The Correspondence of Charles Darwin, Volume 26: 1878 [1 ed.] 110847540X, 9781108475402

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Bernard Darwin, May 1878. Papers of Nora Barlow, CUL MS Add. 8904.4: 1158. By permission of the Syndics of Cambridge University Library.

THE CORRESPONDENCE OF

CHARLES DARWIN Editors

frederick burkhardt† james a. secord samantha evans francis neary anne secord

shelley innes alison m. pearn paul white

Associate Editors

anne schlabach burkhardt† rosemary clarkson andrew corrigan amparo gimeno-sanjuan michael hawkins elizabeth smith ruth goldstone muriel palmer

This edition of the Correspondence of Charles Darwin is sponsored by the American Council of Learned Societies. Its preparation is made possible by the co-operation of Cambridge University Library and the American Philosophical Society. The Advisory Committee for the edition, appointed by the Management Board, has the following members: Gillian Beer Janet Browne Daniel Grossman Mandy Hill Simon Keynes John Parker

Tim Birkhead Sibyl R. Golden† Sandra Herbert Randal Keynes Gene Kritsky

Support for editing has been received from the Alfred P. Sloan Foundation, the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation, the Arts and Humanities Research Council, the British Academy, the British Ecological Society, the Evolution Education Trust, the Isaac Newton Trust, the John Templeton Foundation, the National Endowment for the Humanities, the National Science Foundation, the Natural Environment Research Council, the Royal Society of London, the Stifterverband für die Deutsche Wissenschaft, and the Wellcome Trust. The National Endowment for the Humanities funding of the work was under grants nos. re-23166-75-513, re-27067-77-1359, re-0082-80-1628, re-20166-82, re-20480-85, re-20764-89, re-20913-91, re-21097-93, re-21282-95, rz-20018-97, rz-20393-99, rz-20849-02, and rq-50388-09; the National Science Foundation funding of the work was under grants nos. soc-75-15840, soc-7682775, ses-7912492, ses-8517189, sbr-9020874, sbr-9616619, ses-0135528, ses-0646230, and ses-0957520. Any opinions, findings, conclusions, or recommendations expressed in this publication are those of the editors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the grantors.

THE CORRESPONDENCE OF

CHARLES DARWIN VOLUME 26

1878

University Printing House, Cambridge CB2 8BS, United Kingdom One Liberty Plaza, 20th Floor, New York, NY 10006, USA 477 Williamstown Road, Port Melbourne, VIC 3207, Australia 314–321, 3rd Floor, Plot 3, Splendor Forum, Jasola District Centre, New Delhi – 110025, India 79 Anson Road, #06-04/06, Singapore 079906 Cambridge University Press is part of the University of Cambridge. It furthers the University’s mission by disseminating knowledge in the pursuit of education, learning and research at the highest international levels of excellence. www.cambridge.org Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9781108475402 DOI: 10.1017/9781108566940 © Cambridge University Press 2018 This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place without the written permission of Cambridge University Press. First published 2018 Citation: Burkhardt, Frederick, et al., eds. 2018. The correspondence of Charles Darwin. Vol. 26. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Printed in the United Kingdom by TJ International Ltd. Padstow Cornwall A catalogue record for this publication is available from the British Library ISBN 978-1-108-47540-2 Hardback Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of URLs for external or third-party internet websites referred to in this publication, and does not guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate.

Dedicated to the Wellcome Trust for its essential support of the Darwin Correspondence Project 1996–2006

The completion of this edition has been made possible through the generosity of the Evolution Education Trust together with the Alfred P. Sloan Foundation, the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation, and the Isaac Newton Trust. The Darwin Correspondence Project also gratefully acknowledges the essential long-term support for the edition provided by the British Academy, the National Endowment for the Humanities, the National Science Foundation, the Royal Society, and the Wellcome Trust, and by the following donors: Patrons The Evolution Education Trust Golden Family Foundation The Parasol Foundation Trust Jim and Hilary Potter Affiliates Bern Dibner† William T. Golden† Kathleen Smith† Friends Jane Burkhardt Pamela Davis Florence Fearrington and James Needham† Gerald† and Sue Friedman John C. Greene Daniel V. Grossman and Elizabeth Scott Andrews Lawrence K. Grossman Shirley Grossman, M.D. Mary S. Hopkins Robert McNeil Michael Mathews Victor Niederhoffer Wendy L. Thompson Daniel J. Wright

CONTENTS List of illustrations

viii

List of letters

ix

Introduction

xvii

Acknowledgments

xxviii

List of provenances

xxxii

Note on editorial policy

xxxv

Darwin/Wedgwood genealogy

xlii

Abbreviations and symbols

xliv

THE CORRESPONDENCE

1

Appendixes I. Translations

503

II. Chronology

533

III. Diplomas

536

IV. Reviews of Forms of flowers

543

Manuscript alterations and comments

545

Biographical register and index to correspondents

557

Bibliography

659

Notes on manuscript sources

703

Index

707

ILLUSTRATIONS Bernard Darwin

frontispiece

Gosling with inverted wings

162

Elliptio complanatus

182

Composites made from portraits of criminals

214

Cartoon concerning the opening of Kew in the mornings

224

Letter from J. E. Taylor, 25 June 1878

251

Portrait of Erasmus Darwin by Joseph Wright

254

Diagram of a klinostat

296

Six photographs of a boy sent by C. E. Fry

385

Carl Kraus

507

CALENDAR LIST OF LETTERS

The following list is in the order of the entries in the Calendar of the correspondence of Charles Darwin. It includes all those letters that are listed in the Calendar for the year 1878, and those that have been redated into 1878. Alongside the Calendar numbers are the corrected dates of each letter. A date or comment printed in italic type indicates that the letter has been omitted from this volume. Letters acquired after the publication of the first edition of the Calendar, in 1985, have been given numbers corresponding to the chronological ordering of the original Calendar listing with the addition of an alphabetical marker. Many of these letters are summarised in a ‘Supplement’ to a new edition of the Calendar (Cambridge University Press, 1994). The markers ‘f ’, ‘g’, and ‘h’ denote letters acquired after the second edition of the Calendar went to press in 1994.

5825. [before 3 Feb 1878] 6307a. 6 Aug [1878] 7842. July 1878 9632f. Cancelled: enclosure to letter 10594, to be published in a future supplement. 9863f. 19 and 21 Feb [1878] 10077. 18 Jan 1878 10173. 25 Sept [1878] 10234f. 1 Nov [1877–9]. To be published in a future supplement. 10332. [c. 31 Jan 1878?] 10827. [before 12 Feb 1878] 10832. 6 Feb [1878] 10929. 15 Apr [1878] 10944. 28 Apr [1878] 11153. 27 Sept [1878] 11219. c. 20 Feb 1878 11220. [c. 20 Feb 1878] 11301. [July 1875 – 1878?]. To be published in a future supplement. 11302. [1878?] 11302f. [28 Oct 1877?] 11303. 5 [ June 1878] 11304. [ Jan 1878] 11305. 1 Jan [1878] 11306. 1 Jan 1878 11307. 1 Jan [1878]

11308. 2 Jan [1878] 11308a. 2 Jan 1878 11309. 3 Jan 1878 11309f. 3 Jan 1878 11310. 3 Jan 1878 11310f. Cancelled: same as 5984f, to be published in a future supplement. 11311. 4 Jan 1878 11311f. 4 Jan 1878 11312. 5 Jan 1878 11312a. [20–9 Dec 1877] 11313. [1842–82]. To be published in a future supplement. 11314. 6 Jan [1878] 11315. 7 Jan 1878 11316. 7 Jan 1878 11317. 8 Jan 1878 11318. 11 Jan [1878] 11319. 12 Jan 1878 11320. 12 Jan 1878 11321. 16 Jan 1878 11321a. 16 Jan 1878 11322. 17 [ Jan 1878] 11323. 18 Jan 1878 11324. 18 Jan 1878 11325. Cancelled: not a CD letter. 11326. 19 Jan 1878 11327. 19 Jan 1878

x 11328. [20 Jan 1878?] 11329. 20 Jan [1878] 11330. 21 [and 22] Jan 1878 11331. 25 Jan 1878 11332. 26 Jan 1878 11333. 27 Jan [1877] 11334. 27 Jan 1878 11335. 8 Feb 1878 11336. 28 Jan 1878 11337. 28 Jan 1878 11337a. 28 Jan 1873: to be published in a future supplement. 11338. 29 Jan 1878 11339. 29 Jan 1878 11339f. 29 Jan 1878 11340. 31 Jan [1878] 11341. 31 Jan 1878 11342. [31?] Jan 1878 11343. 3 Feb 1878 11344. 3 Feb [1878] 11345. 3 Feb [1878] 11346. 4 Feb 1878 11347. 4 Feb [1878] 11348. 9 Feb 1878 11349. 10 Feb [1878] 11350. 10 Feb [1878] 11351. 10 Feb 1878 11352. 10 Feb 1880 11353. 12 Feb [1878] 11354. 12 Feb [1878] 11355. 12 Feb [1878] 11356. 14 Feb 1878 11357. 14 Feb 1878 11358. 14 Feb 1878 11359. 14 Feb 1878 11359a. 14 Feb 1878 11360. 15 Feb 1878 11361. 16 Feb 1878 11362. 16 Feb [1878] 11363. 16 Feb 1878 11363a. 16 Feb 1878 11364. 17 Feb [1878] 11365. 18 Feb 1878 11366. 19 and 20 Feb 1878 11367. 19 and 21 Feb [1878] 11368. 20 Feb 1878 11369. 20 Feb [1878] 11370. 21 Feb 1878 11371. 22 Feb 1878 11371f. 22 Feb 1878 11372. 23 Feb 1878 11373. 24 Feb 1878 11374. 25 Feb 1878 11375. 25 Feb 1878

List of letters 11376. 26 Feb 1878 11377. 26 Feb [1878] 11378. 26 Feb 1878 11379. 27 Feb 1878 11380. 28 [Feb 1878] 11381. 28 Feb 1878 11382. 28 Feb 1878 11383. [28 Feb 1878] 11384. 28 Feb 1878 11385. [July 1877 or later]. To be published in a future supplement. 11385a. 31 May 1881 11386. [1 Mar 1878] 11387. 1 Mar 1878 11388. [28 Feb 1878] 11389. 2 Mar 1878 11390. [3 or 4 Mar 1878] 11391. 2 Mar 1878 11392. [1 Mar 1878] 11393. 2 Mar 1878 11394. 2 Mar 1878 11394f. 2 Mar 1878 11395. 4 Mar 1878 11396. 4 Mar 1878 11397. [4 Mar 1878] 11398. [4 Mar 1878] 11399. 4 Mar 1878 11400. 4 Mar 1878 11401. [after 2 Mar 1878] 11402. 6 Mar 1878 11403. 6 Mar 1878 11404. 6 Mar 1878 11405. 7 Mar 1878 11406. Cancelled: enclosure to 11407. 11407. 7 Mar 1878 11408. 9 Mar 1878 11409. 9 Mar 1878 11410. 9 Mar 1878 11411. 9 Mar 1878 11412. 11 Mar 1878 11413. 11 Mar [1878] 11414. 11 Mar 1878 11415. [before 14 Sept 1877] 11416. 11 Mar 1878 11417. 12 Mar 1878 11418. 12 Mar 1878 11418a. 12 Mar 1878 11419. 13 Mar 1878 11420. 13 Mar [1878] 11421. 13 Mar 1878 11422. 14 Mar 1878 11423. 14 Mar 1878 11424. 14 Mar 1878 11425. 14 Mar 1878

List of letters 11426. 15 Mar 1878 11426f. Cancelled, printed enclosure: see 11426 n. 3 11427. 16 Mar [1878] 11428. 16 Mar 1878 11429. 17 Mar 1878 11429f. 17 Mar 1878 11430. 17 Mar 1878 11431. 18 Mar 1878 11432. 19 Mar [1878] 11433. 19 Mar 1878 11434. 20 Mar 1878 11435. 20 Mar 1878 11436. 21 Mar [1878] 11437. 21 Mar 1878 11438. 22 Mar 1878 11438a. 23 Mar 1878 11439. 24 Mar [1878] 11440. 24 Mar 1878 11441. 24 Mar 1878 11442. Mar [1878–80] 11443. 25 Mar [1878] 11444. Cancelled, not a letter: see 11479 n. 5 11445. 25 Mar 1878 11446. 26 Mar 1878 11447. 26 Mar [1878] 11448. 27 Mar 1878 11449. 27 Mar [1878] 11450. 27 Mar 1878 11450a. 27 Mar 1878 11451. 28 Mar 1878 11452. 28 Mar [1878] 11453. 29 Mar 1878 11454. 29 Mar 1878 11455. 29 Mar [1878] 11456. 31 Mar 1878 11457. 31 Mar 1878 11458. 31 Mar 1878 11459. [14–20] Apr [1878] 11460. 1 Apr 1878 11461. 2 Apr [1878] 11462. 3 Apr 1878 11463. 5 Apr 1878 11464. 5 Apr 1878 11465. 8 Apr 1878 11466. 9 Apr [1878] 11467. 9 Apr 1878 11468. 10 Apr [1876]: to be published in a future supplement 11469. 10 Apr 1878 11470. 11 Apr 1878 11471. 12 Apr 1878 11472. 12 Apr 1878 11473. 12 Apr 1878 11474. 13 Apr [1878]

11475. 14 Apr 1878 11476. 16 Apr 1878 11477. 16 Aug 1878 11478. 17 Apr 1878 11479. 19 [May 1878] 11480. 20 Apr 1878 11481. 22 Apr 1878 11482. 23 Apr 1878 11483. 24 Apr 1878 11484. 25 Apr 1878 11485. 26 Apr 1878 11486. 28 Apr 1878 11487. 28 Apr 1878 11488. 28 Apr 1878 11489. 29 Apr [1878] 11490. 29 Apr 1878 11491. 14 Sept [1878] 11492. 1 May 1878 11492f. Cancelled, not a letter: see 11515f n. 2. 11493. 3 May 1878 11494. 4 May 1878 11495. 7 May [1878] 11496. 8 May [1878] 11497. 8 May [1878] 11498. [before 9 May 1878] 11499. 9 May [1878] 11500. 9 May [1878] 11501. 10 May 1878 11502. 11 [May 1878] 11503. 11 May 1878 11504. [11 May 1878] 11504f. [12 May 1878] 11505. 12 May 1878 11506. 13 May [1878] 11507. 13 May 1878 11508. 14 May 1878 11509. 14 May 1878 11510. 15 May [1878] 11511. 15 [July 1878] 11512. 16 May 1878 11513. 16 May 1878 11514. 16 May 1878 11515. 17 May 1878 11515f. [18 May 1878] 11516. [18 May 1878] 11516f. 19 May [1878] 11517. 20 May [1878] 11518. 20 [May 1878] 11519. 21 May 1878 11520. [21? May 1878] 11521. 21 May [1878] 11522. 21 May 1878 11522a. 21 May [1878] 11523. 22 May [1878]

xi

xii

List of letters

11524. 23 May 1878 11525. 23 May 1878 11526. 24 May 1878 11527. Cancelled: 3d-party letter. 11528. 24 May 1878 11529. 25 May 1878 11530. 27 May 1878 11531. 27 May 1878 11532. 27 May 1878 11533. 29 May 1878 11534. 29 May 1878 11535. 30 May 1878 11536. [31 May 1878] 11537. 31 May 1878 11538. [13–26 May 1878] 11539. 1 June 1878 11540. 2 June 1878 11541. 3 June [1879] 11542. 5 June 1878 11543. 5 June 1878 11544. 6 June 1878 11545. 6 June 1878 11546. 8 June 1878 11547. 9 June 1878 11548. 9 June 1878 11549. 9 June [1875–80]. To be published in a future supplement. 11550. 11 June [1878] 11551. 12 June [1878] 11552. 12 June 1878 11553. 13 June 1878 11553f. [after 14 July 1878] 11554. 15 June 1878 11555. 16 June [1878] 11556. 18 June [1878] 11557. 18 June 1878 11558. 18 June 1878 11559. 18 June [1878] 11560. 19 June [1878] 11561. 21 June 1878 11562. 22 June 1878 11563. 23 June [1878] 11564. [c. 23 June 1878] 11565. 25 June [1878] 11566. 25 June 1878 11567. [after 25 June 1878] 11568. 26 June 1878 11568f. 26 June 1878 11569. 26 June 1878 11570. 26 June [1878] 11571. [27 June 1878] 11572. 27 June 1878 11573. [30 June 1878] 11574. 28 June 1878

11575. [29 June] 1878 11576. 29 June 1878 11577. 29 [ June 1878] 11577f. Cancelled: same as 7842 (this vol.). 11578. Cancelled: part of 11575. 11579. Cancelled: part of 11608. 11580. 1 July 1878 11581. 1 July 1878 11582. 2 July 1878 11583. 2 July 1878 11584. 2 July 1878 11585. 2 July 1878 11586. 2 July [1878] 11587. 2 July 1878 11588. 3 July [1878] 11589. 4 [Aug] 1878 11590. 4 July [1877]. To be published in a future supplement. 11590f. 5 July 1878 11591. 5 July [1878] 11592. 5 July 1878 11593. 6 [ July 1878] 11593f. [before 7 July 1878] 11594. 7 July [1878] 11595. 7 [ July 1878] 11596. [after 7 July 1878] 11597. 10 [ July 1878] 11597f. 10 July [1878] 11598. 10 July 1878 11599. 10 July 1878 11599f. 10 July 1878 11600. [before 11 July 1878] 11601. 11 [ July 1878] 11602. 12 July 1878 11603. 13 [ July 1878] 11604. [12 July 1878] 11605. 14 July [1878] 11606. 14 [ July 1878] 11607. 14 July [1878] 11608. 14 July [1878] 11609. 15 July 1878 11610. 16 July [1878] 11611. 16 July 1878 11612. 16 July 1878 11613. [before 17 July 1878] 11614. 17 July 1878 11615. 17 July [1878] 11616. 19 July [1878] 11617. 19 July 1878 11618. 20 July 1878 11619. 20 July [1879] 11620. 20 [ July 1878] 11621. Cancelled: part of 11608. 11622. 21 July 1878

List of letters 11623. [21 July 1878] 11623a. 21 July 1878 11624. 22 July 1878 11625. 22 July [1878] 11626. 24 July 1878 11627. 24 July [1878] 11628. 24 and 25 July 1878 11629. 24 July [1878] 11630. 25 July 1878 11631. 25 July [1878] 11632. [4–7 Aug 1878] 11632a. 25 July 1878 11633. 29 July 1878 11634. 29 July 1878 11635. 30 July [1878] 11636. 31 July 1878 11637. 2 Aug [1878] 11638. [before 3 Aug 1878] 11639. 3 Aug [1878] 11640. 4 [Aug] 1878 11640a. 5 Aug 1878 11641. 6 Aug 1878 11642. 7 Aug 1878 11643. [10 or 11 Aug 1878] 11644. 8 Aug [1878] 11645. 8 Aug [1878] 11645f. 8 Aug [1878] 11646. 9 Aug [1878] 11647. 5 Aug 1878 11648. 9 Aug 1878 11649. 10 Aug [1878] 11650. 10 Aug 1878 11651. 11 Aug [1878] 11652. 12 Aug 1878 11653. 12 Aug [1878] 11653a. 12 Aug 1878 11654. 13 Aug 1878 11655. 13 Aug 1878 11656. 13 Aug 1878 11657. 14 Aug 1878 11658. 14 [Aug 1878] 11659. 15 Aug 1878 11660. 15 Aug 1878 11661. 15 Aug 1878 11661a. 15 Aug 1878 11662. [15] Aug [1878] 11663. 17 [Aug 1878] 11664. 17 Aug 1878 11665. 17 Aug 1878 11666. 17 Aug 1878 11667. 17 Aug 1878 11668. [17 Aug 1878] 11669. [19 Aug 1878] 11670. 20 Aug [1878]

11671. 20 Aug 1878 11672. 23 Aug 1878 11673. 23 Aug 1878 11674. 23 Aug [1878] 11674f. 23 Aug 1878 11675. 24 Aug [1878] 11676. 26 Aug [1878] 11677. 29 Aug [1878] 11678. 29 Aug [1878] 11679. 29 Aug 1878 11680. 30 Aug [1878] 11681. 30 Aug 1878 11682. 31 Aug [1878] 11683. Cancelled: not a letter. 11684. 2 Sept [1878] 11685. 2 Sept 1878 11686. 3 Sept [1878] 11687. 10 Sept 1878 11688. 11 Sept 1878 11689. 12 Sept 1878 11690. 12 Sept [1878] 11690f. [12 Sept 1878] 11691. 13 Sept 1878 11692. 13 [Sept 1878] 11693. 14 Sept 1878 11694. 15 Sept 1878 11695. 16 Sept 1878 11696. 16 Sept 1878 11697. 20 Sept 1878 11698. 20 Sept 1878 11699. 21 Sept [1878] 11700. 21 Sept [1878] 11701. 21 Sept 1878 11701f. 21 Sept [1878] 11702. 22 Sept 1878 11703. [after 22 Sept 1878?] 11704. 23 Sept 1878 11705. 23 Sept 1878 11706. 23 Sept 1878 11707. 23 Sept [1878] 11708. 23 Sept 1878 11709. [after 23 Sept 1878] 11710. 25 Sept 1878 11711. 28 Sept 1878 11712. 1 Oct [1878] 11712a. 1 Oct [1878] 11713. 3 Oct [1878] 11714. 4 Oct 1878 11714f. 4 Oct 1878 11715. 5 Oct [1878] 11716. 5 Oct 1878 11717. 6 [Dec] 1878 11718. 7 Oct 1878 11719. 7 Oct 1878

xiii

xiv 11719a. 7 Oct 1878 11720. 8 Oct 1878 11721. 8 Oct 1878 11722. 10 Oct 1878 11723. 11 Oct 1878 11724. [after 18 Oct 1878] 11725. 20 Oct 1878 11726. 22 Oct 1878 11727. 24 Oct [1878] 11728. 26 Oct 1878 11729. 29 Oct [1878] 11730. 30 Oct 1878 11731. 30 Oct [1878] 11732. 31 Oct [1878] 11733. 1 Nov 1878 11733f. 2 Nov [1878] 11734. 3 Nov 1878 11735. 3 Nov 1878 11736. 5 Nov [1878] 11737. 6 Nov 1878 11738. 7 Nov 1878 11739. 7 Nov 1878 11739a. 7 Nov 1878 11740. 8 Nov [1878] 11741. 11 Nov 1878 11742. 12 Nov 1878 11743. 12 Nov 1878 11743f. 12 Nov [1881] 11744. 13 Nov 1878 11744f. [15–18 Nov 1878] 11745. 15 Nov 1878 11746. 18 Nov 1878 11747. 18 Nov 1878 11748. 19 Nov [1878] 11749. 19 Nov 1878 11750. 20 [Nov 1878] 11751. 20 Nov [1878] 11752. 20 Nov 1878 11753. 21 Nov [1878] 11754. [21 Nov 1878] 11754f. [before 22 Nov 1878] 11754g. [after 28 Feb 1878] 11755. [22 Nov 1878] 11755a. 22 Nov [1878] 11755f. [23 Nov 1878] 11756. Cancelled: copy of 11757. 11757. 25 Nov [1878] 11758. 25 Nov 1878 11759. 26 Nov [1878] 11760. 26 Nov [1878] 11761. 24 Nov 1878 11762. 26 Nov [1878] 11763. 27 Nov [1878] 11764. 27 Nov 1878

List of letters 11765. [before 28 Nov 1878] 11766. 28 Nov 1878 11766a. 28 Nov 1878 11767. 30 Nov 1878 11768. 1 Dec 1878 11768a. 2 Dec [1878] 11768f. [after 27 Nov 1878] 11768g. 3 Dec 1878 11768h. [25–7 Nov 1878] 11769. 4 Dec [1878] 11770. 4 Dec 1878 11771. 4 Dec [1878] 11772. [1]4 Dec 1878 11773. 5 Dec [1878] 11774. 5 Dec 1878 11775. [2]6 Dec 1878 11776. 6 Dec 1878 11777. [after 6 Dec 1878] 11778. 7 Dec 1878 11779. [8] Dec 1878 11780. 9 Dec 1878 11781. 9 Dec 1878 11782. 9 Dec 1878 11782a. 9 Dec 1878 11783. 10 Dec 1878 11784. 11 Dec [1878] 11785. 11 Dec 1878 11786. 12 Dec [1878] 11787. 12 Dec 1878 11788. 12 Dec 1878 11789. 12 Dec 1878 11790. 13 Dec [1878] 11790f. 13 [Dec 1878] 11791. 13 Dec 1878 11792. [after 13 Dec 1878] 11793. 14 Dec [1878] 11794. 14 Dec [1878] 11795. 14 Dec 1878 11796. 14 Dec 1878 11797. 16 Dec [1878] 11798. 17 Dec [1878] 11799. 19 Dec [1856]: vol. 7 supplement. 11800. 20 Dec 1878 11801. 21 Dec 1878 11802. 22 Dec [1878] 11803. 22 Dec 1878 11804. 24 Dec 1878 11805. 25 Dec 1878 11806. 27 Dec [1878] 11807. 28 Dec 1878 11808. 28 Dec 1878 11809. 29 Dec 1878 11810. 29 Dec 1878 11811. 30 Dec 1878

List of letters 11812. 31 Dec 1878 11813. 31 Dec [1878] 12131f. [22 June 1878] 13824. 18 July [1878]

xv

INTRODUCTION

In 1878, Darwin devoted most of his attention to the movements of plants. He investigated the growth pattern of roots and shoots, studying the function of specific organs in this process. Working closely with his son Francis, Darwin devised a series of experiments to trace these subtle movements over long periods of time, often using household materials. Francis spent an extended period in Würzburg at Julius Sachs’s botanical institute, one of most advanced plant laboratories in Europe. While Francis was away, Darwin delighted in his role as grandfather to Francis’s son Bernard, occasionally comparing the mental faculties of the two-year-old with those of a monkey. Another diversion from botanical research was provided by potatoes, as Darwin took up the cause of an Irish businessman who hoped to produce a disease-resistant variety that would rid Ireland of famine. Several correspondents pressed Darwin for his views on religion, selective breeding for human improvement, and the role of natural selection as an agent of progress. The year closed with remarkable news of a large legacy bequeathed to Darwin by a stranger as a reward for his lifetime of dedication to science. ‘This is the oddest thing that ever happened to me’, he remarked to Joseph Dalton Hooker, ‘or as far as I know any scientific man’ (letter to J. D. Hooker, 14 December [1878]). Writing to Ernst Haeckel on his sixty-ninth birthday (letter to Ernst Haeckel, 12 February [1878]), Darwin reflected that it was ‘more prudent’, given his age, ‘not to attempt to write on large & difficult subjects’, but to focus instead on ‘small special points.’ ‘To you & others’, he added, ‘must be left the extending & fortifying the principles of Evolution’. After completing his two big books on human evolution (Descent and Expression), and the final revision of Origin (1872), Darwin had turned almost exclusively to botanical observation and experiment. He had begun a systematic study of plant movement in 1877, concentrating on the motion of leaves in response to changes in light, moisture, and other conditions. He continued to study the phenomena of ‘sleep’, concluding that the vertical position assumed by leaves at night (nyctitropism) was a protection against heat loss. ‘I think we have proved that the sleep of plants is to lessen injury to leaves from radiation’, he wrote to Hooker on 25 March; ‘this has interested me much & has cost us great labour, as it has been a problem since the time of Linnæus. But we have killed or badly injured a multitude of plants.’ In the spring of 1878, Darwin started to focus on the first shoots and leaves of young plants. ‘I shall die a miserable, disgraced man if I do not observe a seedling

xviii

Introduction

Cactus’, he wrote to William Turner Thiselton-Dyer on 9 May. He later noted that in many Cacteae the cotyledons (the embryonic leaves in seedlings) were rudimentary, but probably served to protect the plumule (young shoot) when it broke through the soil in the shape of an arch (Movement in plants, pp. 96–7). As usual, staff at the Royal Botanical Gardens, Kew, were enrolled as researchers, as were family members. Darwin asked his niece Sophy to observe the arching shoots of Neottia (bird’s nest orchid) near her home in Surrey: ‘If you could find some just springing up, you wd be able to see whether the young flower-stems break through the ground straight or arched.… Almost all seedlings come up arched’ (letter to Sophy Wedgwood, 24 March [1878–80]). While Darwin was studying the function of cotyledons, he began to examine another structure at the base of the leaf-stalk: the pulvinus, a cellular mass present in some plants that expands first on one side, then another, to produce movement in the stalk. Darwin compared adult and young leaves to determine how much movement could be attributed to this specialised bending organ rather than to circumnutation (see Movement in plants, pp. 112–13). He explained to Francis on 2 July: ‘I go on maundering about the pulvinus, cushion or gland whichever you call it, & from what I have seen roughly in the petioles of the Cotyledons of oxalis, I conclude that a pulvinus must be developed from ordinary cells, which secrete water into the inter-cellular spaces on the concave side of a bending organ; & that a pulvinus is developed only when the bending has to be continued for a period after growth has ceased or nearly ceased.’ Finally, Darwin turned to plant motion below the ground, beginning with the protrusion of the embryonic root or radicle from the seed. He found that it tended downwards (geotropism) in a spiral unless it met with strong resistance. Experiments with card showed that the tip or apex was sensitive, and bent away from obstacles. ‘I cannot resist telling you a little about the radicles’, he wrote to Thiselton-Dyer on 9 May. ‘The apex is sensitive, & instead of turning to touching object like a tendril, it turns from it. The apex is so sensitive that if little squares (about 4th of inch) of card & thin paper of exactly same size are fixed to opposite sides of apex, the radicle, (growing freely downward in damp air) bends always from the card side.— The apex of a radicle growing in earth tries to circumnutate, & thus prefers the earth on all sides; if one side is harder than the other the radicle will bend from this side, & thus it will discover with unerring precision the lines of least resistance in the ground.’ Darwin would devote a whole chapter to the sensitivity of the apex in Movement in plants. This was a point on which he disagreed with Sachs, who, in a paper on the growth of roots, had dismissed earlier findings about the apex made by Theophil Ciesielski as due to methodological error. ‘Will you send to Down, as soon as you can spare it, the Part on Radicles by Sachs which you have, for I have read the other two Parts.— It is a magnificent piece of work. He will swear & curse when he finds out that he missed sensitiveness of apex’ (letter to Francis Darwin, [11 May 1878]). Having found plants responsive to touch, light, heat, moisture, and various chemical and nutritive substances, Darwin next considered sound. He explained to John

Introduction

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Tyndall on 4 December: ‘The day before yesterday & today I observed (but perhaps the observation will prove erroneous) that certain sensitive plants were excited into movement, by a prolonged note on the bassoon & apparently more by a high than a low note.’ Francis apparently played the musical instrument to various plants. To confirm the results, Darwin borrowed a siren from Tyndall, who had investigated the physics of sound, but the piercing blast had no effect. ‘The plants, ill-luck to them, are not sensitive to aerial vibrations’, Darwin complained. ‘I am ashamed at my blunder’ (letter to John Tyndall, 22 December [1878]). Darwin’s experiments on plant movement were intensely collaborative, with Francis playing a more active role than ever. The closeness of father and son is evident from the detail and frequency of letters exchanged when they were apart. At the start of June, Francis left to work at Sach’s laboratory in Germany, not returning until 8 August. ‘Alas Frank is off tomorrow to Wurzburg,’ Darwin wrote to Thiselton-Dyer on 2 June, ‘& work by myself will be dull work.’ Several weeks later he reported: ‘Frank seems getting on well … & is working away at physiology & at the accursed German language: Sachs is very kind to him’ (letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 18 June [1878]). While Francis was away, Darwin sent regular reports about their plants, and longed for conversation: ‘Porliera went beautifully to sleep in my study & awoke well early in the back … of my study … & has kept awake all day.… Good bye, as I have nobody to talk to, about my work, I scribble to you (letter to Francis Darwin, 7 [ July 1878]). Two weeks later he wrote: ‘I have been speculating roughly & trying to get a heap of cases under one sort of rule, but it is horrid not having you to discuss it with’ (letter to Francis Darwin, 20 [ July 1878]). It is unclear why the decision was made for Francis to go abroad, but students and researchers from Britain and other countries often spent time in German laboratories as part of their training. Sachs had worked on plant movement, including heliotropism and geotropism, and had built an international reputation through his textbooks and extensive publications. His institute in Würzburg was one of the leading centres of botanical research in Europe. Sachs supervised the work of doctoral and post-doctoral students, often assigning highly specialised topics and dictating experimental method and design. Francis seems to have been allowed to work more independently, but Sachs offered frequent comments and suggestions. Asked by his father to measure the diameter of the pulvini cells of oats to determine whether they had chlorophyll, Francis reported (letter from Francis Darwin, [after 7 July 1878]): ‘The oats have only just begun to germinate.… Sachs made a calculation & said that at the most the little tip that appears at first could only 6 of a milligramm dry weight in a day.… Germinating seeds do manufacture … 1000 not gain in weight he says.’ The laboratory was equipped with the latest precision instruments, allowing for levels of exactitude that could not easily be obtained at Down House, but Francis thought Horace’s abilities were a match for German instrument makers. ‘There is one machine we must have’, Francis wrote (letter from Francis Darwin, [before 17 July 1878]), ‘a strong horizontal axis about 2 feet long which goes round by clock work slowly so that geotropism is quite excluded.

