement in plants 575 & 576 n12; visits Down 258 n4, 315 & n2 Litchfield, Richard Buckley 53 & 57 n2, 70 & n5, 201 & n5, 241 & 242 n7, 362 & n3; advises CD not to reply to S. Butler’s letter in the Athenæum xix, 59–60 & 60 nn 4–6, 61–2 & 62–3 nn 1–8, 64 & n2, 68 & 68–9 nn 1–2, 71 & n3; CD and Emma visit xxvi, 359 & n1, 360 & nn 1–2, 361 n1, 361 & n2, 567 & 568 n35; CD thanks for his and Henrietta’s advice about S. Butler 64–5 & 65 nn 1–6; offers draft of a letter if CD were to decide to respond to S. Butler 68 & 69 nn 3–5; visits Down 258 n4, 315 & n2; Working Men’s College summer excursion to Cambridge 227 & nn 1–2 Liveing, George Downing 484 Living Cirripedia (CD) 89 & n3, 209 & 211 n2, 282 n3 lizards 440 & n4 Lloyd, Francis 178 & nn 1–4 Lochaber, Scotland 9 n1 Lockyer, Joseph Norman: editor of Nature 145 & 147 n1, 171–2 & 172 n2; visits Down 567 & 568 n40 locomotion: in medusae 468 & n3; in sea urchins 398 & n4 locustberries (Byrsonima) 271 & 274 n4 loess 471 & 472 n5 see also glacial deposits Loftus, Orphie (Wilooshwahwilis) 9–10 & 11 n8 Loring, Barry 10 & 11 n10 Lotus (trefoil; deervetch) 267 & n3 Louise Caroline Alberta, princess 238 & n8 love, evolution of xxii, 73 & n2, 75 & 76 n4 Lowe, Hudson 128 & 129 n13 Lowell, James Russell: visits CD in Southampton 213 & 214 n10 Lubbock, Constance Mary 567 & 568 n38 Lubbock, Gertrude 566 & 567 n14 Lubbock, John 125–6 & 126 n2, n8, 319 n8, 361 &

n3, 385 & 386 n6, 388 & n3; burglary at home, High Elms 286 & nn 6–7, 287 & n2; CD dined with 566 & 567 n20; Civil List pension for A.R. Wallace xxiv, 486 & 487 n3, 488 & n3, 504 & 505 n3, 505 & 506 n5, 584; elected as MP for University of London 217–18 & 219 n3, 354–5 & 355 n6; friend and neighbour of Darwin family 291 & n3; on presentation list for Movement in plants 404 & n5, 574 & 576 n4; standing for election as MP for University of London 194 & nn 1–3, 194–5 & 195 nn 1–2; visits Down 566 & 567 n14, 567 & 568 n40 Ludlow, John Malcolm Forbes 270 n1, 278 & n3, 294 & n2; CD sending statement of the assets of Down Friendly Society 267 & n1 Lumbricidae 234 & n1 Lumbricus 234 & n2 Lunar Society of Birmingham 6 n14, 116 & 117 n4 Lycaena phlaeas (small copper) 32 & 33 n2 Lycalopex vetulus see Canis vetulus Lyell, Charles 9 n1, 581 & 584 n7; climate change 365 & 368 n10; death of 280 & n4; ripplemarks 399 & 400 n5 Lynch, Richard Irwin 377 & n7 Lythrum 18 & n3 Lythrum salicaria (purple loosestrife) 394 & 395 n4 McDermott, Frederick: asks whether CD believes in the New Testament 419 & n1; CD on religious views 423 & n1 Macdonald, William: Otago Institute, Dunedin, New Zealand; congratulations on 21st anniversary of publication of Origin 571–2 McIntosh, William Carmichael: CD on earthworms xxi, 234 & nn 1–2 Mackintosh, Daniel: CD on changes of land and sea levels 386–7 & 387 nn 1–3; CD thanks for letter and sends an article 495 & nn 1–5; cites CD in his article on deposits in Welsh hills 387 n3, 408 n3; gravel and sand deposits in the Welsh hills 382 & 383 nn 1–2, 407–8 & 408 nn 1–3; sends CD an outline of his paper on the Moel Tryfan deposits 34–5 & 35 nn 1–4, 383 n1, 498–9 & 499 nn 1–3; survey of erratic boulders in England and Wales 471 & 472 n3, 491–2 & 492 n3; thanks CD for article and sends extract about deposits on Moel Tryfan 498–9 & 499 nn 1–3 McLennan, Eleanora Anne 49 & 50 n4, 445 & n5 McLennan, John Ferguson: accepts CD’s offer to lend him book on Australian aborigines 443 & n3, 444 & 445 nn 1–2; G.H. Darwin has letter from 117 & 118 n6, 119 & n7; G.H. Darwin

Index visits 49 & 50 n3, 127 & 129 n5; death of 117 & 118 n6; illness 445 & n4; on work of L.H. Morgan 444 & 445 n3 McNab, William Ramsay 575 & 576 n13 Macugnaga, Italy 294 & 295 n1 Madagascar 366 & 368 n23 maggots 128 & 129 n15 Magnolia 188 & n3 malformation 311 & n2 mallow family (Malvaceae) 17–18 & 18 n1 mammals, scarce in Pacific islands 364 & 367 n4 Mammuthus primigenius (woolly mammoth) 253 & n2 Manchester, Owen’s College 397 n2 mangel-wurzel (Beta vulgaris; mangold wurzel) 140 & 141 n1 Maniola jurtina (meadow brown) 32 & 33 n2 man-of-the-earth (Ipomoea pandurata) 165 & 166 n10, 175–6 & 176 n1, n3, 179 & n5, 240 & n2 Manton, Lincolnshire 214 & n5 Mapuche, tribespeople 9 & 11 n5 Marah fabacea see Megarrhiza californica Marah oregana see Megarrhiza oregana Marcgravia acuminata (M. coriacea) 109 & 112 n8 marine theory 8 & 9 n1, 14 & n1 markings, on feathers 137 & n1 Marnock, Robert 228 & n1 Marsh, Othniel Charles: CD thanks for book 290 & n1; sends CD copy of his book on Odontornithes 261–2 & 262 n1; visited Down (1878) 261–2 & 262 n1 Marshall, Victor 277 & n6, 504 & n3; visits Down 566 Marshall, Victoria Alberta Alexandrina 277 & n6, 504 & n3; visits Down 566 Marshall, William Cecil 504 & n3 Martindale, Isaac C. 188 & n2 Martins, Charles Frédéric: sent presentation copy of Movement in plants 576 Marx, Karl: Das Kapital 337 n1 Mason, Josiah 28 n7; invitation for CD to attend opening of Mason Science College, Birmingham 304–5 & 305 nn 1–3, 305 & n1 Mason Science College, Birmingham 27 & 28 n7, 304–5, 305 n2, 581–2 & 584 n10 Masters, Maxwell Tylden: alerts CD to possible mistake in the work of J. Chatin, quoted in Movement in plants 427–8 & 428 nn 1–3; CD thanks for note about J. Chatin 430 & 431 nn 1–2 Matthews, Richard 201 n3 Mauritius 366 & 368 n22, 379 & 380 n9 Maw, George: CD on G. Darwin’s experiments on directional instinct in boys 377 & 378 n3; CD

773

on description of dogs by Carolus Linnaeus 377 & n2; CD thanks for monograph on crocuses 377 & 378 n4; on tail curving to the left in dead animals 373; work on crocuses 374 & n1 maxillae 217 n3 Maxwell, James Clerk 269 & n7 May, Arthur Dampier 70 n4 meadow brown (Maniola jurtina) 32 & 33 n2 measles 265 & 266 n4 medusae 468 & n3 Meehan, Thomas: hybrid fertility 188 & nn 1–3; movements of stamens and stigmas 228 & nn 1–3 Megarrhiza 133 & n1, n6, 140 & 141 n2, 150 & 151 n2 Megarrhiza californica (California manroot; Marah fabacea) xix–xx, 36 & n2, 43 & 43–4 nn 1–3, 44 & 45 nn 2–3, 66 & 66–7 nn 2–7, 95–6 & 96–7 nn 1–4, 133 & n4, n6, 141 n2, 163–5 & 165–6 n1, n2, n3, n5, n9, 164–5, 178–9 & 179 nn 1–3, 240 n1, 363 & n1, 422 n4 Megarrhiza oregana (western wild cucumber; coastal manroot; Marah oregana) 133 & nn 5–6, 163 & 165 n3 Melampsorella caryophyllacearum see Aecidium elatinum Meldola, Raphael: asks CD which issues of Kosmos contain parts of F. Müller’s paper on Brazilian butterflies 423–4 & 424 n2; CD gives issues of Kosmos containing parts of F. Müller’s paper 428 & n1; CD not an editor of Kosmos 428 & n2; employment 424 n3; president of the Epping Forest and County of Essex Naturalists Field Club 23 n1; C.W. Thomson’s lack of understanding of natural selection 424 & n4; translating A. Weismann’s Studien zur Descendenz-Theorie 423 & 424 n1 Mellersh, Arthur 395 & 396 n1; has been unwell 10 & 11 n14; health improved 384 & nn 4–5, 396 & n2; severe sciatica 14 & n3 Mellersh, Henrietta Alice 10 & 11 n14 Mellersh, Henrietta Frances: cataracts 384 & n5 Melochia parvifolia 17–18 & 18 nn 1–2, 108 & 110 n4 Mendola, Antonio: CD declines Mendola’s offer to send him specimens 26 & nn 1–2 Mengozzi, Giovanni Ettore 480; CD does not believe living beings show evidence of design 356–7 & 357 nn 1–3, 547 & nn 1–3; CD elected honorary president of la Scuola Italica 425 & n3, 477 & 482 nn 2–3, 551 & n3, 559 & 563 nn 2–3, 572–3 & 573 n1; CD thanks for Della filosofia della medicina 356 & 357 n4, 547 & n4; CD thanks for his book on the classification of natural beings 425 & 426 n2; CD thanks the

774

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Mengozzi, Giovanni Ettore, cont. Scuola Italica for honouring him 356 & 357 n5, 425 & 426 n2, 547 & 548 n5; dedicates his book on the classification of natural beings to CD 425 & n3, 477 & 482 n4, 551 & n3, 559 & 563 n4; on science and religion 343–4 & 344–5 nn 1–3, 357–8 & 358 nn 1–3, 546 & 547 nn 1–3, 548 & nn 1–3; sends CD tables from his book on the classification of natural beings 477–9, 481 & 482 n1, 559–62 & 563 n1; thanks CD for signed presentation copy of Movement in plants 424–5 & 425 n2, 550–1 & 551 n2 mental evolution 372 & n3, 373 n6 mental imagery 241 & nn 5–6 Menzies’ pepperweed (Lepidium menziesii; Lepidium virginicum ssp. menziesii) 164 & 166 n8 Meredith, William 5 & 7 n16 Merostomata 171 & n3 mesquite grass (Hilaria belangeri) 16 & 17 n5 meteorites 485 & n1 mice 496 & nn 1–3 microphones, used to detect seismic activity 102 & n1 microscope, sent anonymously to CD by J.M. Herbert 499 & 500 n2 midges 324–5 & 325 n3 Midland Union of Scientific and Literary Societies: Darwin Prize and medal 247 & 248 nn 1–3, 249 & 250 nn 1–2, 250–1 & 251 nn 1–4, 252 & nn 1–2, 256 & 257 n12 mignonette (Reseda odorata) 252 n2 migration of species 418 & nn 4–6 Miliarakis, Spyridon: translated W. Preyer’s biographical sketch of CD into Greek 240 & n2 millstone grit 255 & 256 n3 Milne, John 102 & n1 miners, Chilean 281 & n3 Mitrocomella polydiademata see Tiaropsis polydiademata Mivart, St George Jackson xviii, xix, 67 & 68 n4, 183 n5; G.J. Romanes disagrees with 372 & 373 n6 ML (CD) 371 n3 mock-orange (Philadelphus) 128 & 129 n17, 218 & 219 n6, 354 & 355 n3 Moel Tryfan (Wales) 34–5 & 35 n1, n3, 382 & 383 n1, 386 & 387 n2, 408 & nn 1–3, 498–9 & 499 nn 1–3 Mohl, Mary Elizabeth: lunched with CD 566 & 568 n31 molluscs 364 & 367 n6 Moniez, Romain-Louis: CD thanks for sending his study of tapeworm larvae 332 & nn 1–2

Monk, Henry Wentworth: requests meeting with CD 289 & n1 monkeys: G.J. Romanes acquires one xxii, 488 & 489 nn 3–4, 494 & n3 Montgomery, Alexander: Otago Institute, Dunedin, New Zealand; congratulations on 21st anniversary of publication of Origin 571–2 moon 467 & 468 n3 Moore, Joseph 251 & n4 moraines 491–2 & 492 nn 3–5 see also glacial deposits morality 202–5 & nn 2–4, 207 & 208 n3, 268–9 & 269 nn 1–7 Moreton Bay pine (Araucaria cunninghamii) 453 & 454 n3 Morgan, Lewis Henry: work on aboriginal peoples 444 & 445 n2 Morison, James Augustus Cotter 48 & n4 Morley, John 127 & 129 n10 morphology 77 & nn 3–4, 528 & nn 3–4 Morren, Édouard: sent presentation copy of Movement in plants 575 & 577 n33 Morris, William 216 n4 Morrison, Alfred 130, 136 & n3, 147 & 150 n3, 151 & 152 n2 Morrison, Charles 130, 136 & n3, 147 & 150 n3, 151 & 152 n2 Morse, Edward Sylvester 92 n1; CD sends Morse’s letter to Nature 171–2 & 172 nn 1–3, 172 & nn 1–6; sends CD a review of F.V. Dickins’s review of Shell mounds of Omori and asks that CD send it to Nature 145–6 & 147 nn 1–7, 189 & 190 n1 mortality xxii, 104 & n1 Moseley, Henry Nottidge: CD invites to Down to visit 191 & nn 1–2; F.V. Dickins’s reputation as a scientist and his knowledge of Japan 189–90 & 190 nn 1–5; invited to Down 192 & n2, 194 n4, 566 & 567 n13 Mostyn Owen, William xx, 407 & n5, 411 & n2 mould, leaf 447 & n1, 515 & 516 nn 3–4 Moulton, John Fletcher: opinion of M. Guthrie’s critique of H. Spencer’s views on natural selection 69 & nn 2–3, 75 & 76 nn 1–2 mountain chains 418 & n4 movement in plants 410 & n5; J.S. Burdon Sanderson’s work 515 & n2; Dionaea 515 & nn 2–3; H. Johnson’s work 390 & n4 movement in plants (CD’s work) 565; circumnutation 565; Commelina 457 & n5; geotropism 66 & 67 n7, 417 & 418 n2, 457 n5; germination in Delphinium 44 & 45 n3, 150 & 151 n3; germination in Ipomoea 140 & 141 nn 1–2, 176 n2, 240