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We will get Jemmy to design one, the one here is far from well made.’ ( Jemmy or Jim was Horace’s nickname.) Francis was occasionally struck by Sachs’s presumptuousness: ‘He seems to me to jump to conclusions rather’ (letter from Francis Darwin, [before 3 August 1878]). One day Francis observed that the leaves of a potted Porliera were wide open, while those in a bedded specimen were shut. ‘Sachs on theoretical grounds says the one in the bed gets more water, but I asked the gardener privately & he on practical grounds says he waters the pot-plant every day & never the bedded out one’ (letter from Francis Darwin, [after 7 July 1878]). Sachs’s confidence was apparently matched by his tendency to dismiss work that contradicted his own. Darwin asked Francis to test the results of the Polish botanist Theophil Ciesielski, who had studied the response of radicles to moisture, reaching different conclusions from those of Sachs. ‘I have borrowed Cieselski & read him,’ he reported (letter from Francis Darwin, [22 June 1878]). ‘Sachs doesn’t consider that there is any puzzle as to how the difference between their results arose.… Sachs doesn’t think much of him’. On hearing that Sachs was also dismissive of work by Hugo de Vries and Julius Wiesner on the causes of plant movement, Darwin wrote on 25 July, ‘I am sorry Sachs is so severe on men, as that is a character which I dislike’. Despite this autocratic style, Sachs seems to have been a very supportive mentor to Francis and even extended a kind of paternal care when he was unwell. ‘I was rather seedy last night & didn’t appear at the laboratory & this morning Sachs came all the way to see how I was, & drove me to the Labor in his drosky, & was very kind wanting to send me books & red-wine which is here the cure for all evils’ (letter from Francis Darwin, [24 and 25 July 1878]). While Francis was away, his 2-year-old son Bernard was looked after at Down by a nurse, Mary Anne Westwood, and the proud grandparents. Many of Darwin’s letters conveyed news of the boy. ‘All the family are here & all adoring Bernard’, he wrote to Francis on 7 July. ‘Bernard is very sweet & pretty,’ he added a week later (letter to Francis Darwin, 14 July [1878]). Darwin had of course observed his own children from infancy as part of his interest in the evolution of mental and moral faculties. He seemed to take special note of the child’s use of language and power of judgment. ‘Bernard gets more & more charming: he rebuked me sternly yesterday, because I said he was going in a booboo, whereas I ought to have said a gee-gee’ (letter to Francis Darwin, 17 July [1878]). On 12 September, Darwin wrote: ‘Bernard is as sweet as sugar, but very contradictory. It grew wonderfully dark about half an hour ago; so I said “how dark it is”; so he shouted out “oh no”.— I then added I think it will soon rain, & he again shouted out “oh dear no” “oh dear no”’. Darwin shared some of his observations with George John Romanes, who was engaged in his own research on animal instinct and intelligence. ‘Frank’s son, nearly 2 years old (& we think much of his intellect!!) is very fond of looking through my pocket lens, & I have quite in vain endeavoured to teach him not to put the glass close down on the object, but he will always do so’ (letter to G. J. Romanes, 20 August [1878]). Darwin remarked that a monkey possessed the same fascination with the eyeglass,

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but was able to focus the device more expertly. ‘I conclude that a child—just under 2 years is inferior in intellect to a monkey.’ ‘Have you ever thought of keeping a young monkey, so as to observe its mind’? Darwin’s suggestion was seconded: ‘Frank says you ought to keep an idiot, a deaf-mute, a monkey & a baby in your house!’ (letter to G. J. Romanes, 2 September [1878]). More remarkable cases of animal intelligence were observed by Darwin’s correspondents. The German stamp-collector Alfred Moschkau reported on 26 March that a starling in Saxony was able to impersonate a famous Austrian general: ‘Who are you?’ the bird was asked. ‘I am General Radezky’, it replied. ‘How old? I am seventy years old. Were you brave? Very, very brave!’ The creature could also whistle a folk song. ‘This bird was a real showpiece’, Moschkau concluded, but it was sold to a vicar and ‘after 3 months his cat ate it.’ Darwin also learned of a South American parakeet (Conurus guianensis) with extraordinary table manners. According to the banker and naturalist Robert Middleton, who wrote on 22 October, the bird ‘invariably restrained himself in [his evacuations] while being handled or when sitting on the head or dress of any person, & … when being fed on the dining-table, he would always back to the edge of the table, & sometimes almost overbalance himself, in his effort to save the table-cover or cloth from defilement.’ Darwin had lengthy notes on animal instinct that he had originally intended for his ‘big book’ on species (published in 1975 under the title Natural selection), but he gladly turned them over to Romanes, who was delighted, and eventually published them in his 1882 book Animal intelligence. ‘Like the bees, you ought to have some one to take the honey, when you make it to give to the world—not, however, that I want to play the part of a thieving wasp’ (letter from G. J. Romanes, 21 June 1878). In August, Darwin learned that, after rejecting him five times in succession, the Académie des sciences in Paris had finally elected him a corresponding member, but in the botany section rather than zoology, where his work had been more controversial (letter from J.-B. Dumas and Joseph Bertrand, 5 August 1878). Despite his many botanical publications, Darwin always regarded himself as an outsider to the field because he had never done the taxonomic work that was regarded as fundamental to expertise. ‘It is funny’, he wrote to Huxley on 11 August, ‘the Academy having elected a man as Corr member in Botany, who does not know the characters of a single natural order!’ Darwin was rarely concerned about formal honours, and occasionally embarrassed by them. Congratulated by an old Shrewsbury friend for the doctorate he received from Cambridge the previous November, Darwin replied, ‘Pray do not call me Dr Darwin, the title seems to me quite ridiculous’ (letter to John Price, 2 April [1878]). When a wealthy businessman tried to commission a Royal Academy sculptor (Henry Pinker) to make a bust of Darwin for the Royal Institution, Darwin wanted to decline but worried about offending the patron. ‘I hate the fatigue & loss of time from sitting; & yet it seems so ungracious to refuse,’ he wrote to William Spottiswoode on 7 July. Pinker later made a statue of Darwin for the Oxford Museum of Natural History; he used a photograph, so Darwin was spared the trouble of sitting.

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A younger generation of naturalists continued to find Darwin’s work inspiring. The geologist Sydney Skertchly confessed on 27 February: ‘by the time I was thirteen your ‘Origin of Species’ was almost known by heart … and your other works have been my models both for method, and for the true caution and boldness they evince.’ ‘How all-powerful has been your influence over me.’ Darwin was ‘deeply gratified’, remarking to Skertchly on 2 March: ‘It is the greatest possible satisfaction to a man nearly at the close of his career to believe that he has aided or stimulated an able and energetic fellow worker in the noble cause of Science.’ An Austrian geologist sent his recent work on coral reefs of the Triassic period: ‘I tried to show the way, which the paleontological-geological inquiry has to go, in the mind of your theory, and to elucidate the true nature of the “imperfection of the Geological Record”’ (letter from Edmund Mojsisovics von Mojsvár, 28 April 1878). ‘What a wonderful change in the future of geological chronology you indicate,’ Darwin replied on 1 June, ‘by assuming the descent-theory to be established’. The Swiss botanist Arnold Dodel-Port announced on 12 June 1878 the first issue of an atlas with large lithographs intended for teaching physiological botany: ‘Without you and your all-enriching science our atlas would not have come together’ (letter from Arnold Dodel-Port, 18 June 1878). In countries where evolution was regarded with suspicion, Darwin became an example of freedom from political or religious prejudice. An engineer in Bohemia addressed his letter to ‘the inspired hermit of Down’: ‘Every thinking man who knows what stands or falls with the idea of the miracle, will praise Darwin as a most noble benefactor of mankind …’ ‘What I would be without you, I do not know— but it terrifies me, for I see what hundreds and thousands are without you’ (letters from Carl Kraus, [31?] January 1878 and 10 February 1878). Darwin learned that his recently published ‘Biographical sketch of an infant’ had been translated into Greek. Theodor von Heldreich wrote from Athens on 8 February that the translator, a young Cretan doctor, was one of Darwin’s ‘most zealous admirers & disciples’. ‘It is not without some danger & it still requires enough moral courage to espouse and to rally to your principles in this country, which is still under the rule of dogmatism.’ In Germany, descent theory was part of a struggle between church and secular institutions for cultural authority. Addressing the German Association of Naturalists in September 1877, Darwin’s outspoken supporter Ernst Haeckel championed the teaching of evolution in schools. Haeckel’s speech provoked opposition from the eminent physician Rudolf Virchow, whose address ‘The liberty of science in the modern state’ warned naturalists not to indulge in personal speculation, especially in relation to the theory of descent. ‘His address appeared to me very arrogant,’ Darwin commented, ‘& he lectured the best naturalists in Germany, as if they had been school-boys’ (letter to Karl von Scherzer, 1 April 1878). Closer to home, the Anglican clergyman Edward Bouverie Pusey delivered a sermon at Oxford, later published as ‘Un-science, not science, adverse to faith’, claiming that Darwin had written Origin as an attack on religion, replacing a personal god with the ‘eternity of matter’ (letter from H. N. Ridley, [before 28 November 1878]). Darwin received a copy of the sermon from his old friend, the former vicar

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of Down, John Brodie Innes. Darwin and Innes had worked together on village charities for many years and had remained on good terms despite religious differences. Innes now recounted the words he had spoken in Darwin’s defence at a recent Church Congress in Dundee: ‘I have the pleasure of the intimate friendship of one of the very first Naturalists in Europe … his scrupulous regard for the strictest truth is above that of almost all men I know. … I never saw a word in his writings which was an attack on Religion. He follows his own course as a Naturalist and leaves Moses to take care of himself ’ (letter from J. B. Innes, 1 December 1878). Darwin did not think the Oxford sermon deserved a reply, but he remarked privately: ‘Dr Pusey was mistaken that I wrote the Origin with any relation whatever to Theology … when I was collecting facts for the Origin, my belief in what is called a personal God was as firm as that of Dr Pusey himself, & as to the eternity of matter I have never troubled myself about such insoluble questions’ (letter to H. N. Ridley, 28 November 1878). Darwin was pressed further on religion by a fishing-tackle maker in Scotland: ‘I would … be much obliged … if you would … simply tell me if your doctrine of the descent of man destroys the evidence of the existence of a God looked at through nature’s phenomena’ (letter from James Grant, 6 March 1878). Darwin pleaded that to answer ‘would require an essay’, but he offered: ‘The strongest argument for the existence of God, as it seems to me, is the instinct or intuition which we all (as I suppose) feel that there must have been an intelligent beginner of the Universe; but then comes the doubt and difficulty whether such intuitions are trustworthy.’ He added by way of consolation: ‘No man who does his duty has anything to fear and may hope for whatever he earnestly desires’ (letter to James Grant, 11 March 1878). The question of evolutionary progress was raised by the portrait-painter George Arthur Gaskell, who suggested that natural selection would be superseded by higher evolutionary laws. ‘Sympathetic’ and ‘social selection’ would operate through the practice of birth control and selective mating among the healthy and morally fit: ‘To those who love children will be left the task of bringing them up … some day a medical certificate may be required, to define the rectitude of adding a new member to society’ (letter from G. A. Gaskell, 13 November 1878). Darwin hoped Gaskell was ‘in the right’ and referred him to recent work by Francis Galton on selective breeding. He still thought that artificial checks on population, such as birth control, were dangerous, however, and praised the spread of British people to other parts of the world: ‘Suppose that such checks had been in action during the last 2 or 3 centuries, or even for a shorter time in Britain, what a difference it would have made in the world, when we consider America, Australia New Zealand and S. Africa! No words can exaggerate the importance in my opinion of our colonization for the future history of the world’ (letter to G. A. Gaskell, 15 November 1878). Rarely exercised by politics or religion, Darwin was bothered by criticism that touched on his accuracy as an investigator. He wrote to Asa Gray on 21 and 22 January of recent criticism by the botanist Thomas Meehan, implying that he had ignored the effect of geographical conditions on the fertility of different flower

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forms in a species of Linum: ‘Mr Meehan in a paper lately read before the Philadelphia Soc. says in a somewhat sneering tone that plants behave differently in one country from another … as he speaks of bringing the plant from Colorado, I imagine that it was there endemic … Now if Mr Meehan has mistaken the species it seems to me too bad to throw a slur or doubt on another man’s accuracy without taking the smallest pains to be accurate himself.’ Darwin considered writing to the Philadelphia Society, but instead took up the matter privately. ‘When I read your Article,’ he addressed Meehan on 13 May, ‘it certainly made me think that you wished indirectly to throw doubt about my observations & I did not like the indirect manner of your doing so. … Such a manner of treating the work of other observers did not appear to me the way to encourage truth.… I shall never think again on the subject, & I hope that you will not do so, except perhaps to make you pause for a few minutes’. Knowing that Darwin often preferred to engage with critics through correspondence, George asked his father’s advice on publicly criticising a paper on geological time recently given at the Royal Society of London by Samuel Haughton. ‘If I do write’, George worried, ‘I’m pretty sure to get in Haughton’s ill favour because however civilly I may word it a man can’t like to have his work torn to shreds & I don’t think I cd. criticize without utterly demolishing it’ (letter from G. H. Darwin, 28 January 1878). The matter was complicated by the fact that Haughton, a professor of geology at Trinity College, Dublin, had been highly critical of Origin and Darwin regarded him as an ‘old and bitter opponent’ (Correspondence vol. 24, letter to T. C. Eyton, 22 April 1876). ‘When I first read your note’, Darwin replied on 3 February [1878], ‘I thought that you had better not answer & criticise Haughton, as not worth the time; leading to controversy & exciting his ill-will.… I have always acted on the principle of publishing what I believe to be the truth, without contradicting others, thus letting opposed statements fight for existence.— But the case is different, no doubt, with mathematics about which only a few can judge.’ Ironically, Darwin himself was later asked to referee a paper by Haughton on the same topic for the Royal Society, and recommended that it not be published because its estimate of geological time seemed ‘almost monstrous’ (letter to G. G. Stokes, 28 April 1878). On 24 February, Darwin was contacted by the Irish businessman, James Torbitt, about an ambitious project to cultivate blight-resistant potatoes. Torbitt had invested a substantial sum from his wine and spirit business to raise different varieties on a large scale. In 1876, he had gone so far as to send packets of seeds to every member of Parliament. Darwin had a long-standing interest in the problem, and had experienced the 1845 potato blight that destroyed much of the European crop (see Correspondence vol. 3, letter to J. S. Henslow, 28 October [1845]). He was aware of Torbitt’s ambitions, having corresponded briefly with Torbitt in previous years. Torbitt now renewed his effort to gain public assistance with a letter to the chancellor of the Exchequer, including extracts from previous letters from Darwin, and sent a copy to Darwin on 24 February requesting permission to publish it. While he was in London, Darwin consulted Thomas Farrer at the Board of Trade, who suggested

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that the matter be presented to the duke of Richmond (letter to J. D. Hooker, 28 [February 1878]). Further meetings were held with Farrer and James Caird, a member of the Royal Agricultural Society. Torbitt’s credentials as a horticulturist had been questioned by the Agricultural Society’s botanist, William Carruthers, and an earlier effort to promote his scheme at the 1874 meeting of the British Association in Belfast had failed. ‘I daresay he made a fool of himself at Belfast,’ Darwin wrote to Hooker on 3 or 4 March. ‘I have often called him “that enthusiastic old fool”—not that I know whether he is old’. But Darwin was clearly impressed by Torbitt’s dedication and willingness to spend time and money for the public good. His method of breeding also drew explicitly on Darwin’s study of self- and cross-fertilisation, which demonstrated the superior vigour of crossed varieties. Darwin spent over a month corresponding with the various parties, repeatedly revising his own letter of support for Torbitt. ‘I send my letter of the sight of which you must be sick’, he wrote to Farrer on 13 March 1878. ‘Mr. Torbitt’s plan … seems to me by far the best that has ever been suggested … raising a vast number of seedlings from cross-fertilized parents, exposing them to infection, destroying all which suffer, saving those which resist best, & repeating the process in successive seminal generations’ (enclosure to letter to T. H. Farrer, 7 March 1878). In the end, the attempt to secure public aid was given up. Darwin sent Torbitt a cheque for £100, and advised him to concentrate on experiments instead of publicity: ‘If I were in your place … I would work quietly on, till some sure results were obtained. And these would be so valuable that your work in this case would soon be known’ (letter to James Torbitt, 4 March 1878). The potato affair highlighted an issue that Darwin had often complained of: the disregard for science by British government. ‘Our governing men are so ignorant of science and so immersed in political squabbles that they will do nothing’, he complained to Torbitt on 26 February. Farrer concurred: ‘Getting money from the Govt for a new thing is an endless business: and the country will be ruined by spending hundreds of millions on a disastrous war long before we should get hundreds to feed people with potatoes’ (letter from Thomas Farrer, 29 March 1878). Farrer alluded to the likelihood of British involvement in the Russo-Turkish War, with the prime minister, Benjamin Disraeli, promoting military intervention to stop Russian advances on Ottoman territory. Darwin usually avoided any engagement in politics, but he was sufficiently exercised to sign and help distribute a letter of protest to the foreign secretary, Robert Arthur Talbot Gascoyne-Cecil (letter to R. A. T. Gascoyne-Cecil, 18 May 1878). The issue of war was raised again in November, as Britain threatened to send troops stationed in India across the border into Afghanistan. Again the action was urged by Disraeli on the grounds that the border was irregular and expensive to defend. Darwin signed a memorial stating: ‘Any advance of the present frontier has been condemned by a great majority of the highest civil and military authorities of Indian experience, and appears to be inconsistent with the ordinary principles of justice.… This expenditure, if borne by the United Kingdom, has been and is being made without the consent of Parliament’ (memorial to Benjamin Disraeli, [15–18 November 1878]).

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Darwin’s health, though never good, had been relatively stable for some years. He did make one visit to London at the end of April to see his doctor on account of ‘giddiness’ (‘Journal’, Appendix II). His only extended break from scientific work came during visits with family. These now followed a regular pattern, with two or three stays in London at the home of his daughter Henrietta and her husband Richard Litchfield, several weeks in Southampton with William and his wife Sara, and visits to the Wedgwoods at Leith Hill Place, and the Farrers at Abinger Hall, both in Surrey. Darwin typically complained about these periods of enforced idleness. ‘My wife is going to take me for 17 days holidays’, he wrote to Thiselton-Dyer on 19 July, ‘oh Lord how I wish that they were over.’ ‘I think that I shd die outright’, he remarked to Alfred Russel Wallace on 16 September, ‘if I had nothing to do.’ A recipe for better health was offered by a homeopathic chemist and nephew of the archbishop of Dublin who received ‘direct & conscious inspiration from celestials’. The revelation included a prescription for daily doses of platinum, ‘osmium’, ‘indium’, guava jelly, and ‘a tincture of Rum tox’ and honey. In five weeks, Darwin was promised, all his bodily ailments ‘would vanish like the chaos before the wind’ (letter from T. H. Noyes, 19 November 1878). The year ended on a surprising note when Darwin was offered a large bequest from a person unknown to him. The benefactor wrote on 7 December: ‘I consider that you, more than any man now living, have extended the boundaries of human knowledge, by surpassing genius, long years of persistent labour, unendowed … the first to be remembered should be those whose abilities and exertions have been devoted bravely and boldly and persistently for the benefit of all mankind instead of their own immediate advantage’ (letter from Anthony Rich, 7 December 1878). Darwin was shocked by the offer, though he had to agree with the assessment: ‘I may say with truth that I have worked at science my whole life, as hard as my health wd permit, & that I have earnestly endeavoured to discover the truth. My work has been my greatest happiness, & I never even dreamt that I shd be rewarded in any other way.’ He thought immediately of the advantages the gift would bring to his children, and revealed his ongoing concerns about their health and his pessimism about their future livelihoods: ‘I am what may be called a rich man’, he replied on 9 December, ‘on the other hand I have 5 sons & 2 daughters, & two of my sons suffer from ill-health & will never earn any income, though one of the 2 will do excellent work in astronomy & mathematics; a third son is devoted to natural science & aids me in my work; a 4th son is in the R. Engineers & is getting on well; but it is almost nothing of a profession’ (letter to Anthony Rich, 9 December 1878). Little is known about Anthony Rich other than that he was a graduate of Cambridge, a member of Lincoln’s Inn, and an author of a dictionary of Roman and Greek antiquities that went through a number of editions. He had no children or immediate family except an elderly sister. Several months before the offer, Rich had consulted Thomas Henry Huxley about the prospect of making Darwin his heir. ‘I gave him the information he wanted,’ Huxley wrote on 28 December, ‘and, if you will believe it, abstained from pointing out that there was another person to whose

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merits & deserts he appeared to be shamefully insensible!’ Huxley described Rich as ‘an alert, bright-eyed little man with a long beard & croaky voice’, adding that he had led ‘a loose-ended sort of life’, and was ‘as pronounced a heretic, theologically morally & politically as I have met with’. Rich was apparently an invalid and rarely left his home in the seaside town of Worthing. He even declined an invitation to Down, offering to play host instead: ‘If you ever screw up your courage to the effort of leaving your tellus et domus [land and home] … need I say what delight it would give me to see you here … installed in the one spare bed room, which my hermitage can boast of ’ (letter from Anthony Rich, 25 December 1878). The Rich legacy consisted of four freehold houses in central London. Darwin was uncertain of their value, but William assured him of the soundness of London property (letter from W. E. Darwin, 13 December [1878]). ‘This is the oddest thing that ever happened to me’, Darwin wrote to Hooker on 14 December. Mindful of the lack of government support for science, Hooker hoped that it was a token of better things to come: ‘as knowledge increases, so must appreciation of the people & institutions to whom we owe it.—’ As a tribute to Rich and his sister, he penned a limerick: ‘There was an old couple at Worthing/ Who resolved to reward the deserving,/ And with wise resolution/ Pitched upon Evolution/ That pecunious old couple of Worthing’ (letter from J. D. Hooker, 14 December 1878).

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The editors are grateful to the late George Pember Darwin and to William Darwin for permission to publish the Darwin letters and manuscripts. They also thank the Syndics of Cambridge University Library and other owners of manuscript letters who have generously made them available. Work for this edition has been supported by grants from the National Endowment for the Humanities (NEH), the National Science Foundation (NSF), and the Wellcome Trust. The Alfred P. Sloan Foundation and the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation provided grants to match NEH funding, and the Mellon Foundation awarded grants to Cambridge University that made it possible to put the entire Darwin correspondence into machine-readable form. Research and editorial work have also been supported by grants from the Arts and Humanities Research Council, the British Academy, the British Ecological Society, the Isaac Newton Trust, the Jephcott Charitable Trust, the John Templeton Foundation, the Natural Environment Research Council, the Parasol Foundation Trust, the Royal Society of London, and the Wilkinson Charitable Foundation. The Stifterverband für die Deutsche Wissenschaft provided funds to translate and edit Darwin’s correspondence with German naturalists. Since 2010, funding sufficient to complete the entire edition has been provided by the Alfred P. Sloan Foundation, the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation, the Evolution Education Trust, and the Isaac Newton Trust. We are extremely grateful for this unprecedented long-term support. We particularly wish to acknowledge the role of the Evolution Education Trust, without whose imaginative and generous support so distinguished a consortium could not have been established. Cambridge University Library, the American Philosophical Society (APS), Harvard University, and Cornell University have generously made working space and many services available to the editors; the American Council of Learned Societies has provided invaluable administrative and strategic support. Since the project began in 1975, the editors have been fortunate in benefiting from the interest, experience, and practical help of many people, and hope that they have adequately expressed their thanks to them individually as the work proceeded. English Heritage has responded most generously to requests for information and for material from the collections at Down House, Downe. We are particularly grateful to past and present curators, Laura Houliston, Annie Kemkaran-Smith, Sarah Moulden, Frances Parton, Cathy Power, and Tori Reeve. The late Richard

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Darwin Keynes kindly made available Darwin family material in his possession. The late Ursula Mommens provided letters and other materials that belonged to her grandfather, Francis Darwin. The Cornford family have generously made available letters written by William Darwin and Henrietta Litchfield. Institutions and individuals all over the world have given indispensable help by making available photocopies or digital images of Darwin correspondence and other manuscripts in their collections. Those who furnished copies of letters for this volume can be found in the List of provenances. The editors are indebted to them, and to the many people who have provided information about the locations of particular letters. The editors make daily use of the incomparable facilities of Cambridge University Library and have benefited greatly from its services and from the help and expertise of its staff, particularly the staff of the Manuscripts Department. We are especially grateful to the University Librarian, Jessica Gardner, and to her predecessors Anne Jarvis, Peter K. Fox, and Frederick W. Ratcliffe, and to the Keeper of Archives and Modern Manuscripts, Katrina Dean, and her predecessors Suzanne Paul and Patrick Zutshi, for their generous support. Other members of the library’s staff who frequently respond to the editors’ requests are: Marjolein Allen, Wendy Aylett, Jim Bloxam, Frank Bowles, Mark Box, Louise Clarke, Colin Clarkson, Jacqueline Cox, Maureen Dann, Amélie Deblauwe, John Hall, Anna Johnson, Morag Law, Scott Maloney, Błazej Mikuła, Ben Outhwaite, Domniki Papadimitriou, Maciej Pawlikowski, Adam Perkins, Ben Perks, Nicholas Smith, Anne Taylor, Ngaio Vince-Dewerse, John Wells, and Jill Whitelock. The fetchers in the Rare Books reading room have also patiently dealt with the editors’ often complex requirements, as have the staff of the Map Room. The editors would like to acknowledge the assistance of Marten L. Leavitt of the American Philosphical Society Library, Rodney Dennis, Jennie Rathbun, and Susan Halpert of the Houghton Library, Constance Carter of the Science Division of the Library of Congress, and Judith Warnement, Lisa DeCesare, and Jean Cargill of the Gray Herbarium of Harvard University, who have all been exceptionally helpful in providing material from the collections in their charge. In Britain, the editors have received assistance from Lynda Brooks (librarian), Gina Douglas (former librarian), and Ben Sherwood of the Linnean Society of London; and from Lorna Cahill, Michele Losse, Virginia Mills, and Kiri Ross Jones of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew. We would also like to thank Anne Barrett, college archivist at the Imperial College of Science, Technology and Medicine; successive librarians and archivists of Christ’s College, Cambridge; Simon Chaplin, head of the Wellcome Library, Wellcome Trust; and Sarah Rayner and John Hodgson at The John Rylands Library. We owe a considerable debt to the staff of the American Council of Learned Societies for their help and advice since the Project began. We particularly thank the president, Pauline Yu, Steven Wheatley, and Kelly Buttermore, for their generosity and unfailingly warm welcome.

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Among the others who advise and assist the editors in their work are Nick Gill, Randal Keynes, David Kohn, Gene Kritsky, Carl F. Miller, Jim Moore, Garry J. Tee, John van Wyhe, David West, and Leonard Wilson. The editors are also pleased to acknowledge the invaluable support of the members of the Project’s Advisory Committee. Among the many research resources on which we rely, special mention should be made of the Biodiversity Heritage Library (www.biodiversitylibrary.org), the Darwin Manuscripts Project (www.amnh.org), and Darwin Online (darwin-online.org.uk). From 2009 to 2013 we were fortunate to work with a group of colleagues based at Harvard under the direction of Professor Janet Browne and supported by grants from the National Endowment for the Humanities and the National Science Foundation. We are grateful to the History of Science Department at Harvard for providing space and facilities, and to Janet Browne for making her time and expertise available. For help with particular enquiries in volume 26 the editors would like to thank, besides those already mentioned, Salim Al-Gailani, Samar Al-Gailani, Philip Hardie, and Robert Scott Young. We have relied heavily on expert technical assistance both from external consultants and from colleagues in Cambridge University in developing and maintaining our electronic resources, including our typesetting systems, and in making the correspondence available over the World Wide Web. We are particularly grateful to our colleagues Hal Blackburn, Iain Burke, Mary Chester-Kadwell, Andrew Corrigan, Jennie Fletcher, Wojciech Giel, Lesley Gray, Huw Jones, Philip Jones, Tuan Pham, Tristram Scott, Zhipeng Shan, Merina Tuladhar, and Tomasz Waldoch of Cambridge University Library. For past help, we particularly thank Maarten Bressinck, Simon Buck, Anne Clarke, Matthew Daws, Peter Dunn, Robin Fairbairns, Patricia Killiard, Chris Martin, John Norman, Martin Oldfield, and Grant Young. This volume has been typeset using Adobe InDesign. Thanks are also due to all former staff and associates of the Darwin Correspondence Project, including: Doris E. Andrews, Katie Ericksen Baca, Geoff Belknap, Sarah Benton, the late Charlotte Bowman, Heidi Bradshaw, Pamela J. Brant, Janet Browne, P. Thomas Carroll, Finlay Clarkson, Stefanie Cookson, Andrew Corrigan, Henry Cowles, Sheila Dean, Sophie Defrance, Mario Di Gregorio, Rhonda Edwards, Deborah Fitzgerald, Kate Fletcher, Megan Formato, Hedy Franks, Jane Mork Gibson, Nick Gill, Philippa Hardman, Joy Harvey, Arne Hessenbruch, Thomas Horrocks, Dorothy Huffman, Rachel Iliffe, Andrew Inkpen, Christine M. Joyner, Thomas Junker, Rebecca Kelley, Joan W. Kimball, Barbara A. Kimmelman, David Kohn, Jyothi Krishnan-Unni, Gene Kritsky, Sam Kuper, Kathleen Lane, Sarah Lavelle, Margot Levy, Robert Lindsey, Jean Macqueen, Nancy Mautner, Anna K. Mayer, William Montgomery, Eleanor Moore, Leslie Nye, Perry O’Donovan, Stephen V. Pocock, Duncan Porter, John A. Reesman, Marsha L. Richmond, the late Peter Saunders, Andrew Sclater, Myrna Perez Shelton, Tracey Slotta, Jessee Smith, Kate Smith, the late Sydney Smith, Alison Soanes, Emma Spary, Alistair

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Sponsel, Nora Carroll Stevenson, Edith Stewart, Zuzana Jakubisinowa Toci, Jenna Tonn, Jonathan R. Topham, Charissa Varma, Tyler Veak, Ellis Weinberger, Béatrice Willis, Sarah Wilmot, Jeremy Wong, and Rebecca Woods. We also thank our project colleague, Sally Stafford. We are most grateful to Ann Parry for providing the index to the current volume. Michael Sokal, who has represented the History of Science Society on the Project’s Management Board since 2007, retired in 2017. We are most grateful to Michael for his dedication and invaluable guidance, and are pleased to welcome Marsha Richmond, who succeeds him. We were very sad to learn in the course of preparation of this volume of the death of Sibyl Golden. Sibyl was a supporter and a friend, and for several years served as a member of our Advisory Committee. Copyright statement We gratefully acknowledge the families and estates of letter authors for permission to include their works in this publication, and particularly the Darwin family for permission to publish the texts of all letters written by Charles Darwin. We make every reasonable effort to trace the holders of copyright in letters written by persons other than Darwin where copyright permission is required for publication. If you believe you are a rights holder and are concerned that we have published or may publish in the future material for which you have not given permission and which is not covered by a legal exception or exemption, we would be most grateful if you would contact us in writing by post or email. Darwin Correspondence Project Cambridge University Library West Road Cambridge United Kingdom CB3 9DR Email: [email protected] The editors are grateful to the executors of Alfred Russel Wallace's literary estate for permission to publish in this edition such letters by Wallace as remain in copyright. All intellectual property rights in such letters, including copyright in the typographical arrangement, remain with the executors. For more information visit http://wallaceletters.info/content/wallace-literary-estate.

PROVENANCES

The following list gives the locations of the original versions of the letters printed in this volume. The editors are grateful to all the institutions and individuals listed for allowing access to the letters in their care. Access to material in DAR 261 and DAR 263, formerly at Down House, Downe, Kent, England, is courtesy of English Heritage. Alexander Turnbull Library, Wellington, New Zealand American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, USA Archives de la famille de Candolle (private collection) Archives of the Gray Herbarium, Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts, USA Artis Library, University of Amsterdam, Amsterdam, The Netherlands Ashmolean Museum, Department of Antiquities, Oxford University, Oxford, England Auckland War Memorial Museum Library—Tāmaki Paenga Hira, Auckland, New Zealand Professor Robert J. Barney, PhD (private collection) F. Louise Nash Barton (private collection) Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Munich, Germany Viscount Boyd of Merton (private collection) The British Library, London, England Cambridge University Library, Cambridge, England Cambridge University Reporter (publication) Christ Church Library, Oxford, England Christie’s, New York (dealers) Cleveland Health Sciences Library, Case Western Reserve University, Cleveland, Ohio, USA Conry 1972 (publication) Cornford Family Papers (private collection) CUL. See Cambridge University Library Daily News (publication) Dallinger 1887 (publication) DAR. See Cambridge University Library English Heritage, Down House, Downe, Kent, England

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Ernst-Haeckel-Haus, Friedrich-Schiller-Universität, Jena, Germany Ernst Mayr Library of the Museum of Comparative Zoology, Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts, USA La France (publication) Gallery of History (dealers) Godlee 1917 (publication) Niklas Gyllensporre (private collection) Dr N. Hammond (private collection) Peter Harrington (dealer) Houghton Library, Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts, USA Imperial College of Science, Technology and Medicine, London, England Institute of Astronomy Library, University of Cambridge, Cambridge, England Institution of Engineering and Technology Archives, London, England John Hay Library, Brown University, Providence, Rhode Island, USA John Innes Foundation Historical Collections, John Innes Centre, Norwich, England The John Rylands Library, The University of Manchester, Manchester, England Linnean Society of London, Piccadilly, London, England Liverpool University Library Special Collections and Archives, Liverpool, England Stephan Loewentheil and The 19th Century Shop, Baltimore, Maryland (dealer) Manchester Guardian (publication) Michigan State University Archives and Historical Collections, East Lansing, Michigan, USA Mitchell Library, State Library of New South Wales, Sydney, Australia Möller ed. 1915–21 (publication) Patricia Nash (private collection) Nature (publication) Niedersächsisches Landesarchiv – Standort Wolfenbüttel, Wolfenbüttel, Germany Ogle trans. 1878 (publication) Oxford University Museum of Natural History, Oxford, England Parke-Bernet (dealers) Perth Museum and Art Gallery, Perth, Scotland Petit and Théodoridès 1959 (publication) Barbara and Robert Pincus (private collection) E. D. Romanes 1896 (publication) The Royal Society, London, England Russian State Archive of Literature and Arts (RGALI), Moscow, Russia Joseph R. Sakmyster, ADS Autographs (dealer) A. de Saporta (private collection) Sotheby’s (dealers) Sotheby’s, New York (dealers) Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin – Preußischer Kulturbesitz, Berlin, Germany State Darwin Museum, Moscow, Russia State Library of South Australia, Adelaide, Australia

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Provenances

Sulivan family (private collection) Swann Auction Galleries (dealers) The Times (publication) Trustees of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, Richmond, Surrey, England Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek Bonn, Bonn, Germany Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek Düsseldorf, Düsseldorf, Germany University of British Columbia Library, Rare Books and Special Collections, Vancouver, British Columbia, Canada University of Exeter Special Collections, Exeter, Devon, England University of Southern California Libraries, Special Collections, Feuchtwanger Memorial Library, Los Angeles, California, USA University of Virginia Library, Special Collections, Charlottesville, Virginia, USA John Wilson (dealer) Yale University, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, New Haven, Connecticut, USA Yale University Library: Manuscripts and Archives, New Haven, Connecticut, USA Zentralbibliothek Zürich, Zurich, Switzerland

A NOTE ON EDITORIAL POLICY

The first and chief objective of this edition is to provide complete and authoritative texts of Darwin’s correspondence. For every letter to or from Darwin, the text that is available to the editors is always given in full. The editors have occasionally included letters that are not to or from Darwin if they are relevant to the published correspondence. Volumes of the Correspondence are published in chronological order. Occasional supplements will be published containing letters that have come to light or have been redated since the relevant volumes of the Correspondence appeared. Letters that can only be given a wide date range, in some instances spanning several decades, are printed in the supplement following the volume containing letters at the end of their date range. The first such supplement was in volume 7 and included letters from 1828 to 1857; the second was in volume 13, and included letters from 1822 to 1864; the third was in volume 18, and included letters from 1835 to 1869; the fourth was in volume 24 and included letters from 1838 to 1875. Dating of letters and identification of correspondents In so far as it is possible, the letters have been dated, arranged in chronological order, and the recipients or senders identified. Darwin seldom wrote the full date on his letters and, unless the addressee was well known to him, usually wrote only ‘Dear Sir’ or ‘Dear Madam’. After the adoption of adhesive postage stamps in the 1840s, the separate covers that came into use with them were usually not preserved, and thus the dates and the names of many recipients of Darwin’s letters have had to be derived from other evidence. The notes made by Francis Darwin on letters sent to him for his editions of his father’s correspondence have been helpful, as have matching letters in the correspondence, but many dates and recipients have had to be deduced from the subject-matter or references in the letters themselves. Transcription policy Whenever possible, transcriptions have been made from manuscripts. If the manuscript was inaccessible but a photocopy or other facsimile version was available, that version has been used as the source. In many cases, the editors have had recourse to Francis Darwin’s large collection of copies of letters, compiled in the 1880s. Other copies, published letters, or drafts have been transcribed when they provided texts that were otherwise unavailable. The method of transcription employed in this edition is adapted from that described by Fredson Bowers in ‘Transcription of manuscripts: the record of variants’, Studies in

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Bibliography 29 (1976): 212–64. This system is based on accepted principles of modern textual editing and has been widely adopted in literary editions. The case for using the principles and techniques of this form of textual editing for historical and non-literary documents, both in manuscript and print, has been forcefully argued by G. Thomas Tanselle in ‘The editing of historical documents’, Studies in Bibliography 31 (1978): 1–56. The editors of the Correspondence followed Dr Tanselle in his conclusion that a ‘scholarly edition of letters or journals should not contain a text which has editorially been corrected, made consistent, or otherwise smoothed out’ (p. 48), but they have not wholly subscribed to the statement made earlier in the article that: ‘In the case of notebooks, diaries, letters and the like, whatever state they are in constitutes their finished form, and the question of whether the writer ‘‘intended’’ something else is irrelevant’ (p. 47). The editors have preserved the spelling, punctuation, and grammar of the original, but they have found it impossible to set aside entirely the question of authorial intent. One obvious reason is that in reading Darwin’s writing, there must necessarily be reliance upon both context and intent. Even when Darwin’s general intent is clear, there are cases in which alternative readings are, or may be, possible, and therefore the transcription decided upon must to some extent be conjectural. Where the editors are uncertain of their transcription, the doubtful text has been enclosed in italic square brackets. A major editorial decision was to adopt the so-called ‘clear-text’ method of transcription, which so far as possible keeps the text free of brackets recording deletions, insertions, and other alterations in the places at which they occur. Darwin’s changes are, however, recorded in the back matter of the volume, under ‘Manuscript alterations and comments’, in notes keyed to the printed text by paragraph and line number. All lines above the first paragraph of the letter (that is, date, address, or salutation) are referred to as paragraph ‘0’. Separate paragraph numbers are used for subscriptions and postscripts. This practice enables the reader who wishes to do so to reconstruct the manuscript versions of Darwin’s autograph letters, while furnishing printed versions that are uninterrupted by editorial interpolations. The ‘Manuscript alterations and comments’ record all alterations made by Darwin in his letters and any editorial amendments made in transcription, and also where part of a letter has been written by an amanuensis; they do not record alterations made by amanuenses. No attempt has been made to record systematically all alterations to the text of copies of Darwin letters included in the correspondence, but ambiguous passages in copies are noted. The editors believe it would be impracticable to attempt to go further without reliable information about the texts of the original versions of the letters concerned. Letters to Darwin have been transcribed without recording any of the writers’ alterations unless they reflect significant changes in substance or impede the sense; in such cases footnotes bring them to the reader’s attention. Misspellings have been preserved, even when it is clear that they were unintentional: for instance, ‘lawer’ for ‘lawyer’. Such errors often indicate excitement or haste and may exhibit, over a series of letters, a habit of carelessness in writing to a particular correspondent or about a particular subject.

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Capital letters have also been transcribed as they occur except in certain cases, such as ‘m’, ‘k’, and ‘c’, which are frequently written somewhat larger than others as initial letters of words. In these cases an attempt has been made to follow the normal practice of the writers. In some instances that are not misspellings in a strict sense, editorial corrections have been made. In his early manuscripts and letters Darwin consistently wrote ‘bl’ so that it looks like ‘lb’ as in ‘albe’ for ‘able’, ‘talbe’ for ‘table’. Because the form of the letters is so consistent in different words, the editors consider that this is most unlikely to be a misspelling but must be explained simply as a peculiarity of Darwin’s handwriting. Consequently, the affected words have been transcribed as normally spelled and no record of any alteration is given in the textual apparatus. Elsewhere, though, there are misformed letters that the editors have recorded because they do, or could, affect the meaning of the word in which they appear. The main example is the occasional inadvertent crossing of ‘l’. When the editors are satisfied that the intended letter was ‘l’ and not ‘t’, as, for example, in ‘stippers’ or ‘istand’, then ‘l’ has been transcribed, but the actual form of the word in the manuscript has been given in the Manuscript alterations and comments. If the only source for a letter is a copy, the editors have frequently retained corrections made to the text when it is clear that they were based upon comparison with the original. Francis Darwin’s corrections of misreadings by copyists have usually been followed; corrections to the text that appear to be editorial alterations have not been retained. Editorial interpolations in the text are in square brackets. Italic square brackets enclose conjectured readings and descriptions of illegible passages. To avoid confusion, in the few instances in which Darwin himself used square brackets, they have been altered by the editors to parentheses with the change recorded in the Manuscript alterations and comments. In letters to Darwin, square brackets have been changed to parentheses silently. Material that is irrecoverable because the manuscript has been torn or damaged is indicated by angle brackets; any text supplied within them is obviously the responsibility of the editors. Occasionally, the editors are able to supply missing sections of text by using ultraviolet light (where text has been lost owing to damp) or by reference to transcripts or photocopies of manuscript material made before the damage occurred. Words and passages that have been underlined for emphasis are printed in italics in accordance with conventional practice. Where the author of a letter has indicated greater emphasis by underlining a word or passage two or more times, the text is printed in bold type. Paragraphs are often not clearly indicated in the letters. Darwin and others sometimes marked a change of subject by leaving a somewhat larger space than usual between sentences; sometimes Darwin employed a longer dash. In these cases, and when the subject is clearly changed in very long stretches of text, a new paragraph has been started by the editors without comment. The beginnings of letters,

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valedictions, and postscripts are also treated as new paragraphs regardless of whether they appear as new paragraphs in the manuscript. Special manuscript devices delimiting sections or paragraphs, for example, blank spaces left between sections of text and lines drawn across the page, are treated as normal paragraph indicators and are not specially marked or recorded unless their omission leaves the text unclear. Occasionally punctuation marking the end of a clause or sentence is not present in the manuscript, but the author has made his or her intention clear by allowing, for example, extra space or a line break to function as punctuation. In such cases, the editors have inserted an extra space following the sentence or clause to set it off from the following text. Additions to a letter that run over into the margins, or are continued at its head or foot, are transcribed at the point in the text at which the editors believe they were intended to be read. The placement of such an addition is only recorded in a footnote if it seems to the editors to have some significance or if the position at which it should be transcribed is unclear. Enclosures are transcribed following the letter. The hand-drawn illustrations and diagrams that occur in some letters are reproduced as faithfully as possible and are usually positioned as they were in the original text. In some cases, however, it has been necessary to reduce the size of a diagram or enhance an outline for clarity; any such alterations are recorded in footnotes. The location of diagrams within a letter is sometimes changed for typesetting reasons. Tables have been reproduced as close to the original format as possible, given typesetting constraints. Some Darwin letters and a few letters to Darwin are known only from entries in the catalogues of book and manuscript dealers or mentions in other published sources. Whatever information these sources provide about the content of such letters has been reproduced without substantial change. Any errors detected are included in footnotes. Format of published letters The format in which the transcriptions are printed in the Correspondence is as follows: 1. Order of letters. The letters are arranged in chronological sequence. A letter that can be dated only approximately is placed at the earliest date on which the editors believe it could have been written. The basis of a date supplied by the editors is given in a footnote unless it is derived from a postmark, watermark, or endorsement that is recorded in the physical description of the letter (see section 4, below). Letters with the same date, or with a range of dates commencing with that date, are printed in the alphabetical order of their senders or recipients unless their contents dictate a clear alternative order. Letters dated only to a year or a range of years precede letters that are dated to a particular month or range of months, and these, in turn, precede those that are dated to a particular day or range of dates commencing with a particular day. 2. Headline. This gives the name of the sender or recipient of the letter and its date. The date is given in a standard form, but those elements not taken directly from the

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letter text are supplied in square brackets. The name of the sender or recipient is enclosed in square brackets only where the editors regard the attribution as doubtful. 3. The letter text. The transcribed text follows as closely as possible the layout of the source, although no attempt is made to produce a type-facsimile of the manuscript: word-spacing and line-division in the running text are not adhered to. Similarly, the typography of printed sources is not replicated. Dates and addresses given by authors are transcribed as they appear, except that if both the date and the address are at the head of the letter they are always printed on separate lines with the address first, regardless of the manuscript order. If no address is given on a letter by Darwin, the editors have supplied one, when able to do so, in square brackets at the head of the letter. Similarly, if Darwin was writing from an address different from the one given on the letter, his actual location is given in square brackets. Addresses on printed stationery are transcribed in italics. Addresses, dates, and valedictions have been run into single lines to save space, but the positions of line-breaks in the original are marked by vertical bars. 4. Physical description. All letters are complete and in the hand of the sender unless otherwise indicated. If a letter was written by an amanuensis, or exists only as a draft or a copy, or is incomplete, or is in some other way unusual, then the editors provide the information needed to complete the description. Postmarks, endorsements, and watermarks are recorded only when they are evidence for the date or address of the letter. 5. Source. The final line provides the provenance of the text. Some sources are given in abbreviated form (for example, DAR 140: 18) but are listed in full in the List of provenances unless the source is a published work. Letters in private collections are also indicated. References to published works are given in author–date or short-title form, with full titles and publication details supplied in the Bibliography at the end of the volume. 6. Darwin’s annotations. Darwin frequently made notes in the margins of the letters he received, scored significant passages, and crossed through details that were of no further interest to him. These annotations are transcribed or described following the letter text. They are keyed to the letter text by paragraph and line numbers. Most notes are short, but occasionally they run from a paragraph to several pages, and sometimes they are written on separate sheets appended to the letter. Extended notes relating to a letter are transcribed whenever practicable following the annotations as ‘CD notes’. Quotations from Darwin manuscripts in footnotes and elsewhere, and the text of his annotations and notes on letters, are transcribed in ‘descriptive’ style. In this method the alterations in the text are recorded in brackets at the places where they occur. For example: ‘See Daubeny [‘vol. 1’ del] for *descriptions of volcanoes in [interl] S.A.’ ink means that Darwin originally wrote in ink ‘See Daubeny vol. 1 for S.A.’ and then deleted ‘vol. 1’ and inserted ‘descriptions of volcanoes in’ after ‘for’. The asterisk

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before ‘descriptions’ marks the beginning of the interlined phrase, which ends at the bracket. The asterisk is used when the alteration applies to more than the immediately preceding word. The final text can be read simply by skipping the material in brackets. Descriptive style is also used in the Manuscript alterations and comments. Editorial matter Each volume is self-contained, having its own index, bibliography, and biographical register. A chronology of Darwin’s activities covering the period of each volume and translations of foreign-language letters are supplied, and additional appendixes give supplementary material where appropriate to assist the understanding of the correspondence. A cumulative index is planned once the edition is complete. References are supplied for all persons, publications, and subjects mentioned, even though some repetition of material in earlier volumes is involved. If the name of a person mentioned in a letter is incomplete or incorrectly spelled, the full, correct form is given in a footnote. Brief biographies of persons mentioned in the letters, and dates of each correspondent’s letters to and from Darwin in the current volume, are given in the Biographical register and index to correspondents. Where a personal name serves as a company name, it is listed according to the family name but retains its original order: for example, ‘E. Schweizerbart’sche Verlagsbuchhandlung’ is listed under ‘S’, not ‘E’. Short titles are used for references to Darwin’s books and articles and to collections of his letters (e.g., Descent, ‘Parallel roads of Glen Roy’, LL). They are also used for some standard reference works and for works with no identifiable author (e.g., Alum. Cantab., Wellesley index, DNB). For all other works, author–date references are used. References to the Bible are to the authorised King James version unless otherwise stated. Words not in Chambers dictionary are usually defined in the footnotes with a source supplied. The full titles and publication details of all books and papers referred to are given in the Bibliography. References to archival material, for instance that in the Darwin Archive at Cambridge University Library, are not necessarily exhaustive. Darwin and his correspondents writing in English consistently used the term ‘fertilisation’ for the processes that are now distinguished as fertilisation (the fusion of female and male gametes) and pollination (the transfer of pollen from anther to stigma); the first usage known to the editors of a distinct term for pollination in English was in 1873 (letter from A. W. Bennett, 12 July 1873 (Calendar no. 8976)). ‘Fertilisation’ in Darwin’s letters and publications often, but not always, can be regarded as referring to what is now termed pollination. In the footnotes, the editors, where possible, have used the modern terms where these can assist in explaining the details of experimental work. When Darwin or his correspondents are quoted directly, their original usage is never altered. The editors use the abbreviation ‘CD’ for Charles Darwin throughout the footnotes. A list of all abbreviations used by the editors in this volume is given on p. xliv.

The Wedgwood and Darwin Robert Waring Darwin = Susannah Wedgwood 1766–1848 1765–1817 Henry Parker = Marianne 1788–1856 1798–1858 Robert 1825–1907 Henry 1827–92 Francis 1829–71 Charles 1831–1905 Mary Susan 1836–93 Susan Elizabeth 1803–66

Caroline Sarah = Josiah III (Jos) 1795–1880 1800–88 Sophy Marianne 1838–9 Katherine Elizabeth Sophy (Sophy) 1842–1911 Margaret Susan 1843–1937 Lucy Caroline 1846–1919

Erasmus Alvey 1804–81 Charles Langton = Emily Catherine 1801–86 (Catherine) 1810–66

Charles Robert = Emma 1808–96 1809–82

Sara Price Ashburner Sedgwick = William Erasmus 1839–1902 1839–1914 Anne Elizabeth 1841–51 Mary Eleanor Sept.–Oct. 1842 Richard Buckley Litchfield = Henrietta Emma (Etty) 1843–1927 1832–1903 George Howard 1845–1912 Elizabeth (Bessy) 1847–1926 Amy Richenda Ruck = Francis (Frank) 1850–76 1848–1925 Bernard Richard Meirion 1876–1961 Leonard 1850–1943 Horace 1851–1928 Charles Waring 1856–8

Families up to 1878 Josiah Wedgwood II = Elizabeth (Bessy) Allen 1764–1846 1769–1843 Sarah Elizabeth (Elizabeth) 1793–1880 Mary Anne 1796–8 Charles Langton = Charlotte 1801–86 1797–1862 Edmund 1841–75 Henry Allen = Jessie Wedgwood 1804–72 (Harry) Frances Mosley = Francis 1799–1885 Louisa Frances 1834–1903 (Frank) (Fanny Frank) Caroline Elizabeth (Carry) 1807–74 1800–88 1836–1916 Godfrey 1833–1905 John Darwin 1840–70 Amy 1835–1910 Anne Jane 1841–77 Cicely Mary 1837–1917 Arthur 1843–1900 Clement Francis Rowland Henry 1840–89 1847–1921 Laurence 1844–1913 Hensleigh = Frances Emma Elizabeth Constance Rose 1846–1903 (Fanny) Mackintosh 1803–91 1800–89 Mabel Frances Frances 1852–1930 (Fanny) Frances Julia (Snow) 1806–32 1833–1913 James Mackintosh (Bro) 1834–64 Ernest Hensleigh 1838–98 Katherine Euphemia (Effie) 1839–1931 Alfred Allen 1842–92 Hope Elizabeth (Dot) 1844–1935

ABBREVIATIONS AL ALS DS LS LS(A) Mem pc (S) TLS

autograph letter autograph letter signed document signed letter in hand of amanuensis, signed by sender letter in hand of amanuensis with additions by sender memorandum postcard signed with sender’s name by amanuensis typed letter signed

CD CUL DAR del illeg interl underl

Charles Darwin Cambridge University Library Darwin Archive, Cambridge University Library deleted illegible interlined underlined TRANSCRIPTION CONVENTIONS

[some text] [some text] [some text] ⟨ ⟩ ⟨some text⟩ ⟨some text⟩

‘some text’ is an editorial insertion ‘some text’ is the conjectured reading of an ambiguous word or passage ‘some text’ is a description of a word or passage that cannot be transcribed, e.g., ‘3 words illeg’ word(s) destroyed ‘some text’ is a suggested reading for a destroyed word or passage ‘some text’ is a description of a destroyed word or passage, e.g., ‘3 lines excised’

THE CORRESPONDENCE OF CHARLES DARWIN 1878 To Francis Darwin   [1878?]1 This has just been sent to me.—& I shall be curious hereafter to read it; but I thought that you wd like to see it at once2 CD Sunday DAR 211: 21 1 2

The year is conjectured from an archivist’s note. The item has not been identified.

From Ellen Harrison to Emma Darwin   [ January 1878]1 I think children in the house keep us elderly ones much more youthful than we should be with out them. I used to find that very much with my dear boy Lawford, only they will grow up so fast. The other day he was digging tunnels with his wooden spade in the sand and now he is engineering in Ceylon, and writes to me about assisting at an operation on a poor elephant’s foot, where his part was sitting on the animal’s head whose tears were running down his cheeks!2 John3 has not been very well lately, but is better again now. Will you remember us both most kindly to Dr Darwin and believe me dear Emma always | Your affectionate friend | Ellen Harrison Incomplete DAR 166: 108 CD annotations 1.1 I think … in the sand 1.4] crossed pencil Top of first page: ‘Expression | Jan 1878’ pencil 1 2

3

The date is established by CD’s annotation. Lawford Maclean Acland was Harrison’s nephew. Harrison had probably been commenting on the Darwins’ grandson, Bernard Darwin, who lived with the Darwins. CD had discussed elephants’ tears in Expression, pp. 167–8 and n. 20. The information in this letter was not added to Expression 2d ed., edited by Francis Darwin. John Harrison was Ellen’s husband.

2

January 1878

To Édouard Heckel   1 January 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Jan. 1st/78 Dear Sir I thank you sincerely for your very kind note & good wishes. I am much pleased to hear that you are translating my last book.— I fully agree that you had better always use the scientific terms for what we call the Primrose & Cowslip.— With respect to the Oxlip, I shd. think it would be best to refer to it as the hybrid P. veris-vulgar   The so-called Bardfield Oxlip, which is rare in England, must of course be called P. elatior Jacq.1 I wish you well through your labours & with congratulations on the new year, remain, with much respect. | Yours very faithfully | Ch. Darwin Two bad errata p. 162 9 lines from top for “mid-length stamens”, read “shortest” p. 205 5 lines from bottom for “own-form shortest stamens” read “own-form mid-length stamens”.2 Barbara and Robert Pincus (private collection) 1

2

Heckel’s letter has not been found. He was translating Forms of flowers into French (Heckel trans. 1878). Heckel tended to use the Linnean binomials for Primula species, but he also translated cowslip (Primula veris) as coucou or pain de coucou, primroses and cowslips as primevère (French does not distinguish them under this term), and primroses (P. vulgaris) as primevère commun. He translated oxlip as primevère des jardins and Bardfield oxlip as primevère de Bardfield and primevère élevée. (See Heckel trans. 1878, chapters 1 and 2.) The corrections were made in Heckel trans. 1878, pp. 167 and 211.

To Raphael Meldola   1 January [1878]1 From Mr. C. Darwin, Down, Beckenham. In the Decr. nor of Kosmos short article (good) by F. Müller supporting by new facts Weismann’s views with respect to Caterpillars.2 If you care to see it, I would send it by Post.— Can you return to me the nor of Kosmos sent to you on Oct. 22d.?3 C. D. Jan. 1st— ApcS Oxford University Museum of Natural History (Hope Entomological Collections 1350: Hope/Westwood Archive, Darwin folder) 1 2

3

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to Raphael Meldola, 22 October [1877] (Correspondence vol. 25). The article was the third part of Fritz Müller’s ‘Beobachtungen an brasilianischen Schmetterlingen’ (Observations on Brazilian butterflies; F. Müller 1877a); it mentioned August Weismann’s views on the adaptation of caterpillars to their environment. CD’s copy of this issue of Kosmos is in the collection of unbound journals in the Darwin Archive–CUL; the article is lightly annotated. See Correspondence vol. 25, letter to Raphael Meldola, 22 October [1877].

January 1878

3

To Hermann Müller   1 January [1878]1 Down, Jan. 1. My dear Sir I must write two or three lines to thank you cordially for your very handsome and very interesting Review of my last book in Kosmos, which I have this minute finished.2 It is wonderful how you have picked out everything important in it. I am especially glad that you have called attention to the parallelism between illegitimate offspring of heterostyled plants and hybrids. Your previous article in Kosmos seemed to me very important, but for some unknown reason the German was very difficult, and I was sadly over-worked at the time, so that I could not understand a good deal of it.3 But I have put it on one side and when I have to prepare a new Edit. of my book, I must make it out.—4 It seems that you attribute such cases as that of diœcious Rhamnus and your own of Valeriana to the existence of two forms with larger and smaller flowers.5 I cannot follow the steps by which such plants have been rendered diœcious, but when I read your article with more care I hope I shall understand. If you have succeeded in explaining this class of cases I shall heartily rejoice, for they utterly perplexed me and I could not conjecture what their meaning was. It is a grievous evil to have no faculty for new languages. With the most sincere respect and hearty good wishes to you and all your family for the new year, believe me, | Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin What interesting papers your wonderful brother6 has lately been writing. Copy DAR 146: 438 1 2 3

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The year is established by the reference to Müller’s review of Forms of flowers (see n. 2, below). Müller reviewed Forms of flowers in the December 1877 issue of Kosmos (H. Müller 1877b). CD’s annotated copy is in the unbound journal collection in the Darwin Archive–CUL. CD’s annotated copy of Müller’s article ‘Das Variiren der Größe gefärbter Blüthenhüllen und seine Wirkung auf die Naturzüchtung der Blumen’ (Variation in the size of coloured perianths and its effect on the natural selection of flowers; H. Müller 1877a) is in the unbound journal collection in the Darwin Archive–CUL. CD cited H. Müller 1877a in Forms of flowers 2d ed., p. viii. In an annotation to H. Müller 1877b, p. 290, CD wrote, ‘He accounts for one class of Dioicious plants by the flowers being of different sizes—see his former paper in Kosmos.’ In Forms of flowers 2d ed., p. viii, CD wrote that in H. Müller 1877a, p. 130, Müller showed that Valeriana dioica existed under four forms closely allied to the four presented by Rhamnus. (Valeriana dioica is marsh valerian; Rhamnus is the genus of buckthorns.) In H. Müller 1877a, pp. 131–2, Müller argued that homogamous flowers with large, colourful corollas became insect-pollinated while small inconspicuous ones became self-fertilised when insects did not visit the former first. However, if the large, colourful flowers were visited first, they eventually became staminate while the small ones become pistillate. In Valeriana dioica, he argued, the process was not complete so four forms were present. H. Müller 1877a discussed the development of insect-aided pollination from pollination by wind, and only secondarily mentioned the origins of gynodioecism. Müller also discussed the origins of gynodioecism in H. Müller 1873. CD particularly admired Fritz Müller’s recent paper on butterflies (F. Müller 1877a). See also letter to Raphael Meldola, 1 January [1878].

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January 1878

From Raphael Meldola   2 January [1878]1 Entomological Society | London | 21 John Street, | Bedford Row, | London W.C. Jan. 2/77 My dear Sir, I should very much like to see Fritz Müller’s article in Kosmos of Dec. if you will kindly send it to me by post. I returned the No. you were good enough to send me on Oct. 22nd. a few days after you sent it. I hope it has not been lost in the post. A letter accompanied it.2 If you cannot find it please inform me what No. it was & I will take immediate steps to replace it. I have not yet succeeded in finding a publisher for Weismanns essays— Van Voorst & Murray are both afraid to touch it & my time has been so much occupied that I have not had leisure to push enquiries in other directions.3 The entomological notes which I submitted to you some time since will appear with some additions in the Feb. No. of the “Ann. & Mag. of Nat. Hist.”4 I beg to direct your attention to the forthcoming Part IV of the “Trans. Ent. Soc.” The “Proceedings” bound up with it contain a great deal of matter relating to stridulation & is important with reference to your discussion of this phenomenon in the “Descent of Man”. I have been talking over the subject with Wood-Mason this evening & he is anxious to submit to your consideration certain views of the subject which he has broached in his paper on Mygale stridulans (a copy of which he will send you).5 I am anxious to get recruits for the ranks of the Entom. Soc.6 & should be glad to see your son Mr. Francis Darwin in our list of Members. Would he do me the favour of allowing me to propose him at the next meeting Jan. 16th.? Yours very faithfully, | R. Meldola. Wishing you the compliments of the season. DAR 171: 121 1 2

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The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to Raphael Meldola, 1 January [1878]. Meldola dated it 1877 in error. See letter to Raphael Meldola, 1 January [1878] and n. 2. The October 1877 issue of Kosmos contained the first part of Müller’s article ‘Beobachtungen an brasilianischen Schmetterlingen’ (Observations on Brazilian butterflies; F. Müller 1877a). The letter that Meldola sent when he returned it has not been found. CD’s annotated copy of the issue is in the collection of unbound journals in the Darwin Archive–CUL. Meldola proposed a translation of August Weismann’s Studien zur Descendenz-Theorie (Weismann 1875a and 1876) in his letter to CD of 20 October [1877] (Correspondence vol. 25). The translation was published in 1882 by Sampson, Low, Marston, Searle, & Rivington as Studies in the theory of descent (Weismann 1882). John Murray was CD’s publisher; John van Voorst was a well-known natural history publisher. Meldola 1878. Meldola had previously discussed with CD the publication of these notes from a letter by Fritz Müller; see Correspondence vol. 25, letter from Raphael Meldola, 13 September 1877. James Wood-Mason’s note on stridulation in Mygale stridulans (Wood-Mason 1877) appeared in the December 1877 issue of Transactions of the Entomological Society of London; the Proceedings in the same issue contain remarks on stridulation in other insects and scorpions (pp. xvi, xviii–xix, and xxvii–xxix). Mygale stridulans is a synonym of Chilobrachys stridulans, a spider in the family Theraphosidae (tarantulas). CD discussed stridulation in spiders and insects extensively in Descent. Meldola was one of the secretaries of the Entomological Society of London.

January 1878

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To ?   2 January 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Jan 2. 1878

Dear Sir, I am much obliged for your note & the specimen. The facts are new to me, & will be of use whenever I have to bring out a new edit of my ‘Forms of Flowers’1 Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin LS (photocopy) DAR 249: 126 1

Forms of flowers was published in July 1877 (Correspondence vol. 25, Appendix II). The second edition was published in 1880. The correspondent, note, and specimen have not been identified.

To F. J. Cohn   3 January 1878

Down, | Beckenham, Kent. Jan 3. 1878.

My dear Sir. I thank you sincerely for your most kind letter & I return your wishes for the new year with all my heart.1 Your letter has interested me greatly. Dr Sanderson showed me some admirable photographs on glass by Dr Koch of the organisms which cause splenic fever; but your letter & the valuable work which you have kindly given me make the case much clearer to me.2 I well remember saying to myself, between 20 & 30 years ago, that if ever the origin of any infectious disease could be proved, it would be the greatest triumph to science; & now I rejoice to have seen this triumph. With respect to the filaments of Dipsacus, I do not for a minute put my judgement on a par with yours or that of de Bary, but my son has lately made some observations which incline me very strongly to believe that the filaments consist of living matter of the nature of protoplasm3   Hearing from Dr Sanderson that thymol has a fatal effect on low organisms, he tried solutions of 101 % & 201 % both of which cause contraction of the filaments. On the other hand 12% solution of carbolic acid does not cause contraction, 1% does so, this agrees with several observers who find, I believe, that 12% carbolic solution is not poisonous to microzymes. My son finds that strong solutions of NaCl cause contraction but not death, as the filaments recover themselves in water, & do not swell up into bladders as they do after poisons; this agrees with H. de Vries’ work on the ‘plasmolysis’ of cells—4 With cordial thanks & much respect | I remain, my dear Sir | Yours sincerely | Charles Darwin LS Joseph R. Sakmyster, ADS Autographs (dealer) (no date) 1 2

See Correspondence vol. 25, letter from F. J. Cohn, 31 December 1877. Cohn had sent CD the third and last issue of the second volume of Beiträge zur Biologie der Pflanzen (Contributions to the biology of plants), a journal that he edited. It contained an article by Robert Koch, ‘Verfahren zur Untersuchung, zum Conserviren und Photographiren der Bacterien’ (Method

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January 1878 for examining, preserving and photographing bacteria; Koch 1877). It is not known when John Scott Burdon Sanderson showed CD Koch’s photographs; he had met Koch in Germany and assisted with an experiment in October 1877 (Correspondence vol. 25, letter from F. J. Cohn, 31 December 1877), and he reproduced figures from some of Koch’s photographs in his ‘Lectures on the infective processes of disease’ (Burdon Sanderson 1877–8; for the figures, see British Medical Journal, 9 February 1878, p. 181). Splenic or splenetic fever is now known as anthrax. In his letter of 31 December 1877, Cohn had critiqued Francis Darwin’s paper ‘On the protrusion of protoplasmic filaments from the glandular hairs on the leaves of the common teasel (Dipsacus sylvestris)’ (F. Darwin 1877b), mentioning apparently similar phenomena observed by Anton de Bary in Agaricus (a genus of mushrooms). Francis Darwin published the results of his experiments on Amanita agaricus (fly agaric) and Dipsacus sylvestris (common teasel) in F. Darwin 1878b; he concluded that the effect of salt and acid solutions on the filaments suggested that the filaments contained living matter, and that their contraction was not merely mechanical. He cited Hugo de Vries’s work on the mechanical expansion and contraction of cells (Vries 1877a and 1877b). See Vries 1877a, p. 4, for his use of the term plasmolysis for the shrinking of protoplasm from the cell wall. Microzyme: bacterium. NaCl: sodium chloride.

From E. A. Greaves   3 January 1878 14 Pittville Parade, | Cheltenham Jany. 3rd. 1878 Dear Sir, Thanks to Parker’s dilatoriness the Picture had not been forwarded1   I sent off to Mr. Myers2 with the corrected address, and also called this morning upon Mr. P: I trust, the Portrait will arrive safely, it goes from me uninjured, & the more I examine it, I think that it will adorn either your own or your relations dining-room— If it could speak, it would tell of its own travels and interesting history, 1st. at Ashborne, then over the chimney piece at Derby in Uncle Hadley’s dining-room afterwards in several migrations to residences with my esteemed & loved Aunt Hadley & more strange still to myself, and last to those who will value it for its ancestral worth—3 Glad as I am to see it so safely housed, I feel a little pang when I say farewell to the dear old painting— I received yr. handsome acknowledgment for it, but never was such a thing heard of as payment before the article received it is most kind & benevolent of you.4 I shall be glad to hear that Parker has duly attended to all directions— At your leisure I shall be glad to learn your opinion of the painting. Wrights are I believe considered valuable, tho’ in his life-time he did not receive the commendation he ought to have done. I send you another copy of my friend’s; I have another so pray accept it—5 Receive my best wishes for the New-Year & I hope that you may be spared many more to look on your justly famed ancestor— | I am dear Sir, | Yours truly, & obliged, | Elizth. A. Greaves P.S. Parker’s men have just been for the Picture; and it will be sent off tomorrow morning, so that I trust you will receive it in the Eveng. in the same condition it went from here: I laid down very strict injunctions—& they will be answerable for any damage—

January 1878

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DAR 210.14: 12 1

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Greaves had arranged to sell CD a portrait of his grandfather Erasmus Darwin by Joseph Wright of Derby (see Correspondence vol. 25, letter from E. A. Greaves, 14 December 1877). The portrait is reproduced on p. 254. Parker may have been George Parker of Cheltenham, a ‘commission agent, auctioneer, appraiser & accountant, house and estate agent, dealer in coins &c.’, who also offered to warehouse ‘goods of all descriptions … in dry rooms’ (Post Office directory of Gloucestershire, with Bath, Bristol, Herefordshire, and Shropshire 1879). Probably Frederic William Henry Myers or his brother Arthur Thomas Myers (see Correspondence vol. 25, letter from E. A. Greaves to Francis Darwin, 31 December 1877). The portrait had belonged to Susanna Hadley, an illegitimate daughter of Erasmus Darwin. Susanna had been in charge of a girls’ school at Ashbourne, near Derby, from 1784 until her marriage in 1809 to Henry Hadley, Greaves’s uncle. CD recorded a payment of £50 to Greaves on 2 January 1878 in his Account books–banking account (Down House MS). Greaves sent an unidentified pamphlet (see Correspondence vol. 25, letter from E. A. Greaves, 14 December 1877).

To Raphael Meldola   3 January 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Jan 3. 1878 My dear Sir, I have many apologies to make, for I have just found the missing number of Kosmos. I dispatch by this mornings post the December number. I will before long read the discussion on stridulation to which you refer.1 As my son Francis does not attend at all to entomology but devotes all his time to plant physiology, it would be hardly worth his while to belong to yr society—which has my best wishes for its success.2 Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin LS Oxford University Museum of Natural History (Hope Entomological Collections 1350: Hope/Westwood Archive, Darwin folder) 1

2

See letter to Raphael Meldola, 1 January [1878]. CD had asked Meldola to return the October 1877 issue of Kosmos, and offered to send him the December 1877 issue. In his letter to CD of 2 January [1878], Meldola had recommended a discussion of stridulation in the Transactions of the Entomological Society of London. Meldola had invited Francis Darwin to become a member of the Entomological Society of London (see letter from Raphael Meldola, 2 January [1878]).

From William Farrer   4 January 1878 Edgend | nr Burnley1 Jany 4. 1878 Sir, The enclosed is a leaf of the Australasian Newspaper: it contains an account of the origin of a new variety of the Merino sheep, which has lately appeared in Victoria.2 As I had lately read with very great pleasure your ‘Variation of Animals &

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Plants under domestication’ when this appeared, and as there seemed to be circumstances connected with this breed of sheep, which would be likely to interest you, I saved this leaf for the purpose of sending to you: and as I have brought it with me to England, I take this opportunity of sending it, in case you have not already seen it.3 I am not personally acquainted with Mr. Currie: but from what I have heard of him from hearsay, I have no doubt that he would answer with pleasure & intelligence any enquiries you might desire to make from him. His address is J.L. Currie, Larra, Skipton, Victoria Your book—The Variation of Animals &c—caused me to feel great interest in Nathusius’ works.4 From the way in which you speak of them, I am led to expect that they may contain good expositions of valuable principles connected with the ‘Science of Breeding’. This is a study that I have been trying to make my own for several years (although I am not pecuniarily interested in Stock.) I therefore, take the liberty of encroaching on your knowledge & kindness, and will ask you to be so kind as to jot down for me the names of a few books—English & Foreign & especially Nathusius’—which treat in a satisfactory way of this subject. This subject is one, that is of great importance in a Stock-raising country like Australia, and I entertain a hope of being able at some future time to organize a club of kindred spirits, & getting some of the best foreign works on this subject translated. Any list, therefore, that you may be kind enough to prepare for me will be regarded as of great value; and I shall endeavour to take back with me to Australia copies of the works it contains. I am, dr Sir, | Faithfully yours | William Farrer. DAR 164: 106 1

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Edgend was a house in Little Marsden, three miles north-east of Burnley in Lancashire. In 1878, it belonged to Farrer’s cousin, Edward Ecroyd (Post Office directory of Lancashire, Liverpool and Manchester 1873 and 1881). The cutting has not been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL, but an article about John Lang Currie’s success in breeding a merino with longer, silkier wool than usual appeared in the Australasian, 9 June 1877, p. 25. Farrer was visiting England from Australia after a horse-riding accident (A. Russell 1949, p. 26). CD discussed the varying fleece quality of merino sheep in Variation 2d ed. 2: 102–5, mentioning the Mauchamp merino, another type of merino with an exceptionally silky fleece. CD frequently cited Hermann Engelhard von Nathusius, a German livestock breeder, in Variation.

To Karl von Scherzer?1   4 January 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Jan 4. 1878 My dear Sir, I shall be in London on the 16th, 17th or 18th, & shall stay there for a week.2 If would suit His Royal Highness, I would wait upon him after the above date at any day & hour he might please to appoint through you; but the morning is the best time for my health.3 This plan I presume would be much the most convenient for the Prince,

January 1878

9

But if he should prefer to come here I would suggest his honouring me by coming to luncheon. I am ashamed to say that I can speak no language except english, & unless the Prince can speak English I earnestly hope that you will avoid making any appointment. Believe me my dear Sir | Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin LS Swann Auction Galleries (dealers) (11 October 2007) 1 2 3

The correspondent is conjectured from the subject matter; see n. 3, below. CD stayed at 6 Queen Anne Street, London, the home of his brother, Erasmus Alvey Darwin, from 17 to 23 January 1878 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). Crown Prince Rudolph of Austria was staying in London in early January 1878 (The Times, 11 January 1878, p. 10). Scherzer, the Austrian consul in London, and a member of the prince’s retinue, was a correspondent of CD’s. There is no record, however, of a meeting between CD and the prince.