Index & n2; germination in Megarrhiza xix–xx, 36 & n2, 43 & nn 1–2, 43 & 43–4 nn 1–3, 44 & 45 n2, 95–6 & 96–7 nn 1–4, 95–6 & 96–7 nn 1–4, 150 & 151 n2, n4, 178–9 & 179 nn 1–4, 240 n1; germination in Trichosanthes 36 & n3; heliotropism 79 n3; J. Sachs held different views to CD 187 & n3, 486 & n5; sensitivity of the radicle 292 & 293 n3, 461–2 & 462 n2; sleep 36 & n1, 209 n2, 463 & n6, 515 & n4 Movement in plants (CD) xvii, xix–xx, 218 & 219 n5, 565 & 567 n1, 574–9; Abronia umbellata 421 & 422 n5; advertisement placed in Nature 376 & 377 n4, 381 & n4; Aecidium elatinum 473 & n1; D. Appleton & Co. would be pleased to receive plates 300 & nn 1–2; Averrhoa bilimbi 267 & 268 n6; Bauhinia 411 & 413 n3; book should have thinner paper 245, 249 & n6; CD comments on 325, 390, 404 & n1, 417; CD on alternative titles xx, 184 & nn 1–3; CD on corrections to proofs 249, 260 & n2, 267 & 267–8 nn 1–6, 276–7 & 277 n2, 337, 565 & 567 n1; CD on illustrations 405 & n2, 416 & n3, 435 & n3; CD on index, ‘worst ever published’ 376–7 & 377 nn 5–7; CD on number of copies to be printed 244 & n1, 249 & n3, 254–5 & 255 n1; CD on price 249 & n5, 254–5 & 255 n1; CD waiting for proofs 224 & n5, 233 & n1; CD will pay the costs of publishing xx, 254–5 & 255 n1, 369 n1, 376 & 377 n2, 404 & n2, 417 & n5; CD would like J.V. Carus to translate for German edition 186–7 & 187 nn 1–5, 297 & nn 1–2; circumnutation 187 & n2, 260 & n4, 297 & n2, 413 n2, 448 & 449 n2, 462–3 & 463 n2, 501 & n3, 502 n5; cited T. Meehan 228 n2; cited E. Stahl 260 & 260–1 n6, 267 & 268 n5; cited H. de Vries 463 & n7; R.F. Cooke on arrangements with D. Appleton & Co. 290 & n1; R.F. Cooke on number of copies to be printed and price 245 & 246 nn 1–5, 254 & nn 1–2, 369 & n1; R.F. Cooke on progress with printing 380–1 & 381 nn 1–4; R.F. Cooke regrets CD not happy with index 380 & 381 n2; copy sent to A. de Candolle 211 & n6; cotyledons 36 & nn 2–3, 473 & 474 n3, 501 & 502 n4; Cucurbitaceae 412 & 413 n5, 421 & 422 nn 3–4; G.H. Darwin produced several drawings frontispiece, 399 & 400 nn 1–3, 401; delay due to late delivery of index 376 & nn 1–5; Delphinium nudicaule 44 & 45 n3; electrotypes for French and German translations, charges for 345 & nn 1–4, 346 & nn 1–3, 347 & n1; FD assisting CD with corrections to proofs 260 & n2, 267 & 267–8 nn 1–6, 276–7 & 277 n2; FD credited on title

775 page 411 & 413 n1, 457 & n3, 555 & n3; finished writing manuscript 211 & n4, 228 n1; French translation by É. Heckel 244 & n3, 249, 306 & n2, 339 & n3, 431 & nn 1–3, 542 & n2, 545 & n3; German translation by J.V. Carus 244 & n3, 249, 300–1 & 301 n1, 302 & 304 n1, 403–4 & 404 n1, 409–10 & 410 nn 1–2; heliotropism 79 n3; illustrations, G.H. Darwin produced several drawings frontispiece, 399 & 400 nn 1–3, 401, 405 & n2, 435 n3; indexer, M. Smith 244 & n2, 249 & n9, 290 & 291 n2, 346 & n4, 376 & n3, 376–7 & 377 n5, 380 & 381 n2; Ipomoea leptophylla 141 n2; lettering on spine 345, 346; letters of thanks for copies sent 405 & 406 n2, 408 & n1, 409 & nn 1–2, 410 & nn 1–2, 411–12 & 413 n1, 414–15 & 415 nn 1–3, 424–5 & 425 n2, 429 & n2, 433 & 434 nn 2–3, 436–7 & 437 n1, 448 & 449 n1, 452 & n1, 453 & n1, 457 & n2, 458 & n2, 460 & 461 n2, 461–2 & 462 n1, 462–3 & 463 n1, 468 & n2, 500–1 & 501 n1, 549–50 & 550 nn 1–3, 550–1 & 551 n2, 551 & 552 n2, 552 & 553 nn 2–3, 555 & n2, 556 & n2, 556–7 & 557 n2; light, importance of 412 & 413 n4, 473 & 474 n3, 494 & n2, 501 & 502 n4; long first chapter 297 & n2; Lotus 267 & n3; Megarrhiza californica 36 & n2, 44 n3, 45 n3, 66 n3, 67 n5, n7, 141 n2, 178 & 179 n2, 363 & n2, 422 n4; Phalaris canariensis 473 & 474 n3; presentation list 340 & 341 n3, 345 & n2, 346 & n6, 376 & 377 n3, 404 & n5, 574–6 & 576–7 nn 1–47; price 245 & 246 nn 1–5, 254 & nn 1–2, 369 & n1; proof-sheets 185 & nn 1–2, 244 & n1; pulvinus in Desmodium 260 & n4; quoted J. Chatin 427 & 428 n1, 430 & 431 n1; quoted J. Sachs 267 & 268 n4; radicles 391 & 392 n3, 409 & n3, 461–2 & 462 n2, 463 & n3; reception in Germany 487 & n4; review copies sent 346 & n5, 427 & 428 n1; reviews xx, 313 & n4, 346 & n5, 432 & n5, 433 & 434 n3, 446 n4, 552 & 553 n3, 578–9; reviews, The Times xx, 404 & n2, 405 & n6, 407 & n3, 410 & n3, 411 & n4, 417 & n5, 419 & 420 n1, 429 & 430 n1; sales 370 & n1, 376 & 377 n2, 381, 404 & n2, 417 & n5, 565 & 567 n4; sales, more copies needed xx, 431 & nn 1–2, 435 & n1, n3, 437 & n1, 444 & n4, 446 & n3, 567 n4; sensitivity of plants 292 & 293 n3, 448 & 449 n1, 458 & n4, 556 & n4; sleep 463 & n6, 515 & n4; Trichosanthes anguina 36 & n3; typeface 187 & n2; Vicia faba 391 & 392 n3; woodcuts frontispiece, 187 & n2, 248–9 & 249 n3, 254 & n1, 267 & 268 n6, 297 & n2, 300 & 301 n1, 345 & n1, 346 & nn 1–3, 399 & 400 nn 1–3, 401, 405 & n2, 416 & n3, 435 n3

776

Index

Movement in plants French ed. (CD) 340 & 341 n1, 345 & n1, 346 & n2, 347 & n1 Movement in plants German ed. (CD) 345 & n4, 346 & n3; CD would like J.V. Carus to translate 186–7 & 187 nn 1–5 Mulan magnolia (Magnolia liliiflora) 188 n3 Mulholland, John 151 & 152 n3 Müller, Fritz 18 & n4, 162 n8, 455 & 456 n9, 554 & 555 n9; article in Kosmos on dimorphic females in midges 324–5 & 325 n3; article on regeneration of lost limbs in crustaceans 440 & n4, 454–5 & 456 nn 4–6, 553–4 & 555 nn 4–6; articles 434 & n5, 552 & n5; death of daughter, Rosa 185 & 186 n2; house damaged in flood 434 & n5, 445 & n1, 552 & 553 n5; house damaged in flood, CD offers to send money 436 & n1, 440 & n3, 445 & 446 n3; ‘Observations on Brazilian butterflies’ 423–4 & 424 n2; sent presentation copy of Movement in plants 575 Müller, Hermann 272 & 274 n8, 455 & 456 n9, 554 & 555 n9; CD offers to send money to F. Müller if he has lost scientific equipment due to flood 436 & n1, 440 & n3; CD on Müller’s review of G. Bonnier’s book on nectaries 251 & 252 nn 1–2, 295 & 296 n1; criticised by Ultramontanists for recommending E. Krause’s book be taught in schools 316 & 317 n4, 324 & 325 n2, 543 & 544 n4; death of F. Müller’s daughter, Rosa 185 & 186 n2; flood at F. Müller’s home 445 & 445–6 nn 1–3; Movement in plants, appreciation of 445 & 446 n4; Movement in plants, review of 433–4 & 434 n3, 446 n4, 552 & 553 n3; Movement in plants, sent presentation copy of 575; Movement in plants, thanks CD for presentation copy, and sends his book on alpine flowers 436–7 & 437 nn 1–2; read Erasmus Darwin 186 & n4; on review of G. Bonnier’s book on nectaries 279 & n2; son’s proposed visit to CD 279 & n1, 437 & n3; thanks CD for sending preface for 2d ed. Forms of flowers 185 & 186 n1; working on book on alpine flowers 185 & 186 n3, 279 & n3 Müller, Rosa: death of 185 & 186 n2 Müller, Wilhelm Hermann 279 & n1, 437 & n3 Mundella, Anthony John 207 & n1 Munk, Hermann 515 & n3 Munns, William 449 & 452 n3 Murie, James: appointed librarian at Linnean Society 361 n2; candidate for librarian at Linnean Society 317 & nn 1–2; CD asks for G.J. Allman’s address 475 & nn 1–2; CD asks for article from the Zoologist 360 & 361 nn 1–3

Murray, John (1808–92) 22 n3, 184 & n2, 187 & n4, 221 & 222 n1, 245 & 246 n2, 248 & 249 n2, 339 & n4, 347 & n1, 354 & 355 n1, 405 & 406 n2, 429 & 430 n1, 435 n3, 437 & n1, 444 & n4, 460 & 461 n2, 545 & n4, 556 & 557 n2, 575; CD, note introducing R.B. Litchfield 227 & nn 1–2; CD asks how many copies of Movement in plants should be printed 244 & n1; CD asks Murray to find an indexer for Movement in plants 244 & n2; CD asks Murray to send woodcuts from Climbing plants to W.S. Dallas as illustrations for paper by FD 223–4 & 224 nn 1–3; CD asks that Murray allow R.F. Charles to use extracts from Journal of researches for school readers 225 & nn 1–2, 225 & 226 n3; CD thanks for Sketches of the wild sports and natural history of the Highlands 404 & nn 3–4; CD would like copy of Forms of flowers 2d ed. 223–4 & 224 n4; delay in sending phototype and electrotypes for German ed. of Erasmus Darwin 143 & 144 n2, 144 & 145 n1, 531–2 & 532 n2; gives consent for R.F. Charles to use extracts from Journal of researches for school readers 226 & n1; profits on Erasmus Darwin 263 & n3, 263–4 & 263 n1; sale dinners (November) 370 n1, 376 & 377 n2, 565 & 567 n4 see also Cooke, Robert Francis Murray, John (1841–1914): paper ‘On the structure and origin of coral reefs and islands’ 304 & n2, 305 & 306 n2; shore deposits surveyed by HMS Challenger 466 n3 Murray, John Thomas: CD identifies specimen of Drosera 24 & n1 muscles: control of 192–3 & 193 n1, n3, 194 & nn 1–2; facial 383 & n2 musk ox (Ovibos moschatus) 253 & n2 mustard 97 & 99 n2 mutualism 109 & 112 n10 Myddelton Biddulph, Fanny xx–xxi, 472 & n4 Nägeli, Carl Wilhelm von 392 & 393 n8 naked broomrape (Aphyllon uniflorum; Orobanche uniflora) 228 & n3 Napier, Macvey 128 & 129 n12, 299 & n5 Naples Zoological Station 80–1 & 81–2 nn 2–8, 88 & 89 n2; CD offers to pay for apparatus with Bressa prize money 88–9 & 89 n3; CD subscribes to series Fauna und Flora des Golfes von Neapel 396 & nn 1–2; H. Darwin suggests CD donate the Bressa prize money to 23 & n2; funding for British scientists 102–3 & 103 nn 1–5, 106 n2, 114 & 116 n2; G.H. Schneider, conflict with F.A. Dohrn 159 & 161 n3, 535 & 536 n3; Zoologischer Jahresbericht 404 n2

Index Napoleon I 128 & 129 n13 Nash, Louisa A’hmuty 16, 17 & n4, 63 & n5 Nash, Wallis: CD thanks for letter 63 & nn 1–5; illness 63 & n2; on life in Oregon, USA 15–17 & 17 nn 1–5 Nassa (sea snails) 281 & 282 n2 Nathusius, Hermann Engelhard von 189 n1 Natural History Museum, London 173 & 174 n3 natural selection xviii, xxiii, 51 & n3, 69 & nn 2–3, 75 & 76 nn 1–2, 177 n2; C.W. Thomson 370–1 & 371 n1, 371–2 & 372 nn 2–4, 424 & n4; M. Wagner’s opposition to 144 & n4, 532 & n4; A.R. Wallace 20 & 20–1 nn 1–4 see also evolution natural selection (CD comments on) xxiii, 20, 197 & 198 nn 1–8 see also evolution Nature: advertisement for Movement in plants 376 & 377 n4, 381 & n4; announcement for Movement in plants, J. Murray uses title ‘Circumnutation of plants’ 187 & n4; FD, abstracts of papers 476 & 477 n6, 504 & n1; F.V. Dickins, review of E.S. Morse’s Shell mounds of Omori 145–6 & 147 nn 1–7; A. Ernst, ‘On the fertilisation of Cobæa penduliflora’ 270 & 274 n2, 295 & 296 n1; A. Ernst, ‘On the heterostylism of “Melochia Parvifolia”’ 17–18 & 18 n1; T.H. Huxley, ‘The coming of age of The origin of species’ 173 & 174 n2, 174 & nn 1–6, 193 & n2, 291 n2; T.H. Huxley, review of C.W. Thomson 370 & 371 n1, 371–2 & 372 n4; T.H. Huxley, ‘Science and culture’ 305 n1, 305 n2; memorial about clerical restrictions for posts at Oxford and Cambridge universities 215–16 & 216 n4; J. Milne, use of microphones to detect seismic activity 102 & n1; St G.J. Mivart, ‘A speculation regarding the senses’ 183 n5; B.G. Wilder ‘The two kinds of vivisection–sentisection and callisection’ 307 & 308 n1, 309 & 310 n2; Yorkshire Naturalists’ Union, ‘Homage to Mr. Darwin’ 356 n3, 363–4 & 364 nn 1–2, 570–1 & 571 n1 Nature (CD’s letters) 429–30 & 430 n2; ‘Black sheep’ 513 & 513–14 nn 1–3; ‘Fertility of hybrids from the common and Chinese goose’ 24–5 & 25 n1, 143–4 & 144 n3, 144 & 145 n2, 394–5 & 395 n2, 398 & n2, 532 & n3; ‘The Omori shell mounds’ 172 & nn 1–6, 172 n2, 189 & 190 n1; ‘The sexual colours of certain butterflies’ 32 & 33 n1, 143–4 & 144 n3, 144 & 145 n2, 532 & n3; ‘Sir Wyville Thomson and natural selection’ 371–2 & 372 nn 1–5, 389 & 390 n3, 424 & n4 Naudin, Charles Victor 133 & n6, 392 & 393 n7 nectaries 108–9 & 112 nn 6–9, 162 & n3, n6, n8, 217 & n4, 251 & 252 nn 1–2, 272 & 274 n10, 279 & n2, 295 & 296 n1