From Hyde Clarke   5 January 1878

32 S.t George’s Square | S.W. 5 Jany 1878

My dear Sir, There is fortunately no “if ” in the case.1 It is fortunately easy for you or any one to test most of the main facts. There is a book published by the Church Missionary Society called the Polyglotta Africana by the Revd Mr Kœlle, which received the Volney Prize.2 This is an Atlas of words in 200 African languages. If you take the similar books for the Indian languages by Dr W W Hunter, Sir George Campbell or Genl Dalton, you can compare from the left hand column of Hunter from the groups of Garo &c, Naga, & Kolarian with the African & you will get most of your words, even if an unskilled observer sets himself to the task.3 As another test take the Hidatsa or any of the grammars published by Dr Hayden & the US Geological Survey, & you may follow Hidatsa almost word for word in the Polyglotta, & very closely in Hunter, & then this will bring you into the Subhimalayan languages.4 This is a simple scientific & natural history test, & I trust it will be acceptable to you. Your’s faithfully | Hyde Clarke Charles Darwin Esq DLL5 FRS DAR 161: 162 1

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Clarke had written to CD that he had established ‘the unity of language in its development’, and CD had replied that if he had, he would have effected a ‘most valuable piece of work’ (Correspondence vol. 25, letter from Hyde Clarke, 27 December 1877, and letter to Hyde Clarke, [29 December 1877]). The prix Volney is awarded by the Institut de France for a work in comparative philology; Sigismund Wilhelm Kölle won it for his Polyglotta Africana (Koelle 1854), which compared about 160 African languages. William Wilson Hunter was the author of A comparative dictionary of the languages of India and High Asia (Hunter 1868). George Campbell edited Specimens of the languages of India, including those of the aboriginal

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tribes of Bengal, the Central Provinces, and the eastern frontier (Campbell ed. 1874). Edward Tuite Dalton’s Descriptive ethnology of Bengal (Dalton 1872) included vocabularies. In H. Clarke 1875, pp. 9 and 11, Clarke identified the Garo language of India as an early ‘class’, with affinities to some African languages, and the Kolarian group in India as representative of a prehistoric group of languages. The Naga peoples live in north-eastern India; the Garo language is also spoken in parts of north-eastern India. Kolarian was a term coined by Campbell (Campbell ed. 1874, p. 3) for some tribes of the Central Provinces and Western Bengal who spoke a language distinct from that of other peoples in those areas. Washington Matthews’s Ethnography and philology of the Hidatsa Indians (Matthews 1877) was published under the auspices of the US Geological and Geographical Survey; Ferdinand Vanderveer Hayden was the geologist-in-charge. DLL: i.e. LLD, doctor of laws. CD was awarded an honorary LLD by Cambridge University in 1877 (see Correspondence vol. 25, Appendix II).

To W. W. Baxter   6 January [1878]1

Beckenham 6 Jan.,

[Asks about the composition of a ‘spermaceti ointment’ which he has been buying for some years] because I blackened some young shoots of plants with this ointment mixed with Lamp-black & it produced an extraordinary effect on the shoots, which I think cannot be accounted for merely by the exclusion of light.2 Incomplete3 Parke-Bernet (dealers) (6 February 1962) 1 2

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The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from W. W. Baxter, 7 January 1878. CD had painted one side of the cotyledons of Avena and Phalaris with a mixture of lamp-black and spermaceti ointment in order to ascertain the effect of excluding light, but they became bowed towards the blackened side owing to the grease checking their growth (Movement in plants, pp. 467–8). See also letter from Leonard Darwin, 7 January 1878. Spermaceti ointment was used as a mild dressing for blisters, cuts, and grazes (Warren 1859, p. 675). The letter is described in the sale catalogue as being one page long and complete.

From W. W. Baxter   7 January 1878

Bromley Kent Jan 7th 78

Sir The Spermaceti Ointment supplied to you is made according to the orders of the British Pharmacopæa which are Spermaceti 5 ounces White Wax 2 ounces Almond Oil 20 ounces or a sufficiency Would the effects produced be caused by any-thing used in the bleaching the Bees’ Wax?1 The process used to be by exposure to air in thin ribands & in the end refined by melting in water acidulated by sulphuric acid, but what is the mode adopted now I do not know, but will inquire if you wish it.

January 1878

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Oil of Almonds differs but little in composition from Olive Oil containing more oleine & less margarine.2 With respects | Yrs obedly | Wm. W. Baxter C. Darwin Esqre DAR 209.8: 150 1

2

See letter to W. W. Baxter, 6 January [1878] and n. 2. CD had asked about the composition of spermaceti ointment purchased from Baxter, a local chemist; it had apparently damaged some growing plants on which CD was experimenting. See British pharmacopœia (1877), p. 353. Olein and margarin were terms for components of plant oils (see Dussauce 1869, pp. 171–2, OED).

From Leonard Darwin   7 January 1878

Brompton Barracks, | Chatham. Jan 7th. 1878

Dear Father The following is the work on the lamp black so far. Boiled 25 grains in water; filtered; obtained a clear solution with a very slight green tint; evaporated to dryness and a residue was left; this may have been oil that came through with the hot water; then I red heated the residue, and a good deal went away with badly smelling fumes; there only remained .08 grain   I think that this contained a trace of iron; and that most of it was some soda salt, but I cannot be sure.1 The result in numbers is Percentage of organic matter that came through with the water—– 1.92 Percentage of inorganic matter soluble in water.—– 0.32 2.24 Your affec son | L. Darwin. DAR 209.8: 153 1

CD wanted to know the composition of an ointment that he had applied to the shoots of plants; see letter to W. W. Baxter, 6 January [1878].

From Leonard Darwin   8 January 1878

Brompton Barracks, | Chatham. Jan 8th. 1878

Dear Father Today I tested that lamp black for ammonia.1 In doing this test, the substance is put into a still and the water that distills over is tested for the ammonia. A good deal of greasy matter came over, shewing the presence of oil or fat in the lamp black. The amount of ammonia present proved to be 0.1 to 0.2 per cent of the lamp-black. This is free ammonia, or ammonia in any salt. The test is not a very sure one, for some organic substances, of which urea is the only one I know of, test as if they were ammonia. But there is sure not to be more than .1 to .2 per cent of ammonia present. Carbon absorbs ammonia readily, and I think it would take up this amount, if the

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air near it had ever been charged with ammonia; as it is sure to be in a laboratory sometimes. Your affec son | L. Darwin. DAR 186: 33 1

CD had asked Leonard to test lamp-black for substances injurious to growing plants; see letter from Leonard Darwin, 7 January 1878 and n. 1. See also Movement in plants, pp. 467–8.

To Raphael Meldola   11 January [1878] From Mr. C. Darwin, Down, Beckenham. I think there can be no objection to your making use of the letter.1 C.D. Jan 11th.— ApcS Postmark: JA 12 78 Oxford University Museum of Natural History (Hope Entomological Collections 1350: Hope/Westwood Archive, Darwin folder) 1

Meldola’s letter has not been found, but he had evidently asked for permission to read portions of Fritz Müller’s letter to CD of [27 November 1877] (Correspondence vol. 25) to the Entomological Society of London on 6 February 1878 (Transactions of the Entomological Society of London (Proceedings) (1878): ii–iii; see also letter to Fritz Müller, 12 January 1878).

To Fritz Müller   12 January 1878 Down, | Beckenham Kent. Jan 12th. 78 My dear Sir Though I have nothing particular to say I must thank you for your very interesting letter of Nov. 27th with many curious facts about the colours of flowers & the visits of Lepidoptera & the odours which they emit.— I am also particularly obliged for your answer about worms.—1 The Secretary of our Entomological Socy. takes great delight in your papers in Kosmos (which I lend him), & I sent him your last letter to read.— He has asked me whether he might read portions to the Society; & I hope that I have not acted wrongly in giving him permission. He has been observing himself about the odours emitted by insects, & wishes to give your observations.2 Many thanks for the seeds of Pontederia, if I can find time I will rear plants & afterwards raise legitimate & illegitimate offspring for comparison; but it is a wearisome task.—3 I & my son Francis have been working very hard on the spontaneous movements of plants & on Heliotropism & we have arrived at some, I hope, valuable results; but they are as yet hardly certain enough to be worth communicating to you.—4

January 1878

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Pray accept my cordial good wishes for yourself & family for the new year.— Every letter & paper of yours which I read excites my most lively admiration of your powers of observation. Believe me | Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin P.S. Should you ever be able to observe a sensitive Mimosa whilst it raining hard & is hot weather, I shd be very grateful.5 The British Library (Loan 10:44) 1

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See Correspondence vol. 25, letter from Fritz Müller, [27 November 1877]. The surviving version of this letter is from the Transactions of the Entomological Society of London and is incomplete; the part about worms is missing. What CD had asked about worms is not known. The secretary of the Entomological Society of London, Raphael Meldola, read portions of Müller’s letter to CD of [27 November 1877] (Correspondence vol. 25) to the society on 6 February 1878 (Transactions of the Entomological Society of London (Proceedings) (1878): ii–iii). For Meldola’s interest in Kosmos (a German journal devoted to Darwinian science), see Correspondence vol. 25, letter from Raphael Meldola, 20 October 1877, and this volume, letter from Raphael Meldola, 2 January [1878]. Müller believed at least one species of Pontederia (pickerel-weed) to be trimorphic (see Correspondence vol. 17, letter from Fritz Müller, 18 December 1869 and n. 3). CD had described heterostyly in two species of Pontederia in Forms of flowers, pp. 183–7. CD published his conclusions in 1880, in Movement in plants. For Müller’s reply, see the letter from Fritz Müller, 5 April 1878. CD had asked Müller the same question in his letter of 14 May 1877 (Correspondence vol. 25), having himself observed that sensitive mimosas closed their leaflets when sprinkled with warm water, but opened them to cold.

From E. L. Sturtevant   12 January 1878 So Framingham, Mass. Jan. 12. 1878. Charles Darwin, F.R.S. etc. Dear Sir; Having occasion to refer to your account of maize, in preparing an article on the plant, it occurred that a communication from one who has made the plant a study might be of service to you.1 Please accept the enclosed. If useful, well! If simply a trespass on you, then you can readily dispose of it in your waste basket. Very truly | E Lewis Sturtevant [Enclosure] The maize plant appears to be one of the most plastic of our agricultural growings, and its variations seem scarcely to have received the attention that they deserve. As I have made rather of a special study of this plant, a few particulars may not be uninteresting, not derived from books, but from my own observation. The only classification which I can offer at present is into sweet corn, field corn and pop corn.2 Sweet corn is distinguished by the glucose it contains in the seed and

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January 1878

the plant, and in the shrivelled or wrinkled condition of the mature seeds. It varies in color from lemon yellow (white when immature), a pinkish shade, and a purple, to black. I have never seen it yellow, as we call field corn yellow. The corn is translucent at the edges. The uses of sweet corn are mainly as a vegetable. Field corn includes the varieties which are cultivated as farm crops for the mature seed, which is used for feeding in its dry state and as mealed; in commerce as corn flour, corn starch, meal, samp and hominies &c. It varies in the size and shape of its kernel, as well as in the texture of the kernel. In color it may be white, lemon yellow, bright yellow, red, purple, and striped. This species admits of subdivision into flint and dent varieties, the border lines not being very well defined, and varieties which are neither flint nor dented. Field corn always presents in a section of its kernel a distinct, usually large nucleus of starch about the chit, and in the flint varieties surrounded, in the dent varieties enclosed at the sides only, by a horny or corneous covering. Pop corn is a flint corn, but the oil is distributed throughout the mass in such a manner that in the best varieties a section shows the whole substance to be corneous except the merest line of starch at the chit. When this corn is gradually brought to the temperature that decomposing the oil causes the tension to be overcome, the kernel explodes into a large, tender, crisp bulky product of showy whiteness. The shapes and colors of pop corn are extremely various, but it is always small eared and small kernelled, and of a small habit of growth. I have never known sweet corn to change into field or pop corn, but pop corn under high culture will in a few years change its character, and increase its size. The rice or peaked kernel will change to the rounded kernel and more rarely vice-versa. Flint corn will change, either through climatic, cultural or selective influence, into dent corn, and vice versa, and it requires but little care to change one variety into a so-called different variety. From experience I can state that three years selection is sufficient to change the average length of cob, the grouping of the grain, the shape of the ear, and the habit of growth, and so strong is the tendency of the product to vary, that it is difficult to suppose any limitation to the changes which would follow any well organized effort. In every field of considerable size, monstrosities are frequent. The occurrence of females flowers, which develop into perfect grain, on the plume, amidst the male flowers, is very frequent.3 More rarely, yet still always to be found, the male flowers develop on the cob in conjunction with the ovaries, more usually as a prolongation of the cob growth, yet not very rarely in juxta position with the ovaries. I have specimens on my shelves of all these cases, as well as of double and triple ears in the normal position. The flint corn, the Waushakum variety,4 such as I grow, develops its uppermost ear normally on the fifth node from the bottom, yet I have known the ear to be found on the first even, and so up to the sixth in exceptional cases. I have one specimen preserved where four ears have formed on the uppermost node just below the tassel. Occasionally the corn plant will branch, and the branch bear a terminal ear. By intervention the cob can be forced at times into development into a spike crowned by the tassel, and an obstruction to the length-growth will frequently cause the grain to become spirally arranged on the cob. At the appearance of the tassel, a

January 1878

15

dissection will show a small ear, perfect in its parts, upon which by means of a hand magnifier each ovary can be counted, situate at each of the five lower nodes. If the stalk be cut away carefully now, in many instances—in all I have tried—the upper embryo ear ceases to develop and a tassel stalk occupies ultimately the position where we would normally look for the ear. In every instance I have seen, the number of rows of kernel on the cob have been divisible by two. I have seen two rowed corn, 4 rowed, and so on up to 36 rows. One specimen at the Smithsonian Institution at Washington, taken from a grave at Arequipa, Peru, contains 13 rows, and this is the only exception I have heard of. The length of ears vary from 2 inches to 15 inches. I have seen pop corn two feet high, and ears from 112 to 2 inches long, and a dent corn thirteen feet high with ears 12 inches long, grown on the same field by the same culture. In Tennesse it is stated a stalk was once measured 22 feet 3 inches high. On my farm in Massachusetts I often find corn ten and twelve feet high. Some ears of pop corn are nearly circular, so great is the disproportion between the length and the diameter; other ears are long and slim. The cob varies much in proportion to the corn, and as well in its density. In our northern corn, the normal shape of the kernel is globular, but it takes on a flattened shape in the ear usually, through the pressure of adjoining kernels. Some of the dent varieties grown in Connecticutt have a kernel resembling a horses tooth, other varieties have a flattened kernel, in others the kernel is produced into a sharp tooth which may even be recurved. The sweet corn has always greatly wrinkled kernels, etc. etc. The proportion of the leaf to the grain varies also very largely, being influenced by the season, by the culture, and by the habit of growth of the variety planted. In the ordinary or dry state, this variation may be 1 lb. of grain and 34 lb. of straw and 1 lb. of grain and 2–3 lbs. of straw for prolific fields, and when there is a small yield there is no setting the limit. The usual crop with me is about 75 bushels of shelled grain, 56 lbs. to the bushel per acre, but 100 bushels on some acres is not an exceptional yield, and I have even attained at the rate of 123. In one experimental trial I raised 23 ears from one kernel, and in another instance when I counted the kernels I found 3368. This was northern corn. The largest number of kernels in a line I have counted has been 69, and this was an 8-rowed variety. The number of kernels in a row appears to be a variety peculiarity, while the length of the ear seems to be determined in part at least by the expansion of the kernels, but it is difficult to draw conclusions of this nature until a variety has become very uniform through a vigorous course of selection. I could readily quote authorities and statements concerning corn, which would extend the limits I have here mentioned, but I have preferred to keep mainly to my own experience.5 Very truly | E. Lewis Sturtevant Waushakum Farm | So Framingham, Mass. | Jan. 12. 1878 DAR 177: 269

16

January 1878

CD annotation Top of enclosure: ‘Curious difference in the condition of the seeds’ pencil 1 2 3 4 5

CD discussed maize (Zea mays) in Variation 2d ed., pp. 338–41 and passim. Sweetcorn: Zea mays var. saccharata or rugosa. Field corn: Zea mays var. indentata. Popcorn: Zea mays var. everta. Sexual change in flowers in maize had been observed by John Scott; see Correspondence vol. 12, letter from John Scott, 7 January [1864]. See also Mangelsdorf 1974. Sturtevant developed the Waushakum variety of corn himself (DAB). Sturtevant presented a paper, ‘Indian corn’, at the annual meeting of the New York State Agricultural Society on 22 January 1879 (Sturtevant 1879); there is a very lightly annotated offprint in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. He gave a bibliography on page 5.

To Adolf Ernst   16 January 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Jan 16. 1878. Dear Sir, I thank you for your very courteous letter & for the present of your work.1 I am delighted that there should be a Naturalist in Venezuela capable of observing the many interesting products of that country: & I hope that you may be successful in your researches. As you are so kind as to offer me any in〈forma〉tion, I will ask you one question, though it is not probable that you should ever have attended to the point. It is whether many more plants growing on the interior dry plains are glaucous (that is are protected by a waxy secretion from which water rolls off like mercury) than in the humid districts near the coast?2 I remain dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Charles Darwin LS State Darwin Museum, Moscow 1 2

Ernst’s letter to CD has not been found. He evidently sent a copy of his Estudios sobre la flora y fauna de Venezuela (Ernst 1877), but it has not been found in the Darwin Libraries at CUL or Down. CD began studying bloom (the waxy coating on the leaves and fruit of many plants) in 1873 (see Correspondence vol. 21, letter to J. D. Hooker, 13 August 1873). He suspended his work on the subject in 1874 (see Correspondence vol. 22, letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 28 [June 1874] and n. 7), and began again in 1877 (Correspondence vol. 25, letter to Fritz Müller, 14 May 1877). CD never published on bloom, but Francis Darwin published some of the results of their experiments, made in 1878, in his paper ‘On the relation between the “bloom” on leaves and the distribution of the stomata’ (F. Darwin 1886).

From Eugenio Montero Ríos and Jacinto Mesía1   16 January 1878 Institucion Libre de Enseñanza | Madrid En atencion à los eminentes servicios prestados á la ciencia por Don C. Darwin y de conformidad con lo preceptuado en el parrafo 6o. articulo 19. de los Estatutos de esta Institucion, la Junta Facultativa que tengo la honra de presidir acordó

January 1878

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por unanimidad en sesion de 29 de Noviember de 1877 nombrarle “Profesor honorario”.2 Y en representacion de dicha Junta se espide el presente documento. Madrid 16 de Enero de 1878. El Rector. E Montero Rios El Secretario. Jacinto Mesía Al Sr. Profesor Don. C. Darwin. LS DAR 230: 58 1 2

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. The Institución Libre de Enseñanza (Free Institute of Education) was founded in 1876 in Madrid by a group of university professors who wanted to provide education unrestricted by religious or political dogma (Jiménez-Landi 1996, vol. 2). See also letter from Hermenegildo Giner de los Ríos, 12 August 1878, and letter from Laureano Figuerola Ballester, 28 November 1878.

To J. D. Hooker   17 [ January 1878] 6. Queen Anne St Thursday Evening | 17th My dear Hooker It is so long since I have seen you I want much to do so.— We remain here till Tuesday or more probably Wednesday morning.1 Shall you be in London naturally any day, & could you come here to luncheon at 1 oclock or at any time?— Or again, if you are not coming up, may I come down to Kew for one hour, & in this case I wd. drive down & start pretty early.— Yours affecty | C. Darwin Endorsement: ‘/Jny 78.’ DAR 95: 466 1

The last known time that CD and Hooker had met was on 2 December 1876, when Hooker visited Down (Correspondence vol. 24, Appendix II). CD and Emma Darwin stayed at 6 Queen Anne Street, the home of CD’s brother, Erasmus Alvey Darwin, from Thursday 17 January to Wednesday 23 January 1878 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)).

From J. D. Hooker   18 January 1878 Royal Gardens Kew Jany 18/78. Dear Darwin I heard last night of your prodigious exertions at the Linnean & was about to write asking you to come here when your letter arrived.1 Do come whenever most

18

January 1878

convenient, any morning—Friday if you will. Why not have lunch, coming early, so as to walk in the Garden beforehand but all this just as you please.— bring every body with you or whatever suits you best.2 Ever yr affec | J D Hooker DAR 104: 101–2 1

2

CD had attended the 17 January meeting of the Linnean Society of London, at which Francis Darwin’s paper ‘Experiments on the nutrition of Drosera rotundifolia’ (F. Darwin 1878a) was read. Hooker originally dated this letter 17 January, then changed it to 18 January. CD visited Hooker at Kew on Tuesday 22 January (letter to Asa Gray, 21 [and 22] January 1878).

From Arthur Nicols   18 January 1878 11, Church Row. | Hampstead .| N.W. Jany 18th. ’78 My dear Sir. Some time ago I mentioned to you that my landlord, who is a practical gas-fitter etc, had told me that he had then recently been fitting a new leaden pipe to a cistern, the old one having been perforated by rats and rendered unserviceable—the object of the animals being to obtain a regular supply of water.1 He has now obtained an excellent specimen for me which I will send by post if you would like to see it. It was taken from under the flooring of a house in this neighbourhood, and was the permanent source of supply for probably hundreds of rats—the occupier of the house complaining of the great numbers always about the house. The specimen shows an attempt to cut the pipe longitudinally and then abandoned, next a great deal of waste power in attempting a transverse section, a mere pin hole being the result, finally a determined transverse attack—probably by a single rat, the impressions of the tooth being of exactly the same width, resulting in a hole of this size and irregular shape. Absolute proof that this is the work of the rat is afforded by the fact that several hairs are imbedded in the lead where the partially successful attempt was made and one of these is, I think, a vibrissa. It is conceivable that these hairs were rubbed off the animal’s skin and fixed in the lead by small strips of the metal laid over them in the act of gnawing. You suggested I remember that they hear the water trickling and are thus led to attempt to reach it.2 I am only too glad to accept this explanation, because it sustains my conviction that animals reason from observation, and that the mental operation is identical with that some of us make so much fuss about, as if it were our exclusive possession! Yours faithfully | Arthur Nicols. Chas; Darwin Esq. F.R.S

January 1878

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DAR 172: 66 1 2

See Correspondence vol. 23, letter from Arthur Nicols, [before 10 November 1875]. CD’s letter has not been found, but see also Correspondence vol. 23, letters from Arthur Nicols, 10 November 1875 and 8 December 1875.

From W. K. Parker   18 January 1878 36 Claverton St SW Jany. 18/78 Dear Sir I was indeed disappointed to find that you had just called when I returned home today— I had been out (unexpectedly) on Will-Probate business. Would you, most kindly, if you come up to Town again, & can call here, drop me a post card over-night: I would ‘compass sea & land’1 to have a talk with you. It is with me, as it is with other loving disciples, I am always thinking & saying as fact after fact turns up, Oh, shouldn’t I like to shew this to Mr. Darwin!.2 My pupilship under you is of about 30 years standing, so I feel bold to speak out & say what I, & my fellow-pupils feel. I am, Dear Sir | Yours most truly | W. K. Parker Chas. Darwin Esq | FRS DAR 174: 20 1 2

Matthew 23:15. No previous correspondence with Parker has been found, but he may have met CD at the Linnean Society on 17 January, when Francis Darwin’s paper on Drosera rotundifolia (F. Darwin 1878a) was read; Parker was a fellow of the society (ODNB). On the relationship between Parker’s strong religious beliefs and his science, see A. Desmond 1982, pp. 51–2.

From Hugh Dalziel   19 January 1878 “The Laurels,” | Beulah Road, | Thornton Heath, S.W. Jany 19th 1878 Sir I am a “dog fancier” and engaged as a newspaper critic on the merits of dogs exhibited at all our important shows— There is in what I may call our “fancy” a vexed question as to dew-claws, and although I have diligently sought by enquiry of our most intelligent exhibitors—surgeons—and veterinary surgeons—&c to discover the origin cause and use—if any—of these appendages I have utterly failed and now in my extremity I take the great liberty of appealing to you for help, wh I beg you will pardon although you may not be able to find time in the midst of your engrossing occupations to answer me1

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January 1878

I am sending to you by this post a copy of “The Country” newspaper where at page 37 you may find a letter on the subject signed “Sirius” written by me and wh will show you the state of the question among us non-scientific folk, and if you will be so good as favour me with your views and opinions on dew claws I will be greatly obliged and if you do so I may say you would further give satisfaction and pleasure to thousands of breeders and lovers of the dog by permitting your opinion to be published with the weight of your name attached2 I have consulted your published works but have failed to find the information on this special point which I now seek— I may add that the newspapers I write for are “The Country” and “The Field”3 Yours obedly | Hugh Dalziel Dr Darwin | Beckenham DAR 162: 35 CD annotation Top of letter: ‘To be answered.’ pencil 1 2

3

CD’s reply has not been found. In Variation 2d ed. 2: 309–10, CD mentioned that the hindfeet of dogs naturally included rudiments of a fifth toe. The newspaper has not been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL. Country: a Journal of Rural Pursuits was published between 1873 and 1879 (North 1997). Dalziel’s article on dew-claws was in the issue for 19 January 1878. CD’s opinion was not published in the following issues. Dalziel argued that dew-claws appeared most often in varieties closest to the ‘primitive race’ from which all dogs originated, and that they were rudimentary organs that were no longer necessary to the animal. The Field was a weekly newspaper.

From W. C. Williamson   19 January 1878 Fallowfield | Manchester Jan. 19/78

My Dear Darwin Though my crop of Drosera spathulata has grown so steadily the plants are all still D. rotundifolia—1 I forgot to tell you that though my old p〈  〉 seeded so freely, it n〈ever〉 opened its flowers. 〈    〉 one solitary flower— on a long spike expanded its pink petals— In all the rest the tips of those unfolded petals alone shewed themselves beyond the un〈op〉ened sepals—yet each ovary was crammed full of fertile seeds— Will you congratulate your son, for me, on 〈hi〉s magnificent demonstration 〈that〉 these plants, like mankind generally, flourish best on Beef & Mutton!2 His position appears to me to be unassailable I hope to have the pleasure of shaking hands with you once more in a short time. Early in March my wife & I have promised to spend a Sunday with the Lubbocks wh〈en〉 I hope your health w〈ill〉 assume one of its be〈tter〉 conditions.3 I am ever y〈ours〉 | W. C. Wil〈liamson〉 Whenever the leaves of my Droseræ change into their “spathulate” condition I will take care to send you a plant or plants that you may watch their transition4

January 1878

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I have just received communication from Lesquereux. He has found in the Cincinnati Lower Silurians, true 〈L〉epidodendroid stems—Sphenophylla—Annulariæ, and the Devonian genus 〈P〉silophyton— Add this to Saporta’s 〈Si〉lurian Fern. Are we going to have 〈an〉 unchanged Flora from the 〈bas〉e of the silurians to the summit 〈of〉 the Carboniferous beds? it 〈looks〉 like it!5 DAR 181: 105 1

2 3

4 5

In 1877, Williamson had sent CD specimens showing that in its early stages, Drosera spatulata (spoonleaved sundew; spathulata is a common misspelling) resembled D. rotundifolia (common or round-leaved sundew; Correspondence vol. 25, letters to W. C. Williamson, 22 October [1877] and 24 October [1877], and letter from W. C. Williamson, 23 October 1877). Francis Darwin’s paper ‘Experiments on the nutrition of Drosera rotundifolia’ (F. Darwin 1878a) had been read at the Linnean Society on 17 January 1878. John and Ellen Frances Lubbock lived at High Elms, Down. There is no record of Williamson and his wife, Annie Copley Williamson, visiting Down House in 1878, nor is there a record of their visiting the Lubbocks in John Lubbock’s diary (British Library MS ADD 62680). See letter from W. C. Williamson, 20 September 1878. In Lesquereux 1877, Leo Lesquereux described a number of fossil plants found in Silurian beds in North America, including Psilophytum (a synonym of Psilophyton), which he said was a primitive and diminutive type of Lepidodendron (an extinct tree-like plant from the Carboniferous; Lesquereux 1877, p. 172). Gaston de Saporta described a fern found in Silurian beds in France in Saporta 1877a. Williamson was publishing a series of articles on fossil plants from the Carboniferous in Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London (Williamson 1871–92). Sphenophylla and Annulariae are slips for Sphenophyllum and Annularia; both are in the class Equisetopsida.

To W. K. Parker   20 January [1878]1 6. Queen Anne St Jan. 20th My dear Sir I must thank you for your very kind note. When next I come to London (for engagements fill up Monday & Tuesday) we must meet.2 I do not believe that anyone in England admires your admirable & energetic labours in the cause of science more sincerely than I do.—3 Yours very faithfully | Ch. Darwin Auckland War Memorial Museum Library - Tāmaki Paenga Hira (T. F. Cheeseman Papers MS-58) 1 2

3

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from W. K. Parker, 18 January 1878. See letter from W. K. Parker, 18 January 1878. CD had called on Parker when Parker was not at home. CD was planning to visit Joseph Dalton Hooker and possibly George John Romanes on Monday 21 and Tuesday 22 January (letter to G. J. Romanes, [20 January 1878?]; letter to Asa Gray, 21 [and 22] January 1878). He left London on 23 January (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). CD cited Parker on points of comparative anatomy in Variation 1: 266 n. 71, where he referred to Parker as ‘a great authority’, and Descent 2d ed., p. 158, where he referred to Parker as ‘a most capable judge’.

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January 1878

To G. J. Romanes   [20 January 1878?]1 6. Q. Anne St. Sunday Evening My dear Romanes I must see you & hear what you are doing before we leave London.— Unless I hear to the contrary, I will call on Tuesday morning pretty early, i.e.  somewhere about 10 oclock. I am going to Kew tomorrow morning & that will do for me for whole day.— yours very truly | C. Darwin American Philosophical Society (484) 1

The date is conjectured from CD’s reference to visits to London and to Kew. CD visited his brother, Erasmus Alvey Darwin, at 6 Queen Anne Street, London, from 17 to 23 January 1877 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). He visited Kew on Tuesday 22 January (letter to Asa Gray, 21 [and 22] January 1878). No reference to a Monday visit to Kew after CD started corresponding with Romanes in 1874 has been found. It is not known whether CD succeeded in meeting Romanes on this occasion.

To Asa Gray   21 [and 22] January 18781 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. [6 Queen Anne Street, London.] Jan. 21st 78 My dear Gray I received 2 or 3 days ago your review of my Forms of Flowers, which has pleased & as usual instructed me much.2 I was specially pleased at my suggestion of giving names to the subdivisions of polygamous plants being approved of by you.—3 Thanks, also, for the review of Mr Cook, written, I suppose by you.4 It seems to me rather too mild, but I have been very glad to read & have been amused by it.— By the way Carlyle’s letter about me was a forgery, or as he said to my Brother,—“it is all infernal lies”.—5 Could you not get some young man to experiment on & observe grades of fertility of Epigæa & Rhamnus. &c. Herman Müller describes Valeriana dioica as consisting of 4 analogous forms. He attributes their case primarily to the existence of 2  forms, one with larger & the other with smaller corolla, such as he has shown exist in other cases; but his German was obscure, & I could not follow the further supposed transformations.6 I hope that you have got over the first great press of accumulated work & are now not so much overworked. I hope tomorrow to see Hooker, for I am writing this in London, to which place I have come for a few days rest after working rather too hard.7 My son Frank & I have been observing the autonomous movements of seedlings & those due to Heliotropism, which latter from their complexity have almost driven us mad.8

January 1878

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We have made out something, but not very much about the uses of bloom or the waxy secretion on the leaves & stems of plants.9 Did you notice whether such glaucous plants are more or less common in the arid countries to the west or centre than in the more humid districts on the Atlantic? You know my opinion of all American ladies, so you will believe how delighted we have been at my son marrying Sara Sedgwick—10 She is in every possible way quite charming. Yours affectionately | Ch Darwin Jan 21 P.S. | I forgot to add the following as I wished to do yesterday. Mr Meehan in a paper lately read before the Philadelphia Soc. says in a somewhat sneering tone that plants behave differently in one country from another for that a single plant of Linum perennes brought from Colorado by him was quite fertile with him, where I state (confirmed he might have added by Hildebrand) that it is absolutely sterile with its own pollen.11 Now he does not state whether his plant was long-styled or shortstyled, & as he speaks of bringing the plant from Colorado, I imagine that it was there endemic. Does L. perenne grow there? Dr Alefeld says none of the true American species are heterostyled.12 Now if Mr Meehan has mistaken the species it seems to me too bad to throw a slur or doubt on another man’s accuracy without taking the smallest pains to be accurate himself. I have been almost tempted to write formally to the Phil. Soc. to enquire how the case really stands. But I have resolved not to do so, as Hildebrand has fully confirmed my statement.— Mr Meehans inaccuracy seems to me injurious in no small degree to Science C.D I have just spent a delightful 2 hours at Kew, & heard prodigies of your strength & activity. That you run up a mountain like a cat!—13 Archives of the Gray Herbarium, Harvard University (123 and 127) 1 2

3

4 5

The postscript of the letter was written on 22 January, as is shown by references to ‘yesterday’ and to CD’s spending two hours at Kew, which earlier in the letter he said he would do ‘tomorrow’. Gray reviewed Forms of flowers in the American Journal of Science and Arts (A. Gray 1878a). There is a lightly annotated copy of the review in DAR 133.19: 36. See also Correspondence vol. 25, letter from Asa Gray, 27 September 1877. See A. Gray 1878a, pp. 67–8, and Forms of flowers, pp. 12–13. CD had suggested the terms gyno-dioecious for plants that bore female and hermaphrodite flowers on different plants, and gyno-monoecious for plants that bore female and hermaphrodite flowers on the same plant; similarly, he suggested the terms andro-dioecious and andro-monoecious for plants that bore male and hermaphrodite flowers on different plants or on the same plant, respectively. There is a copy of Gray’s review of Joseph Cook’s lectures on biology (J. Cook 1877) in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL ([A. Gray] 1878c). The forged letter, purportedly written by Thomas Carlyle to a friend, appeared in The Times, 17 January 1877, p. 5, having originally appeared in the Ardrossan and Saltcoats Herald. The letter began, A good sort of man is this Darwin, and well meaning, but with very little intellect. Ah, it’s a sad, a terrible thing to see nigh a whole generation of men and women

24

January 1878 professing to be cultivated, looking around in a purblind fashion, and finding no God in this universe.

6

7

8 9 10

11

12 13

CD’s brother was Erasmus Alvey Darwin. It was later suggested that Carlyle’s remarks had been made in a conversation (see Correspondence vol. 25, letter from E. A. Darwin, 27 January [1877] and n. 5). See letter to Hermann Müller, 1 January [1878]. In an article in the German scientific journal Kosmos, Müller wrote that Valeriana dioica existed in four forms closely allied to the four forms of Rhamnus (H. Müller 1877c, p. 130). Valeriana dioica is marsh valerian; Rhamnus is the genus of buckthorns. Epigaea repens (ground-laurel or mayflower) is the only Epigaea species native to eastern North America. Joseph Dalton Hooker and Asa Gray had spent more than two months travelling together in the United States in 1877; see Correspondence vol. 25, letter from Asa Gray, 27 September 1877. CD stayed with his brother, Erasmus, from 17 to 23 January 1878 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). CD and Francis’s work was published in Movement in plants in 1880. See letter to Adolf Ernst, 16 January 1878 and n. 2. William Erasmus Darwin married Sara Sedgwick on 29 November 1877 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). For CD’s views on American ladies, see also Correspondence vol. 25, letter from Asa Gray, 10 June 1877. Thomas Meehan’s comments were in fact in a note in the Bulletin of the Torrey Botanical Club, December 1877, p. 189. There is a lightly annotated copy of the note in DAR 133.19: 37. See also Forms of flowers, pp. 90–8. Friedrich Hildebrand’s supporting evidence was in Hildebrand 1864. Linum perenne is blue flax. Friedrich Alefeld’s remarks were in Alefeld 1863, p. 281. See n. 7, above. Hooker was director of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew.

To William Preyer   25 January 1878 [Down.] Jan. 25, 1878. My dear Sir I thank you sincerely for your very kind letter, and I hope that you will express to the members of your Society how deeply sensible I am of the honour which they have conferred on me by electing me one of their honorary members.1 With much respect | I remain, my dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Charles Darwin Copy DAR 147: 269 1

Preyer had successfully proposed CD for honorary membership of the Medicinisch-Naturwissenschaftliche Gesellschaft zu Jena (Medical and Natural Sciences Society of Jena) in celebration of his seventieth birthday (Preyer 1891, pp. 379–80; CD was 69 in 1878). Preyer’s letter has not been found.

From Raphael Meldola   26 January 1878 Atlas Works, | Hackney Wick, | London, N.E. | Offices, | 50, Old Broad Street, | E.C. Jan. 26th. 1878 My dear Sir, Herewith I return the Dec. no. of Kosmos for the loan of which I am extremely obliged. I look upon Fritz Müller’s conclusions as confirmations of a principle long ago laid down by you in the “Origin of Species”. You there state that the larva of an

January 1878

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insect may be regarded as an active embryo. From this it follows that a larva (or a pupa) can become adapted to its environment quite independently of the perfect insect.1 I am exceedingly obliged for the kind permission which you have given me to make use of Fritz Müllers last letter to you. It contains many new & interesting observations which will enrich our “Proceedings” & thereby become permanently recorded in a form more convenient for future reference should you at any future time desire to make use of them.2 His (F.  M’s) observation of the serrated costal margin of ♂ Callidryas is a new fact. It has been known for some time as existing in Prioneris (Wallace) & Pyrrhosticta (Butler).3 I was delighted to hear Prof. Huxley at the Royal Institution last night draw a comparison between Harvey & yourself—you being among the few who have seen their ideas take root & flourish in their own time.4 With the greatest respect, | I am, dear Sir, | Yours very truly, | R. Meldola. DAR 171: 125 1

2

3

4

See letters to Raphael Meldola, 1 January [1878] and 3 January 1878. CD had wanted Meldola to see the third part of Fritz Müller’s ‘Beobachtungen an brasilianischen Schmetterlingen’ (Observations on Brazilian butterflies; F. Müller 1877a), which confirmed August Weismann’s views on the adaptation of caterpillars to their environment independently of the adaptation of other stages. See also Origin, p. 440. See letter to Raphael Meldola, 11 January [1878] and n. 1. Meldola read portions of Müller’s letter to CD of [27 November 1877] (see Correspondence vol. 25) to the Entomological Society of London on 6 February 1878 (Transactions of the Entomological Society of London (Proceedings) (1878): ii–iii). Müller had observed that the costal margin of the front wings of the butterfly genus Callidryas and some other members of the family Pierinae (now Pieridae) was serrated in the males but not in the females (Correspondence vol. 25, letter from Fritz Müller, [27 November 1877]). For Alfred Russel Wallace’s observation on Prioneris, see Wallace 1867, p. 314. For Arthur Gardiner Butler’s observation on Pyrrhosticta, see Butler 1872, p. 86. Pyrrhosticta was Butler’s suggested name for species of Papilio in which males but not females had serrations on the front-wing costal margins; he indicated Papilio laetitia as the type species. Callidryas is a synonym of Phoebis. Thomas Henry Huxley lectured at the Royal Institution of Great Britain on 25 January 1878, in honour of the tercentenary of William Harvey’s birth (L. Huxley 1900, 1: 485). He also published articles on Harvey in Fortnightly Review (T. H. Huxley 1878a) and Nature (T. H. Huxley 1878b). In Fortnightly Review, he compared objections to Harvey’s theory of the circulation of the blood to objections to CD’s theory of natural selection (T. H. Huxley 1878a, p. 182).

From W. E. Hart   27 January 1878 Kilderry | (Near Londonderry) | Co. Donegal January 27th. 1878 Dear Sir, Since you have done me the honor of referring in your latest work, “On the Different Forms of Flowers”, p. 301, to certain observations of mine on the irregularity of the distribution of the two forms of Nepeta glechoma, will you kindly

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allow me to call your attention to an error in your citation? “Kilderry”, not Kilkenny, is merely the name of my father’s residence. The nearest town is Derry. Since the date of my communication to “Nature” I have only been able to find within several miles a solitary hermaphrodite plant of the ground-ivy.1 It would seem therefore that the female form, which is not at all rare (and its prevalence cannot be due here to any lack of moisture!), must for a very long time have propagated itself solely by root. Something parallel is presented by Carduus arvensis,2 and teaches the danger of overvaluing the efficacy of insects in crossing the flowers of plants growing at not very great distances apart. There are near this two large patches of this thistle, male and female, separated by a distance of much less than a mile, which throughout the summer form a centre of attraction for hosts of insects of many different kinds; yet I have never been able to discover the production of a single seed— If agriculture permitted it, these two patches would probably spread until they meet each other, and their guests would then become useful to the flowers; but at present, while they are so bountifully supplied by the flowers of one patch, they have little temptation to leave it in search of any others— Under the name of “Cirsium arvense, L.” Dr. H. Müller has described (“Befruchtung der Blumen”, p.  387)3 an hermaphrodite species, capable of self fertilisation in the absence of insects. Is there here some confusion of synonymy, or a difference of habit in the same species in the two countries? Axell again (“Fanerogama Växternas Befruktning”, p.  41, 106) compares the structure of the flowers of Viola palustris to that of V. tricolor. V. palustris of British authors has flowers of the type of V. odorata or canina.4 Dr. Müller (“Befruchtung”, p. 399) has remarked that Senecio vulgaris5 is scarcely ever visited by insects, but is almost wholly dependent on its self fertility for the production of seed. Once only during bright sunshine I have had the satisfaction of seeing a rank patch of groundsel with its flowers crowded by many species of Diptera and one or two of Hemiptera. Is not this plant also capable of being crossed by other agencies, for instance by the wind striking the flower-heads together, or by animals rubbing against them in passing? Another example of the need for long continued observation at all hours before pronouncing a flower wholly unattractive to insects is afforded by Oxalis acetosella.6 As far as I have yet been able to see, the only regular visitor of this species is a small leaf-cutting bee, which is busy for hardly more than an hour at mid-day: at all other times the flowers seem to be quite neglected. Hoping you will pardon the liberty I have taken in thus venturing to address you, | I beg leave to subscribe myself | Your most sincere admirer and unworthy disciple | W. E. Hart Charles Darwin Esqr DAR 166: 109 CD annotations 1.1 Since … Derry. 1.5] crossed ink

January 1878

27

2.4 separated … mile,] scored pencil; cross in margin pencil 4.3 satisfaction … Diptera 4.5] double scored blue crayon 5.1 Another … hours] double scored pencil 1

2 3 4 5 6

In Forms of flowers, p. 301, CD referred to Hart’s comments on Nepeta glechoma (a synonym of Glechoma hederacea, ground ivy) published in Nature, 26 June 1873, p. 162. Hart had said that all the plants that he examined at Kilderry were female, while all those he examined at Bath, in Somerset, were hermaphrodites, and at Hertford he found both forms, but mostly hermaphrodites. Hart’s father was George Vaughan Hart. CD had written Kilkenny rather than Kilderry; the mistake was not corrected in Forms of flowers 2d ed. Carduus arvensis is a synonym of Cirsium arvense (creeping thistle). H. Müller 1873. Johan Severin Axell; Axell 1869. Viola palustris is the marsh violet; V. tricolor is heart’s-ease; V. odorata is the sweet violet; V. canina is the dog violet. Common groundsel. Wood sorrel.

From G. H. Darwin   28 January 1878 Busirah | El Biar Jan 28. 78 My dear Father, I daresay you remember that just before I started Haughton of Dublin sent me a paper in wh. he professed to give some estimate of geological time.1 I have just been reading it & have come to the conclusion that it is utter rubbish, & am doubting whether it is worth while to show it up as it deserves to be.— If someone who understands this sort of thing does not write against it is very likely to be accepted as gospel by the geologists & that wd. be a great pity. On the other hand if I do write I’m pretty sure to get in Haughton’s ill favour because however civilly I may word it a man can’t like to have his work torn to shreds & I don’t think I cd. criticize without utterly demolishing it. Then again it wd. be rather a bore to go in for it as it wd. take a week or so’s work. I want to know whether you can give me any advice as to whether you think I’d better write a short note on the subject,— also wd it be more civil if I do, to write first to him & thank him for the copy of his paper & say that I don’t agree with it & intend to give him an opportunity of seeing my objections—2 I write my diary letter on another sheet3 Yours affec | G H Darwin DAR 210.2: 65 1

George left England for Algiers on 11 January 1878 (letter from Emma Darwin to W. E. Darwin, [14 January 1878], DAR 219.1: 103). El Biar is a suburb of Algiers, in the Bouzaréah administrative district. Samuel Haughton’s paper, ‘On a new method of finding the limits to the duration of certain geological periods’ (Haughton 1877), was read at the Royal Society of London on 20 December 1877. Haughton thought the upheaval of Europe and Asia would have caused a wobble in the earth’s axis, which would have taken a determinate amount to time to dissipate; since no wobble was now detectable, the earth in its current form must be at least that old.

28 2

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January 1878

George criticised Haughton’s views in a paper read at the Royal Society on 14 March 1878 (G. H. Darwin 1878a). He evidently did write to Haughton: see Haughton’s response in Proceedings of the Royal Society of London 27 (1878): 154–5. Haughton had been highly critical of Origin and CD referred to him as an ‘old and bitter opponent’ (Correspondence vol. 24, letter to T. C. Eyton, 22 April 1876). The ‘diary letter’ has not been found.

From John Evans   28 January 1878

Nash Mills, | Hemel Hempsted. Jany 28. 1878

Dear Mr. Darwin I venture to ask your kind assistance in carrying out some cave-explorations in Borneo, which Mr. Everett, with whose name I think you are acquainted, is willing to undertake— He proposes to devote a year to the exploration, and estimates his expenses at about £370 which I have agreed to find for him— The produce of his work is in the first instance to go to the British Museum and any duplicates that they may not require will be allotted by a Commee. The Royal Society has voted me £50 from the Donation Fund, and I hope to get a similar amount from the British Association, but there is still a large sum to raise by private subscription which I hope to manage—1 I think that Huxley has already mentioned the subject to you, and I hope that you will not think me troublesome in thus making application to you—2 It seemed to me too good an opportunity to be lost, but I cannot well bear the whole expense myself, though I do not like to go abegging. I suppose that you have seen Gaudrey’s new book with which I am sure that you will be pleased—3 Believe me | yours most truly | John Evans Charles Darwin Esq LL.D. F.R.S. DAR 163: 37 1

2 3

Arthur Hart Everett was commissioned by the Royal Society of London and the British Association for the Advancement of Science to explore caves in Borneo; his findings were published in Everett et al. 1880; see also Report of the 49th Meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science; held at Sheffield (1879): 149–55). His expedition was funded by grants of £50 each from the Royal Society and British Association, and a private subscription of £200. Human remains were found but they were not of sufficient antiquity to shed light on the origins of the human race, which was one of the objects of the expedition. No letter has been found in which Thomas Henry Huxley mentioned this subject. CD had received Albert Gaudry’s Les enchaînements du monde animal dans les temps géologiques: mammifères tertiaires (Series in the animal world over geological time: tertiary mammals; Gaudry 1878) at the end of December 1877 (Correspondence vol. 25, letter to Albert Gaudry, 28 December 1877).

To John Evans   29 January 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Jan. 29. 78 My dear Mr Evans, I think you are doing a very great service to Natural Science by getting the caves of Borneo explored. I shall be happy to subscribe £20, but I do not send a cheque as

January 1878

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if more is necessary I shall be glad to give £30 or £40.1 I wish some one as energetic as yourself would organise an expedition to the triassic lacustrine beds in S: Africa, where the cliffs are said to be almost composed of bones.2 Pray believe me yours very sincerely, | Ch. Darwin LS Ashmolean Museum, Department of Antiquities ( JE/B/1/17) 1 2

CD sent a cheque for £20 on 2 September 1878 (CD’s Classed account books (Down House MS)). On the expedition to explore caves in Borneo, see the letter from John Evans, 28 January 1878. The Triassic lacustrine deposits of South Africa were a rich source of reptilian fossils, intermediate forms important for the history of evolution (A. Desmond 1982, pp. 195–9). Richard Owen had written of ‘the singular and suggestive concordance of dentition with that in carnivorous mammals’ (R. Owen 1876, p. 29).

From J. B. Thayer   29 January 1878 Cambridge January 29 1878. My dear Sir. The receipt of your letter acknowledging the arrival of the book about Chauncey Wright—for which I am much obliged,—silently reminds me that I have not yet sent home the letters which you had the great kindness to send me last fall.1 Some of them, I remember, you did not care to have returned; but I have forgotten which these were and the safest course will be to send all. And I do so herewith. The letters are six in number. I need not say how valuable an addition they were to my collection. In the selection of some passages from your letters to Wright, I trust there was nothing displeasing to you. In preparing the proof to send to you, I had intended to allow time to ask your express permission, but it turned out that the delay would be a serious embarrassment here and so, after consultation with Mr. Norton,2 I took the liberty of inserting such passages as you saw. In doing this I was studious to omit whatever might, by any chance, seem to you objectionable.3 Yet it was a liberty which I was sorry to take without your leave & probably should not have taken, had not Mr. Norton’s judgment concurred with my own. Should you care for any more copies of the book, it would give me real pleasure to send them to you. Yours with great respect | J B Thayer Charles Darwin Esq.— England DAR 178: 88 1

Thayer’s previous correspondence on this subject with CD has not been found. The book (Thayer 1878) included the letters to CD from Chauncey Wright of 21 June 1871, 1 August 1871, 11 October

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1871, 29 August 1872, 3 September 1874, and 24 February 1875 (Thayer 1878, pp. 230, 231–3, 234–5, 260–4, 304–17, 331–7; see also Correspondence vols. 19, 20, 22, and 23). Charles Eliot Norton was a friend of Wright’s and CD’s and had informed CD of Wright’s death (Correspondence vol. 23, letter from C. E. Norton, 22 September 1875). Thayer included extracts from nine letters from CD to Wright in Thayer 1878, pp. 230–1, 233–6, 240 n., 246, 317–18, and 337–8.

From W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   29 January 1878 Royal Gardens Kew Jany. 29. 1878 Dear Mr Darwin I have not got to the end of all the points on which you are so good as to allow us to help you. But this will be a first contribution to their solution. Sir Joseph Hooker will have shown you some specimens of Cyclamen which Prof. Oliver very kindly looked out from our Herbarium for your inspection.1 The point they illustrate is very curious though not perhaps so interesting to you as you hoped might be the case. The plant called “sowbread” is Cyclamen Europæum (see Enclosure A).2 In all the species of the genus except C. persicum the peduncles after flowering coil spirally so as to bring down the capsule to the level of the soil.3 They behave like Vallisneria see plate in Botanic Garden.4 Grenier & Godron very exact people say (B) de manière à enfouir la capsule.5 But Miller and Clusius (A & C) describe the capsules and probably with accuracy as only lying (incumbent) on the ground.6 Mr Bentham remarked to me that he thought this was likely to be of advantage to the capsules in more gradually maturing their seeds and kindly pointed out to me some observations made by himself nearly fifty years ago in his Catalogue des Plantes indigènes des Pyrénées on Helianthemum procumbens which he believed to be a variety of H. Fumana si la variété les (graines) conserve plus long temps, c’est probablement parce que les branches étant étendues sur la terre, les capsules séchent moins vite. p. 857 He thinks that this is the probable origin of amphicarpic habits—a hint which may be worth consideration.8 Perhaps the accompanying note on Lathyrus setifolius may be useful.9 As to Arachis—I notice in your last book you speak of the peduncles drawing down the pods which I imagine must be an oversight. There is a fine plate of the plant in the Flora Brasiliensis and I notice that though the habit of the plant is decumbent the buried pods are produced from the lower two inches of the main stem so that it ought to be a matter of indifference whether the plant is trained on sticks or not.10 Next with respect to the names. i The plant with a rosette of leaves “spiral” of which if I remember rightly the second example was dead is correctly named Echeveria pulverulenta, Nutt. and is from California. Baker having reduced Echeveria to Cotyledon it now becomes Cotyledon

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pulverulenta, Baker. It so happened, however, that another plant existed in gardens with the name Cotyledon pulverulenta. This was sent you & had decussate “opposite” leaves, the successive pairs crossing   It is a native of the Cape and the name being apparently only a garden name it is best described as an unnamed form near C. orbicularis. I enclose Mr Baker’s memorandum D11 ii. The plant of which you so kindly gave me fruits is Araujia sericofera, Brot. The plant well known in gardens as Physianthus albens, Mart.  appears to be the same species.12 iii. The Cactus is probably a garden hybrid. A plant in our Cactus house called Phyllocactus multiflorus seems to be identical. That name, however, seems to rest on no authority and if you are on that account dissatisfied with it you might call your plant a garden variety (of which there are many) of Cereus speciosissimus.13 iv. The Acacia with long narrow leaves = A. iteaphylla, Müll. This is a name with a little doubt attaching to it and Mr Bentham refers it to A. neriifolia, A. Cunn.14 The other Acacia “like A. cultriformis is A. buxifolia A. Cunn. Mr Spencer Le Marchant Moore was so good as to determine these names. v. The two ferns have been named by Mr Baker and to avoid confusion I enclose fragments in envelopes E & F15 It is a curious point as showing that “bloom” cannot have a very deep significance—that Polypodium aureum in its most general form is a virescent and not a glaucous species.16 The form with bloom has been seized upon by horticulturists as the most ornamental vi. The “Lycopodium” is perhaps Selaginella Kraussii—but in a barren state they are difficult to determine with certainty.17 Returning to Cyclamen. You will notice some of Gay’s sketches of the Germination on the sheets brought by Sir Jos: Hooker.18 Also it will interest you to notice how excellent and keen an observer Clusius was. Trattinick in his Archiv.19 [text missing] dichotomy in leaves is almost unknown in phanerogams. In some of the large compound-leaved Aroids however the ultimate divisions of the leaf have a distribution of veins like Saporta’s sketch and I send a fragment (enclosed) of a remarkable plant which we have from West Africa which, size apart, has some similarity to the sketch20 [text missing] [Enclosure 1] A Cyclamen Europæum — sowbread with an ivy leaf after the flowers are fallen, the footstalks twist up like a screw, inclosing the germen in the center, and lay down close to the surface of the ground between the leaves, which serve as a protection to the seed Miller. Gardeners’ Dictionary 6th. Ed. 1771

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[Enclosure 2] B C. Europaeum pédoncule ... se roulant en spirale après la fécondation de manière à enfouir la capsule Grenier & Godrons, Flore de France ii, 459 Cyclamen Pédoncules roulés en spirale après l’anthèse (excepté dans le persicum)21 Grenier & Godron l.c. [Enclosure 3] C Cyclamen europæum ii (flores) marcescentes integri decidunt, capitulumque subsequitur, cum pediculo cui insidet in multas spiras se convolvens, donec terram attigerit, cui incumbens paulatim augescit, donec violæ martiæ seminarium vasculum magnitudine æquet, quod maturitate ab extremo mucrone aperitur, semenque ostendit in æquale, ex fusco fulvescens, quod terræ commissum, in germen non abit, sed in tuberculum aut radicalum convertitur, præter reliquorum seminum naturam, undea postea foliola promit.22 Clusius, Hist. i. 264 [Enclosure 4] L. setifolius, L. var amphicapos Gren. & Godron. Flore de Fr. 1. 491 Quelques gousses pliées sur elles-mêmes se développant à la base des tiges et s’enfoncant en terre23 [Enclosure 5] D

This is not Cotyledon pulverulenta Baker, which is a native of California & belongs to § Echeveria but a Cape form, undescribed, near C. orbicularis, JGB

January 1878

[Enclosure 6] E Nephrodium molle, Desv.24

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Incomplete DAR 133.19: 10, 11, DAR 178: 102, DAR 209.4: 433–4, DAR 209.11: 258, 259, DAR 209.12: 88, Petit and Théodoridès 1959, pp. 210–11 CD annotations 1.1 I have … solution. 1.2] crossed pencil 4.2 capsules … kindly] underl red crayon 4.4 Helianthemum procumbens] underl red crayon 4.7 séchent moins vite 4.8] underl red crayon 8.1 i The plant … species. 9.3] crossed pencil 8.6 It … species. 9.3] ‘Names of Acacias & Ferns & Selaginella’ added pencil 10.3 you might … Cereus speciosissimus 10.4] double scored red crayon; ‘I traced the Nutation of this’ added pencil 11.1 iv. … Cunn. 11.3] scored red crayon

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13.1 v. … ornamental 14.4] scored red crayon 15.1 vi. … Krausii] double scored red crayon 16.1 Returning … Archiv. 17.1] crossed blue crayon Enclosure 2 2.1 C.] expanded to ‘Cyclamen’ pencil 4.1 Grenier] after ‘2’ ink circled ink Top of enclosure: ‘Apoheliotropism’ pencil Enclosure 4 1.1 L. setifolius, L.] ‘Lathyrus’ ink Bottom of enclosure: ‘Dyer | Cyclamen lays its pods on the ground by the spiral curling of the petioles. | Form of Flowers’ ink Enclosure 5 By 1st diagram: ‘A’ red crayon circled red crayon By 2d diagram: ‘B’ red crayon Verso: ‘A [red crayon] Cotyledon [above del ‘Echeveria’] pulverulenta Nutt: [interl] | B [red crayon circled red crayon] unnamed sp. from the Cape near to Cot. orbicularis’ ink Enclosure 6 On envelope: ‘The fern of which I observed nutation whilst very young’ ink 1

2 3 4 5 6 7

8 9 10

11

12 13 14 15

CD had visited Joseph Dalton Hooker at Kew on 22 January 1878 (letter to Asa Gray, 21 [and 22] January 1878), and Thiselton-Dyer had visited Down from 26 to 28 January (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). Prof. Oliver: Daniel Oliver. Cyclamen europaeum is a synonym of C. purpurascens. Cyclamen persicum is florist’s cyclamen. CD described its movements in bringing the seed-pod to soil level in Movement in plants, pp. 433–5. An engraving of Vallisneria spiralis (a synonym of Vallisneria americana, eelgrass) appears in Erasmus Darwin’s The botanic garden: a poem, part 2, facing p. 32 (E. Darwin 1789–91). Charles Grenier and Dominique Alexandre Godron; see Grenier and Godron 1848–55, 2: 459. De manière à enfouir la capsule: so as to bury the capsule. See Movement in plants, pp. 433–5. Carolus Clusius and Philip Miller; see Clusius 1601, pp. 263–6, and P. Miller 1771. George Bentham; see Bentham 1826: ‘If the variety [procumbens] retains them [the seeds] for a long time, it is probably because, the stems being stretched on the ground, the capsules dry less quickly.’ Helianthemum procumbens is a synonym of Fumana procumbens (sprawling needle sunrose); H. fumana is an unresolved name. Amphicarpic or amphicarpous: ‘having fruit of two kinds, either as to form, or time of maturation’ (OED). See enclosure 4. Lathyrus setifolius is brown vetchling. See Forms of flowers, p. 312 n. Arachis is a genus in the pea family (Fabaceae). The illustration of the peanut (A. hypogaea) in Martius ed. 1840–1906, 15.1: tab. 23 showed the development of the gynophore or stalk that buried the ovary in the ground, and this feature was noted in the key to the illustrations. John Gilbert Baker considered Echeveria to be a subgenus of Cotyledon, but many authors treated it as a separate genus (see Refugium botanicum 1: t. 56 and preceding text). Echeveria is now considered to be a separate genus of the stonecrop family (Crassulaceae); many species formerly in Echeveria are now placed in the related genus Dudleya. Cotyledon pulverulenta (see Refugium botanicum 1: t. 66) is a synonym of Dudleya pulverulenta (chalk dudleya). CD had received a specimen of what was thought to be C. pulverulenta from Kew in 1877 (Correspondence vol. 25, letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 18 July [1877]). Cotyledon orbicularis: presumably C. orbiculata (pig’s ear), a species native to South Africa. Physianthus albens is a synonym of Araujia sericifera (common moth-vine or cruel plant). Cereus speciosissimus is a synonym of Heliocereus speciosus (sun cactus). CD referred to ‘Cereus speciosissimus (garden var., sometimes called Phyllocactus multiflorus)’ in Movement in plants, p. 206. For Bentham’s suggestion that Acacia iteaphylla might be a synonym of A. neriifolia, see Bentham and Mueller 1863–78, 2: 363. For envelope E, see enclosure 6; envelope F has not been found.

36 16 17

18

19 20 21

22

January 1878

For CD’s interest in bloom, see the letter to Adolf Ernst, 16 January 1878 and n. 2. Polypodium aureum is a synonym of Phlebodium aureum (golden polypody). CD discussed ‘Selaginella Kraussii (?) Lycopodiaceae’ in Movement in plants, p. 66. The name is now usually rendered as S. kraussiana (Krauss’s clubmoss); it is now in the family Selaginellaceae in the subclass Lycopodiidae. Hooker visited Down from 9 to 12 February 1878 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). Gay: presumably Jacques Gay. The sketches have not been identified. Hooker purchased Jacques Gay’s herbarium in 1868 (L. Huxley ed. 1900, 1: 48). Leopold Trattinnick; Trattinnick 1812–18 (Archiv der Gewächskunde: Archive of botany). This text has been restored from CD’s quotation of it in his letter to Gaston de Saporta, 31 January 1878. Grenier and Godron 1848–55, 2: 459, ‘Cyclamen europaeum: peduncle … turning itself in a spiral after fertilisation so as to bury the capsule. Cyclamen: peduncles turned in spirals after the flowering period (except in C. persicum).’ The passage, from Clusius 1601, may be translated as follows: (the flowers), withering, fall down complete, and the head follows closely, twining itself in many spirals with the pedicel on which it sits, until they reach the ground, lying on which it begins to grow little by little, until it equals in size the seminal vessel of the March violet, and in maturity opens from the pointed end, and displays a uniform seed, the colour changing from dusky brown to tawny, which, when planted in the earth, does not develop a shoot, but is changed into a little tubercle or root, except for the residual property of the seed, from which it later produces little leaves.

23 24

Clusius refers to the plant as ‘Cyclamen with a scented purple flower’. Grenier and Godron 1848–55, 1: 491, ‘some pods folded upon themselves extending at the base of the stems and sinking into the ground’. See Movement in plants, p. 66, for CD’s observations and illustration of circumnutation of a young frond of this fern. The text is on an envelope containing a fern specimen, both sides of which are reproduced.

From F. M. Balfour   [c. 31 January 1878?]1 Trinity College | Cambridge My dear Mr. Darwin My brother Cecil who has been in Java for some years has been recently reading your work on Coral reefs.2 His firm have got Keelings Islands completely in their hands; & my brother begs me to tell you that if you wish for observations to be made on that group wh a non-scientific but intelligent person can make, nothing would give him greater pleasure than to have them made for you by residents there.3 My brother who is not scientific, though a fairly careful & intelligent observer expressed himself very much struck by the accuracy of the observations & statements in your work on the Coral reefs so far as his own experience went—, & his reading that working suggested to him the possibility that he might be of some service to you. He also asks whether he can have any observations upon Torres straits made for you.4 My brother expresses himself, as a Malay Scholar, horrified by your abbreviating Orang-outan in Orang wh he says means simply Man—5 Orang-outan meaning wild man.

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He expressly asked me to mention this point to you, though I have no doubt that it is well known to you already If my brother can do anything for you, either a word of mouth message or short written directions would be all that is required. I am | Yours very truly | F. M. Balfour DAR 160: 23 1

2 3

4 5

The date is conjectured from the fact that Cecil Charles Balfour was probably in England for the conferring of MA and BA degrees at the University of Oxford on 31 January 1878 (Daily News, 1 February 1878, p. 3). Cecil Balfour had been a partner in the merchants and commission agents Tidman, Balfour & Co., of Batavia (now Jakarta), in Java, since 1872. Coral reefs 2d ed. was published in 1874. The Cocos (Keeling) Islands consist of two atolls comprising twenty-seven coral islands, of which a very small number are inhabited. No correspondence between CD and Cecil Balfour has been found. CD discussed Keeling atoll (now South Keeling Islands) in Coral reefs 2d ed., pp. 7–26. The Torres Strait runs between Papua New Guinea and Australia. CD referred to the ‘orang’ throughout Descent, giving ‘orang-outan’ only in the index. For the etymology of orang-utan, see OED s.v. orangutan; the phrase means person of the forest, although it was not originally used in Malay to designate the ape (scientific name Pongo pygmaeus).

From Carl Kraus1   [31?] January 1878 Pardubitz | Bohemia | Austria.— Ende Januar 1878.— “Knowledge is power”.2 Euer Hochwolgeboren! Diesen Monat feiern Sie hochgeehrter Herr im Kreise Ihrer Lieben ihren Namens-Tag, und kann ich diesen Moment nicht unterlassen, um Ihnen einen Beweisz meiner Hochachtung und Verehrung für Ihre genialen Lehren, auszusprechen; wollen E Wolgeboren die herzlichsten Glückwünsche zu diesem Feste, von Einem aus der grossen Anzahl Ihrer stillen Verehrer, und Bewunderer, am Continent gütigst annehmen, welche im Satze ihren Ausdruck finden: “die Natur möge Sie hochgeehrter Herr, unseren grössten Natur-Forscher, noch viele Jahre in Ihrer bisherigen Thätigkeit für den Fortschritt der Gesammt Wissenschaft und Cultur erhalten”.3 Was Sie hochgeehrter Herr für die richtige Weltanschauung geleistet, will ich mich nicht erkühnen in wenigen Worten auszusprechen, ein jeder verständig Denkende weisz es zu würdigen und musz mit Recht sagen: “Es ist eine Freude zu leben, eine Wonne Zeitgenosse Darwins zu sein, dessen Namen über unsern Jahrhundert strahlt”. Unser geniale Ernst Haeckel hat erst kürzlich in einer glänzenden Festrede, den Erfolg des Darwinismus auf die Gesammt-Wissenschaft besprochen,4 und mögen Sie hochgeehrter Herr, der erleuchtete Eremit von Down, noch Jahre lang an den allgemeinen Erfolg Ihrer Lehre sich erfreuen. Ich war leider verhindert, mich an der Festgabe Ihrer deutscher Anhänger anzuschlieszen, daher wollen Sie hochgeehrter Herr diese nachträglich eingelangten Glückwünsche gütigst annehmen,5 und schliesze ich mit den erhabenen Worten D. Fr. Strauss:

38

January 1878

“Jeder denkende Mensch, der weisz, was am Wunder hängt, wird Darwin als einen der edelsten Wolthäter der Menschheit preisen”.6 Mit dem Ausdruck meiner Verehrung und Hochachtung, | zeichne mich als | ehrfurchtsvoller Bewunderer | Charles Kraus. Erlaube mir die höfl. Anfrage zu stellen, ob meiner Photographie ein Plätzchen im Kreise Ihrer Anhänger & Bewunderer vergönnen würden? “A sign of unalterable admiration”!7 DAR 169: 102 1 2 3 4

5

6 7

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. The phrase is often attributed to Francis Bacon; ‘ipsa scientia potestas est’ appears in his Meditationes sacrae (Bacon 1826, 10: 308). CD’s 69th birthday was on 12 February 1878. Haeckel gave a speech, ‘Ueber die heutige Entwickelungslehre im Verhältnisse zur Gesammtwissenschaft’ (On the modern doctrine of evolution in relation to general science), on 18 September 1877 at the annual assembly of German naturalists and physicians in Munich (Haeckel 1877). There is a copy in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. In 1877, German and Austrian naturalists had sent CD an album of photographs of themselves to celebrate his birthday (see Correspondence vol. 25, letter from Emil Rade, [before 16] February 1877, and ibid., Appendix V); the album is at Down House. For Kraus’s photograph, see plate on p. 507. The quotation is from David Friedrich Strauss’s Der alte und der neue Glaube (The old and the new faith; Strauss 1872, p. 177). The quotation appears in the German and Austrian album, with the photograph of Josef von Doblhoff-Dier (Gries 2006, p. 65).

To Gaston de Saporta   31 January 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Jan 31. 1878 Dear Sir, I sent the drawing according to your request to Sir J. Hooker and he has asked his various assistants including Prof. Oliver (who has a wonderful knowledge of plants) and Mr. Thiselton Dyer to consider the case well.1 They all think the form a most curious and interesting one. They do not think it is a dicotyledon; but more probably some extinct type of vascular cryptogam. Hooker suggested Botrychium;2 but on careful examination the venation was found fundamentally different. The Aroideae3 was then suggested and the Herbarium was searched. Mr. Dyer remarks in a letter to me “that dichotomy in leaves is almost unknown in phanerogams. In some of the large compound-leaved Aroids however the ultimate divisions of the leaf have a distribution of veins like Saporta’s sketch and I send a fragment (enclosed) of a remarkable plant which we have from West Africa which, size apart, has some similarity to the sketch”.4 I fear that these remarks will not be of the least use to you; but I have thought it better to send them (to) you, as showing how your sketch has perplexed the botanists at Kew.

January 1878

39

You will probably have heard from Lesquereux of his remarkable discovery of several plants in the Cincinatti Lower Silurians. Prof. Williamson wrote to me a week ago informing me of this discovery. He says that Lesquereux has found Lepidodrenoid stems (of) Sphenopsylla annulariae and the Devonian genus Psilophyton. Prof. Williamson then says “add all this to Saporta’s Silurian fern” and he than asks “are we going to have an unchanged flora from the base of the Silurians to the summit of the Carboniferous beds? It looks like it!”5 My dear Sir | Yours very faithfully | Ch. Darwin Petit and Théodoridès 1959, pp. 210–11 1

2 3 4 5

Joseph Dalton Hooker, Daniel Oliver, and William Turner Thiselton-Dyer all worked at the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew. See Correspondence vol. 25, letter from Gaston de Saporta, 16 December 1877 and n. 26, and this volume, letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 31 January [1878]. Botrychium is the genus of grape-ferns or moonworts. The Aroideae or Araceae are the family of arums. (Araceae is now the accepted family name.) Thiselton-Dyer’s comments were in the missing part of his letter to CD of 29 January 1878. Leo Lesquereux and William Crawford Williamson; see Lesquereux 1877 and letter from W. C. Williamson, 19 January 1878 and n. 5. Sphenopsylla annulariae is a slip for Sphenophyllum and Annularia.