777

Nemertinae (ribbon-worms; Nemertea) 81 & 82 n7 neon shrimp (Atyoida potimirim; Potimirim potimirim) 434 n5, 454 & 456 n5, 553 n5, 553–4 & 555 n5 Neottiae 87 & 88 n4 nerve formation 292–3 & 293 n4 nervous system xvii, xx, 398 & n4 Netley Abbey, Hampshire 443 & 444 n1 Nevill, Dorothy Fanny 24 n1; CD thanks for note about prepotency in breeds 496–7 & 497 nn 1–2 New Caledonia 364 & 367 n4 New Hebrides 364 & 367 n4 New Zealand: flora and fauna 333 & 334 n2, 366 & 368 n24; frogs 393 & 394 nn 1–2; glaciation 365 & 367 n7; Otago Institute send congratulations on 21st anniversary of publication of Origin 571–2; trout 366 & 368 n21 Newall, Robert Stirling 372 & n4 Newcastle Literary and Philosophical Society 372 & n3 Newington, Samuel: on Movement in plants and his own work on pulse and step 419–20 & 420 nn 1–5; varieties of grape 420 & n6 Newman, Henry Wenman 496 & n2 Newton, Alfred 386 & n7 Newton, William: CD on F. Lloyd’s critique of F. Galton’s book on hereditary genius 178 & nn 1–4 Niagara Falls: petition calling for protection of 236 & nn 2–3, 236–8 & 238 nn 1–4, 243 & n1 Nicols, Arthur: markings on tail feathers of pheasant 137 & n1 Nicotiana glauca 400 n3 Nixon, Emma 29 & nn 5–6 Nobbe, Friedrich 412 & 413 n15, 418 & 419 n11 Noel, James Wriothesley 212 & 213 n8 Noel, Sarah Gay Forbes: writes to G. Darwin about her grandfather, W.A. Darwin 211–12 & 212– 13 nn 1–7, 213 & 214 n2 Nolan, John Philip 229 & 230 n5 Norman, Ebenezer 580 North-East Passage 367–8 n8 Norton, Lily 299 & n4 Nottinghamshire, Elston Hall 211–12 & 212 n3, 214 n3 nyctitropic movements see sleep in plants Nymphalis polychloros (large tortoiseshell) 32 & 33 n2 oaks 163 & 165–6 n3, n6, 188 & n2 oceanic islands 394 n1, 466 & n3, 467 & 468 n2 oceans 27 & 28 n5, 459 & 459–60 nn 1–2, 466 & n2, 466–7 & 468 nn 1–5; sea-level changes 386–7 & 387 n3, 408 & n2 ocelli, on feathers 137 & n1

778

Index

oddleaf oak (Quercus x heterophylla) 188 & n2 Odontoglossum (orchids) 33 & 34 n2 Odontornithes 261–2 & 262 n1, 290 & n1 Ogle, William 180 n3, 537 n3 old age, CD’s views on 325 Oliver, Daniel 442 & n5 Olmsted, Frederick Law: petition calling for protection of Niagara Falls 236 & n3, 237 & 238 n2 Ōmori archaeological site, Japan 92 n1, 145–6 & 147 nn 1–7, 172 & n5, 189–90 & 190 n2 one-flowered broomrape (Aphyllon uniflorum; Orobanche uniflora) 228 & n3 O’Neill, T. Warren: The refutation of Darwinism 133 n3, 150 & 151 n5, 175 & nn 1–2, 200 & n2 Ophideres fullonica (Pacific fruit-piercing moth; Eudocima phalonia) 217 n3 OPPONENTS OF CD’S THEORIES: S. Butler xviii, 67, 70, 150–1 & 151 n6; G.D. Campbell 503 & n3; C. Elam 196 & n4; J.-H. Fabre 52; G.J. Mivart xviii, 67 & 68 n4; T.W. O’Neill 133 n3, 150 & 151 n5, 175 & nn 1–2, 200 & n2; R. Owen 464 n2, 505 n5; C.W. Thomson 370 & 371 n1, 371–2 & 372 nn 1–5; M.F. Wagner 144 & n4, 532 & n4; O. Zöckler 259 & n4, 540 & 541 n4 Opuntia 228 & n2 orange tip (Anthocharis cardamines) 32 & 33 n2 orchids (Orchideae; Orchidaceae) 87–8 & 88 nn 2–5, 89 & n2; Odontoglossum 33 & 34 n2; rein 379 & 380 n8 Orchids (CD) 87 & 88 n2, n4, n5, 89 n2, 217 n3 Orchids 2d ed. (CD) 87 & 88 n2 Orchids French ed. (CD) 230 & 231 n5, 538 & n5 Orchids US ed. (CD): sales 134 & 135 n1, 308 & 309 nn 1–2 Oregon, USA, W. Nash’s account of life in 15–17 & 17 nn 1–5 Origin (CD) 52 n3, 107, 177 n2; CD answers questions about 350 & 351 nn 1–3; cited H.W. Newman 464 & n2; ‘coming of age’ of xxiii, 173 & 174 n2, 174 & nn 1–6, 291 & n2, 352–3 n1, 570–2; enjoyed by S. Butler 70 & n4; T.H. Huxley’s lecture on ‘The coming of age of the Origin of species’ at the Royal Institution xxiii, 173 & 174 n2, 174 & nn 1–6, 291 & n2; hybridism 388 n3, 394 & 395 n3, n6; parasitic worms 332 n2; reviews 464 n2; seed dispersal 42 & n1; twentyfirst anniversary of publication xxiii, 104 & n1, 173 & 174 n2, 174 & nn 1–6, 291 & n2, 352–3 n1, 570–2 Origin 3d ed. (CD): positions of oceans and continents through geological time 459 & n1, 468 n1

Origin 4th ed. (CD) 459 & 460 n2; J.V. Carus translated 187 n1; hybrid willows 393 n6 Origin 6th ed. (CD) 24 n2, 496 n3; A. de Candolle cited 366 & 368 n25; cited by A.R. Wallace 28 n5; dispersal of seeds 366–7 & 369 n26; frogs, toads and newts on oceanic islands 394 n1; glacial periods 365–6 & 368 n17, 368 nn 10–11; introduced plants 366 & 368 n20; migration across lowlands 418 & n6; pedicellariae in sea urchins and starfish 398 n4; position of continents 466 n5; slave-making ants 280 & nn 2–3 Origin German translation (CD): H.G. Bronn translated, gave his objections in additional chapter 197 & 198 n3 Origin French 3d ed. (CD): E. Barbier translated 230 & 231 n3, 537–8 & 538 n3 Origin US ed. (CD): sales 134 & 135 n1, 308 & 309 nn 1–2 Orobanchaceae (broomrapes) 228 & n3 Orobanche uniflora see Aphyllon uniflorum Orpington railway station 191 n2, 192, 287 & 288 n2, 288 & n2, 311–12, 315, 427 & n2 Orton, Arthur see Tichborne claimant Orundellico ( Jemmy Button) 384 n1, 396 n1 Oscillaria 501 & 502 n5 osteology 95 & n3 Otago Institute, Dunedin, New Zealand: congratulations on 21st anniversary of publication of Origin 571–2 Oudemans, Jean Abraham Chrétien 224 & nn 1–2 ovariotomy 250 & n5 ovate goatgrass (Aegilops ovata; A. geniculata) 21–2 & 22 n4 Over Haddon, Derbyshire 255 & 256 n4 Ovibos moschatus (musk ox) 253 & n2 Owen, Richard 171 & n1, 386 & n7, 507 & 508 n3; CD not on speaking terms with 464 & n2, 504 & 505 n5 Owen’s College, Manchester 397 n2 Oxford University: University Tests Act, 1871 215– 16 & 216 nn 1–4 Pacific fruit-piercing moth (Ophideres fullonica; Eudocima phalonia) 217 n3 Pacific islands 364 & 367 n4, n6 Packard, Alpheus Spring Jr 274 n12, 280 & n2, 343 & n5 Paget, George Edward 484 Paget, James, 1st baronet 412 & 413 n14; CD comments on Paget’s essay ‘On elemental pathology’ 390–1 & 391–2 nn 1–8, 418 & 418– 19 nn 8–9, 452 n1; CD on fir broom rust 473

Index & n1; CD on galls 391 & 392 nn 5–7, 418 & 419 n9; CD’s hypothesis of pangenesis 391 & 392 n8; sends CD offprint of his presidential address, ‘On elemental pathology’ 383 & 384 n1; thanks CD for presentation copy of Movement in plants 452 & n1; would like to have lunch with CD when in London 452 & n2 pain, sense of 73 & 74 n4 painted Indian mallow (Abutilon striatum; A. pictum) 109–10 & 112 n11, 162 & n4 painted lady (Vanessa cardui) 32 & 33 n2 palaeogeography 333 & 334 n2, 366 & 368 nn 23–4 Palaeolithic tools 167, 253 & n4 pale clouded yellow (Colias hyale) 32 & 33 n2 paleontology 196 & n3 Palestine, restoration of 289 & n1 pale-throated sloth (Bradypus tridactylus) 40 & 41 n9, 524 & 525 n9 Pallas, Pyotr Simon 197 & 198 n6 Palmae (Arecaceae) 88 & n6 palmaris brevis, muscle 193 & n3 pampas 366 & 368 n20 pangenesis hypothesis 391 & 392 n8, 440 & n4, 454 & 456 n3, 553 & 555 n3 see also heredity Panthera onca (jaguar) 369 & 370 n5 Papilio machaon (swallow-tail) 32 & 33 n3 ‘Parallel roads of Glen Roy’ (CD) 8 & 9 n1 Paranà river, South America 369 & 370 n4 parasitic worms 332 & nn 1–2 Paris, Jardin des plantes 313 & n4 Parker, Charles: Castle Morton tithes 243 & n2 Parker, Marianne 243 & n2; death of 250 & n5 Parker, Thomas Jeffrey: Otago Institute, Dunedin, New Zealand; congratulations on 21st anniversary of publication of Origin 571–2 Parker, William Kitchen 484 Parnell, Thomas 389 & 390 n4 Parson, Arthur George: visits Down 199 & n3 Parsons, Frederick: on case of girl dying from burst appendix 315–16 & 316 nn 1–2 Parsons, Henry Franklin 352, 356 & n2 Passiflora 392 & 393 n9 Passiflora biflora (twoflower passion-flower) 109 & 112 n9, 162 & n3 Patagonia 34 & 35 n2, 201 & nn 2–3, 205 & 206 n2, 358 & 359 nn 1–4, 369 & 370 nn 1–5 pathology 383 & 384 n1, 390–1 & 391–2 nn 1–2, nn 5–6 Payne, George 331 & n1 peacock butterfly (Aglais io) 32 & 33 n2 peanut worms (Sipunculoidae; Sipunculidae) 81 & 82 n7 pedicellariae 398 & n4

779

Pedley, Eve Eleanor Annie 265 & 266 n4 Pedley, Mary Eliza 265 & 266 n4 Pellaea (cliff-brake) 163 & 165 n4 Penck, Albrecht 491 & 492 n2 pendulum, to measure lunar disturbance of gravity 117 & 118 n4, 122 & n6, 214 & n13, 258 & n3, 416 & n5 pension, Civil List, for A.R. Wallace xvii, xxiii– xxiv, 361 & 361–2 n1, nn 3–4, 374–5 & 375–6 nn 1–8, 380 & nn 1–5, 385–6 & 386 nn 1–8, 388 & n3, 389 & n1, 432–3 & 433 nn 1–2, 434–5 & 435 nn 1–2, 439 & n5, 458 & 459 n2, 459 & n2, 464 & n1, 469 & nn 1–3, 486 & 486–7 nn 1–4, 488 & nn 1–3, 493 & n3, 496 & n2, 502–3 & 503 n2, 505 & n1, 506 & 507 n4, 507 & 508 n2, 509 & n1, 510 & n2, 511 & n2, 511 & 512 n2, 512 & n2, 512 & 513 nn 1–3, 580 & 584 n1 Penzance, Cornwall 38 n4 pepperweed (Lepidium) 164 & 166 nn 7–8 perception 3–4 & 6 n13 perigenesis 440 & n4, 454 & 456 n3, 553 & 555 n3 Peronospora infestans see Phytophthora infestans (potato late blight) Perrier, Edmond 234 & n2 Peruvian bark 2–3 & 6 n9 petioles 43, 66 & 67 n7 Petrie, Donald: Otago Institute, Dunedin, New Zealand; congratulations on 21st anniversary of publication of Origin 571–2 Peveril Castle, Derbyshire 255 & 256 n5 Pfeffer, Wilhelm Friedrich Philipp: on his handbook of plant physiology and Botanical Institute in Tübingen 429 & nn 3–4, 551–2 & 552 nn 3–4; thanks CD for presentation copy of Movement in plants 429 & n2, 551 & 552 n2, 575 & 576 n29 Phalaris canariensis (canary grass) 473 & 474 n3, 494 & n2 pheasants (Phasianus) 137 & n1 Philadelphus (mock-orange) 128 & 129 n17, 218 & 219 n6, 354 & 355 n3 Phillpotts, Henry 508 & 509 n3 Phinn, Jane 201 n5 Phoca (earless seals) 39 & 41 n4, 523 & 525 n4 photographs: A. Besant 335; ED, photographic copy of a portrait, used for frontispiece of Erasmus Darwin 29 & n6; F. Delpino sends his 458 & n5, 556 & n5; A. Dohrn 115; J. Torbitt 142 Phyllotreta (flea-beetles) 98 & 99 n3 phylloxera (Daktulosphaira vitifoliae) 148 & 150 n6 Physianthus albens (common moth-vine; Araujia sericifera) 272 & 274 nn 11–12 physiological botany 249 & n4, 458 & nn 3–4, 486 & n5, 487, 556 & nn 3–4

780

Index

Phytophthora infestans (potato late blight) 83 & nn 2–3, 195 n4, 475 n4 pigeons xxi, 402 & 403 nn 2–3, 403 & nn 1–2, 549 & nn 2–3 pigs, malformed 311 & n2 pima cotton (Gossypium barbadense) 30 & 31 nn 2–3, 47 n2 pine needles, in earthworm burrows 327 & n4 Pinus nordmanniana (Abies nordmanniana) 427–8 & 428 nn 1–3 pipewort (Eriocaulaceae) 108 & 110 n3 Pitman, Henry: ED’s use of shorthand 184 & 185 nn 1–4 Pitt, William, earl of Chatham 5 & 7 n17 placenta 174–5 & 175 n1 Placzek, Baruch Jacob: biblical account of pigeons flying on one wing 402 & 404 nn 1–3, 403 & nn 1–2, 549 & nn 1–3 Planariae (Planariidae) 81 & 82 n7 Plasmodiophora brassicae 97 & 99 n2 Plata, Rio de la, South America 369 & 370 n4 La Plata, South America 366 & 368 n20 Platanthera (butterfly orchids) see Habenaria platysma myoides, muscle 192–3 & 193 n1 pleasure, sense of 73 & 74 n4 plumules 36 & n2, 43, 44 Podosphaera 148 & 150 n6 poems sent to CD xxii–xxiii, 157–8 & 159 nn 2–5, 532–4 & 534 nn 1–5 poison: animals learning to avoid 234–5 & 235 n1, n3, 235; arsenic 34 & nn 1–2 polar bear (Ursus maritimus) 40 & 41 n8, 523–4 & 525 n8 politics, USA 15 & 17 n3 pollen 396 & n2; Melochia parvifolia 17–18 & 18 n2 pollination, insect 188 n4, 270–2 & 274 nn 1–12 Pollock, Frederick 55 & 58 n13, 71 & n3; R.B. Litchfield asks him whether S. Butler’s letter needs a reply 61, 64 & n4; reviews Erasmus Darwin and Evolution, old and new 61 & 62 nn 1–2, 64 n4 polychaete worms (Capitellidae) 81 & 82 n7 portraits: CD, by W.B. Richmond 218 & 219 n7; ED 29 & n6 Portulaca oleracea (common purslane) 228 & n2 Portulaca splendens (rose moss; P. grandiflora) 228 & n1 positivism 344 & n2, 546 & 547 n2 Postal Union 110 & 112 n15 potash (potassium permanganate) 96, 222 & n3; in water samples after soaking leaves 181 & 182 n1, 214 & 214–15 n15, 476 & n5 potato late blight (Phytophthora infestans) 83 & nn 2–3, 195 & n4, 475 n4

potatoes: ‘Champion’ variety 82–3 & 83 nn 2–3, 123 & n2, 139 & 140 n3; failure of potato crop (1879) 474 & 475 n4, 483 & n8, 506 n3; Irish parliamentary select committee on producing disease-resistant varieties xxv, 318 & 319 n6, 482 & 483 n5 potatoes ( J. Torbitt’s project) xxiv–xxv, 82–3 & 83 n2, 116 & n1, 118 & 118–19 n2, 119–20 & 120 n4, 121 & nn 1–2, 121 & 122 nn 1–2, 195 nn 1–4, 198 & 199 nn 1–2, 359 n2; CD’s statement for Torbitt’s subscribers 148–9 & 150 nn 5–11; funding for further potato experiments 123–4 & 124 nn 3–4, 124 & 125 nn 2–3, 125–6 & 126 nn 1–7, 130 & 131 n1, 131 & 131–2 nn 1–4, 132 & nn 1–4, 135–6 & 136 nn 2–3, 139 & n4, 152 & 152–3 nn 1–4, 474 & 475 nn 2–3, 489–90 & 490 nn 1–4, 497 & 498 n1, 500 & n1, 514 & nn 2–4; Torbitt plans to write to W.E. Forster and ask for support 229 & n2, 231–2 & 232 nn 1–2; Torbitt writes to W.E. Gladstone to get government support for growing blightresistant varieties 482–3 & 483 nn 1–8; Torbitt’s proposals to get government support for growing blight-resistant varieties xxiv–xxv, 82–3 & 83 nn 1–5, 116 & n1, 121 & n1, 220 & 221 nn 1–4, 228 & 229 n1; Torbitt’s report 136 & n2, 136–7 & 137 n2, 138–9 & 139 nn 1–3, 139 & 140 nn 1–4, 474 & 475 n2, 514 & n1; yield 310 nn 1–2 see also Caird, James; Farrer, Thomas Henry; Torbitt, James Potimirim potimirim see Atyoida potimirim Praeovibos priscus (giant musk ox) 253 n2 prehistoric tools 167, 253 & n4 prepotency 496 & 497 n2 Preston, Samuel Tolver: CD on Preston’s letter about the evolution of morality and selfinterest 207 & 208 nn 2–4, 351 & 352 n1; ‘Evolution and female education’ 353 & nn 1–3; evolution of morality and self-interest 202–5 & 205 nn 1–5; merging of different branches of science 274–5 & 275 nn 1–4; sends CD his paper ‘Natural science and morality’ 268–9 & 269 nn 1–7, 274 & 275 n1; H. Spencer’s The data of ethics 268–9 & 269 n3, 351 & n1; worried his letter about his paper on morality might have seemed pretentious 351 & n1 Prestwich, Joseph: CD on T.F. Jamieson’s article on the parallel roads of Glen Roy 14 & n1; on CD’s paper ‘Parallel roads of Glen Roy’ 8 & 9 n1 Preyer, William 33 & n2, 35 n2, 78 & 79 n3, 240 n2, 528 & 529 n3, 566 & 567 n24; asks for copies of some of CD’s letters to Nature 429–30 & 430 n2; CD will send Movement in plants and copies

Index of letters to Nature, and thanks Preyer for his book 437 & 437–8 nn 1–3; origin of instincts in animals 448 & 449 nn 3–4; thanks CD for presentation copy of Movement in plants 448 & 449 nn 1–2, 576 & 577 n39; work on embryonic movements in vertebrates 448 & 449 n2; would like to have a copy of Movement in plants, and sends his own book 429–30 & 430 n1, n3 Price, John 202 & n4 primates 373 & n1 Primula 18 & n3, 302 & n1 protoplasm 501 & 502 n4 Pseudomyrmex triplarinus 109 & 112 n10 PUBLICATIONS (CD): ‘Ancient glaciers of Caernarvonshire’ 34–5 & 35 n3; ‘Biographical sketch of an infant’ 73 & n1, 75 & 76 n3; ‘Distribution of the erratic boulders’ 34 & 35 n2; Fossil Cirripedia 209 & 211 n2; Geological observations 110 & 112 n14, 162 & n2, 270 & 274 n1; Living Cirripedia 89 & n3, 209 & 211 n2, 282 n3; ML 371 n3; ‘Parallel roads of Glen Roy’ 8 & 9 n1; ‘Recollections’ 23 & n4; South America 472 n7; Volcanic islands 466 n3 see also Climbing plants; Coral reefs; Cross and self fertilisation; Descent; Earthworms; Erasmus Darwin; Expression; Forms of flowers; Insectivorous plants; Journal of researches; Movement in plants; Nature (CD’s letters); Orchids; Origin; Variation Pucananlacitanjiz (William Beckenham Button) 10 & 11 n11 pulvini 260 & n4 purple loosestrife (Lythrum salicaria) 394 & 395 n4 purple magnolia (Magnolia liliiflora) 188 n3 Pustkuchen, Johann Friedrich Wilhelm 68 n5 Pycnogonidae (sea spiders) 81 & 82 n7 Pythagoras 345 n3, 547 n3 Pythagorean Academy, la Scuola Italica 344 & 345 n3, 546 & 547 n3; elects CD honorary president 356 & 357 n5, 425 & n3, 425 & 426 n2, 477 & 482 nn 2–3, 547 & 548 n5, 551 & n3, 559 & 563 nn 2–3, 572–3 & 573 n1 Quenstedt, Friedrich August 485 & n2, 493 & n2 Quercus agrifolia (California live oak) 163 & 165 n3 Quercus chrysolepis (canyon live oak) 163 & 166 n6 Quercus phellos (willow oak) 188 n2 Quercus rubra (red oak) 188 n2 Quercus x heterophylla (Bartram’s oak; oddleaf oak) 188 & n2 quinine 6 n9 radicles 36 & n3, 43, 66 & 66–7 n5, 391 & 392 n3, 409 & n3, 417 & 418 n2, 458 n4, 461–2 & 462 n2, 463 & n3, 501 & n2, 556 n4

781

raised beaches 382 & 383 n2 ramgoat dashalong (Turnera ulmifolia) 108 & 112 nn 5–6, 162 & n8 Ramsay, Andrew Crombie 255 & 256 n3, 260 n3; CD asks for more details on action of earthworms 232–3 & 233 n1; Civil List pension for A.R. Wallace 505 & n1, 584 Rattan, Volney: CD thanks for seeds and information on Megarrhiza 363 & n1; letter to A. Gray about germination in Megarrhiza and other seedlings xx, 163–5 & 165–166 nn 1–10, 178–9 & 179 nn 1–5; on presentation list for Movement in plants 363 & n2, 575 & 576 n26 Rawlinson, James 29 & n6, 257 n11 Reade, Thomas Mellard: asks CD’s views on the permanence of the positions of oceans and continents 459 & 459–60 nn 1–3, 466–7 & 468 nn 1–5; CD on the permanence of the positions of oceans and continents 466 & nn 1–5; CD thanks for paper and agrees J. Murray’s view of reef formation is ‘far-fetched’ 305 & 305–6 nn 1–2; ‘Oceans and continents’ 459 n1, 467 & 468 n4; ‘On the moon and the earth’ 467 & 468 n3; sends CD paper 304 & n1; thinks J. Murray’s paper on coral reefs and islands ‘farfetched’ 304 & n2 READING (CD): F.E. Abbot, ‘A Philadelphia lawyer’s views of Darwinism’ 175 & n1; F.M. Balfour, address to the British Association of the Advancement of Science meeting 292 & 293 n1; F.M. Balfour, A treatise on comparative embryology 292 & n2, 292 & 293 n2; H.C. Bastian, The brain as an organ of mind 292 & n2; G. Bonnier, Les nectaires: étude critique, anatomique et physiologique 251 & 252 nn 1–2; W. Breitenbach; ‘Über Variabilitäts-Erscheinungen an den Blüthen von Primula elatior und eine Anwendung des “biogenetischen Grundgesetzes”’ 302 & n1; W.K. Bridgman, ‘On leaves adhering to the casts of worms’ 360 & 361 n3; A.B. Buckley, Life and her children 388 & nn 1–2; A. Candolle de, Phytographie 209, 211 & n1; CD on reading German 125, 324; J.L. Chester, history and pedigree of Darwin family 112 & 113 n1; T. Coan, Adventures in Patagonia 201 & nn 2–3; J.H. Comstock, Report upon cotton insects 216–17 & 217 nn 1–4; Encyklopädie der Naturwissenschaften 391 & n2; A. Ernst, ‘On the heterostylism of “Melochia Parvifolia”’ 17–18 & 18 n1; J.-H. Fabre, Souvenirs entomologiques 24 & n1; T.H. Farrer, ‘Freedom of land’ 20 & 21 n6; H. Ferrari, review of Erasmus Darwin in Revue scientifique de la France et de l’étranger 262 & 263 n1;

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(CD), cont. A. Gapitche, Quelques mots sur l’éternité du corps humaine 104 & n1; J. Geikie, Prehistoric Europe: a geological sketch 447 & 448 n3, 471 & 471–2 nn 1–7, 491 & 492 n1; G.K. Gilbert, report on geology of the Henry Mountains, Utah 166 & 167 n2; A. Gray, Natural science and religion 222 & n2; E. Haeckel, Das System der Medusen 45 & n1, 46; W. Hoffmeister, Die bis jetzt bekannten Arten aus der Familie der Regenwürmer 232 & n2; T.H. Huxley, ‘The coming of age of the Origin of species’ 193 & n2; E. Krause, Werden und Vergehen 324 & 325 n1; O.C. Marsh, Odontornithes: a monograph on the extinct toothed birds of North America 290 & n1; J. Milne, Nature 102 & n1; H. Müller, ‘Gaston Bonniers angebliche Widerlegung der modernen Blumentheorie’ 251 & 252 nn 1–2, 279 & n2; H.E. von Nathusius, Vorträge über Viehzucht und Raßenkenntniß 188 & 189 n1; J. Paget, ‘On elemental pathology’ 383 & 384 n1, 390–1 & 391 n1, 418 & 418–19 nn 8–9; S.T. Preston, ‘Evolution and female education’ 351–2 & 352 n2; S.T. Preston, ‘On a point relating to brain dynamics’ 202 & 205 n1; G.J. Romanes, ‘Hybridism’ 394 & 395 n1; I.F. Silveira da Motta, memorial on the propagation of sugar cane 348 & nn 1–2, 350 & nn 1–2; H. Spencer, The data of ethics 207 & 208 n4; C. St John, Sketches of the wild sports and natural history of the Highlands 404 & nn 3–4; E. Stahl, ‘Ueber den Einfluss von Richtung und Stärke der Beleuchtung auf einige Bewegungserscheinungen im Pflanzenreiche’ 260 & 260–1 n6; E. Strasburger, Über Zellbildung und Zelltheilung 275 & 275–6 n1; L. Tait, papers on surgery 250 & nn 4–5; C.W. Thomson, ‘General introduction to the zoological series of reports’ of the Challenger expedition 370 & 371 n1, 371–2 & 372 n3; E.B. Tylor, presidential address to Anthropological Institute 265 & n2; H. Vöchting, Über Organbildung im Pflanzenreich 462 & n3, 485 & 486 n2; H. Vöchting, ‘Ueber Spitze und Basis an den Pflanzenorganen’ 485 & 486 n3; C. Vogt, ‘L’écriture considérée au point de vue physiologique’ 240–1 & 241 n1; A.R. Wallace, Island life 364–7 & 367 n1, 417 & 418 n3; A.R. Wallace, ‘On the origin of species and genera’ 20 & 20–1 nn 1–4; A.S. Wilson, ‘Kubanka and Saxonka wheat’ 85 & n1; F.P. Wrangel, Narrative of an expedition to the Polar Sea 100–1 & 101 n3; O. Zöckler, ‘Darwin’s Grosvater als Arzt, Dichter und Naturphilosoph’ 262 & 263 n1

READING

Reading Room, Down 104 & 104–5 nn 1–2 receptacles 88 n5 ‘Recollections’ (CD) 23 & n4 red admiral (Vanessa atlanta) 32 & 33 n2 red larkspur (Delphinium nudicaule) 44 & 45 n3, 133 & n2, 150 & 151 n3 Red Lodge nursery, Southampton 416 & 417 n3 red oak (Quercus rubra) 188 n2 reefs, coral 304 & nn 1–2, 305 & 306 n2 regeneration 440 & n4, 454–5 & 456 nn 4–6, 553–4 & 555 nn 4–6 Reichenbach, Heinrich Gustav 87 & 88 n3 Reimarus, Johann Albert Heinrich 185 n2, n4 rein orchids (Habenaria; Platanthera) 379 & 380 n8 Reinwald, Charles-Ferdinand: CD has arranged that he can have plates of the woodcuts for Movement in plants at cost price 347 & n1; death of E. Barbier and financial help for his widow 325–6 & 326 nn 1–6, 347 & 348 n2, 544 & 545 nn 1–6; on death of his nephew 230 & 231 n7, 538 & n7; French translation of Erasmus Darwin 25 & n4, 231 & n8, 522 & n4, 538 & n8; French translation of Movement in plants 339 & nn 1–4, 340 & 341 nn 1–2, 345 & n1, 346 & n2, 347 & n1, 545 & nn 1–4; on progress of French translations of CD’s works 230–1 & 231 nn 1–8, 537–8 & 538 nn 1–8; on third French edition of Descent 326 & n7, 544 & 545 n7 religion 357–8 & 358 nn 1–3, 548 & nn 1–3; CD avoids writing on 336–7; CD’s views xxii, 177 & n1, 336–7, 356, 423, 489 & n2, 495 & n1, 547; origin of mankind 176–7 & 177 nn 1–2 see also science and religion rent charges 338 & 338–9 nn 1–3 Reseda odorata (mignonette) 252 n2 reversion: from crossing 415 & n4, 550 & n4; in regrown limbs 440 & n4, 454–5 & 456 nn 4–6, 553–4 & 555 nn 4–6; in sheep 513 & 514 n3 Revue scientifique de la France et de l’étranger: sent presentation copy of Movement in plants 575 & 576 n22 Reynolds, James William 484 Reynolds, John Russell 426 & 427 n6 Reynolds, Margaretta Susannah 426 & 427 n3 Rhea 369 & 370 n5 ribbon-worms (Nemertinae; Nemertea) 81 & 82 n7 Ribeiro, Carlos: CD thanks for sending his work on prehistoric remains 430 & n1 Rich, Anthony: Berberis darwinii 354 & 355 n4; books read 128 & 129 nn 12–14; S. Butler’s letter to the Athenæum 219 & 220 n12; CD’s portrait 218 & 219 n7; change of prime minister, hopes E. Darwin approves 355 & n7; congratulates