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   31 January [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Jan. 31st My dear Dyer In truth I was ashamed of myself, when I saw what trouble I had caused you.— All your information is of the greatest use to me, & I beg of you to thank cordially Prof. Oliver. Mr Baker & the others who have aided me.2 I can say that I have not asked for information about the plants, in any case, without having spent much time about them. Cyclamen will be of no use with respect nutation & burying the capsules, but your facts & Mr. Benthams suggestion about the step in burying shall be worked in in a new Edit. of Forms of Flowers which I must soon prepare.3 The variability of the bloom in the Fern is quite new to me, but I had analogous cases & intended to use the argument about the apparent unimportance of the secretion.—4 I will write to Saporta, as Hooker wishes me to do, & will give your general verdict & send the African leaf.—5 Once again let me thank you very sincerely for all your very valuable information Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Thiselton-Dyer, W. T., Letters from Charles Darwin 1873–81: 106–7) 1 2

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 29 January 1878. Daniel Oliver and John Gilbert Baker. See letter from W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 29 January 1878.

40 3 4 5

February 1878

George Bentham. See letter from W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 29 January 1878 and n. 7, and Forms of flowers 2d ed., pp. xi–xii. See letter from W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 29 January 1878 and n. 16. Joseph Dalton Hooker. See Correspondence vol. 25, letter from Gaston de Saporta, 16 December 1877 and n. 26, and this volume, letter to Gaston de Saporta, 31 January 1878.

From W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   [before 3 February 1878]1 I shall not seem presumptuous if I venture on a few more remarks.2 When seedvessels are freely exposed to the sun and air they tend to dry up prematurely and the seeds consequently would be apt to be small and so the progeny would stand a chance of being weakly. If, however, the plant could 〈draw its see〉d vessels in〈to shade〉 〈2 or 3 words〉 moisture the pod and, what is of more importance, its enclosed seeds would go on swelling much longer than they otherwise would do. In Mr Bentham’s Helianthemums the trick is just being learnt and Mr Bentham tells me this morning that it is his impression that some arrangement of the kind is far from uncommon 〈in s〉mall herb〈aceous plants.〉3 As a slight illustration I may mention that having put the pods of Amphicarpæa which you gave me in their envelope in my pocket—the warmth of my body caused the desiccation and consequent dehiscence of the aerial pods while the subterranean one was unaffected. The amphicarpic species of Lathyrus—which are all perhaps local races of L. sativus are dry country plants Syria, S. France, Portugal.4 In these the subterranean 〈pods are〉 produced from subterranean shoots with cleistogamic flowers which is a most singular arrangement but is an acquired habit as it does not occur in normal L. sativus However, I am afraid I am guilty of presumption, for all this could not fail to occur to you. Sir Joseph Hooker suggests Ceratopteris for Saporta’s fossil. This seems a very probable hypothesis   The obvious objection is that Ceratopteris having pinnate fronds is not 〈di〉chotomous5   〈But the〉 Incomplete DAR 178: 91 CD annotations 1.1 When … prematurely 1.2] scored red crayon 3.1 having] del red crayon; ‘having’ red crayon 5.1 Sir … 〈But the〉 5.3] crossed ink Beginning of scrap: ‘(with regard to Amphicarpic habits.’ ink, square bracket in ms; ‘Keep’ ink del ink; ‘Dyer | (2)’ ink; ‘Keep’ ink circled ink 1 2

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 3 February [1878]. CD and Thiselton-Dyer had been discussing the function of plants burying seed capsules; see letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 31 January [1878].

February 1878 3

4

5

41

In his letter of 29 January 1878, Thiselton-Dyer had referred CD to George Bentham’s description of Helianthemum procumbens (a synonym of Fumana procumbens; sprawling needle sunrose); Bentham thought that the branches being stretched along the ground prevented the seeds from drying out quickly (Bentham 1826, p. 85). Amphicarpaea (hog peanut) is a small genus of vines in the legume family, Fabaceae. Thiselton-Dyer had visited Down from 26 to 28 January (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). He had included a note on Lathyrus setifolius (brown vetchling), which bears both aerial and subterranean flowers and seeds, with his letter of 29 January 1878. Lathyrus sativus is the white pea. In his letter to Gaston de Saporta of 31 January 1878, CD said that he had asked for Joseph Dalton Hooker’s identification of the tracing of a Permian leaf sent to him by Gaston de Saporta with Saporta’s letter of 16 December 1877 (Correspondence vol. 25); Saporta initially suggested the leaf might be related to Gingko. For drawings of the leaf, see Saporta and Marion 1885, 1: 231. Saporta named the species Dichoneuron hookeri. Thiselton-Dyer’s proviso about it not being dichotomous probably refers to the dichotomous venation, typical of Gingko leaves, as opposed to the reticulate venation in Ceratopteris.

To G. H. Darwin   3 February [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Feb. 3d My dear George, When I first read your note I thought that you had better not answer & criticise Haughton, as not worth the time; leading to controversy & exciting his ill-will.—2 But I read your note to Hooker, who is here,3 & he thought strongly that you had better expose, as courteously as possible, the error. Otherwise, as he says, Haughtons views will be quoted for the next 20 years as authoritative. I am inclined to think he is right,—that is if it will not waste too much of your time. I have always acted on the principle of publishing what I believe to be the truth, without contradicting others, thus letting opposed statements fight for existence.— But the case is different, no doubt, with mathematics about which only a few can judge.— I am very sorry to hear so poor an account of you.4 Hooker & Norman Moore have been extremely pleasant & Lady Hooker5 is very nice. Litchfield is going on well, but looks terribly wan.6 I have 2 long letters to write, so no more. Yours affect | C. Darwin DAR 210.1: 67 1 2 3 4 5 6

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from G. H. Darwin, 28 January 1878. See letter from G. H. Darwin, 28 January 1878 and n. 2. George had written to CD asking advice on whether to criticise Samuel Haughton’s paper on geological time (Haughton 1877). Joseph Dalton Hooker. George probably gave an account of his health in a missing ‘diary letter’ mentioned in his letter of 28 January 1878. Hyacinth Hooker. The text ‘Hooker & … Lady Hooker’ is in pencil in an unknown hand at the top of page 4 of the letter, the original text having been excised at the bottom of page 3. Richard Buckley Litchfield, CD’s son-in-law, was recovering from acute appendicitis; see Correspondence vol. 25, letter to W. D. Fox, 2 December 1877 and n. 1.

42

February 1878

From Asa Gray 3 February 1878 Herbarium of Harvard University, | Botanic Garden, Cambridge, Mass. Feb. 3, 1878 My Dear Darwin A rare and a great pleasure to hear from you—as I have this morning, by two letters.1 My notice of Cook’s Biology (save the mark!)—which a clerical friend, of much sense, urged me to expose, was to be incog.—but the Editor as good as peached.— and Norton says any page of it would have betrayed me. It was pitched “rather too mild” on purpose and with much restraint—lest the benighted portion of the religious world—who have to be rescued from a delusion—should fancy there was a bad animus. Dana said with you—“too mild”—but added—“perhaps the more judicious”—and so I think it proves.2 Oh, that one should have to waste time on such Vermin!— and yet I begin to understand some of the satisfaction which a cat takes with a mouse. There is something about Valeriana dioica, and I hope H. Müller will make it intelligible3 I will see if I can get anything done with Epigæa.4 But here one must go 15 or 20 miles for it. Do work at heliotropism & the like. The Germans make me mad with their pottering pretence and their names, to stand in place of explanation.5 〈    〉 〈    〉 Pale foli〈age〉 〈5 or 6 words〉 glaucis m〈  〉 〈5 or 6 words〉 certainly a 〈5 or 6 words〉 dry regions 〈    〉 recal a truly 〈3 or 4 words〉 which belongs to ou〈r〉 〈    〉 wooded country. Yes, we are pleased to see opinions backed by deeds, and proud to add an American lady to your family, particularly6 As to Thos. Meehan, he is as rattle-brained as Joseph Cook, and almost 〈as〉 much a nuisance in 〈his〉 way. I write him 〈very〉 plain truths, privately telling him that he is an ingenious (but not an ingenuous) ass,—but somehow, it does not cure him.7 If you like, I will take 〈    〉 〈3 or 4 words〉 do make m〈  〉 〈    〉 correct—put 〈3 or 4 words〉 to L. perenn〈e〉 〈3 or 4 words〉 who wanted 〈3 or 4 words〉 〈  〉t to see, or 〈    〉 mig〈ht〉 be two species 〈    〉 〈e〉ntre nous I no more 〈    〉 〈Meeh〉an’s facts than his theo〈ries〉 〈    〉 think he would never 〈  〉eive. Yes, thank Heaven, I have some bodily activity yet, which work like last summer developes. Mrs. Gray is as much improved by it as is8 | Your affectionate | Asa Gray P.S. I have done up 〈Me〉ehan for Amer. Jour. Sci. 〈Marc〉h (next) number.—9 DAR 160: 169, DAR 165: 199 CD annotations 6.2 country.] ‘A. G〈ray〉 | Feb. 3d 1878’ added ink 10.1 do make … 〈  〉eive. 10.3] crossed blue crayon 1 2

See letter to Asa Gray, 21 [and 22] January 1878; the other letter has not been found. Gray’s review of Joseph Cook’s Biology, with preludes on current events ( J. Cook 1877) appeared in the New Englander 37 (1878): 100–13. The editor of the New Englander was William Lathrop Kingsley; the review

February 1878

3 4 5

6 7

8 9

43

was unsigned but the contents page said it was ‘Contributed by an eminent Naturalist, of orthodox opinions in religion’. Cook attacked the work of Thomas Henry Huxley and John Tyndall on evolution rather than CD’s (see J. Cook 1877, pp. 1–32). For CD’s comment on the review, see the letter to Asa Gray, 21 [and 22] January 1878 and n. 4; Gray indicates that Charles Eliot Norton and James Dwight Dana had also commented. Valeriana dioica is marsh valerian; see letter to Asa Gray, 21 [and 22] January 1878 and n. 6. CD added Hermann Müller’s remarks about this plant to Forms of flowers 2d ed., p. viii. In his letter of 21 [and 22] January 1878, CD had asked Gray whether Gray could get a young man to observe grades of fertility in Epigaea repens (ground-laurel or mayflower). See letter to Asa Gray, 21 [and 22] January 1878 and n. 8. Gray’s reference to Germans and ‘their pottering pretence’ was probably provoked by something CD said in his now missing letter (see n. 1, above) about the terminology, such as ‘geotropism’, ‘heliotropism’, and ‘apogeotropism’, for movement in plants, which originated with German authors (see OED and Movement in plants, p. 5; see also Correspondence vol. 25, letter from Henry Jackson to Francis Darwin, 18 November 1877). For a previous discussion between Gray and CD about the terminology in Forms of flowers, see Correspondence vol. 24, letter from Asa Gray, 5 December 1876 and n. 5. CD’s son William Erasmus Darwin married Sara Sedgwick, an American, in 1877; see letter to Asa Gray, 21 [and 22] January 1878 and n. 10. CD had criticised Thomas Meehan’s work for inaccuracy; see letter to Asa Gray, 21 [and 22] January 1878 and n. 11. He had previously disagreed with Meehan over Meehan’s review of Cross and self fertilisation (Meehan 1877) and Meehan’s earlier paper on the role of insects in fertilisation (Meehan 1875); see Correspondence vol. 25, letter to Thomas Meehan, 5 July [1877], and Correspondence vol. 23, letter to Hermann Müller, 26 October 1875. In the summer of 1877, Gray and his wife, Jane Loring Gray, had visited the Rocky Mountains with Joseph Dalton Hooker (see L. Huxley ed. 1918, 2: 205–17). Gray had reviewed Forms of flowers in the American Journal of Science and Arts (A. Gray 1878a). In a supplementary note (A. Gray 1878b), he responded to Meehan’s assertion that Gentiana andrewsii (bottle gentian) and Linum perenne (blue flax) in his region behaved differently from those Gray and CD described; see A. Gray 1877 and letter to Asa Gray, 21 [and 22] January 1878 and n. 11.

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   3 February [1878] Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Feb. 3d My dear Dyer Your letter is a splendid one for me, & I have now got all the seeds & all the information which I require; so that I shall cause no bother for a good long time as I hope.1 I will now run through your letter. Fritz Müller evidently had no idea to what genus his grass belonged. Did I tell you that where trampled down on sides of roads it throws up large panicles of open true flowers.2 You shall have Araujia when fruit ripe.—3 My man Lettington will be as proud as a Peacock, when he hears what Mr Lynch says.—4 With respect to Amphicarpa fruit, I thought only of protection from birds & Mr Bentham’s & your suggestion is quite new to me & seems very probable, more especially as it explains the first steps in gaining a hypogean habit. Hooker will look to some reference about burying melons &c— he thinks there is another motive:—5

44

February 1878 I will send your remarks & the drawing to Saporta.6 With hearty thanks | Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin

Endorsement: ‘/78’ Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Thiselton-Dyer, W. T., Letters from Charles Darwin 1873–81: 108–9) 1 2

3 4

5

6

See letter from W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, [before 3 February 1878]. The grass was probably mentioned in a missing part of the letter from W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, [before 3 February 1878]. CD noted a roadside grass that produced panicles of perfect flowers after being cut down in Forms of flowers, p. 333; Müller had described it in his letter of 25 March 1877 (Correspondence vol. 25). CD had previously given Thiselton-Dyer fruits of Araujia sericifera (common moth-vine or cruel plant); see letter from W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 29 January 1878 and n. 12. Thiselton-Dyer’s letter of [before 3 February 1878] is incomplete, but he evidently told CD that Richard Irwin Lynch, foreman of the propagating department at the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, had praised CD’s gardener, Henry Lettington, probably for his skill in raising plants of Araujia sericifera, which is native to Brazil and Peru. Lynch had been assisting CD with observations for Movement in plants; see Correspondence vol. 25, letter to R. I. Lynch, 14 September 1877. George Bentham; see letter from W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, [before 3 February 1878] and n. 4. Amphicarpa (a synonym of Amphicarpaea) is a small genus of vines in the legume family, Fabaceae; the flowers of some species have the ‘hypogean habit’ of burying themselves in the ground after fertilisation. Joseph Dalton Hooker’s ‘other motive’ has not been identified. Gaston de Saporta; see letter from W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, [before 3 February 1878] and n. 5.

From E. A. Darwin   4 February 1878 4 Feb 78 Dear Charles I send you Georges Tithes as well as your own.1 Effie in speaking of the enchanted slate said “now I know Uncle Charles would rather believe he did it himself in a dream than that it was done by the spirits” & that seems the best solution at present.2 Your EAD DAR 105: B103 1

2

An entry for ‘Tithe Rent Charge’, dated 6 February 1878, in CD’s Account books–banking account (Down House MS) records a cheque for £4 12s. 10d. The payment was for tithes for CD’s property at Castle Morton, Worcestershire. CD and each of his five siblings had inherited one sixth of a ‘Castle Morton trust’ from their father, Robert Waring Darwin, in 1837. The trust was evidently related to a property of their grandfather Josiah Wedgwood I in the parish of Castle Morton (Robert Waring Darwin’s Investment book, Down House MS). After the death of CD’s sister Catherine Langton in 1866, her share was inherited by CD’s son George Howard Darwin (letter from E. A. Darwin, 8 July [1880] (Calendar no. 12648)). Effie (Katherine Euphemia) Farrer was CD’s niece; she shared the interest of her father, Hensleigh Wedgwood, in spiritualism and later joined the Theosophical Society (Wedgwood and Wedgwood 1980, pp. 324–5). The ‘enchanted slate’ refers to the alleged communication of spirits by writing on slate tablets; for a famous case of fraud with slate tablets, see Correspondence vol. 24, letter from G. J. Romanes, [after 23 September 1876].

February 1878

45

To Gaston de Saporta   4 February [1878]1 Down | Beckenham, Kent | Railway Station | Orpington S.E.R. Feb 4 My dear Sir, Your Permian fossil has stirred up the botanists at Kew, and I received this morning a letter from Mr. Dyer, Secretary to Sir J. Hooker, on the subject. Sir J. Hooker suggested that the fossil was a Ceratopteris. I enclose the part (with a drawing) of the letter, relating to the submerged frond.2 I remain with the highest respect. | Yours very faithfully | Charles Darwin. Conry 1972, p. 118 1 2

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to Gaston de Saporta, 31 January 1878. The enclosure and drawing have not been found. For Joseph Dalton Hooker’s identification, see the letter from W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, [before 3 February 1878] and n. 5. Saporta had sent CD a tracing of a Permian leaf with his letter of 16 December 1877 (Correspondence vol. 25). William Turner Thiselton-Dyer was assistant director at the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew; Hooker was director.

From R. T. Clarke   6 February [1878]1 Welton Place | near Daventry Febr 6th Dear Mr Darwin I enclose a pod from an old kind of garden pea called “Woodford’s Marrow.” The colour of the normal seed is of a very peculiar and invariable blue. This pod was fertilized by the pollen of an equally constant white kind, to wit, “Dickson’s favorite” a selection from the Auvergne.2 You will see that it contains two pure white peas, a thing which the old Woodford never was guilty of in its life.— With the exception of my Matthiola this is the only instance I have yet met with, but I doubt not but that we used our eyes more would turn up.3 Please return the specimen soon, as I shd like to produce it before our scientific committee4 Has anything of the kind been noticed in the analogue eggs.? I had the satisfaction last summer of smashing a genus which I never believed in, viz: Elisena which I crossed with Ismene. Flower exactly intermediate.—5 What is Species, and what is Genus? and Echo answers What is Truth?6 yrs very truly | R Trevor Clarke DAR 161: 169 1

The year is established by the reference to Elisena and Ismene; see n. 5, below.

46 2 3 4 5

6

February 1878

The pea varieties ‘Woodford’s marrow’ and ‘Dickson’s favorite’ are described in Burr 1863, pp. 551–2 and 531–2. Auvergne is a province in south-central France. Clarke had published on colour variation in seeds of Matthiola (see R. T. Clarke 1866, Correspondence vol. 14, letter from R. T. Clarke, 6 November [1866], and Variation 1: 398–9). Matthiola is the genus of stocks. Clarke had helped establish the scientific committee of the Royal Horticultural Society in 1868 (see Correspondence vol. 16, letter from M. T. Masters, 4 April 1868, and letter from R. T. Clarke, 14 [April 1868]). Gardeners’ Chronicle, 21 July 1877, p. 86, reported that Clarke exhibited flowers of a hybrid between two ‘so-called genera’, Ismene and Elisena, to the scientific committee of Royal Horticultural Society. Ismene, the Peruvian daffodil, is a genus in the family Amaryllidaceae; the former genus Elisena is subsumed within it. An allusion to George Gordon Noel Byron’s poem The bride of Abydos, canto 2, stanza 27.

From Theodor von Heldreich1   8 February 1878 Athènes le 27 Janv. | 8 Fevr. 18782 Mon cher Monsieur, J’ai été absent d’Athènes & ensuite malade à plusieurs reprises jusqu’à ces derniers jours: cela explique le grand retard avec lequel je reponds à votre honorée et aimable lettre du 9 Aout. J’ai reçu votre dernier ouvrage “The different forms of flowers”, et je vous remercie infiniment de ce cadeau, qui a une très-grande valeur pour moi comme venant directement de vous.3 Peut-être vous interessa-t-il de voir la première traduction en Grec moderne d’un de vos ouvrages & c’est pour cela que je vous envoie aujourd’hui la Feuille du Journal de Famille “™¼ţ›—”, dans laquelle se trouve la traduction de votre gracieux article “Biographische Skizze eines Kleinen Kindes”, que j’ai lû avec tant d’interêt dans le Journal “Kosmos”, I. Heft 5.—4 C’est, comme je viens de la dire, la première fois qu’un de vos écrits vient d’être traduit littéralement en Grec. Le traducteur est un jeune médecin Crétois le D.r S. Meliarakès,5 un de vos admirateurs & disciples les pluszêlés, qui sont encore assez rares en Grèce. Il n’est pas sans quelque danger & il faut encore assez de courage moral pour avouer et se rallier à vos principes en ce pays, où l’on est encore sous l’empire du dogmatisme. Il faut préparer les esprits lentement et avec précaution; cependant la Verité triomphera encore ici, et il faut espérer que ce jour ne sera pas trop eloigné. Je vous présente, mon cher Monsieur, mes salutations très-respectueuses & sincères, avec lesquelles j’ai l’honnour de me déclarer | votre très-devoué serviteur | Th. de Heldreich DAR 166: 136 1 2 3 4

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. Heldreich gives both the Julian (27 January) and Gregorian (8 February) calendar dates. In his letter to Heldreich of 9 August 1877 (Correspondence vol. 25), CD mentioned that he had directed his publisher to send a copy of Forms of flowers. The Greek translation of CD’s ‘Biographical sketch of an infant’ appeared as ‘œ¤ÍĐɨ ¶ÔÍǧË: ǧ¨ÆͤϧÈĐËÎÃ¥Åď¤ÎʤʧÈͨċÀ§Ë¨ÂŅ¤§Å﨩’ in ™ÎÀď¤ (Hestia, Hearth), 25 December 1877, pp. 817– 25; a copy is in DAR 139.6. It was made from the German translation in Kosmos 1 (1877): 367–76.

February 1878 5

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Spyridon Miliarakis.

From Ernst Haeckel1   9 February 1878 Jena 9. Febr 1878 Hochverehrter theurer Freund! Zu Ihrem bevorstehenden siebenzigsten Geburtstage2 sende ich Ihnen von ganzem Herzen meine besten und aufrichtigsten Glückwünsche. Mögen Sie diesen schönen Jubeltag recht froh, heiter und gesund im Kreise Ihrer lieben Familie zubringen und sich der hohen Verehrung erfreuen, die Ihnen von allen Seiten entgegengebracht wird. Mit welcher freudigen Genugthuung und Befriedigung dürfen Sie an diesem Tage auf Ihr langes und fruchtreiches Leben im Dienste der Wissenschaft zurückblicken! Haben Sie doch der menschlichen Erkenntniss neue Bahnen geöffnet, welche für die nächsten Jahrhunderte den entscheidenden Wendepunkt der causalen Studien, und für alle Zeiten die Erkenntniss der wichtigsten natürlichen Wahrheiten bezeichnen! Möge es Ihnen, hochverehrter lieber Freund und Meister, noch recht lange vergönnt sein, an der Vollendung Ihres grossen Werkes zu schaffen und sich der dankbaren Anerkennung der bewundernden Mitwelt zu erfreuen. Das Eine steht schon jetzt fest, dass wir jüngeren Naturforscher Alle Ihre unvergleichlichen Verdienste täglich dankbar würdigen, indem wir in Ihrem Sinne weiter arbeiten! Von mir kann ich Ihnen nur Gutes berichten. Ich bin gesund und mir fehlt Nichts weiter, als mehr Zeit! Meine ganze Arbeitszeit ist durch die ChallengerRadiolarien in Anspruch genommen, ein ungeheuer reiches Material, welches auch für die Entwicklung der Species-Formen sehr fruchtbar zu werden verspricht.3 Mit herzlichsten Grüssen und mit wiederholten besten Wünschen Ihr treu ergebener | Ernst Haeckel DAR 166: 71 1 2 3

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. CD’s 69th birthday was on 12 February 1878. Haeckel described the Radiolaria specimens from the Challenger voyage in Haeckel 1887. The Radiolaria, a diverse group of unicellular protozoans with siliceous skeletons, belong to the class Rhizopoda. Haeckel 1862 included a chapter on the taxonomic relationships of the Radiolaria, and on the general systematics of the Rhizopoda (pp. 194–212); Haeckel 1887 proposed one of the earliest classification schemes for Radiolaria.

To Martin Beckhard   10 February [1878]1 Down. | Beckenham. Kent. Feb 10th. Dear Sir. I thank you very sincerely for your most kind letter & present of the two works of Geiger.—2 I have known his name for some time, though I have never read a word

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of his writings—   I will now thanks to your kindness, endeavour to do so before very long; but I labour under the great disadvantage of reading German with extreme slowness, & as my health is weak I am utterly unable to read one tenth of the books, published by your wonderful countrymen, which I wish to read & which I ought to read. With sincere thanks. | Believe me | Dear Sir. | Yours faithfully— | Ch. Darwin. Copy DAR 143: 73 1 2

The year is established by a note in the copyist’s hand. Beckhard probably sent Lazarus Geiger’s Zur Entwickelungsgeschichte der Menschheit (On the developmental history of mankind; Geiger 1871) and Der Ursprung der Sprache 2d ed. (The origin of language; Geiger 1878). A copy of Geiger 1871 is in the Darwin Library–Down. Geiger used the colour vocabulary of ancient cultures to support his theory of language development; for an earlier reference to Geiger’s work, see Correspondence vol. 25, letter from Ernst Krause, 14 July 1877.

From Carl Kraus1    10 February 1878 Pardubitz, Bohemia— | Austria. 10. II. 1878. Hochgeehrter Herr! “Was ich ohne dich wäre, ich weiss es nicht—aber mir grauet, Seh ich, was ohne dich Hundert und Tausende sind”.2 Was ich mir als eine Gunst von Ihnen erbitten wollte, machen Sie grossmüthiger Weise mir zur angenehmen Pflicht & finde ich nicht genug Worte, um meinen ergebenen Dank nicht nur für das liebenswürdige und mich sehr ehrende Schreiben, sondern auch für die beigelegte höchst gelungene Photographie,3 auszusprechen, welche Zeichen Ihrer grossen Freundlichkeit, mir einen glänzenden Beweiss der bewundernswerthen Güte & Bescheidenheit des grössten Naturforschers unseres Jahrundertes geben.— Als Anhänger der freien Förschung, würde ich mich glücklich schätzen, meinem Ideale eines freien Forschers “Charles Darwin”, den unermüdlichen Kämpfer für Freiheit & Wahrheit der Wissenschaft, meine Verehrung und Dankbarkeit in würdiger Weise beweisen zu können, und ist für heute mein einziger Wunsch in dieser Hinsicht, Ihnen hochgeehrter Herr, meine Glückwünsche auch zu Ihrem 80. Geburtstage dabringen zu können.4 Nachdem Sie hochgeehrter Herr, mir so ausserordentliche Beweise Ihrer Freundlichkeit gegeben, so kann ich es nicht unterlassen ein Ansuchen Ihnen vorzubringen, welches alle Leser der vortrefflichen Zeitschrift für einheitliche Weltanschauung “Kosmos” welche den Namen Charles Darwin & Ernst Haeckel trägt, angeht, und deren gütige Erfüllung auch Alle erfreuen würde. Sie können überzeigt sein, mit welchem Interesse Ihre genialen Arbeiten von Allen Denkenden studirt werden, leider haben Sie hochgeehrter Herr in dieser Zeitschrift schon ziemlich lange keine Ihrer wahrhaft classischen Aufsätze veröffentlicht5 & wollen daher mein ergebenst gestelltes Ansuchen gefl. berücksichtigen, & baldigst Eine

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Ihrer genialen Arbeiten zum allgemeinen Geistesgenusse publiciren. Ich werde mir erlauben, auf Ihren höchst freundlichen Wunsch, meine neueste Photographie demnächst einzusenden, & werden Sie hochgeehrter Herr so gefällig sein & dieselbe dem German Album beizufügen;6 gleichzeitig muss ich gestehen, dass es mich unendlich freuen würde, eine Photographie Ihrer werthen Familie besitzen zu dürfen, jedoch wollen Sie hochgeehrter Herr dieses Verlangen als natürliche Folge meiner Verehrung & Bewunderung ansehen. Ich glaube dass meine Zeilen wolwollend aufnehmen werden, & musz ich nur ersuchen mir gefl. entschuldigen zu wollen, dass ich Ihre kostbare Zeit, durch diese Correspondance in Anspruch nehme & bin ich | glücklich mich als Ihr | erfurchtsvoller Bewunderer & | Verehrer zeichnen zu dürfen | Charles Kraus. Sr. Wolgeboren Herrn Charles Darwin, F.R.S. | in | Down.— DAR 169: 103 1 2 3 4 5

6

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. The quotation is from Friedrich Schiller’s poem ‘Tabulae votivae’. CD’s note to Kraus has not been found, but Kraus asked whether his own photograph could be included in an album of CD’s German and Austrian admirers in his letter of [31?] January 1878. CD was 69 on 12 February 1878. A German translation of CD’s ‘Biographical sketch of an infant’ had appeared in Kosmos 1 (1877): 367–76. The full title of the journal was Kosmos: Zeitschrift für einheitliche Weltanschauung auf Grund der Entwickelungslehre in Verbindung mit Charles Darwin und Ernst Haeckel (Kosmos: journal for uniform worldview based on the theory of evolution as proposed by Charles Darwin and Ernst Haeckel). In 1877, a photograph album of German and Austrian scientists was sent to mark CD’s 68th birthday (see Correspondence vol. 25, letter from Emil Rade, [before 16] February 1877); the album is at Down House.

To John Price   10 February [1878]1 Down | Beckenham Kent. &c. Feb 10th. My dear Price. I am very much obliged for your kind congratulations about the L.L.D.—2 Why the Senate conferred it on me I know not in the least. I was astonished to hear that the R. Prof: of Divinity3 & several other great Dons attended, & several such men have subscribed, as I am informed for the picture for the University to commemorate the honour conferred on me—4 I am very sorry to hear that you are an invalid at present, but trust your own mountain air will do you good. I have no copy in German of Virchow’s address.5 Naturally I did not admire it as much as you do & he seemed to me to lecture in a very arrogant manner many of his audience, who knew much more of natural science than he does, Not that I mean Virchow has not done good work, though many think his famous aphorism “omnis

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cellula e cellulâ”, false—6 If we were to meet I dare say neither of us wd. recognise the other!7 Hoping that you may soon get stronger. Yours very faithfully: | Ch Darwin Copy DAR 147: 280 1 2 3 4 5

6

7

The year is established by the reference to the award of an honorary LLD to CD; see n. 2, below. The letter from Price has not been found. CD was awarded an honorary LLD degree by the University of Cambridge on 17 November 1877 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). The regius professor of divinity at Cambridge was Brooke Foss Westcott. See Correspondence vol. 25, letter to G. H. Darwin, 21 November [1877] and n. 4. Rudolf Carl Virchow had given the address Die Freiheit der Wissenschaft im modernen Staat (The liberty of science in the modern state; Virchow 1877) to the Assembly of German Naturalists and Physicians at Munich on 22 September 1877. He argued that there was no room for speculative theories in the new German empire, only established scientific facts (see Weindling 1981, pp. 118–20). Price was an opponent of evolutionary theories on the grounds of their speculative nature (see Price 1863–4, p. 94). The doctrine ‘omnis cellula e cellula’ (every cell comes from a cell; Latin) was popularised in Virchow 1858. CD discussed it in Variation 2: 370. For more on Virchow’s cell theory and CD’s hypothesis of pangenesis, see Geison 1969, pp. 391–3. On Virchow’s criticism of the materialistic Darwinism of Ernst Haeckel, see Weindling 1981, p. 118. CD and Price were school-friends in Shrewsbury (see Correspondence vol. 1).

To Milan Radovanović   [before 12 February 1878]1 Dear Sir I am much obliged for your note & kind congrat. on my coming B. D.2 I thank you for your photo.3 & as you wd perhaps like to possess mine, I send it.— With respect to the Preface to your S. Edit. I really have nothing special to say, excepting that I sincerely hope it may be in every way successful.—4 In this case I shall have the great satisfaction of thinking that I may aid in turning the attention of some few young men towards the natural sciences, in a country, which many persons in England believe will soon take an eminent place amongst the nations of E.5 Pray believe me | — — Radowanowicz ADraft DAR 202: 79 1 2 3 4

The date is established by the references to CD’s birthday and to the Serbian translation of Origin (see nn. 2 and 4, below). The note from Radovanović has not been found. CD’s birthday was on 12 February. The photograph of Radovanović has not been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL. CD had given Radovanović permission to translate Origin into Serbian (see Correspondence vol. 24, letter to Milan Radovanović, 25 August [1876]). The translation was published by the end of August 1878 (Radovanović trans. 1878; see letter from Marinko Radovanović, 30 August 1878); CD’s copy is in the Darwin Library–Down.

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‘E’: Europe. Serbia had proclaimed independence and declared war on the Ottoman Empire in June 1876. After the war ended, boundaries were renegotiated with the signing of the Treaty of Berlin on 13 July 1878 (see J. K. Cox 2002, pp. 53–4). See also Correspondence vol. 24, letter from Milan Radovanović, 18 August 1876.

From W. D. Fox   12 February [1878]1 Broadlands, | Sandown, I.W. Feb 12 My dear old Friend For surely I may call you so, as you and one other, are all left of our friendships at a time when life was glorious.2 It is not bad now tho’ I am nearly 73—and few have been happier than I have. I rejoiced to hear from your Son at Southampton3 that you had all a most happy family party at Christmas— (How I should have liked a peep at you all from behind a curtain). May you have many happy Christmas’s—and therefore many happy returns of your Birthday. I saw one day, that you were born in 1809— I am glad to hear you are four years younger than myself— I always thought you were only two. We were so glad to hear of W Es marriage.4 He is just the man to make a splendid Husband—and seems as happy as possible. You and I have been so happy in our marriages that we can only wonder all do 〈no〉t marry. But it is not always that a man can meet with his double. We have an anxious house this winter in nursing one of my daughters who I believe slept in a damp bed last summer, and has never been well since. We have feared (& still do) consumption—but all the Drs say there is no really consumptive symtoms, but that there is inflammatory action of the air cells, complicated with Asthma.5 A fortnight since, my only comfort in watching her, was that Asthma was the then agent of evil, and so it proved—and ever since she has been improving, but I have more fear than hope of the issue I have, like all the world, (except I hope you and yours) been laid up with Bronchitis, and have not been out of doors this year. However I am much better, and we are longing for sun and warm air for our dear Invalid. But why bother you with these troubles— When I sat down I only meant to congratulate you and Mrs Darwin on your Birthday, and wish you all blessings thro the remainder of your life. Mrs Fox6 joins most heartily with me in these wishes Ever Dear old Darwin | Yours affectly | W. D. Fox DAR 164: 202 1

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to W. D. Fox, 14 February 1878.

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Fox probably refers to John Maurice Herbert; other close friends of Fox and CD at Cambridge who were still living included Charles Thomas Whitley and Frederick Watkins. William Erasmus Darwin. CD’s son William married Sara Sedgwick on 29 November 1877 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). Theodora Fox died on 5 July 1878 (Darwin pedigree). Ellen Sophia Fox.

To Ernst Haeckel   12 February [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. Feb. 12th My dear Friend I thank you sincerely for all your most kind words & good wishes on my birthday.2 My health has been better of late, & I am able to do every day what I consider a fair amount of work, but what you would consider a mere trifle. Considering my age it will be the more prudent course for me not to attempt to write on large & difficult subjects of a general nature, but to use my remaining strength in studying small special points, & thus to aid, as far as I can, the noble cause of science. To you & others must be left the extending & fortifying the principles of Evolution.— I am now working with the aid of my son Francis, chiefly on the growth, movements & development of seedling plants; & we have observed some new & curious facts.—3 I rejoice to hear that you are well, & that you are hard at work, about which I did not in the least doubt. As you say time time is what is wanted most.— With all good wishes to you & yours & with many thanks | Yours very sincerely | Charles Darwin Ernst-Haeckel-Haus (Bestand A-Abt. 1: 1–52/44 [9897]) 1 2 3

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from Ernst Haeckel, 9 February 1878. See letter from Ernst Haeckel, 9 February 1878. Francis Darwin was assisting CD with his work on tropisms of cotyledons for Movement in plants.

To Raphael Meldola   12 February [1878] From Mr. C. Darwin, Down, Beckenham. Many thanks for the copies of your very interesting paper.— I will send some to Fritz Müller.1 Feb. 12th. Apc Postmark: FE 13 78 Oxford University Museum of Natural History (Hope Entomological Collections 1350: Hope/Westwood Archive, Darwin folder)

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Meldola sent copies of his paper ‘Entomological notes bearing on evolution’ (Meldola 1878); CD’s copy is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. The paper included extracts from Fritz Müller’s notes in his letter to CD of 14 June 1871 (Correspondence vol. 19); see letter from Raphael Meldola, 2 January [1878] and n. 4.