Index CD and Emma on H. Darwin’s marriage 127 & 129 nn 6–7; G.H. Darwin’s health 217 & 219 n2, 406 & n5, 416 & n4; G.H. Darwin’s visit, and trip to Davos 127 & 129 n5; G.T.S. Huxley’s marriage 354 & 355 n5; T.H. Huxley’s book The crayfish 127 & 129 nn 8–9; T.H. Huxley’s planned biographies of men of science 127–8 & 129 n10; J. Lubbock’s election as MP for University of London 217–18 & 219 n3, 354–5 & 355 n6; maggots in seaweed used to cover garden beds in winter 128 & 129 n15; Movement in plants 218 & 219 n5; Movement in plants, thanks CD for presentation copy 405–6 & 406 nn 1–2; Philadelphus (mock-orange) from CD 128 & 129 n17, 218 & 219 n6, 354 & 355 n3; reluctance to travel 218–19 & 219 n9; sends condolences on death of S.E. Wedgwood 406 & n4; sent presentation copy of Movement in plants 575; visited Down (1879) 218 & 219 n9; weather 126–7 & 129 nn 1–2, 354 & 355 n2; on the Wilberforces 218 & 219 n8 Richmond, William Blake: portrait of CD 218 & 219 n7 Ricotti, Ercole: CD thanks for award of Bressa prize 17 & nn 1–2 Rifle valley, Hampshire 515 & 516 nn 2–3 ring-gentian (Lisianthus vasculosus; Symbolanthus vasculosus) 271–2 & 274 nn 5–10, 273, 295 & 296 n2 ripple marks 328 & 329 n1, 399 & 400 nn 4–5, 405 & n3, 416 & n2, 432 & n3 Robertson, George Croom 47 & 48 n2 Robertson, William Henry 255–6 & 256 n7 Robinia pseudoacacia (black locust; false acacia) 416– 17 & 417 n3, 421–2 & 422 n10, 422 & 423 n3, 431–2 & 432 n2, 443 & 444 n2 rocks, sedimentary 466 & n4, 467 Roebuck, William Denison: CD thanks for address from the Yorkshire Naturalists’ Union 363–4 & 364 nn 1–2; sends CD issues of the Transactions of the Yorkshire Naturalists’ Union 362–3 & 363 n1, 363 & 364 n1; writes to G.H. Darwin about members of the Yorkshire Naturalists’ Union visiting Down to congratulate CD on Origin of species xxiii, 352 & 352–3 nn 1–2, 355–6 & 356 nn 1–3; Yorkshire Naturalists’ Union delivers address to commemorate 21 years since publication of Origin 571 Rogers, John Innes: observations on butterfly wings 32 & 33 nn 1–3 Rogers, William Henry 416 & 417 n3, 431 & 432 n2 Rolleston, George 386 & n7, 484 Roman villas: Abinger, Surrey 313 & 314 nn 1–5, 318 & 319 nn 1–4, 326–7 & 327 nn 1–3, 329 &

783

330 nn 1–3, 330 & nn 1–4, 331 & nn 1–4, 337 & n1, 342; Brading, Isle of Wight 446 & n4, 447 & 447–8 nn 1–2, 449–52 & 452 nn 1–5, 487 & nn 1–3 Romanes, Charlotte Elizabeth 48 & n8, 489 n4 Romanes, Ethel xxii, 48 & n7, 75 & 76 n4, 183 & n3, 494 & n3 Romanes, Ethel Georgina 183 & n6, 488 & 489 n4, 494 & n3 Romanes, George John xvii; Animal intelligence xxi, 183 & n4, 373 n6, 475 & 476 n3; article on hybridism for the Encyclopaedia Britannica 387 & 388 nn 2–3, 398 & nn 1–3; baby 183 & n6, 488 & 489 n4; S. Butler’s comments in Unconscious memory 475 & 476 n4; CD comments on article on hybridism for the Encyclopaedia Britannica 394–5 & 395 nn 1–6; CD on G. Allen’s letter 69 & 70 n5; CD on S. Butler’s comments in Unconscious memory 474 & n6; CD on exposing plants to alternating light and darkness 473 & 474 nn 1–3, 494 & n2; CD on M. Guthrie and J.-H. Fabre’s books 69 & nn 2–4; CD on pet dogs going hunting by themselves 473; CD on Romanes’s diagram on the evolution of emotions xxi–xxii, 69 & n1, 73 & 73–4 nn 1–4; CD on sensation of pleasure and pain 73 & 74 n4; CD on sensitivity of insectivorous plants 73 & 74 n3; CD sends details of articles on hybridism 392 & 393 nn 3–10; diagram on the evolution of emotions xxii, 75 & 76 nn 3–4; difference of opinion with G.J. Mivart 372 & 373 n6; FD’s presentation of his papers at the Linnean Society 488 & n2, 493 & 494 n1; experiment exposing plants to brief flashes of light xx, 468 & n3, 475 & n1, 488 & n1, 507 n6; lecture for the Royal Institution 183 & n4; lecture on mental evolution 372 & n3; letter from G. Allen 47–8 & 48 nn 1–8; on meeting A.R. Wallace 183 & n5; Mental evolution in animals 372 & 373 n6; Mental evolution in animals, draft of CD’s work in appendix 449 n4; monkey xxii, 488 & 489 nn 3–4, 494 & n3; J.F. Moulton’s letter re M. Guthrie’s critique of H. Spencer’s views on natural selection 75 & 76 nn 1–2; nervous system and locomotion in echinoderms 398 & n4, 475 & 476 nn 2–3; Royal Society of London, fellow 183 & n5; G.H. Schneider’s book 183 & n1; sends condolences on death of S.E. Wedgwood 387 & 388 n1, 392 & 393 n2; sensitivity of insectivorous plants 75 & 76 n5; I.F. Silveira da Motta’s work on sugar cane 348 n2; thanks CD for presentation copy of Movement in plants

784

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Romanes, George John, cont. 468 & n2, 575; thanks CD for sending W.O. Focke’s paper on hybrids 468 & n1; visited R.S. Newall in Newcastle 372 & n4; zoological station at Cowie, Aberdeenshire and work on echinoderms 372 & 373 n5 Romanes, Isabella Gair Rose 48 & n8 rose moss (Portulaca splendens; P. grandiflora) 228 & n1 Rotton, John 2 & 6 n8 Roundell, Charles Savile 215–16 & 216 n1 Roundell, Palmer 171 & n2 round-leaved sundew (Drosera rotundifolia) 34 & n3, 73 & 74 n3, 75 & 76 n5, 276 & nn 2–3, 283 n2 Rouquette, Jules: sends CD a eugenic poem xxii– xxiii, 157–8 & 159 nn 2–5, 532–4 & 534 nn 1–5 Rousseau, Jean Jacques xvii, 5 & 7 n20 Royal Academy of Sciences of Turin: award CD Bressa prize 17 & nn 1–2, 19–20 & 20 n1, 23 & nn 1–2, 88 & 89 n3 Royal Agricultural Society: W. Carruthers, botanist 195 & n4, 229 & 230 n3; potato blight 195 & n4 Royal Botanic Garden, Calcutta: G. King superintendent 311 n1, 315 n2; J. Scott curator 311 n1 Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew 272 & 274 n9; A. Gray visits 312 & 313 n2; J.D. Hooker, director 412 & 413 n10; H. Hooker sends CD samples of varieties of banana 332 & n1; vegetable pathologist 412 & 413 n16, 418 & 419 n10 Royal College of Surgeons 95 & n2 Royal School of Mines, South Kensington 279 & 280 n3, 459 n1 Royal Scientific Society of the Dutch East Indies: elect CD as corresponding member 245 & nn 1–3, 248 & nn 1–2, 540 & nn 1–3, 569–70 & 570 n1 Royal Society of London: CD asks for list of members of the council 440 & n1; CD would like to see FD proposed for fellowship xxvi, 439 & n2, 446–7 & 447 n1, 456 & 457 n1, 493 & n1, 503 & nn 1–2, 507 & n1, 511 & n1; FD, fellow (1882) 439 & n2, 447 n2, 457 n1; G.H. Darwin, fellow 439 & n3; É. Heckel would like to become a member 306 & 307 n5, 542 & 543 n5; J.D. Hooker, former president, portrait of 214 n14; J.D. Hooker, member of the council 439 & n4, 441 & 442 n2; J.D. Hooker on FD’s prospects of fellowship 441–2 & 442 nn 1–5; G.J. Romanes, fellow 183 & n5; sent presentation copy of Movement in plants 574 & 576 n1; W. Spottiswoode, president 208 & n3; W.T. Thiselton-Dyer, fellow 87 & 88 n1, 89 & n1 Rubus fruticosus (common blackberry) 381 & 382 n3, 485 & 486 n4

Ruck, Arthur Ashley 266 & n6 Ruck, Lawrence 265 & 266 n5 Ruck, Richard Matthews 266 n4 Ruskin, John 406 & n3 rutabaga (swede; Brassica napus var. napobrassica) 66 & 67 n6, 97 & 99 n2 Ryder, Dudley Francis Stuart, Viscount Sandon: Board of Trade, minister 83 n2, 86 & n2, 118 & 118–19 n2, n6 Sachs, Julius 476 n5; circumnutation 462–3 & 463 n2; FD worked at Sach’s laboratory in Würzburg, Germany 187 n3, 214–15 n15; resemblence between plant and animal movements 267 & 268 n4; sent presentation copy of Movement in plants 575 & 576 n16; views on plant movement 486 & n5 sage-rose (Turnera ulmifolia) 108 & 112 nn 5–6, 162 & n8 St Ann’s Hill Hydropathic Establishment, Blarney 206 & n4 St Catherine Hill, Hampshire 515 & 516 n4 Saint Geniez see Rouquette, Jules St Helena 368 n20, 378–9 & 379 n5 St Paul’s Rocks 466 & n3 salamanders 61 & 63 n4 Salt, George Moultrie: asks CD to sign and return road bonds 105 & nn 1–3 Samoyedic people 100–1 & 101 n3 sand verbena (Abronia umbellata) 421 & 422 n5, 422 & 422–3 n2 Sanderson, John 513 & 514 n2 Sandwich Islands (Hawaii) 201 & n2 Sanford, William Ayshford 235 & n2 Sapajus apella see Cebus fatuellus Sarcey, Francisque 325 & 326 n5, 544 & 545 n5 Saturday Review: Evolution, old and new 61 & 62 nn 2–3 saucer magnolia (Magnolia x soulangeana) 188 & n3 Sauria, fossil 365 & 368 n13 scale insects 109 & 112 n10, 162 & n7 Scandiano, Italy: birthplace of L. Spallanzani 239 & n2, 539 & n2 Schaafhausen, Hermann: photographs of fossil footprints 348 & 350 n1, 349 Schellen, Thomas Joseph Heinrich 156 & 157 n4 Schmidt-Zabierow, Ida von: lunched with CD 566 & 568 n31 Schneider, Georg Heinrich 183 & n1; CD thanks for book 161 & 162 n1; Der thierische Wille, sent to CD 159–61 & 161 nn 1–5, 534–6 & 536–7 nn 1–5 schools, British 65 & 66 n1 science and religion xxii, 38, 176–7 & 177 nn 1–2, 191–2 & 192 n2, 285, 336–7, 343–4 & 344–345

Index nn 1–3, 356, 357–8 & 358 nn 1–3, 483–5 & 485 n1, 489 & nn 1–2, 494 & nn 1–2, 495 & n1, 546 & 547 nn 1–3, 547, 548 & nn 1–3 see also religion SCIENTIFIC VIEWS (CD): advocate for free thought on all subjects 336–7; coral reef formation 305 & 306 n2; education of women 351–2 & 352 n2; fertility of crossed and self-fertilised plants 18 & n3; human mortality xxii, 104 & n1; importance of J. Torbitt’s work on potatoes 119–20 & 120 nn 1–5; iridescence in butterflies 33 n1; marine theory 8 & 9 n1, 14 & n1; morality and social instincts 207 & 208 n3; natural selection 20, 197 & 198 nn 1–8; oceans and continents 466 & nn 1–5; physiological botany 249 & n4, 486 & n5, 487; potatoes, importance of J. Torbitt’s work 119–20 & 120 nn 1–5, 148–9 & 150 nn 5–11, 312; religion xxii, 177 & n1, 336–7, 356, 423 & n1, 489 & n2, 495 & n1, 547; vegetarianism 280–1 & 281 nn 1–4; vivisection 310 n2 see also evolution (CD comments on); heredity; inheritance; natural selection (CD comments on) SCIENTIFIC WORK (CD): CD comments on Island life, A.R. Wallace 364–7 & 367–9 n1, nn 4–26, 417–18 & 418–19 nn 3–7, n13, 466 & n2; CD difficulty working with dried flowers 89 & 90 n4; CD finds it difficult now to think over new subjects 69; CD heart and soul care for worms and nothing else xviii, 390 & n2; CD looking over proof-sheets fatigues much 337; CD method of shelving notes 209; CD on work, a machine for observing facts and grinding out conclusions xxvi, 499; CD unable to follow abstract reasoning 178; circumnutation 565; Commelina 457 & n5; Convolvulus 209 n2; cotyledons, development of 36 & nn 2–3, 43 & 43–4 nn 1–3, 95–6 & 96–7 nn 1–4, 140 & 141 nn 1–2; cotyledons, geotropism in 457 n5; cotyledons, sleep in 36 & n1, 209 n2; Delphinium 44 & 45 n3, 150 & 151 n3; earthworms xvii, xxi, 232 & nn 1–2, 232–3 & 233 n1, 233 & nn 1–2, 234 & nn 1–2, 244 n3, 260 & n3, 265 & nn 2–3, 295 & nn 1–2, 296, 313 & 314 n2, 330 & n4, 331 & 332 n8, 337 & nn 1–4, 338 & n3, 341–2 & 342 nn 1–5, 346–7 & 347 nn 1–2, 390 & nn 1–2, 416–17 & 417 n3, 421–2 & 422 n10, 487 & nn 1–3, 510 & n2; geotropism 457 n5; germination xix–xx, 36 & nn 2–3, 43 & 43–4 nn 1–3, 44 & 45 nn 2–3, 95–6 & 96–7 nn 1–4, 140 & 141 nn 1–2, 150 & 151 n4, 176 & nn 2–3, 178–9 & 179 nn 1–4, 240 n1; gravel drift 253 & nn 1–4; Ipomoea 140 & 141 nn 1–2, 176 & nn 2–3, 209 n2; Megarrhiza xix–xx, 36 & n2, 43 & 43–4 nn

785

1–3, 44 & 45 n2, 95–6 & 96–7 nn 1–4, 150 & 151 n2, n4, 178–9 & 179 nn 1–4, 240 n1; potash 96, 222 & n3; radicles 36 & n3, 43, 292 & 293 n3, 391 & 392 n3, 409 & n3, 417 & 418 n2, 458 n4, 461–2 & 462 n2, 463 & n3, 556 n4 see also earthworms; movement in plants (CD’s work); PUBLICATIONS (CD) Sclater, Philip Lutley 385 & 386 n6, 488 & 489 n3, 584; CD on memorial for a Civil List pension for A.R. Wallace 512 & 513 nn 1–4 Scotland, Glen Roy 9 n1 Scott, John: death of 311 & n1, 311 & 312 nn 1–2 Scott, Walter 256 n5 Scrophulariaceae (figworts) 228 & n3 Scuola Italica 344 & 345 n3, 546 & 547 n3; elects CD honorary president 356 & 357 n5, 425 & n3, 425 & 426 n2, 477 & 482 nn 2–3, 547 & 548 n5, 551 & n3, 559 & 563 nn 2–3, 572–3 & 573 n1 sea anemones (Actiniae; Actiniidae) 81 & 82 n7 sea snails (Nassa) 281 & 282 n2 sea spiders (Pycnogonidae) 81 & 82 n7 sea stars 398 n4 sea urchins (Echinus) 398 & n4 sea-island cotton (Gossypium barbadense) 30 & 31 nn 2–3, 47 n2 seals (Phoca) 39 & 41 n4, 523 & 525 n4 seas 27 & 28 n5, 459 & 459–60 nn 1–2, 466 & n2, 466–7 & 468 nn 1–5; inland 417–18 & 418 n4; sea-level changes 386–7 & 387 n3, 408 & n2 Seaton, William Sharpey 268 & 269 n2, 275 & n4, 351 & n1 Seddon, William Zaccheus: asks CD about differences in skin colour xxii, 65 & 66 n1; CD replies to question about skin colour 71–2 & 72 nn 1–2 sedges (Cyperaceae) 108 & 110 n3 Sedgwick, Adam (1785–1873) 329 n2, 371 n3; attack on Vestiges of the natural history of creation 299 & n5 Sedgwick, Adam (1854–1913) 329 & n2 sedimentary rocks 466 & n4, 467 seed dispersal 42 & n1, 366–7 & 369 n26, 379 & 379–80 nn 6–8, 418 & n5 seismic activity, detection of 102 & n1 self-interest 202–5 & nn 2–4, 207 & 208 n3, 268–9 & 269 nn 1–7 Semper, Carl Gottfried 292 & n3 sensitivity of plants xx, 73 & 74 n3, 292 & 293 n3, 448 & 449 n1, 458 & n4, 556 & n4 Settegast, Hermann 50 & 51 n3, 525 & 526 n3 Seward, Anna 56 & 58 n19; biography of ED, Memoirs of the life of Dr. Darwin 11 & 13 n2, 29 & n2

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Shakespeare, William 196 & n3, 255 & 256 n6 sheep, reversion to darker colours 513 & 514 n3 shell mounds, Ōmori archaeological site, Japan 92 n1, 145–6 & 147 nn 1–7, 172 & n5, 189–90 & 190 n2 ‘shepherd’s crowns’ (echinoids) 167 & n3 shore deposits 466 & n3 shorthand 184 & 185 nn 1–4 short-staple cotton (Gossypium hirsutum) 30 & 31 n2, 47 n2 Shrewsbury school: CD attended 223 & n4, 500 n2 Siberia 100–1 & 101 n3, 365 & 367–8 n8 Sidgwick, Henry: met CD 566 & 568 n29 Sidgwick, Nora 566 & 568 n29 Silbury, Hampshire 329 & 330 n4 Silchester, Hampshire 318 & 319 n1, 329 & 330 n4 silhouettes: R. Clive and G. Clive playing chess 2 & 6 n5; Erasmus Darwin and his father ED playing chess 12 Silveira da Motta, Ignacio Francisco: memorial on the propagation of sugar cane 348 & nn 1–2, 350 & nn 1–2 silver fir (Abies pectinata; A. alba) 85 & n2, 473 & n1 Simon, Jules François 155 & 157 n3 Sinapis arvensis (charlock) 97 & 99 n2 Sipunculoidae (peanut worms; Sipunculidae) 81 & 82 n7 Sium latifolium (wideleaf water-parsnip) 463 & n4 skeleton shrimps (Caprellidae) 81 & 82 n7 Skertchly, Sydney Barber Josiah: asks CD for testimonial 94 & n1; CD gives testimonial 94 & nn 1–2 Skey, Henry: Otago Institute, Dunedin, New Zealand; congratulations on 21st anniversary of publication of Origin 571–2 skin colour xxii, 65 & 66 n1, 71–2 & 72 nn 1–2 Skinner, John 57 n3, 60 & 61 n10 slave-making behaviour, ants 280 & nn 2–3 sleep in plants 463 & n6, 515 & n4; cotyledons of Convolvulus major 209 n2; Gossypium 36 & n1 small copper (Lycaena phlaeas) 32 & 33 n2 small heath (Coenonympha pamphilus) 32 & 33 n2 small tortoiseshell (Aglais urticae) 32 & 33 n2 Smiles, Samuel 386 & n8 Smith, Matilda: CD’s opinion of index for Movement in plants 376–7 & 377 nn 5–7; indexed some of CD’s other works 380 & 381 n2; indexer for Movement in plants 244 & n2, 290 & 291 n2, 346 & n5, 376 & n3, 380 & 381 n2 Smyth, Robert Brough 444 & 445 n2 snake gourd (Trichosanthes anguina; T. cucumerina) 36 & n3, 39 & n2 soft scale insect (Coccus viridis) 148 & 150 n6

soil, mould 447 & n1, 515 & 516 nn 3–4 Sorby, Henry Clifton 337 & n3, 484; visits Down 567 & 568 n36; Yorkshire Naturalists’ Union delivers address to commemorate 21 years since publication of Origin 352, 571 South America: La Plata 366 & 368 n24; Patagonia 34 & 35 n2, 201 & nn 2–3, 205 & 206 n2, 358 & 359 nn 1–4, 369 & 370 nn 1–5; Tierra del Fuego 9–10 & 11 nn 1–13, 14, 201 n3, 206 & n3, 384 & n1; Uruguay river 369 & 370 n4; Venezuela 108–10 & 110–12 nn 1–15, 162 & nn 3–8 South America (CD) 472 n7 South American Missionary Magazine 201 & n4, 206 & n3 South Kensington Museum: branch at Bethnal Green 375 & n6, 581 & 584 n6, 583 Southampton: gravel drifts 246 & 247 nn 1–2, 252 & 252–3 nn 1–2, 253 & nn 1–4; Red Lodge nursery 416 & 417 n3 Souza Corrêa, Arthur de: I.F. Silveira da Motta’s memorial on the propagation of sugar cane 348 & nn 1–2, 350 & nn 1–2 Sowerby, George Brettingham Jr 282 & n3 Spallanzani, Lazzaro: Spallanzani Monument Committee invite CD to contribute 238–9 & 239 nn 1–4, 539 & nn 1–3 Spencer, Herbert 69 n2, 75 & 76 nn 1–2; The data of ethics 207 & 208 n4, 268–9 & 269 n3, 351 & n1; theory of nerve formation, F.M. Balfour’s criticism of 292–3 & 293 n4 Sphex (digger wasps) 52 n2, 99 & 100 n4, 530 & 531 n4 spine, development of 40–1 & 42 nn 12–13, 524 & 525 nn 12–13 spiritualism: and A.R. Wallace xxiii–xxiv, 412 & 413 n7, 418 & 419 n13, 433 & n1, 434 & 435 n2 spoonleaf sundew (Drosera intermedia) 276 & n3, 283 n2 spoon-leaved sundew (Drosera spatulata) 34 & n3, 276 & nn 2–3 Spottiswoode, Eliza Taylor 566 & 567 n20 Spottiswoode, William: on appeal for help from S.M. Herzfeld 207 & nn 1–3, 208 & nn 1–2; Civil List pension for A.R. Wallace 361 & 362 n4, 385 & 386 n6, 505 & n1, 584; dined with CD 566 & 567 n20; Royal Society of London, president 208 & n3, 362 n4 Stahl, Ernst 260 & 260–1 n6, 265 & 266 n2, 267 & 268 n5, 506 & 507 n6 stamens 228 & nn 1–2 Stanford, Charles Villiers: met CD 566 & n24 Stanley, Edward Henry 118 & 119 n5, 121 & n1, 124 & n4; CD sends letters about the preservation

Index of Niagara Falls 236–8 & 238 nn 1–9; CD thanks Stanley for informing him of the Niagara Falls affair 243 & n1; petition about the preservation of Niagara Falls 236 & n2; visits Down 446 & n6, 567 & 568 n39 Stanley, Mary Catherine 238 n4, 446 & n6, 567 & 568 n39 starfish (sea stars) 398 n4 Stationers’ Hall 264 & 263 n3 Steer, Sophia 122 n7 sterility 197 & 198 n6 Sterne, Carus see Krause, Ernst Stewart, Balfour 484 stigmas 228 & n3 stipes 87 & 88 n4 Stirling, Gertrude Louisa 9–10 & 11 n2, n4 Stirling, Louisa Jane 11 n4, 201 n5 Stirling, Waite Hockin 9–10 & 11 n2; related to R.B. Litchfield by marriage 201 & n5 St John, Charles 404 & nn 3–4 Stokes, George Gabriel 389 & n6, 484 Stokes, John Lort 395 & 396 n1 stone tools 167, 253 & n4 Story-Maskelyne, Nevil 318 & 319 n8 Story-Maskelyne, Thereza Mary 318 & 319 n8 Strahan, Aubrey 498–9 & 499 n2 Strasburger, Eduard 78 & 79 n3, 528 & 529 n3; CD thanks for his book on cell formation and cell division 275 & 275–6 n1; thanks CD for presentation copy of Movement in plants 457 & nn 1–3, 555 & nn 1–3, 575 & 576 n21 Stratford-upon-Avon, Warwickshire 255 & 256 n6 Stuart, James 484 Styche Hall, Shropshire 19 & n3 sugar cane 348 & nn 1–2, 350 & nn 1–2 Sugiura, Shigetake 147 n5 Sulivan, Bartholomew James: CD replies to his letter and thanks for extracts about Tierra del Fuego 14 & nn 1–4; CD sends T. Coan’s Adventures in Patagonia 201 & nn 1–3; coffee tavern in Bournemouth 384 & n3; grape varieties 395 & 396 n2; grape varieties, CD’s response 396 & n2; health, of himself and family 206 & n4; reading Erasmus Darwin 10 & 11 n15; sends extracts of letter about Tierra del Fuego 9–10 & 11 nn 1–13; sends news of Beagle crew members 384 & n4; sponsorship of orphan James FitzRoy Button 384 & n1, 395 & 396 n1, 396 & n1; thanks CD for T. Coan’s book 205–6 & 206 nn 1–2; on S.E. Wedgwood’s death 384 & n2; will send some issues of South American Missionary Magazine to publishers in New York 206 & n3

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Sulivan, James Button (Cooshaipunjiz) 9–10 & 11 n7, 384 & n1, 395 & 396 n1, 396 n1 Sulivan, Sophia 206 & n4 Sulivan, Sophia Henrietta 206 & n4 Sully, James 183 & n2 sundews (Drosera) 24 & n1, 33–4 & 34 n1, n3, n4, 73 & 74 n3, 75 & 76 n5, 276 & nn 2–3, 283 n2 SUPPORT FOR CD’S THEORIES: F.E. Abbot 199–200, 226–7; F.M. Balfour 292 & 293 n1; B. von Carneri 359–60 & 360 nn 1–2; F.J. Cohn 500– 1; F. Delpino 458, 556; A. Dodel-Port 460, 557; J. Fiske 180–1; J. Geikie 257; O. von Giesl 50 & 51 nn 1–3, 525–6 & 526 nn 1–3; E. Haeckel 76, 527; T.H. Huxley 174 & n5, 196 & n2, 198 n2; C. Kingsley 419 & n1; O.C. Marsh 261–2, 290; T. Meehan 188; J. Rouquette 157, 532–3; G.H. Schneider 159 & 161 nn 2–3, 534–5 & 536 nn 2–3; H. Welcker 39, 523; J.R.C. Wise 242 & n3; H. Woodward 173 Swallow, George Clinton 188 & n2 swallow-tail (Papilio machaon) 32 & 33 n3 swan goose (Anser cygnoides) 394–5 & 395 n3 swede (rutabaga; Brassica napus var. napobrassica) 66 & 67 n6, 97 & 99 n2 Switzerland: Swiss Alps 293 & n1, 293 & n5, 296 & 297 nn 3–4; Zurich University 460 & 461 nn 3–4, 557 & nn 3–4 Symbolanthus vasculosus see Lisianthus vasculosus systematic botany 507 & n1 tadpoles 283 & n2 Tahiti 366 tails, in dead animals 373 Tait, Archibald Campbell 171 & n2, 483–5 & 485 n1, 494 & n2 Tait, Lawson 106 & 107 nn 1–2; asks CD to contribute to Birmingham Philosophical Society’s research fund 247 & 248 nn 4–5; CD contributes to Birmingham Philosophical Society’s research fund 249–50 & 250 n3, 254 & n1; CD has read Tait’s surgical papers; commends his success in ovariotomy 250 & nn 4–5; CD on meeting Tait to receive address from Birmingham Philosophical Society 86–7 & 87 nn 1–2; CD sends issue of Kosmos and will send letter from ED 35 & nn 1–4; CD suggests Tait wait until he is ‘in his grave’ before holding proposed ‘Darwin festival’ 33 & nn 1–2; CD thanks for letter and address from Birmingham Philosophical Society 84 & 84–5 nn 1–2; electing CD an honorary member of the Birmingham Philosophical Society 38 & nn 1–2; meets CD in London and delivers address

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Tait, Lawson, cont. from Birmingham Philosophical Society 116 & 116–17 nn 1–2; Midland Union of Scientific and Literary Societies wish to set up a Darwin Prize, with medal 247 & 248 nn 1–3, 249 & 250 nn 1–2, 251 & n1; pioneer of ovariotomy 250 & n5; suggests holding a ‘Darwin festival’ to celebrate CD’s birthday 31 & 32 nn 1–3; visits Down 566 Tait, Peter Guthrie 122 & n5, 484 Tait, Sybil Anne: visits Down 566 tapeworms 332 & n1 tapirs 39 & 41 n3, 523 & 525 n3 Taraxacum officinale (common dandelion) 390 & n4 Tasmania, CD’s opinion of 63 & n3 taw manroot (Megarrhiza watsonii) 133 n6 taxonomy, orchids 87 & 88 nn 2–3, 89 & 90 n4 Taylor, John Ellor 282 & n3 Tearle, William: origin of mankind 176–7 & nn 1–2, 177 n1 Teesdale, John Marmaduke 372 & n2, 387 & 388 n1 Teg Down, Hampshire 515 & 516 nn 2–3 telegraph wires, birds learning to avoid 234–5 & 235 n2, 235 telescopes 372 & n4 temperance movement 384 & n3 Temple Bar, London 5 & 7 n18 Tenby, excavations of caves 223 n1 tendons 40 & 41 nn 6–8, 523–4 & 525 nn 6–8 terminology, orchids 87–8 & 88 nn 4–5, 89 & n2 Thiselton-Dyer, Harriet Anne 421 & 422 n9, 566 & 567 n21 Thiselton-Dyer, William Turner 412 & 413 n5, 417 & n5; absorption in Abronia 422 & 422–3 n2; CD asks about vine cotton 47 & nn 1–3; CD asks if Thiselton-Dyer is the author of a review of Erasmus Darwin 39 & n3; CD on absorption of potash 421 & 422 n4; CD on leaves of false acacia in worm burrows 421–2 & 422 n10; CD on Megarrhiza 36 & n2; CD on Trichosanthes anguina 36 & n3; CD on Welwitschia 421 & 422 nn 3–5; CD requests plant seeds 36 & n3, 175 & 176 nn 1–2; CD thanks for plant seeds 36 & n1, 39 & n2; leaves of false acacia in worm burrows 422 & 423 n3; Royal Society of London, proposed as fellow 87 & 88 n1, 89 & n1; sent presentation copy of Movement in plants 422 & 422–3 n2, 574 & 576 n5; signs certificate proposing FD for fellowship of the Royal Society of London 493 & n2; visits Down 566 & 567 n21 thistles 368 n20 Thomas, Thomas Henry: CD thanks for photographs of fossil footprints 348 & 350 nn 1–2, 349