From G. M. Asher   14 February 1878 8, Cambridge Terrace, | Railton Road Herne Hill, Febr. 14 1878 Dear Sir You will perhaps remember that you expressed a wish to have some specimens of Russian steppe wheat.1 I forwarded your wish to the govenor of Saratoff Mr. Galkine; and now hear to my surprise that a box three feet long, is at Petersburgh. I shall forward it to you when I get it; and take the liberty of making two requests: First to be allowed to call upon you when the box arrives, in order to explain its contents which else would be useless; and secondly, that you write a few words, in French if possible, or in German or if you do not write those languages (but I suppose you do) in English to thank Mr. Galkine-Wrasky, governor of 〈Sar〉atoff for his readiness to comply with your wish; adding if possible, a photograph with your signature. I should very greatly thank y for doing so. The fact is that I have had a very serious quarrel with the Gentleman in question, and 〈that〉 he has nevertheless done what I begged him to do.2 The box will arrive in about a fortnight. Dr Sir | Faithfully Ys | Dr. G. M. Asher DAR 159: 119 CD annotation First page: ‘Pay carriage’ pencil 1 2

The letter from CD requesting specimens has not been found, but see Correspondence vol. 25, letter from G. M. Asher, 7 November 1877, in which Asher said he had written for seeds. Mikhail Nikolaevich Galkin-Vraskoi was governor of Saratov province, located in the south-east of European Russia, 838 miles south-east of Saint Petersburg. Asher had lived in Saratov, and his work there on German colonies on the Volga river may have been the source of his dispute with GalkinVraskoi (Große jüdische National-Biographie s.v. Asher, Georg Michael).

To W. D. Fox   14 February 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Feb 14th 1878 My dear Friend I thank you warmly for your affectionate & most kind letter.1 If we may not call each other friends, I do not know who have a right; though from my unfortunate health & from our mutual distance, we have seen little of each other since those happy days in Cambridge & at Osmaston & elsewhere.—2 I am very sorry to hear about your daughter.3 It is the greatest misery possible. We have had much & now

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have some anxiety about my son-in-law Litchfield, who was so ill in Switzerland & who had a relapse & last night had another accession of pain.4 I dread organic mischief following from so much & such repeated inflammations. George is in Algiers & is enjoying himself there, but his health is not at all better.5 I grudge his want of health especially, as he has indomitable energy & a constant craving to work. Frank & I are hard at work on physiological points with respect to plants, & I find it adds greatly to my interest in being able to discuss all subjects with him.—6 William is extremely happy with his wife.7 Farewell my dear old Friend | Yours affectionately | Charles Darwin University of British Columbia Library, Rare Books and Special Collections (Pearce/Darwin Fox collection RBSC-ARC-1721-10-02) 1 2

3 4 5 6 7

See letter from W. D. Fox, 12 February [1878]. CD and Fox were both students at Cambridge in 1828 and had corresponded from that time (Correspondence vol. 1). Osmaston Hall, near Derby, had been the home of the Fox family. CD spent three weeks there in 1828 (see Correspondence vol. 1, letter to W. D. Fox, [October 1828]). Theodora Fox; see letter from W. D. Fox, 12 February [1878] and n. 5. Richard Buckley Litchfield had been taken ill with acute appendicitis in Switzerland in September 1877 (Litchfield 1910, p. 150). George Howard Darwin; see letter from G. H. Darwin, 28 January 1878. Francis Darwin was assisting CD with work for Movement in plants. William Erasmus and Sara Darwin were married on 29 November 1877 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)).

From J. D. Hooker   14 February 1878 Kew Feby 14/78. Dear Darwin I have just seen Barth. Price to whom I suggested the translating & publishing Karl Sprengel along with Herm. Muller as one work. I do not like to see the glorious old fellow left out in the cold & the two works together would make but one moderate sized volume if I remember them both aright. Please give me your opinion. Of course Sprengels plates should appear.1 Dyer agrees with me as to the nut, that the big thing with the sphacelated tip is the plumule, & the two small shoots are buds developed in the axils of the cotyledonary leaves.2 AL incomplete DAR 104: 113 CD annotations 1.1 I have … appear. 1.5] crossed blue crayon Top of letter: ‘Mull | Oxalis | Lotus | Radicle’3 pencil 1

Hooker was proposing that Bartholomew Price publish a translation of Christian Konrad Sprengel’s Das entdeckte Geheimniss der Natur im Bau und in der Befruchtung der Blumen (The mystery of nature in the

February 1878

2

3

55

structure and fertilisation of flowers uncovered; Sprengel 1793) and Hermann Müller’s Die Befruchtung der Blumen (The fertilisation of flowers; H. Müller 1873) in a single volume. Sprengel 1793 contains fifteen plates. William Turner Thiselton-Dyer. The discussion concerns which part of the seedling can be designated as the plumule and which part as the cotyledons; for CD’s use of terminology, see Movement in plants, p. 5. The ‘nut’ was probably Corylus avellana (common hazel); see Movement in plants, pp. 55–6 and 77. Sphacelated: i.e. decayed. ‘Mull’: Hermann Müller. The annotations are notes for CD’s reply of 15 February 1878, where further information about the missing content of this letter can be found.

From James Houston   14 February 1878 Granton | Edinburgh 14th. February 1878 Sir/ In re-reading your great work on the descent of man, I have just come to what appears to me a slight error of statement; at page 234 Vol I ed 1871, you say—“The spreading of man to regions widely separated by the sea, no doubt preceded any considerable amount of divergence of character in the several races; for otherwise we should sometimes meet with the same race in distinct continents; and this is never the case”.1 It seems to me that you here do not take into account the effect of an intrusive race, displacing and separating into fragments another race which has been settled on a continuous area. The existence of a supposed pre-Aryan people in the West of Europe, the isolated remains of which still exist in the Basques and Lapps etc:, is an illustrative case.2 Also might there not be found widely separated portions of one people, the result of the migration of a part of them after having been long united? It seems to me that the causes for such a separation must have acted with equal strength after a race had been long settled, and had developed a distinct character, as in that earlier time which “preceded any considerable amount of divergence of character in the several races”. This objection, even should you consider it a valid one, is perhaps not worth making, as it hardly affects the argument with which the disputed point is connected, my only excuse for venturing to state it is in the hope of possibly removing even a verbal error from a work which has yet so much to do in moulding the profoundest beliefs of our time Allow me to subscribe myself | Your most sincere admirer | James Houston To | Charles Darwin Esq. DAR 166: 273 1 2

Descent 1: 234. Basque people primarily inhabit the area at the western end of the Pyrenees. The Lapp people (now known as Sami) live in the Artic area of Sápmi, principally in the far north of Scandinavia. CD noted

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the high art in the grammatical structure of the languages of these peoples in Descent 1: 61. For a debate on the geographical distribution of Basque peoples, see Correspondence vol. 23, letter from W. B. Dawkins, 14 March 1875.

To J. B. Thayer   14 February 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Feb 14. 1878 My dear Sir, I write a single line to thank you for your kind note & to acknowledge the safe return of Wright’s letters. I have read a large part of the book with much interest. There seemed to me no objection to publishing the short extracts from my letters to him.1 My dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Charles Darwin LS Professor Robert J. Barney PhD (private collection) 1

With his letter of 29 January 1878, Thayer returned the letters Chauncey Wright had written to CD. Thayer had borrowed them to publish in Letters of Chauncey Wright (see Thayer 1878, pp. 230–6, 240–6, 304–18, and 331–8). He also apologised for not seeking CD’s explicit permission to publish extracts from CD’s letters to Wright.

To J. D. Hooker   15 February 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Feb 15. 1878. My dear Hooker, It is a grand idea to have old Sprengel translated. On the other hand I feel strongly opposed to the idea of the one work being published with the other. It would increase the price of H. Müller’s book which is admirable as containing all that is necessary for any one who wishes to pursue the subject.1 Moreover Müller would probably object to such a marriage; at least I should under similar circumstances. The magnificent supply of Oxalis have arrived most of them safely. Besides experimenting on them with frost, if there ever is to be a frost again, I shall be particularly glad to observe the sleep of such odd forms.2 Seed of any south European species of Lotus would be valuable. Thanks about the plumule of the nut.3 I do hope some of those which I have planted will germinate. You seem to be quite right about the radicle: with the cabbage only the extreme tip bends over through geotropism4 Ever yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin LS DAR 95: 467

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3 4

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See letter from J. D. Hooker, 14 February 1878 and n. 1. Hooker had suggested that translations of Christian Konrad Sprengel’s and Hermann Müller’s books on fertilisation of flowers (Sprengel 1793 and H. Müller 1873) should be published in a single volume. An entry dated 14 February 1878 in the Outwards book (Archives, Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew), p. 450, records that CD was sent Oxalis bupleurifolia, O. carnosa (fleshy sorrel), O. ortgiesii, O. plumieri (a synonym of O. frutescens, shrubby woodsorrel), O. rubella (a synonym of O. hirta, tropical woodsorrel), O. hirta, and O. pentaphylla (a synonym of O. polyphylla). For CD’s experiments with Oxalis left outside on frosty nights, see Movement in plants, pp. 287–9 and 293–7. See letter from J. D. Hooker, 14 February 1878 and n. 2. Hooker’s discussion of movement of the radicle, or embryonic root, was in a now missing section of his letter to CD of 14 February 1878; for CD’s observations of the radicle of the cabbage with respect to geotropism, see Movement in plants, pp. 512–13.

From G. M. Asher   16 February 1878 8, Cambridge Terrace, | Railton Road Herne Hill. Febr 16 1878

Dear Sir It strikes me that I ought to apologise for the strange request I took the liberty of addressing to you.1 The gentleman whom I had begged you to oblige, being excessively vain, would certainly have felt a gratification a hundred times beyond the trouble the sending of a 〈pho〉tograph and of a few lines would have cost you; and he must really have exerted himself to send such a large box which probably contains a great variety of steppe-wheat seeds, together with some of the blades— But still my request was unjustified. I hope however that you will not be offended by it, nor by my former 〈le〉tter which really had no other purpose than to make a perhaps not quite convenient proposal which however I desired to make, and to save you the trouble and embarrassment to answer it.2 If these mistakes of mine prevented your kindly granting my request to be allowed to call upon you, when the seeds arrive, all the trouble would have been useless; and I should be in a difficult situation.3 The box will either be sent to you from Petersburgh carriage paid; or if that be impossible it will be sent to me and forwarded by me. The excès de zèle4 of Mr. Galkine has taken me by surprise. I really do not know why he sent such a large box, nor what are its contents. That the fault is not mine is proved by the following fact. I sent to Mr. Galkine an open letter through a friend in Petersburgh (the special correspondent of The Times);5 and my friend, who has had the box in his rooms for some time hesitates to forward it, because he understands, how embarrassing and unexpected such a large box must be, But perhaps it will be all the better; and the collection will be really interesting. The gentleman who sent it certainly is able to provide a more complete collection than any one else. Begging you, Dear Sir, to excuse my awkwardness I remain. Dear Sir | Ever obt Yrs | Dr. G. M. Asher DAR 159: 120 1

In his letter of 14 February 1878, Asher asked CD to write a letter of thanks, enclosing a photograph, to Mikhail Nikolaevich Galkin-Vraskoi.

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See Correspondence vol. 25, letter from G. M. Asher, 11 November 1877, in which Asher repeated his request for CD to help him to find a young naturalist to go to the Russian Steppe to carry out research. Asher had asked to visit Down when the box of wheat seeds arrived to explain its contents; see letter from G. M. Asher, 14 February 1878. Excès de zèle: over-zealousness (French). Donald Mackenzie Wallace was foreign correspondent for The Times in Saint Petersburg. Galkin-Vraskoi was governor of Saratov province.

To M. N. Galkin-Vraskoi1   16 February 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Feb 16 1878 Monsieur J’ai appris de M. le Docteur G. M. Astre que vous avez eu la grande obligeance de lui transmettre pour moi une caisse du “Froment des Steppes” afin que je puisse examiner le produit de cette cultivation.2 Permettez moi d’offrir à votre Excellence mes remercimens compressés pour cet acte d’extrème bonté. Agréez Monsieur | mes hommages respectueux | et devoués | Charles Darwin LS Russian State Archive of Literature and Arts (RGALI) (fund 1347, dossier 3, file 138) 1 2

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. In his letter of 14 February 1878, Georg Michael Asher had asked CD to write a letter of thanks to Galkin-Vraskoi for a box of wheat from the Russian steppe that Galkin-Vraskoi had sent. Asher apologised for this request in his letter of 16 February 1878.

From Gaston de Saporta   16 February 18781 Aix le 16 Fevr. | 1878 Très cher Monsieur, en même temps que je vous adresse par la poste un exemplaire d’une conférence sur les anciens climats, que j’ai donné au Hâvre au commencement de Septembre dernier, je veux vous remercier de votre utile intervention auprès de M.  Hooker pour arriver à la détermination de mon Dicheuneuron permiers— Je crois que M. Hooker est dans le vrai et qui’il s’agit réellement d’une fougère plus ou moins alliée au Ceratopteris, genre aujourd’hui anomal et isolé dans la nature et qui doit avoir eu des représentants dans la flore ancienne—2 Vous verrez si vous voulez bien parcourir mon conférence l’etat actuel de la question relative à l’origine et à la marche du règne végétal avec les difficultés à surmonter pour arriver à une solution pleine et entière— Les découvertes des plants polaires ont fait faire un très grand pas en expliquant par des émigrations venues de l’extrême nord l’origine de plusieurs types tertiaires la plupart encore vivante—3

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Je crois également que s’il ne s’agissait que de déclarer erronée et détruite l’opinion professée jusqu’ici sur l’espèce par les représentants des écoles de Linné et de Cuvier, tout serait maintenant résolu, nos espèces actuelles, surtout les européenes ayant leur représentant direct dans les flores des âges précédents—vous verrez figurés tous les antécédents de notre hêtre avec un cortège de formes antérieures dans les nôtres sont évidemment sorties.4 à ce point de vue donc la filiation des espèces végétales par d’autres plus anciènnes me parait démontrée; mais comme par le moyen de ces sortes de filiation, dèsqu’elles sont un peu complètes, on remonte très haut et au delà du tertiare, et que, d’autre part, il n’y a pas traces de Dicotyledons avant le milieu de la Craie nulle part, sauf un seul exemple dans le craie inférieure du Groënland et que dans la plus ancienne flore de Dicotylédones, les types définissables les premiers paraissent dès lors revêtus de leurs caractères différentiels et fixés dans leurs principaux traits— cette absence de formes primordiales opérant un passage vers les souches-mères d’où la classe entière a du émerger, me parait constituer, non seulement en cequi concerne les Dicotylédones, mais pour tout le règne végétal, un problème du plus obscurs— La difficulté est d’autant plus grande et d’autant moins facile à saisir, qu’il n’en est pas de même pour les mammifères chez lesquels on peut observer presque tout les passages et les enchainements menant d’une type à un autre et d’un groupe imparfait à un autre groupe définitif, comme des Marsupiaux aux Pachydermes et de ceux-ci aux Ruminants dans une direction, aux Equidées dans une autre— Les premiers vertébrés étant cartilagineux font aisement présenter la filiation de cette classe par une classe d’animaux moins inférieure.— Dans le règne végétal, il n’en est pas ainsi et bien que les Angiospermes presentent des traces irrécusables de métamorphoses qui ont dû modifier graduellement leurs organes—nous ne trouvons jamais aucune trace des phases successives que les organismes ont du nécessairement traverser avant d’arriver au point où ils se trouvent arrivés maintenant et où ils étaient deja arrivés, alors quels premières Dicotyledones se montrent à nous— Il faut donc supposer ou une région mère non encore découverte où la classe aurait pu élaborer peu à peu ses caractères, pour en sortir dejà parvenue à un état avancé et à peuprès difinitif pour beaucoup de types; ou bien croir à la possibilité, sous l’empire de circonstances extérieures très décisives, peut-être sous l’influence de la différenciation premiere des climats, à une évolution rapide de nature à faire franchir rapidement à toute une classe de végetaux la distance qui sépare les premières ébauches d’une organisation arrétée et définitive, destinée à ne plus se préter qu’à des variations secondaires— Si je prends les Dicotylédones je vois en effet que les variations produites depuis le commencement du tertiare n’ont été que depuis détails et seulement dans les groupes comme les Araliacées et qui ne forment en realité qu’un genre unique— Les parties se sont légérement modifiées, c’est à dire que les particularités relatives aux nombres des pieces florales, des loges du fruit on pu et dû varier, tout le plan de structure restant le même— un gland découvert à Gelinden extrême base du tertiaire

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et combiné avec des feuilles de chênes de la même localité, m’a prouvé que le genre quercus existait des lors avec l’ébauche au moins des sections qu’il comprend et à côte de lui le genre Castanea trop reconnaisable à ses feuilles pour induire en erreur— Cependant si l’on examine l’appareil frutificateur des Quercinées, l’involucre parait bien réellement répresenter un axe garni de bractées qui ne sont elles-même que des feuilles transformées, axe qui a du subir une longue suite de modification avant de revêtir l’aspect qui le distingue maintenant—5 mes idées sur la fleur impliquent une longue succession de changements d’où la classe des Dicotyledones serait sortie; mais leur apparition subite vers le base du cénomanien— renverse tous les calculs et nous place face à face d’un inconnu dont les termes nous échappent. Je livre ce point à vos méditations, non sans ajouter qu’il met de même des autres parties du règne végetal et au particulier des Gymnospermes— je termine en vous remerciant et vous serrant la main votre bien devoué Cte de Saporta DAR 177: 35 1 2

3 4

5

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. Saporta gave his lecture ‘Les anciens climats de l’Europe et le développement de la végétation’ (Ancient climates of Europe and the development of vegetation; Saporta 1878) at a conference on ancient climates that he had organised as part of the Congress of the French Association for the Advancement of Sciences at Le Hâvre in August 1877. Joseph Dalton Hooker’s identification of Saporta’s fossil tracing was sent in the letter to Gaston de Saporta, 4 February [1878]. For Saporta’s earlier ideas about the fossil, see Correspondence vol. 25, letter from Gaston de Saporta, 16 December 1877 and n. 26. In Saporta 1878, pp. 871–2, Saporta discussed the identification of the leaf, found in Permian deposits in the Urals, referring to it as Dichoneuron hookeri; he also discussed and illustrated it in L’évolution du règne végétal (Saporta and Marion 1885, 1: 231). Later researchers suggested it was a form of Psygmophyllum sp. (see, for example, Zalessky 1937, p. 61). Ceratopteris is a genus of aquatic homosporous ferns. Saporta 1878 discussed the sudden appearance of many angiosperms in the Upper Cretaceous. On the sexual taxonomic system of Carl von Linné contrasted with Georges Cuvier’s system of embranchments, see Mayr 1982, pp. 182–4. Saporta 1878 traces a phylogenetically based taxonomy in which all the ancestors of the modern beech are represented. Araliaceae is the ginseng and ivy family. Gelinden is a village in north-east Belgium. Quercus is the genus of oaks; Castanea is the genus of chestnuts. The former family Quercineae included oaks, chestnuts, Castanopsis, and beeches, all of which are now in the family Fagaceae.

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   16 February [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Feb. 16th My dear Dyer I said I wd. not trouble you again for ever so long, but I told an awful falsehood. I want badly some seeds of Trifolium resupinatum. Help if you can.— It is the plant which has bloom on only half the lateral leaflets & I have thought of some experiments to try, which may possibly throw light on the use of bloom.2 My plants kept in greenhouse set no seed. Yours very sincerely | C. Darwin

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I removed with tepid sponge bloom from some Australian Acacias in June & no apparent effect was produced, but now these leaves have just dropped off, whilst those above & below adhere & look quite healthy!3 Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Thiselton-Dyer, W. T., Letters from Charles Darwin 1873–81: 110–11) 1 2

3

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 3 February [1878]. See letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 3 February [1878]. In 1877, CD had mentioned that the underside of only half the lateral leaflets of Trifolium resupinatum (Persian clover) had bloom on them and that the epidermal cells were of two different shapes on the upper and undersides of the leaf (see Correspondence vol. 25, letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, [20–4 August 1877] and n. 4). CD’s observations on bloom on the leaves of plants raised from the seeds sent from Kew, made on 10 June [1877], are in DAR 68: 47. CD’s experimental notes on bloom on an ‘acacia like cultriformis’, starting on 9 June 1877, are in DAR 67: 37. He had asked about Australian Acacias with larger leaves than Acacia cultriformis (knife-leaf wattle) in his letter to Thiselton-Dyer of 22 September 1877 (Correspondence vol. 25).

To Asa Gray   17 February [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Feb. 17th My dear Gray I thank you much for your pleasant letter of Feb. 3d.2 Hooker has been here 2 or 3 times (as Lady H. has been here for a fortnight as a sanatarium)3 & I told him about Linum perenne & he was interested & looked to his Colorado specimens.4 He finds “the American form is less strongly heterostyled than the European, & that the stamens & styles are even equal in some specimens”; but he also finds variability in length in the European specimens.— If I was forced to wager I wd. bet that the American form would prove at least functionally a distinct species.— If you could get & send me seed of the Colorado form, I wd grow both forms & see if they could be intercrossed artificially, & I would try whether the homostyled individuals were self-fertile.—5 Yours affectionately | Ch. Darwin Archives of the Gray Herbarium, Harvard University (129) 1 2 3

4

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from Asa Gray, 3 February 1878. See letter from Asa Gray, 3 February 1878. Hyacinth Hooker stayed at Down with her baby, Joseph Symonds Hooker, for ‘rest & change of air’ (letter from H. E. Litchfield to Ida Farrer, 4 February 1878; DAR 258: 1635). According to Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242), Joseph Dalton Hooker visited Down on 9 February 1878 and he and his wife left together on 12 February 1878. CD had written to Gray about Linum perenne (blue flax) in his letter of 21 [and 22] January 1878. Thomas Meehan had written in a letter published in the Bulletin of the Torrey Botanical Club, December 1877, p. 189, that the American form was self-fertile; CD thought Meehan had mistaken the species. In

62

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February 1878

1877, Hooker and Gray had visited Colorado as part of their botanical tour of the Rocky Mountains (see L. Huxley ed. 1918, 2: 205–15). In Forms of flowers 2d ed., p. vi, CD wrote that a well-known reviewer (Asa Gray in his review of Forms of flowers) in the American Journal of Science stated that Meehan had mistaken Linum lewisii for L. perenne (A. Gray 1878b, p. 222). There is no record that CD made the experiment but it was made later at the University of California; it confirmed that these were two distinct species (see Baker 1965, p. 150).

From T. M. Reade   18 February 1878 Park Corner, | Blundellsands, | Liverpool. Feby 18th 1878

My dear Sir In pursuing the line of thought commenced in my address on Geological Time I have been led to compose a paper Entitled “Limestone as a function of Geological Time”. In which I attempt to show that the argument against calculations of the age of the Earth from the rate of denudation taking place now, founded upon presumably greater denudation in early ages, loses much of its force when we investigate the rate of formation of limestone deposits— It is impossible here to give you an outline of my line of reasoning but one question arises out of it in which perhaps you can aid me if your time is not too much occupied. It is this— If the rate of formation of limestone beds was greater in early ages it would involve a greater abundance of life in the ocean either Forameniferal Coral or Molluscan.1 This again involves an additional supply of food suitable to such life— Can you imagine any conditions in which this extra food supply would be provided? If so what? Although I am led by other considerations to the conclusion that this carbonate of lime producing life was not more abundant in nature in former periods than now I should very much like to hear if you have any suggestion to make on the food question— My paper controverting Sir Wm. Thomsons views—ie calculations of the age of the Earth from the increase of heat downwards—will I expect shortly appear in the Geological Magazine as I have just corrected the proof for that Journal.2 I remain dear Sir | Yours faithfully | T. Mellard Reade Chas Darwin Es LLD. DAR 176: 29 1

2

In Reade’s 1876 presidential address to the Liverpool Geological Society, ‘On geological time’ (Reade 1876), Reade had estimated the age of the earth at 526 million years based on an analysis of the rates of erosion and sedimentation of the earth’s crust. CD’s copy is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection– CUL; see also Correspondence vol. 25, letter to T. M. Reade, 9 February 1877. Reade’s paper ‘Limestone as an index of geological time’ was communicated to the Royal Society of London in January 1879; it concluded, ‘the elimination of the calcareous matter contained in the sedimentary crust of the earth must have occupied at least 600 millions of years’ (Reade 1879, p. 282). Limestone is any crystalline form of calcium carbonate (carbonate of lime) and is composed of the skeletal remains of forams (Foraminifera, a class of unicellular marine protozoans), corals, and molluscs. Reade’s paper ‘The age of the world as viewed by the geologist and the mathematician’ (Reade 1878) examined objections to the estimate of William Thomson (later Lord Kelvin), based on the cooling

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of the earth’s surface, that it was improbable that the earth was habitable more than 100 million years ago. For more on Reade’s calculations, see Burchfield 1990, pp. 98–100.

To D. F. Nevill   19 and 21 February [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Feb. 19th Dear Lady Dorothy Nevill. I do not think that I shall be in London for some time, but whenever there, I will do myself the pleasure of calling on you if I possibly can.—2 I beg leave to remain | Your Ladyship, | Very faithfully | Charles Darwin P.S. Feb. 21st | I beg many pardons for my stupidity in having put wrong note in envelope.3 The British Library (Add MS 57940 f. 106) 1 2

3

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 19 and 21 February [1878]; see n. 3, below. The letter from Nevill has not been found. CD did go to London from 27 February to 5 March 1878 ‘on account of Giddiness’ (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). According to Leonard Darwin, CD had been suffering from overwork (letter from Leonard Darwin to G. H. Darwin, 8 February 1878; DAR 219.6: 11). The letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 19 and 21 February [1878], contains a postscript: ‘I beg pardon for my stupidity in having put wrong note in envelope.’ Evidently, CD mixed this letter and the Thiselton-Dyer letter up and put them in the wrong envelopes.

From Richard Randolph   19 and 20 February 1878 247 North 12th St. | Philadelphia, U.S. 19th 2nd Mo. 1878. Respected Friend: As one of a people which perhaps the most systematically carries science, under the auspices of faith, into the realm of etiquette, I hope thou wilt understand by my very style of addressing thee, that the present communication is of an exploring, or inquiring, and deferential, rather than a dictatorial and arrogating character. The very affix “Esq.”, I conceive, is a mode by which the humblest aspirant for universal sovereignty is entitled to distinguish those whom he may elect or seek to elect, as councillors, “from the crowd of the literate,” (as the diplomas run). Faint as may be the probability of my enlisting thy interest or my prospect of receiving any correction, cooperation or countenance from thee in my work, my overture, I claim, is made in the spirit of reverence for truth, and of honor for all the devotees of truth. I send two numbers of an American Journal, on pp. 320, & 417 of which thou mayst find an article on “Polarity in Character”, which is substantially perhaps nothing more nor less than a plea for the general subordination of Science to Faith.1 Of

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course we do not want a religion which cannot furnish us with the law of progress in Science; and it is my belief that the Authority of Christianity will yet be vindicated on this very ground. I send also some accompaniments which I have been distributing with some copies of the Essay which were furnished me by the Editor in a detached form,2 and am | Sincerely thy friend | Richd. Randolph To Charles Darwin, Esq | England. P.S. 202 . Holding that the Acrostic is no more trifling in conception than other forms of versification, I conceive that I am only upholding the standard of thoroughness in execution by habitually adhering to it in my metrical efforts. Those occurring in the printed essay were mostly inscriptions in some tardily selling volumes which I saw fit so to re-advertise in our late Centennial year.3 I consider that I am obtruding sufficiently without sending any of them to thee now; but, the blank page has seemed to invite the experiment with thy name— The Precedence of the Internal. Job, xxxviii, 36; Ps. li, 6; Jer, xxxi, 33.4 Christ in creation is a theme profound Hardly approached while faith in truth around Absorbs the thinker’s zeal. Religion, as a chastened second thought, Looks still beneath the deepest movement wrought Externally, to deal Supremely with the influences which Divide, “this life” and its surroundings rich. As its deep draughts reveal Recondite lessons of causation, still Unlooked for methods of creative skill Upon man’s spirit steal, In whose pure vision all his powers, sufficed, No longing cherish not fulfilled in Christ. 20th. 2nd. Mo. 1878. DAR 201: 31 1 2 3

Randolph’s two-part article ‘Polarity in character: a study of the sex of mind’ (Randolph 1877) appeared in the Journal of Speculative Philosophy. No copy of Randolph 1877 or any enclosures have been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL. Randolph’s essay included a series of poems written between 1872 and 1876 (Randolph 1877, pp. 422–31). The year 1876 was the centenary of the US Declaration of Independence.

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Job 38: 36: ‘Who hath put wisdom in the inward parts? or who hath given understanding to the heart?’; Psalms 51: 6: ‘Behold, you delight in truth in the inward being, and you teach me wisdom in the secret heart’; Jeremiah 31: 33: ‘But this shall be the covenant that I will make with the house of Israel; After those days, saith the Lord, I will put my law in their inward parts, and write it in their hearts; and will be their God, and they shall be my people.’

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   19 and 21 February [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Feb. 19th My dear Dyer One line to thank you much for seeds2 & to say that I heard from Saporta this morning. He is particularly obliged to Sir J Hooker & all at Kew, & admits that the fossil is more probably allied to Ceratopteris than to any Angiosperm— He remarks that this Fern is an anomalous form.—3 I do not know whether Hooker (whom I asked the meaning of the sort of joint on the arched plumule of the Onion) would care to hear, but I find that this joint-like structure first appears as a white prominence, which appears to me an adaptation to break through the crust, of earth. Long after the doubled or arched plumule or cotyledon (whichever it ought to be called) has risen some way above the surface of the earth the tip of the plumule lies coiled within the buried seed-coats, evidently absorbing the white abluminous(?) matter still abounding within the seed.4 Ever yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin P.S | The peduncle of Cyclamen Persica bearing large pod, whilst bowing down to the ground, nutates in all directions. but chiefly earth-wards5 P.S. Feb. 21st I beg pardon for my stupidity in having put wrong note in envelope.—6 Pray thank Sir Joseph for having sent me G. Henslow on cotyledons of Grasses.— I will keep it, if I do not hear to contrary.—7 If you see Mr Henslow pray give him my thanks, so I suppose he took such enormous labour for Hooker’s sake. Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Thiselton-Dyer, W. T., Letters from Charles Darwin 1873–81: 112–13) 1 2 3

4

5 6

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from Gaston de Saporta, 16 February 1878. CD had asked for seeds of Trifolium resupinatum (Persian clover) in his letter to Thiselton-Dyer of 16 February [1878]. See letter from Gaston de Saporta, 16 February 1878; Thiselton-Dyer had sent Joseph Dalton Hooker’s identification of Saporta’s tracing of a Permian leaf in his letter of [before 3 February 1878]. Ceratopteris is a genus of aquatic, homosporous ferns. CD reported these observations on the common onion (Allium cepa) in Movement in plants, pp. 59–60. CD was unsure what constituted the cotyledon in a monocotyledon and whether the part should be referred to as the plumule or the cotyledon; for a discussion, see the letter from J. D. Hooker, [c. 20 February 1878]. CD discussed the apheliotropic (growing away from sunlight) movement of the peduncle, or flower stem, of Cyclamen persicum (florist’s cyclamen) in Movement in plants, pp. 433–4. CD accidentally transposed this letter with his letter to D. F. Nevill of 19 and 21 February [1878].

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February 1878

Joseph Dalton Hooker evidently asked George Henslow to provide CD with an account of the different views of embryonic organs in grasses; see memorandum from George Henslow, [c. 20 February 1878].

From George Henslow   [c. 20 February 1878]1 Ph Van Tieghem on Cotyledon of Grasses. An: Sc. Nat. 5me. Ser. 14. 240. & 15. pp 236–273. abr. Rev. Bibl. Bull. de Soc. Bot. Fr. Jan–Mars. 1873. p 43.2 Opinions on the Nature of the Cotyledons of Grasses. I. The ‘Shield” or Scutellum is the entire cotyledon. The “Lobule’” opposite to it is a second independent leaf (arrested 2nd Cotyledon of Dicots) The “Pileole”, is a 3rd leaf at 180° from the second (the Lobule). Finally, the first green leaf is the 4th of the entire Embryo. (Malpighi, Mirbel, Poiteau, Turpin &c)3 II. The shield is still the Cotyledon, but the lobule is a dependance of it. The Pileole is the 2nd leaf of the embryo. The first green leaf is the 3rd. (Schleiden, Schacht, Decaisne &c)4 III. The Pileole represents the entire cotyledon The shield and the lobule being only expansions of the Tigellum or of the Radicle. The first Green leaf is, then, the second appendage of the embryo. (Richard, Adr. de Jussieu, Lestiboudois, Hoffmeister, Sachs &c)5 IV. The shield is the median part of the Cotyledon. The lobule is an opposite appendage of it. The Pileole is the ascending sheath (double axillary stipule) as in stipa. These three organs only compose one single cotyledonary leaf. The first green leaf constitutes the 2nd leaf of the plant. (Gaertner,6 Mirbel (at first) Tigheim?) Tigheim objects to the 1st View; because the lobule has no vascular vessels. (But may it not represent an early stage of arrest before fibrovascular bundles are traced out at all? Cf. the glandular protuberance of Salix, regarded by some as an arrested axis, others as arrested perianth (of Populus):7 but it is so far as I have observed quite devoid of f.v. bundles G.H.) Tigheim objects to II.— That the pileole would not be immediately in front of (i.e same side) as Shield.— objects to III. That the fibrovascular bundles would make an ear-like " curve and return into the stem; whereas they ramify like a leaf.— Authorities:— Malpighi— Anatome Plantarum t. 1. p 77. fig 324–5 Gartner De fructibus et seminibus plantarum 1788. t.1. p. CXLIX. A. L. de Jussieu Genera plantarum pp. 22 & 28 Mirbel. Éléments de physiologie Vegetale t.1. p. 65—pl 58 & expl. L. Ch Richard. Analyse botanique des Embryos “Endorhizés”. Ann. du. Mus. 1813. t XVII. p 455 p. 473.  t. XIII. p. 424. note— Jussieu Éléments de botanique 1st Ed. p 497

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Lestiboudois. Phyllotaxie Anatomique, Ann. des Sc Nat. 3e Ser. 1848. t. x. p. 141. An: des Sc. Nat. 5e ser. 1864. t. II. p. 71. Duchartre El. de Bot. 1867. p. 906. & 903.8 (I incline to first view and regard the lobule as the arrested opposite cotyledon and the pileole as the first leaf.