Thompson, Henry 216 n4 Thompson, William (1805–52) 234 & 235 n2 Thompson, William (1823–1903) 140 & 141 n1, 457 & n5 Thomson, Allen 103 & n4 Thomson, Charles Wyville 484; CD’s views on his remarks on natural selection 370 & 371 n1, 371–2 & 372 nn 1–5, 390 n3, 424 & n4 Thomson, Frances Anna 257–8 & 258 n3, 261 & n6, 406 n5, 510 & n3; lunched with CD 214 n12, 566 & 567 n15 Thomson, George Malcolm: Otago Institute, Dunedin, New Zealand; congratulations on 21st anniversary of publication of Origin 571–2 Thomson, William 122 & n5, 217 & 219 n2, 269 & n7, 318 & 319 n6, 464 & n4; atoms 275 n2; CD’s opinion of 214 & n12; G.H. Darwin joined on yacht 406 n5; G.H. Darwin planning visit 117 & 118 n5; G.H. Darwin visited 212 & 213 n9, 257–8 & 258 n3; H. Darwin visited (1879) 389 & n5; lunched with CD 214 n12, 566 & 567 n15; yacht Lalla Rookh 257–8 & 258 n3, 261 & n6 Tiaropsis polydiademata (hydromedusa; Mitrocomella polydiademata) 468 n3 Tichborne claimant 90 & 93 n2 tides: G.H. Darwin’s work 400 & n6, 405 & n4 Tierra del Fuego 9–10 & 11 nn 1–13, 14, 201 n3, 206 & n3, 384 & n1 The Times: T.H. Huxley’s review of Origin (1859) 174 & n5; review of Movement in plants xx, 404 & n2, 405 & n6, 407 & n3, 410 & n3, 411 & n4, 417 & n5, 419 & 420 n1, 429 & 430 n1; ‘Roman villa at Abinger’ 313 & 314 n4 Tindal, Charles Harrison: CD thanks for letter and extracts of letters from R. Clive to R. Gifford 19 & nn 1–6; sends CD extracts of letters from R. Clive to R. Gifford xvii, 1–6 & 6–7 nn 1–24 tiny shrimp (Atyoida potimirim; Potimirim potimirim) 434 n5, 454 & 456 n5, 553 n5, 553–4 & 555 n5 tithes 338 & 338–9 nn 1–3 Tokyo, Japan 146 & 147 n6, 190 & n5 tools, stone 167, 253 & n4 Topley, William 459 & n1, 466–7 & 468 n1 Torbitt, James 142; advertises blight-resistant potatoes 139 & 140 n6; J. Caird, letter to T.H. Farrer expressing confidence in Torbitt’s work 135–6 & 136 nn 1–3; J. Caird, Torbitt flattered by his opinion 154 & 155 n2; J. Caird thanks CD for report on Torbitt’s work 151 & 152 nn 1–4, 333–4 & 334 nn 1–4; CD asks how much land was used and how many seedlings raised 135 & nn 1–2; CD asks the total cost of Torbitt’s experiments 141 & n3;

Index CD comments on Torbitt’s report 136–7 & 137 n2, 138–9 & 139 nn 1–4; CD congratulates on success of potato crop 312 & nn 1–2; CD gives permission to quote from his letters of support when writing to W.E. Forster 231–2 & 232 n1; CD may write to The Times with a report of Torbitt’s work 124, 125–6 & 126 n5, n7, 132 & n3; CD meeting T.H. Farrer 118 & 118–19 n2; CD on funding for further potato experiments xvii, xxiv–xxv, 123–4 & 124 nn 3–4, 124 & 125 nn 2–3, 125–6 & 126 nn 1–7, 132 & nn 1–4, 139 & n4, 152 & 152–3 nn 1–4, 474 & 475 n3, 489–90 & 490 nn 1–4, 500 & n1; CD on letter to W.E. Gladstone about growing blight-resistant potatoes 500 & n2; CD on potato blight in Ireland 474 & 475 n4; CD returning Torbitt’s report and testimonials 152 & 153 n4; CD sending Torbitt’s report to T.H. Farrer and J. Caird 474 & 475 nn 1–2, 490 & n3, 514 & nn 1–4; CD sends copy of his statement about Torbitt’s work 153 & 153–4 nn 1–4; CD sends letter to T.H. Farrer in support of Torbitt’s work 119–20 & 120 nn 1–5; CD sends statement to J. Caird about Torbitt’s work 132 & n2, 141 & n2, 147–9 & 150 nn 1–11; CD sends Torbitt’s letter to T.H. Farrer and asks for government help 86 & nn 1–2; CD suggests he contacts W.E. Forster about potato experiments 195 & n2; CD thinks hopeless to ask for government help 123 & 124 n2, 195 & nn 1–4; CD will keep Torbitt’s secret and wishes him well with project 359 & nn 1–3; T.H. Farrer regrets Torbitt’s work not considered by Irish parliamentary select committee 139 & 140 n5; funding for further potato experiments 497 & 498 n1, 514 & nn 2–4; government support for his potato experiments xxv, 82–3 & 83 nn 1–5, 116 & n1, 121 & n1, 220 & 221 nn 1–4, 228 & 229 n1; has received documents back from CD, and thanks for his help 154 & 155 n1; landowners growing potatoes for him 154 & 155 n3; photograph 142; plan to distribute new potato varieties via the Post Office xxv, 497, 500 & n3; plans to write to W.E. Forster; asks permission to quote from CD’s letters of support 228–9 & 229–30 nn 1–5, 229 & n2; planting potatoes 121 & 122 n2, 154; process for saving waste food 359 & n2, 469 & nn 1–2; progress of potato crop 198 & 199 nn 1–2, 229 & 230 n4, 310 & nn 1–2; progress on report and potato seedlings 136 & n2; propositions he would like to send to government about growing blight-resistant

789

potatoes 220 & 221 nn 1–4, 228 & 229 n1; report on work on potatoes 136 & n2, 139 & 140 nn 1–4, 474 & 475 n2, 514 & n1; report on work on potatoes, CD’s comments 136–7 & 137 n2, 138–9 & 139 nn 1–4; sends CD copy of letter sent to W.E. Gladstone about growing blight-resistant potatoes 482–3 & 483 nn 1–8, 497–8 & 498 nn 1–2; thanks E.A Darwin for his contribution 136 & n1 see also potatoes ( J. Torbitt’s project) Torquay, Kent’s cavern 223 n2 tortoises, giant 364 & 367 n5 torus, receptacle 88 n5 tramways 381 & 382 n11 trefoil (Lotus) 267 & n3 Trelease, William 217 & n4 tribespeople see ethnic groups Trichosanthes anguina (snake gourd; T. cucumerina) 36 & n3, 39 & n2 Triplaris americana (ant-tree) 109 & 112 n10, 162 & n7 TRIPS AND VISITS (CD) see Darwin, Charles Robert, TRIPS AND VISITS

Triticum vulgare (wheat, T. aestivum) 21–2 & 22 nn 1–3, 85 & n1, 97 & 99 n1 Tromer Lodge, Down (S.E. Wedgwood’s house) 405 & n5, 413–14 & 414 nn 2–3, 426 & 427 nn 1–7, 438 & 439 n2, 442 & 442–3 n1, 448 & n1 trout 366 & 368 n21 trumpet tree (Cecropia) 162 & n8 Tryfan (Wales) 34–5 & 35 n1, n3, 382 & 383 n1, 386 & 387 n2, 408 & nn 1–3, 498–9 & 499 nn 1–3 trypsin 258 & nn 5–6, 261 & nn 3–4 tubercules 97–9 & 99 nn 2–3, 101 & 102 nn 1–2 tuco-tucos 358 & 359 nn 2–4 tufted capuchin (Cebus fatuellus; Sapajus apella) 488 & 489 n4 Turin, Italy 301 & 302 nn 1–2; Royal Academy of Sciences award CD Bressa prize 17 & nn 1–2, 19–20 & 20 n1, 23 & nn 1–2, 88 & 89 n3 Turnera ulmifolia (ramgoat dashalong; sage-rose) 108 & 112 nn 5–6, 162 & n8 turnip (Brassica rapa) 67 n6, 97–8 & 99 n2, 102 n2 twoflower passion-flower (Passiflora biflora) 109 & 112 n9, 162 & n3 Tylor, Alfred: on finding an appointment for A.R. Wallace xxiv, 143 & n2; invites one of CD’s sons to hear him read his paper 143 & n1 Tylor, Edward Burnett: birds learning to avoid telegraph wires 235; CD gives references for animals learning to avoid poison 234–5 & 235 n1, n3; CD on birds learning to avoid telegraph wires 234–5 & 235 n2; presidential address to Anthropological Institute on Geman

790

Index

Tylor, Edward Burnett, cont. ‘high-fields’ 265 & n2; sheep eating poisonous plants 235 & n2 Tyndall, John 9 n1, 268 & 269 n5, 275 & n3, 475 & 476 n1, 488 & n1 Ulrich, George Henry Frederick: Otago Institute, Dunedin, New Zealand; congratulations on 21st anniversary of publication of Origin 571–2 Ultramontanists 316 & 317 n4, 324 & 325 n2, 543 & 544 n4 Umberto I, king of Italy 425 & n3, 477 & 482 n3, 551 & n3, 559 & 563 n3 Unicorn 206 & n2 Universal Postal Union 110 & 112 n15 University of Jena, Germany 79 & n5, 83–4 & 84 n2, 528 & 529 n5 University of London: J. Lubbock elected MP 217–18 & 219 n3, 354–5 & 355 n6; J. Lubbock standing for election as MP 194 & nn 1–3, 194–5 & 195 nn 1–2 University Tests Act, 1871 215 & 216 n3 unknown correspondents: CD gives reference from Descent on tribal marriage practices 373 & n1; CD thanks for instructions on making solution 266 & n1; CD thanks for letter 186 & n1; CD thanks for letter and answers questions about Origin 350 & 351 nn 1–3 upland cotton (Gossypium hirsutum) 30 & 31 n2, 47 n2 Urochaeta 234 & n2 Ursus maritimus (polar bear) 40 & 41 n8, 523–4 & 525 n8 Uruguay river, South America 369 & 370 n4 USA, W. Nash’s account of life in Oregon 15–17 & 17 nn 1–5 Usborne, Alexander Burns 384 & n4, 395 & 396 n1 Vaccà, Luigi 239, 539 Vandeae 87 & 88 n4 Vanessa 32 & 33 n2 Vanuatu 364 & 367 n4 Variation (CD) 187 n2, 189 n1, 217 n4, 356, 371 & 372 n5, 477 & n5, 547, 559 & 563 n5; deformity 311 n2; galls 392 n6; grape varieties 396 n2; hens acquiring male characteristics 440 & n4; hybridism 388 n3, 393 n6, 394 & 395 n6, 415 n4, 550 n4; instincts 448 & 449 n4; pangenesis hypothesis 392 n8, 440 n4; pigeons 402 & 403 n2, 549 & n2; prepotency 496 & 497 n2; reversion 415 n4, 513 & 514 n3, 550 n4 Variation 2d ed. (CD) 197 & 198 nn 5–6, 231 n3, 246 n1, 538 n3; Lythrum salicaria 394 & 395 n4; pollen 396 & n2

Variation French ed. (CD) 230 & 231 n6, 538 & n6 Variation French 2d ed. (CD): E. Barbier translated 230 & 231 n3, 537–8 & 538 n3 Variation German ed. (CD) 454 & 456 n3, 553 & 555 n3 vegetarianism 280–1 & 281 nn 1–4 Venezuela 108–10 & 110–12 nn 1–15, 162 & nn 3–8 Venus fly trap (Dionaea muscipula) 73 & 74 n3, 75 & 76 n5, 515 & nn 2–3 Vespertilio 40 & 41 n7, 523 & 525 n7 Vespula vulgaris (common wasp) 52 & n2, 99 & 100 n4, 530 & 531 n4 Vetter, Benjamin: editor of Kosmos from Oct. 1882 104 n1 Vichy, France 241 & 242 n7 Vicia faba (broad bean) 391 & 392 n3 Victoria, Queen 355 n7 Victoria University, north of England 397 & n2 Viellard, Eugène 367 n4 Viëtor, Wilhelm: CD agrees to be a supporter for Zeitschrift für Orthographie 299 & n1 Vilmorin, Henry de 21 & 22 n5 Vincent, Teja & Co. (bankers) 17 & n2; CD authorises them to receive Bressa prize money for him 19–20 & 20 nn 1–2 vine cotton, variety of Gossypium barbadense 30–1 & 31 n3, 47 & n2 Vines, Sydney Howard: sent presentation copy of Movement in plants 574 & 576 n7 viscid disc 87 & 88 n5 VISITS AND TRIPS (CD) see Darwin, Charles Robert, TRIPS AND VISITS

visualising 168 & n3, 170 & n5, 241 & nn 2–6 Viti Levu, Fiji 364 & 367 n4 Vitis (grapevines) 148 & 150 n6, 395 & 396 n2, 396 & n2, 420 & n6 Vivian, Edward 223 & n2; CD forwards enclosure mistakenly addressed to him 225 & n1 vivisection 307 & 308 n1, 309 & 310 n2 Vöchting, Hermann: CD on FD’s experiments on Rubus cuttings 485 & 486 n4; CD thanks for publications and letter praising Movement in plants 485–6 nn 1–3, 5–6; thanks CD for presentation copy of Movement in plants and sends his own publications 461–2 & 462 nn 1–4, 576 & 577 n40; visited Down (1871) 462 & n4 Vogt, Carl 240–1 & 241 n1 volcanic islands 466 & n3, 467 & 468 n2 Volcanic islands (CD) 466 n3 Voronin, Mikhail Stepanovich 97–8 & 99 n2 Vries, Hugo de 377 & n7; thanks CD for presentation copy of Movement in plants, and sends comments 462–3 & 463 nn 1–7, 575 & 576 n27

Index Wagner, Moritz Friedrich: geographical segregation 144 & n4, 434 & n5, 532 & n4, 552 & 553 n5 Wales: Moel Tryfan 34–5 & 35 n1, n3, 382 & 383 n1, 386 & 387 n2, 408 & nn 1–3, 498–9 & 499 nn 1–3; Tenby, excavations of caves 223 n1 Wallace, Alfred Russel 216 n4, 371 & 372 n2; accepted J. Hampden’s challenge to prove the earth was round 433 & n1; application for a post at Mason College, Birmingham 27 & 28 n7; astrology, views on 183; CD admires his article ‘On the origin of species and genera’ 20 & 20–1 nn 1–4; CD comments on book, Island life 364–7 & 367–9 nn 1–26, 417–18 & 418–19 nn 3–7, n13, 457 & n4; CD comments on T.H. Farrer’s article about bequests 20 & 21 n6; CD trying to find employment for 49 & 50 n4; CD’s attempt to obtain a Civil List pension for xvii, xxiii–xxiv, 361 & 361–2 n1, nn 3–4, 374–5 & 375–6 nn 1–8, 380 & nn 1–5, 385–6 & 386 nn 1–8, 388 & n3, 389 & n1, 432–3 & 433 nn 1–2, 434–5 & 435 nn 1–2, 439 & n5, 458 & 459 n2, 459 & n2, 464 & n1, 469 & nn 1–3, 486 & 486–7 nn 1–4, 488 & nn 1–3, 493 & n3, 496 & n2, 502–3 & 503 n2, 505 & n1, 506 & 507 n4, 507 & 508 n2, 509 & n1, 510 & n2, 511 & n2, 511 & 512 n2, 512 & n2, 512 & 513 nn 1–3, 580; CD’s memorial for xxiv, 380 & n4, 385 & 386 n1, 469 & n1, 580–4 & 584 nn 1–14, & 584 nn 1–14; J.D. Hooker comments on Island life xxiv, 412 & 413 nn 6–9; hoped to be appointed director of Bethnal Green branch of South Kensington museum 375 & n6, 581 & 584 n6, 583; Island life xxiv, 27 & 28 nn 1–5, 466 & nn 2–4, 467 & 468 n2, n5, 582 & 584 n11, 583; Island life, replies to CD’s comments 378–9 & 379–80 nn 1–9; not appointed superintendent of Epping Forest 20 & 21 n5, 27 & 28 n6, 143 & n2, 375 & 376 n7, 581–2 & 584 n9, 583; on presentation list for Movement in plants 364 & 367 n3, 408 n1, 575; G.J. Romanes meets, opinion of 183 & n5; sends CD his book, Island life 333 & 334 nn 1–3; spiritualism xxiii–xxiv, 412 & 413 n7, 418 & 419 n13, 433 & n1, 434 & 435 n2; thanks CD for presentation copy of Movement in plants 408 & n1; theories on the flora of Australia, New Zealand and the Azores 333 & 334 nn 2–3; theory of protective coloration 380 & n2; travelled to the Amazon with H.W. Bates 512 & 513 n1; A. Tylor on finding an appointment for Wallace 143 & n2 Wallace, Annie 581 & 584 n12 Wallace, Richard 154 & 155 n3, 375 & n6, 581 & 584 n8

791

Wallace, Violet Isabel 581 & 584 n12 Wallace, William Greenell 581 & 584 n12 Waller, Frederick William 509 & n3 Waller, Jessie Oriana 509 & n3 Waller, Oriana Huxley 509 & n3 war, in Europe 81 & 82 n8 Wardle, George Young 238 & n9 Waring, Anne 212 & n5 Warming, Eugenius: sent presentation copy of Movement in plants 575 & 577 n37 wasps 52 & n2, 53 n4, 99 & 100 nn 3–4, 530 & 531 nn 3–4 water samples, analysis of 181–2 & 182 nn 1–2 Waterhouse, Alfred 342 n2 Waterhouse, George Robert 171 & n1 Watson, Henry William 106 & 108 n3 Watson, Sereno 66 & n2, 133 & n4, n6 weather: autumn 1880 354, 405; summer 1880 354; winter 1880 126–7 & 129 n1, 143 Wedgwood, Caroline Sarah: CD and E. Darwin visit 446 n7, 457 & n2, 466 & n1, 469 n4, 470 & n2, 471 & 472 n6, 472 & 473 n6, 474 & 475 n1, 567 & 568 n42; CD’s sister xxv, 222 & 223 n6, 313; illness 313 & 314 n9, 328 & n5, 340 & n5, 472 & 473 n6; sent presentation copy of Movement in plants 575 & 576 n9 Wedgwood, Catherine: CD’s aunt 388 & 389 n4 Wedgwood, Constance Rose: visits Down 199 & n3 Wedgwood, Emma see Darwin, Emma Wedgwood, Frances Julia (Snow): visits Down 405 & n5 Wedgwood, Henry Allen 127 & 129 n5; sale of S.E. Wedgwood’s house, Tromer Lodge 426 & 427 n5 Wedgwood, Hensleigh: helps fund J. Torbitt’s potato experiments 124 & 125 n3, 125 & 126 n4, 147 & 150 n3; sale of S.E. Wedgwood’s house, Tromer Lodge 426 & 427 n5, 448 & n1 Wedgwood, Josiah I 2 & 6 n6 Wedgwood, Josiah III: death of xxv, 23 & n7, 566; final illness 119 & n6 Wedgwood, Mabel: visits Down 199 & n3 Wedgwood, Sarah Elizabeth: death of xxv, 384 & n2, 387 & 388 n1, 392 & 393 n2, 405 n5, 406 & n4, 412 & 413 n17, 413 & 414 n1, 567 & 568 n37, n38; illness 313 & 314 n8, 318 & 319 n7, 327 & n7, 329 & 330 n5, 347 & n3, 372 & n2; sale of house, Tromer Lodge 405 & n5, 413–14 & 414 nn 2–3, 426 & 427 nn 1–7, 438 & 439 n2, 442 & 442–3 n1, 448 & n1 Wedgwood, Sophy: CD asks if there are any worm casts on heath xxi, 327–8 & 328 nn 1–4; worm casts on heath 339–40 & 340 nn 1–4

792

Index

Wedgwood, Thomas 222 & 223 n6 Weismann, August: Studien zur Descendenz-Theorie translated by R. Meldola 423–4 & 424 n1 Welcker, Hermann: CD thanks for his papers 51 & nn 1–5; sends CD his papers on tendons, ligaments and foot binding in the Chinese 39–41 & 41–2 nn 1–11, 523–4 & 524–5 nn 1–11; would like to dedicate book on development of the spine to CD 40–1 & 42 nn 12–13, 51 & n5, 524 & 525 nn 12–13 Welwitschia 412 & 413 n5, 421 & 422 n5, 422 & 422–3 n2 western wild cucumber (Megarrhiza oregana; Marah oregana) 133 & nn 5–6, 163 & 165 n3 Westphal, Carl 448 & 449 n3 Whaits, Mary Ann 9 & 11 n8 Whaits, Robert 9 & 11 n3 wheat (Triticum vulgare; T. aestivum) 21–2 & 22 nn 1–3, 85 & n1, 97 & 99 n1 Wheler, Elizabeth Anne: congratulates CD on H. Darwin’s marriage 29 & n7; informs CD of Violetta Darwin’s death 29 & 30 n9; thanks CD for presentation copy of Erasmus Darwin 29 & nn 1–6 Whitaker, William 289 & 290 n1; CD thanks for article 138 & nn 1–2 White, Walter: CD asks for list of members of the council of the Royal Society of London 440 & n1 white admiral (Limenitis camilla) 32 & 33 n3 Whitehead, Stephen 294 n2 Whitley, Charles Thomas 499 & 500 n2, 508 & 509 n4 Whitley, Frances 508 & 509 n4 Whitley, James 3 & 6 n12 Wichura, Max Ernst 392 & 393 n6 wideleaf water-parsnip (Sium latifolium) 463 & n4 Wiesner, Julius: sent presentation copy of Movement in plants 576 & 577 n42 Wilberforce, Henry William 218 & 219 n8 Wilberforce, Robert Isaac 218 & 219 n8 Wilberforce, Samuel 174 n5 Wilberforce, William (1759–1833) 218 & 219 n8 Wilberforce, William (1798–1879) 218 & 219 n8 Wild, Henriette 299 & n4 wild potato vine (Ipomoea pandurata) 165 & 166 n10, 175–6 & 176 n1, n3, 179 & n5, 240 & n2 Wilder, Burt Green: letter to Nature, ‘The two kinds of vivisection–sentisection and callisection’ 307 & 308 n1, 309 & 310 nn 1–2 Williams & Norgate: CD asks them to send books 188 & 189 n1, 232 & nn 1–2, 292 & nn 1–3; CD asks them to send E.R. Lankester’s essay 191 &

nn 1–2; CD will subscribe to the monograph series Fauna und Flora des Golfes von Neapel 396 & nn 1–2; inform CD of new work on Darwinism 138 & nn 1–2 Williamson, William Crawford: asks E. Darwin whether members of the Yorkshire Naturalists’ Union should visit Down to congratulate CD on Origin of species xxiii, 291 & nn 1–3, 352 & 352–3 n1; CD on Drosera seedlings 283 & nn 1–2; CD thanks for note, Yorkshire Naturalists’ Union’s memorial address was an honour 399 & n1; Drosera seedlings 276 & nn 1–3; establishment of Victoria University 397 & n2; regrets he could not be present when Yorkshire Naturalists’ Union presented memorial address to CD 397 & n1, n4; sends CD seedling of Drosera capensis 33–4 & 34 n1; sent presentation copy of Movement in plants 575 & 576 n8; work on fossil flora 397 & n3, 399 & n2; Yorkshire Naturalists’ Union, president 291 & n1, 397 n1; Yorkshire Naturalists’ Union delivers address to commemorate 21 years since publication of Origin 571 willow oak (Quercus phellos) 188 n2 willows, hybrid 392 & 393 n6 Wilooshwahwilis (Orphie Loftus) 9–10 & 11 n8 Wilson, Alexander Stephen: CD asks about knobs on roots of Cruciferae 85 & n3; CD on formation of galls 101 & 102 nn 1–2; CD thanks for articles on wheat 85 & n1; CD thanks for his letter and observations on Aegilops 26 & nn 1–2; describes various causes of knobs on roots of Cruciferae 97–9 & 99 nn 2–3; intends to do more work on Russian wheat 97 & 99 n1; reports on experiments with Russian wheat and Aegilops 21–2 & 22 nn 2–7 Wilson, James Maurice 484 wind dispersal 379 & 380 nn 7–8 wine grape (Vitis vinifera) 148 & 150 n6, 395 & 396 n2, 396 & n2, 420 & n6 winter weather 1880 126–7 & 129 n1, 143 Wise, John Richard de Capel: dedicates book of poems, The first of May: a fairy masque to CD 242 & n3, 259–60 & 260 nn 1–2 women, education of 351–2 & 352 n2, 353 & nn 1–2 Woodward, Henry: on T.H. Huxley’s lecture on ‘The coming of age of the Origin of species’ at the Royal Institution 173 & 174 n2; asks CD for a testimonial for position of keeper of geology at the British Museum 171 & nn 1–3; moving the British Museum’s collection of fossils to the new Natural History museum 173 & 174 n3; thanks CD for his testimonial 173 & 174 n1

Index Woodward, Samuel Pickworth 171 & n3 woolly mammoth (Mammuthus primigenius) 253 & n2 woolly whitefly (Aleurothrixus floccosus) 148 & 150 n6 worms, earth xvii, xxi, 232 & nn 1–2, 232–3 & 233 n1, 234 & nn 1–2, 260 & n3, 265 & nn 2–3, 265–6 & 266 nn 5–6, 319 & 324 nn 1–4, 327–8 & 328 nn 1–4, 390 & n2, 510 & n2; casts 233 & nn 1–2, 236 & n4, 293 & n2, 294 & 295 nn 1–2, 295 & nn 1–2, 296, 301 & 302 n2, 313 & 314 n5, 318 & 319 n4, 327 & n5, 330 & n4, 331 & n2, 337 & nn 2–3, 338 & n3, 339–40 & 340 n2, 341–2 & 342 nn 1–5, 342–3 & 343 nn 1–3, 346–7 & 347 n1, 410 & n4, 443 & 444 n1, 447, 449–52 & 452 n2, 487 & nn 1–3; false acacia leaves in burrows 416–17 & 417 n3, 421–2 & 422 n10, 422 & 423 n3, 431–2 & 432 n2, 443 & 444 n2; pine needles in burrows 327 & n4; at site of Roman villa at Abinger, Surrey 313 & 314 nn 1–5, 318 & 319 nn 1–4, 331 & nn 1–4, 337 & nn 1–3, 341–2 & 342 nn 1–5, 346–7 & 347 nn 1–2; at site of Roman villa at Brading, Isle of Wight 449–52 & 452 nn 1–5, 487 & nn 1–3; Venezuelan 342–3 & 343 nn 1–3 worms, parasitic 332 & nn 1–2 worms, polychaete (Capitellidae) 81 & 82 n7 Woronin, Mikhail Stepanowitsch see Voronin, Mikhail Stepanovich Wrangel, Ferdinand Petrovich 100–1 & 101 n3 Wrangham, Bartlett Downs: CD thanks for quotation from J. Kepler 300 & n1; sends CD quotation from J. Kepler 298 & nn 1–2 Wright, George Robert Nicol 313 & 314 n4, 318 & 319 n3 Wright, Joseph: portrait of ED 29 & n6, 257 n11 Wright, Thomas 251 & n3 Wrigley, Alfred 257 & 258 nn 1–2, 261 & n2 wrist bands 297 & 298 n2, 298–9 & 299 n1 Wroxeter, Shropshire 397 & 398 n2 Würtenberger, Leopold: CD thanks for book on ammonites 125 & n1 Würzburg, Germany: J. Sachs’ laboratory of plant physiology 187 n3, 214–15 n15 yeoman of the armoury 37 & n3, 44 & n2, 522 & 523 n3 Yorkshire Naturalists’ Union 362–3 & 363 n1; visits Down to deliver an address to CD commemorating the 21st anniversary of Origin xxiii, 352 & 352–3 nn 1–2, 355–6 & 356 n3, 363–4 & 364 nn 1–2, 397 & n1, 399 & n1, 407 & n6, 567 & 568 n36, 570–1 & 571 n1; W.C. Williamson, president 291 & n1, 353 & 352–3 n1, 397 n1

793

Yulan magnolia (Magnolia conspicua; M. denudata) 188 n3 Zermatt, Switzerland 293 & n1, 293 & n5, 296 & 297 nn 3–4 Zöckler, Otto: opposition to Darwinism 259 & n4, 540 & 541 n4; publishes pamphlet on ED as a forerunner of Darwinism 202 & n2, 258–9 & 259 n3, 262 & 263 n1, 540 & 541 n3 zoological station, Cowie, Aberdeenshire 372 & 373 n5 Zoological Station, Naples 80–1 & 81–82 nn 2–8, 106 n2; CD offers to pay for apparatus with Bressa prize money 88–9 & 89 n3; CD subscribes to the monograph series Fauna und Flora des Golfes von Neapel 396 & nn 1–2; H. Darwin suggests CD donate the Bressa prize money to 23 & n2; funding for British scientists 102–3 & 103 nn 1–5, 106 n2, 114 & 116 n2; G.H. Schneider, conflict with F.A. Dohrn 159 & 161 n3, 535 & 536 n3; Zoologischer Jahresbericht 404 n2 Zoonomia (ED) 6 n13, 34 n2, 52 & n2, 241 & 241–2 n6 zoophytes 420 & n4 Zurich University 460 & 461 nn 3–4, 557 & nn 3–4