}

Scutellum or Cotyledon

Pileole

arrested Cotyledon or Lobule

}

The Embryo of Monocotyledons appears to shew 3 points of “arrest”. (1) primary or axial root (2) one Cotyledon. (3) The general presence of Albumen.9 The numerous instances of truly distichous leaves (as in epiphytal orchids): or of tristicous (as in Carex) the prevailing forms in Monocots:  results at once from the fundamental condition of the Cotyledon.— 2/5 &c results as usually in Dicots.— G. H.) AMemS DAR 209.4: 431 1 2

3

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8

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 19 and 21 February [1878]. Van Tieghem’s paper on the cotyledon of grasses in Annales des sciences naturelles (botanique) (Tieghem 1872) was summarised in Bulletin de la Société botanique de France 20 (1873): Revue bibliographique, pp. 42–3. Marcello Malpighi, Charles François Brisseau de Mirbel, Antoine Poiteau, Pierre Jean François Turpin. ‘Pileole’ is an obsolete term for the coleoptile (the hollow cylindrical sheath with a closed pointed tip that protects the shoot tip or plumule of grass seedlings). The term ‘lobule’ usually refers to a small portion or part of a lobe of a leaf; the usage here comes from Mirbel (Tieghem 1872, p. 241), for whom it is synonymous with the epiblast. The scutellum is a tissue within the embryo that absorbs the stored food from the endosperm; it was generally regarded as the cotyledon by the earliest writers but by the time Van Tieghem wrote his article, many botanists viewed the coleoptile (pileole) or the plumule as the cotyledon. The epiblast (lobule) is now thought to arise from the coleorhiza, but some botanists regarded it as a rudimentary second cotyledon. ‘Arrested 2nd Cotyledon of Dicots’ is grammatically misleading since Henslow means that the lobule (epiblast) is homologous with the second cotyledon of dicotyledons, not that the second cotyledon is arrested in dicotelydons. Tigellum is used here as an alternative term for the plumule or primary shoot. Matthias Jacob Schleiden, Hermann Schacht, Joseph Decaisne. Louis Claude Richard, Adrien de Jussieu, Thémistocle Lestiboudois, Wilhelm Hofmeister, Julius Sachs. Joseph Gaertner. Salix is the genus of willows; Populus is the genus of poplars. ‘Fibrovascular bundles’: a strand in the vascular system of stems and leaves of higher plants, consisting of xylem and phloem. See Tieghem 1872, p. 247. Malpighi 1675–9 (reference is in fact to 1: 78, not 1: 77); Gaertner 1788–91; A. L. de Jussieu 1789; Brisseau-Mirbel 1815; Richard 1811; A. de Jussieu [1842] (the page reference seems to be incorrect); Lestiboudois 1848; Gris 1864; Duchartre 1867.

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‘General presence of Albumen’ is a reference to what is now called the endosperm, the tissue surrounding the embryo in seeds of flowering plants; it provides nutrition. The term is from Gaertner 1788–91, 1: cxxxviii.

From J. D. Hooker   [c. 20 February 1878]1 The cotyledon of grasses is a puzzle. There are three theories. 1. That the scutellum is the cotyledon 2. That the upper part of the scutellum is the cotyledon 3. That the first growth from the uppermost plumule2 is the cotyledon & the scutellum is only a development of the axis (radicle). According to A.  Gray in annexed sketch of maize a = cotyledon a b = plumule b c = radicle.3 all this is scutellum The objection to this theory is, That when b grows—the back of its first leaf is dos a dos to a c. Wherefore Sachs says that a cannot be cotyledon for if it were b. b would face it.4 a Van Tieghem gets over the difficulty by supposing b.  to be the ligule of the undeveloped plumule of the cotyledon a—which is a wriggle worthy of yourself !5 Sachs of course considers b to be the cotyledon. G Henslow wriggles out of the difficulty by supposing the 2d. cotyledon of all monocots to be suppressed, & assuming that the first plumular leaf of grasses faced the suppressed cotyledon.6 AL DAR 209.4: 432 1 2 3 4 5

6

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the memorandum from George Henslow, [c. 20 February 1878]. In grasses, the plumule is the first shoot within the embryo. See A. Gray 1857, p. 16. For Julius Sachs’s views of the structures of grass seeds, see Sachs 1875, pp. 541–3. See Tieghem 1872, pp. 265–7. Van Tieghem homologises the ligule of the vegetative leaf with the pileole (coleoptile) of the cotyledon, and views the scutellum, lobule (i.e. epiblast), and coleoptile as parts of the specialised cotyledon of grasses. CD and Hooker had a running joke in their correspondence about ‘wriggling’ in arguments; see, for example, Correspondence vol. 5, letter to J. D. Hooker, [3 November 1854]. See memorandum from George Henslow, [c. 20 February 1878]. On the disputed structures in the seeds of grasses, see also Rendle 1904–25, 1: 233–5. For a discussion of seedling organs in monocotyledons, see Tillich 2007.

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From Fritz Müller   20 February 1878 Joinville. Sa Catharina, Brazil, Feb. 20th. 1878. My dear Sir, I have just come down a few hours ago from our highlands where I visited a new German settlement São Bento situated on some small tributaries of the Rio Negro.1 The white cleistogamic Viola is there extremely common & produces numerous normal & subterraneous flowers & fruits at the same time; in a few weeks there would have been plenty of seeds, but now almost all of them were as yet unripe so that I can send you but very few.2 In São Bento I have spent my time principally in catching butterflies of which I have made a rich harvest.3 On the Itajahy we have 3 sp. of Eueides, viz. E. Pavana, Isabella, & Aciphera; all of them are rare & E. Pavana extremely so. E. Pavana resembles closely to Acræa Thalia, E. Isabella to Mechanitis Lysimnia & Heliconius Eucrates, E. Aciphera to Colænis Julia.4 I formerly thought that the 3 rare sp. of Eueides mimicked the 3 common sp. of Acræa, Mechanitis & Colænis. Afterwards, after finding that the several sp. of Eueides possess a very strong & repugnant odour I had become somewhat doubtful; & now at São Bento I found that Eueides Aciphera was extremely common, so common indeed that repeatedly I caught at once as many as 8 specimens in the net; whereas Colænis Julia was so rare that I have seen but 2 or 3 specimens at all.5 Thus judging by their relative frequency an observer on the Itajahy might consider Eueides Aciphera as a mimicker of C. Julia & an observer at São Bento C. Julia as a mimicker of E. Aciphera! There was at São Bento a Papilio (allied to P. Grayi) the wings of the ♂ of which exhaled a strong & so delicious an odour that one might use it as indeed we did as a nosegay.6 I observed on this excursion, some other interesting cases of odoriferous butterflies. Thus I found that the two retractile pencils at the end of the abdomen of Lycorea ♂ exhude a strong odour repugnant to human noses but no doubt agreeable to the ♀s of that sp.7 &c &c | (Signed) | Fritz Müller. Copy incomplete8 Oxford University Museum of Natural History (Hope Entomological Collections 1350: Hope/Westwood Archive, Darwin folder) 1

2

São Bento do Sul, a settlement in north-eastern Santa Catarina, Brazil, was founded in 1873 (Baily and Míguez 2003, p. 231). Müller had visited the area from 8 to 18 February 1878 (Möller ed. 1915–21, 2: 372–6). Müller had found this species on an earlier expedition to the highlands of Santa Catarina and had written to CD that he hoped to be able to send him seeds in a few months (see Correspondence vol. 25, letter from Fritz Müller, 19 October 1877 and n. 6). The species he observed was probably Viola subdimidiata, a native of this region (for more on its floral biology, see Freitas and Sazima 2003).

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Müller described several genera of Lepidoptera found in the region of São Bento in a letter to his brother, Hermann, of 9 March 1878 (Möller ed. 1915–21, 2: 372–6). Müller’s homestead was beside the Itajaí Açu river about twenty-five miles inland from the town of Itajahy, and was later incorporated within the town of Blumenau. Eueides is a butterfly genus in the subfamily Heliconiinae; E. pavana is the pavana longwing; E. isabella is the Isabella longwing; and E. aliphera (‘Aciphera’ is a spelling error) is the aliphera longwing. Acraea thalia is a synonym of Actinote thalia (for more on interspecific mimicry in Actinote and the identification of Müller’s published specimens of A. thalia, see Francini and Penz 2006). Mechanitis lysimnia is the lysimnia tigerwing; Heliconius eucrate is a synonym of H. ethilla; Colaenis julia is a synonym of Dryas iulia ( Julia longwing); Müller noted the close resemblance between these species in F. Müller 1878, p. 222. The Eueides species mentioned have ranges whose southern limit barely reaches the area of Müller’s home; they are more common further north. Although Colaenis julia is widespread in the Brazilian rainforest, it is more common in disturbed open habitats. Müller mentioned the pleasant odour produced by the wings of males of Papilio scamander or Papilio grayi (a synonym) in F. Müller 1878, p. 219. The odour produced by the hair pencils in males of species of Lycorea was described in F. Müller 1878, p. 212. The text of the letter is from a possibly incomplete copy made by Raphael Meldola; see letter to Raphael Meldola, 27 March [1878]. The original has not been found.

To T. M. Reade   20 February [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Feb. 20th My dear Sir I am glad that your paper will be soon published, & will endeavour to see the article in the Geolog Mag.,—which I do not take in.2 I am sorry that I can express no opinion worth anything on your question. At first it appears probable that greater heat might favour the greater development of lower organisms, but when one thinks of the Arctic seas, this seems very doubtful.—3 I remain | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin Liverpool University Library Special Collections and Archives (TMR1.D.7.4) 1 2 3

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from T. M. Reade, 18 February 1878. ‘The age of the world as viewed by the geologist and the mathematician’ (Reade 1878) was published in the Geological Magazine; see letter from T. M. Reade, 18 February 1878 and n. 2. In his letter of 18 February 1878, Reade had asked what conditions would explain an extra food supply for forams, corals, and molluscs, which in turn would explain a greater abundance of life in the ocean, leading to increased limestone deposits. Arctic seas are richer in plankton than warmer seas.

From A. S. Wilson   21 February 1878

North Kinmundy, | Summerhill, | by Aberdeen. 21 Feby. 1878. Charles Darwin, Esq. F.R.S. LSD. | Down | Beckenham, | Kent. Sir, I take the liberty of sending you the accompanying little curiosity, hoping for it

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the honour of a place in your museum. Some of my plant〈s〉 of AEgilops have stood the present winter here, under very severe frosts, withou〈t〉 〈the〉 least harm, and wi〈  〉 〈1 or 2 words〉 earlier at maturity t〈  〉 〈1 or 2 words〉 crop of last season.1 I cannot say that I have detected any variation in my first crop from the seed sown. Part of the seeds I decorticated before planting, and part I planted in the husk. The decorticated seeds grew best; the husk being so strong that the radicles cannot not penetrate through it, 〈an〉d have to search about for any outlet. Some of the decorti〈ca〉ted seeds threw up between 30 & 40 stalks— Three or four 〈    〉 plants were not fully ex〈  〉ted last year, and will pro〈  〉 a second crop this season; 〈1 or 2 words〉 is quite common with 〈1 or 2 words〉 barley— A few of the nodes, even where many ears have ripened on the stock, keep buds alive through the winter, which then throw out roots for themselves, the original root being dead— I am Sir, | your obedient Servant, | A Stephen Wilson DAR 181: 111 1

Wilson sent a specimen of Aegilops flour; see letter to A. S. Wilson, 23 February 1878. Aegilops is the genus of goatgrass.

To William Bowman   22 February 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Feb 22 1878 My dear Bowman, I received your letter this morning, & it was quite impossible that you should receive an answer by 4 pm  today.1 But this does not signify in the least for your proposal seems to me a very good one, & I most entirely agree with you that it is far better to suggest some special question, rather than to have a general discussion compiled from books. The rule that the Essay must be “illustrative of the wisdom & beneficence of the Almighty” would confine the subjects to be proposed.2 With respect to the Vegetable Kingdom I could suggest two or three subjects about which, as it seems to me, information is much required; but these subjects would require a long course of experiment & unfortunately there is hardly any one in this country who seems inclined to devote himself to experiments. Believe me, | Yours very sincerely | Charles Darwin. LS Sotheby’s (dealers) (13 December 1977) 1 2

The letter from Bowman has not been found. CD evidently refers to the Actonian prize, which had been awarded every seven years from 1844 onward by the managers of the Royal Institution of Great Britain for an ‘essay illustrative of the wisdom and beneficence of the Almighty’. The subject selected for the 1879 prize was ‘The structure and functions of the retina in all classes of animals, viewed in relation with the theory of evolution’ (see

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Nature, 16 January 1879, p. 256). Bowman was an ophthalmic surgeon and one of the managers of the Royal Institution (Proceedings of the Royal Institution of Great Britain 8 (1875–8): 390).

To George Francis   22 February 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Feb 22—1878 Dear Sir, I am very much obliged for the series of specimens which you have been so kind as to send me. The bulbs are planted & I hope will grow, if they fail I will sow seed.1 Unfortunately I have never attended to the colouring matter of plants; but I will write by this post to the best authority in Europe, Mr Sorby forwarding your note & offering to send him the specimens if he should like to investigate them.2 Should he publish on the subject I will ask him to acknowledge your assistance Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin LS State Library of South Australia (inserted in Insectivorous plants 583.121 D228) 1 2

The letter from Francis has not been found. The bulbs and seeds have not been identified. Henry Clifton Sorby had devised a method for the analysis of animal and vegetable colouring matter using a spectrum microscope (see Sorby 1867 and 1875). Sorby had examined the colouring of the hairs of Drosera for CD’s work on Insectivorous plants (see Correspondence vol. 22, enclosure to letter from J. D. Hooker, 15 September 1874, and Insectivorous plants, p. 5 n.).

To A. S. Wilson   23 February 1878 Down Feb: 23. 1878 Dear Sir I am obliged to you for having kindly sent me the first specimen ever manufactured of Ægilops flour.1 I suppose M. Godron’s explanation was correct, and that M. Fabre’s stock was hybridised by wheat.2 About 30 years ago I cultivated Ægilops, but could see no trace of change.3 If you could spare me a few grains in their husks I should much like to observe what you describe of the difficulty of the radicles in finding an exit.4 A dozen grains would amply suffice. I have read several of your papers with much interest, and hope that you will continue your experiments, as there are so few in Britain who experimentize on plants. I cannot avoid differing from you on some points, for instance on the pollen from the exserted anthers of wheat being useless.5 I was pleased to find the other day that Herr Rimpau concludes that the different varieties of wheat behave very differently with respect to self-fertilisation, and I think he has proved that some varieties are cross-fertilised; for this was the conclusion at which I roughly arrived many years ago.6 If you have not seen & would like to see Rimpau’s papers from

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a German periodical—giving the results of his experiments—I believe I could find them and should have much pleasure in lending them you.7 Pray believe me, dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Charles Darwin Copy DAR 148: 361 1 2

3

4 5

6

7

See letter from A. S. Wilson, 21 February 1878. In Variation 1: 313 n., CD had discussed the interpretation of Esprit Fabre’s conclusion in Fabre 1855, p. 175, that Aegilops ovata (a synonym of A. geniculata, ovate goatgrass) was the original ancestor of wheat (Triticum sativum). He referred to Dominique Alexandre Godron’s experiments, described in Godron 1859, 1: 169, which showed that Aegilops triticoides was a hybrid between wheat and A. ovata, and concluded: ‘The frequency with which these hybrids spontaneously arise, and the gradual manner in which the Æ. triticoides becomes converted into true wheat, alone leave any doubt on the subject’. In 1856, CD had grown Aegilops from seeds obtained from John Stevens Henslow and reported, ‘it has not varied’ (see Correspondence vol. 6, letter to J. S. Henslow, 6 August [1856], and Experimental notebook, p. 1 (DAR 157a)). CD may have wanted to observe the radicles for his work on Movement in plants, but he discussed the splitting of the seed coat only in the case of Mimosa pudica (Movement in plants, p. 105). A copy of Wilson’s two-part article ‘On the fertilisation of cereals’ (Wilson 1874–5) is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. Wilson had discussed the pollen from exserted anthers of wheat in Gardeners’ Chronicle, 21 March 1874, pp. 375–6 (see also Cross and self fertilisation 2d ed., p. 370 n.). Wilhelm Rimpau discussed the varying degrees of self-sterility in different varieties of wheat in Rimpau 1877a, p. 199. For CD’s earlier conclusions, see Correspondence vol. 9, letter to Journal of Horticulture, [before 9 July 1861], and Variation 1: 313–15 and 2: 104–5. Rimpau’s papers on the cultivation of new grain varieties and the self-sterility of rye appeared in Landwirthschaftliche Jahrbucher (Rimpau 1877a and 1877b). Rimpau sent the papers to CD in 1877 (see Correspondence vol. 25, letters to Wilhelm Rimpau, 16 January 1877 and 13 December [1877]); copies are in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL.

From James Torbitt   24 February 1878 58 North Street | Belfast 24 Feby. 1878 Ch. Darwin Esqr. | Down Beckenham Kent. Dear Sir With best thanks for your kind letter of 30th. July last,1 I beg leave to enclose letter to the Chancellor of the Exchequer, which explains the progress I have made in the cultivation of the potato, notably as cross-fertilized. In it, I have availed myself, to the extent of twenty copies, forwarded to the Chancellor, of your most kind permission to “use your letters for the purpose of persuading persons to grow the plant from the seed” But always asking favours, I would ask now may I be permitted to use them for the purpose of persuading the public to do so, that is, may I be permitted to send, as it stands, a copy of enclosed letter to the press?2 If you can kindly admit of it, I shall have some hope of obtaining assistance, if not, this year will be lost because I cannot afford to expend more money in that direction at present.

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I have the pleasure to forward some specimens of the cross-fertilized varieties, and am, believe me Dear Sir, with best wishes, and profound respect, | very faithfully yours | James Torbitt [Enclosure] 58, North Street, Belfast, 23rd February, 1878. To the Right Hon. Sir Stafford H.  Northcote, Bart., C.B., Chancellor of the Exchequer, &c., London. Right Hon. Sir— (Cultivation of the Potato.) It is with great reluctance that I trespass on the attention of the Government at present, but spring is coming on, and if this season is not to be lost, I must wait no longer. The matter is this: For the last three years I have been engaged in the endeavour to obtain from the seed of the potato varieties which should present a greater than usual resistance to the attack of the parasite, whose growth in the body of the plant constitutes the disease. Of these varieties I now beg leave respectfully to submit I have found several; and, in addition, I have discovered a fact probably of far wider importance: I have ascertained that the young varieties are much more vigorous and prolific than the old. My experiments and their results are as follow: In the season 1875, I grew 5,000 plants of the potato from the seed of the flower, and in the autumn I dug them up one by one. By far the greater number were greatly diseased or otherwise worthless, and these I destroyed. The remaining plants produced each a few tubers, constituting what is called a variety. These I placed in paper bags, each by itself, and during the winter many more of them became diseased, and I destroyed them.3 In the spring of 1876, I planted out the varieties in the paper bags, each by itself, and in the autumn found that a further number had become more or less diseased, and these also I destroyed. The remaining varieties I preserved on trays, and during the winter, a farther number became diseased, and I destroyed them. In the spring of 1877, I again planted separately the surviving varieties, and in the autumn found a further number greatly diseased, and destroyed them. During the winter a further number of varieties became badly diseased, and were destroyed, leaving now (19th February, 1878), out of the original 5,000 seedlings of 1875, some thirty varieties so slightly diseased as to be practically disease-proof, not more than from one tuber in ten to one in forty being affected, and these are of excellent qualities, and of immense yield, say from ten to twenty tons per acre. Note—At the beginning of the present century, T. A. Knight, Esq., of Downton Castle, found thirty-four tons, “and there is no more trustworthy authority.” 4 Besides these I have three 1875 varieties which have been absolutely disease-proof in every tuber during their three years of life, although, like all the others, growing in the presence of infection, and for the most part in contact with the foliage of diseased plants. And these results have been obtained from the common self-fertilized flowers of the plant.

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But Mr. Darwin has ascertained that cross-fertilization of plants gives to them an increased vigour of life to the enormous extent of one-third to one-fourth,5 and by his revered recommendation I crossed two of the most powerful seedlings I had (summer 1876), and in the spring of 1877 I planted out 2,000 plants obtained from these seeds, the result being in the autumn some two hundred absolutely sound varieties, and some hundreds more almost free of the pest and almost all beautiful in appearance. As to the question of the probability of a continuance of their comparative immunity from disease for some years forward, Mr. Darwin, writing on the 14th April, 1876, does me the high honour to say that “the more I reflect on your scheme the more I believe it is the one plan for succeeding in getting a sound variety;” and again on 30th July, 1877, he permits me to say “that my plan—namely, the preservation during successive generations of those seedling plants, all the tubers of which are sound, and the destruction of all other plants, in conjunction with cross-fertilization—is in his opinion by far the most likely method by which to obtain a sound variety;” and that “I have his best wishes that I may have the satisfaction of conferring a great benefit on the world.”6 Under these circumstances, I now beg leave respectfully to place at the disposal of the Government the above described sound—comparatively sound—and exceedingly prolific varieties of the plant, and should the offer obtain the honour of acceptance (three or four acres will suffice to contain them for this season) I shall at once forward them to the address indicated, or, if desirable, take charge of them here. As to what they cost, and should anything be paid for them? These questions can, if deemed proper, be taken into consideration hereafter—after it shall have been ascertained whether or not they are of any value. Some days ago I had the honour, right hon. sir, to send to your address at Whitehall, one basket of specimens, and I now respectfully beg leave to describe them. One bag in the basket contains twenty-six tubers of 1875 seedlings, being of varieties almost absolutely disease-proof. Another bag contains the whole of a variety grown from a seed, sown in the spring of 1876, and showing the powers of reproduction of the plant. The ten or twelve paper-bags each contain a cross-fertilized variety, grown from a seed sown in the spring of 1877. Should the few hundred varieties offered above be accepted of, and turn out practically disease-proof, and of large yield, as I believe they will; still it will be many years before they can become of sufficient bulk or quantity to be of any commercial value, and in the meantime the disease will continue its ravages. With great respect then, I submit that the best method by which to combat the evil would be to grow the plant this spring from the seed in hundreds of thousands, or, if need be, in millions, and to distribute the resulting varieties, which may be valuable, to the farmers all over the kingdom. The effect would be a largely increased supply of cattle food in the autumn of 1879, and, I think, a commencement of the suppression of the disease in 1880. Finally, right hon. sir, I hold in my hand several hundreds of thousands of the cross-fertilized seeds, and some fifty millions of the common self-fertilized—each the representative of a new variety—and I am prepared, if assisted, to undertake the re-introduction of the plant to these kingdoms. Should I fail, it would involve the loss of a few thousands in the prosecution of an experiment the

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principle of which is approved of by the highest authority of the world; should I succeed, the success would be of world-wide significance, as the principle applies to the vine as well as to the potato, to the phylloxera as well as to the peronospora,7 and, as I suspect, to all plants propagated by their buds. And if Government does not consider this project within its proper sphere of action, I would ask permission to publish this letter and the reply, in the hope of attracting the attention of some of the great interests affected. I beg leave to subscribe myself, right hon. sir, | Very respectfully and faithfully | Your obedient servant, | James Torbitt. DAR 52: E2, DAR 178: 137 1 2

3 4 5 6 7

See Correspondence vol. 25, letter to James Torbitt, 30 July 1877. In 1876, CD had objected to Torbitt’s use of his letters in advertisements; see Correspondence vol. 24, letter to James Torbitt, 21 April 1876. For more on CD’s long-standing interest in potato blight, see Ristaino and Pfister 2016. For details of Torbitt’s experiments up to 1875 to cultivate blight-resistant potatoes, see Torbitt 1876. Thomas Andrew Knight claimed this yield in Knight 1833, p. 417; see also Torbitt 1876, p. 22. For CD’s discussion of the greater constitutional vigour of crossed plants, see Cross and self fertilisation, pp. 285–91. The first two quotations are from the letters to James Torbitt, 14 April 1876 (Correspondence vol. 24) and 30 July 1877 (Correspondence vol. 25). The third is not an exact quotation from any known letter. Phylloxera (Daktulosphaira vitifoliae) is a small sap-sucking insect native to North America, accidentally introduced in the mid nineteenth century to Europe, where it devastated native grapevines because it attacked the roots. In American vines, the insect usually only affected the leaves. Peronospora infestans (a synonym of Phytophthora infestans) is a species of oomycete or water mould parasitic on the potato.

To W. H. Flower   25 February 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Feb. 25. 1878 Dear Flower, I received the enclosed letter some time ago & the case seems so curious that I asked the writer to send me a wing from one of the offspring, which is herewith enclosed.1 Please to read the letter, & I hope that you will think it worth while to have the bones cleaned & look at them yourself. Until Brown Séquards statements, I could hardly believe that mutilations were ever inherited but now every additional case seems to me worth recording2 Will you be so kind as to send me a few words briefly describing the state of the bones & if there is anything remarkable I would send your account with an extract from Mr Blair’s letter to ‘Nature’.3 Or what would be better, for you to do it yourself, that is if you think it worth while. I do not want the specimen returned. Believe me, yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin P.S. | If you do not write to Nature please return me the letter, otherwise I do not want it again LS John Innes Foundation Historical Collections

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The letter from Reuben Almond Blair has not been found, but it concerned the apparent inheritance of the effects of injury to a goose (see Correspondence vol. 25, letter to R. A. Blair, 27 December 1877). Charles Édouard Brown-Séquard had induced epileptic convulsions in guinea pigs by means of surgical operations; he claimed that the epileptic tendency was transmitted to offspring (Brown-Séquard 1860); see also Variation 2: 24. CD cited Brown-Séquard’s updated summary of his results (BrownSéquard 1875) in Variation 2d ed. 1: 468–70. For Flower’s description of the bones, see the letter from W. H. Flower, 12 April 1878. No account appeared in Nature.

From John Simon   25 February 1878 40, Kensington Square, W. February 25th, 1878. Dear Mr. Darwin, I cannot flatter myself that you will be altogether interested in the paper of mine for which I posted you on Saturday a number of the Brit. Med. Journal, the special aim of the paper being very technically surgical: (that, namely, of prodding my fellow-doctors to try to improve on our present dismal routine in the surgery of Cancer:) but I thought you might perhaps like to see the part of it which relates to Creighton’s work; and we doctors should have much reason to rejoice if you were enough interested in those curious observations of his to feel tempted to help us, some day, to interpret them.1 I hope that you and Mrs Darwin (to whom please give my best respects) are well; and I remain, dear Mr Darwin, | Very faithfully yours, | John Simon. P.S. | I have had the pleasure of a recent report of Basset from Theodora who was spending yesterday evening with us.2 DAR 177: 166 1

2

Simon’s address on ‘some points of science and practice concerning cancer’ (Simon 1878) appeared in the British Medical Journal. It discussed Charles Creighton’s work on the growth of secondary and tertiary cancers (ibid., p. 221). Theodora Sedgwick was Sara Darwin’s sister. William Erasmus and Sara Darwin lived in Bassett, Southampton.

From R. F. Cooke   26 February 1878 50A, Albemarle Street, London. W. Feby. 26 1878 My dear Sir We have still some copies remaining of “Cross Fertilization” & have not as yet ordered any copies to be printed off of the revised edition. But of course we must

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do so soon. How many do you think we may order. We had better now it is revised, stereotype.1 As to “Forms of Flowers” we have still some copies left, but the type stands for your corrections before we stereotype or print any more off.2 It is unfortunate about the “Origin of Species”, but we had not sufficient copies in stock to deliver all we sold at our dinner in Novr., & these delays will sometime happen.3 Yours faithfully | Rob.t Cooke Cha.s Darwin Esq DAR 171: 500 1

2

3

CD had sent corrections for a second edition of Cross and self fertilisation in December 1877; see Correspondence vol. 25, letter to R. F. Cooke, 11 December [1877]. CD had agreed that Cross and self fertilisation 2d ed. would be stereotyped and the movable type broken up by the printers; see ibid., letter to John Murray, 28 November 1877. CD had asked for Forms of flowers to be kept in type until he made corrections; see Correspondence vol. 25, letter to R. F. Cooke, 24 November 1877. When a second edition was produced in 1880, the new material was added to the preface (Forms of flowers 2d ed., pp. v–xii). In his letter of 29 November 1877 (Correspondence vol. 25), Cooke told CD that he had sold 570 copies of Origin 6th ed. at John Murray’s November sale dinner and was having another 2000 printed off. Evidently, there had been a delay in producing these copies, as the twentieth thousand of Origin was not published until 1878 (Freeman 1977; see also Correspondence vol. 25, letter from R. F. Cooke, 1 December 1877 and n. 1).

To W. H. Flower   26 February [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Feb. 26 My dear Flower I am coming to London for a few days change as I have had a bad time for a fortnight, & if I can will call on you.—2 I have received photograph of goose alive, from which wing taken, with another letter with further details & one important correction. I will bring these with me, but the case may turn out of no interest. Mr Blair suggests it may only be a strange coincidence.—3 Yours very sincerely | C. Darwin John Innes Foundation Historical Collections 1 2 3

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to W. H. Flower, 25 February 1878. CD was in London from 27 February to 5 March 1878; he noted in his journal next to the dates of the visit ‘on account of Giddiness’ (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). See letter to W. H. Flower, 25 February 1878 and n. 1. The photograph and the letter from Reuben Almond Blair have not been found. CD was investigating the supposed inheritance of the effects of an injury to a goose.

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To James Torbitt   26 February 1878 Down, Feb. 26, 1878. Private Dear Sir Your letter seems a very good one, and you are perfectly at liberty to have it published in any form you may think fit.1 I know little of public affairs, but fear that our governing men are so ignorant of science and so immersed in political squabbles that they will do nothing. It would be a great misfortune if your seeds are wasted. I would suggest your sending a copy of your letter to T. H. Farrer, Esqre., Board of Trade, Whitehall, London. He is the head of office, and a friend of mine and scientific. I am going to London to-morrow for change and rest, as I am very poorly (and this must excuse this ill-expressed and ill-written note) and will see Mr. Farrer and talk to him on the subject. Mr. Farrer is brother-in-law of Chancellor of the Exchequer. I fear that there will be great difficulties.2 Could you undertake the continuation of the experiments, if aided by a moderate grant of money or a subscription from a few friends of the cause? They are so overworked at the R. Gardens at Kew I do not think the work could there be undertaken. Send a copy to Sir J. Hooker,3 K.C.S.I., Kew Gardens: mark with red or blue passages quoted from me, as this will call his attention to them. If even a moderate stock of a sound variety was once raised I should think a great salesman like the Messrs. Carter would cultivate and dispose of them; and thus they would be best distributed.4 You will understand that I know nothing of your circumstances and one of Mr. Farrer’s first questions probably will be “Does Mr. Torbitt require to be repaid for expences already incurred? or, has he worked solely for patriotic purposes?” Will you kindly answer immediately my several questions:—addressing your letter to me, as on enclosed slip. Yours very faithfully | Ch. Darwin. Copy DAR 148: 96 1

2

3 4

In his letter to CD of 24 February 1878, Torbitt had enclosed a printed copy of his letter to Stafford Northcote, chancellor of the Exchequer, of 23 February 1878. The letter to Northcote contained extracts from CD’s letters to Torbitt; see letter from James Torbitt, 24 February 1878 and n. 6. Thomas Henry Farrer was permanent secretary of the Board of Trade and had corresponded with CD and published on botanical topics. CD was in London from 27 February to 5 March 1878 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). Northcote’s wife, Cecilia Frances Northcote, was Farrer’s sister. Joseph Dalton Hooker. James Carter & Company was a London firm of seedsmen.

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From S. B. J. Skertchly   27 February 1878 Brandon | Suffolk. Feb. 27th. 1878. My dear Sir, I have taken the liberty to send you by this post a copy of my official Memoir on the Geology of the Fenland, as a slight token of the admiration I have for your scientific researches. The book left my hands two years ago, but has only just been issued by the Stationery Office.1 Hence some of the points connected with the post-tertiary beds have not received the benefit of my subsequent work. It is in this respect somewhat less advanced than the sketch I wrote for Dr. J. Geikie’s “Great Ice Age”, as that is also behind what will appear in my private work on “The Fenland”, now on the eve of publication.2 Nevertheless, as an earnest contribution to science, I beg your acceptance of it, and shall indeed feel honoured if you find anything in it worthy of your approbation. For years I have desired to write and tell you how all-powerful has been your influence over me, but have not done so from the conviction that thousands of others felt the same, and may have added to your labours the task of correspondence. I am proud to say that by the time I was thirteen your “Origin of Species” was almost known by heart. That and your other works have been my models both for method, and for the true caution and boldness they evince. Hence I determined to write and express my indebtedness if ever any of my work seemed likely to be of interest to you. Such I believe to be the case now, and I venture to put very briefly before you the results of my researches into the geological history of man. In January 1876 I was fortunate enough to discover flint implements beneath the Great Chalky Boulder Clay in this district, and announced the same in Nature. It called forth a host of adverse criticism, but feeling certain I was right I have worked steadily on accumulating fresh proofs daily, and am now writing for the Survey a Memoir on Palæolithic Man. Geikie and Ramsay have been over my district in detail and endorse my views.3 You may be aware that I am a stenuous advocate of Geikie’s interglacial views; indeed, if I may say so without arrogance, I hold a similar position towards him to that which Mr. Wallace does towards you.4 The Chalky Boulder Clay belongs to the earlier part of the Glacial Epoch, and I believe all the palæolithic beds are inter-glacial, being newer at any rate than the Hessle Boulder Clay. Indeed I feel sure that the larger extinct animals, such as the mammoth did not survive the last glaciation in England. The result of my work may be thus stated. I have stratagraphical proof of three horizons of palæolithic beds as under:— 1. In valley deposits of modern rivers 2. " " " " ancient rivers, not now existing 3. In beds beneath the Chalky Boulder Clay. You will see in The Memoir sent, that I have expressed a conviction that the gravels with extinct mammals are interglacial.5 This I have since proved by finding

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Hessle Boulder Clay lying thereon over considerable areas in Lincolnshire. I have also proved the ancient valley deposits to be older than the ordinary palæolithic beds, and this has been independently verified by two of my colleagues. The subboulder-clay deposits rest upon my sole authority. The character of the implements points also to a gradual development of culture, and I shall try to show:— 1. That the late palæolithic folk were very skilful in working flint, sometimes approaching to the delicacy of neolithic art. To this period I refer the engraved bones of Périgord and Creswell Crags.6 2. That the intermediate palæolithic folk were less cultured, but more so than 3. The early palæolithic people. I find that in almost every case, both in caves and surface beds, there is this evidence of breaks in the palæolithic period, and shall detail my reasons in my work.7 As you are well aware there are four well-marked boulder-clays in eastern England separated by inter-glacial beds, namely8 1. The Hessle Boulder Clay 2. " Purple " " 3. " Chalky " " 4. " Cromer Till. Now I have proved that my early palæolithic man comes in between beds 3 and 4, that the late palæolithic lies below bed 1, and it appears to me that it is a just inference to group my divisions as under Neolithic ................................................ Post-glacial Hessle Boulder Clay .......................... Late Glacial Late Palæolithic ..................................... Inter-glacial Purple Boulder Clay ................................. Glacial Intermediate Palæolithic .......................... Inter-glacial Chalky Boulder Clay ...... Glacial (maximum cold) Early Palæolithic ................................... Inter-glacial Cromer Till ............................................... Glacial The intervention of the ice is the only assignable cause for these breaks. Finally I may add another curious discovery. That the Brandon flint-knapping is a relic of neolithic times. The people mine and work up the flint as of yore, and their tools are only metal copies of the neolithic stone and bone ones. This is fully described in my memoir on Gun-flints now in the press.9 Thinking these results might interest you I have penned this letter. If you are in the least indisposed please do not trouble to reply. But if you esteem it worthy I court above all scientific treasures a copy of any one of your works with your autograph. Trusting you will not consider this too much for a young man to suggest. I am, My dear Sir, | Yours ever faithfully | Sydney B. J. Skertchly DAR 177: 176

82 1 2

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4

5 6

7 8 9

February 1878

Skertchly’s Geology of the fenland (Skertchly 1877), part of the Geological Survey of Great Britain, was published by Her Majesty’s Stationery Office. Skertchly’s notes appeared in James Geikie’s The great ice age and its relation to the antiquity of man 2d ed. (Geikie 1877, pp. 536–46). Skertchly updated his work on the post-tertiary beds in The fenland, past and present (S. H. Miller and Skertchly 1878, pp. 492–588). Skertchly had reported his discovery of Palaeolithic implements near Brandon, Suffolk, in strata he described as middle glacial or earlier in his letter to Nature, 21 September 1876, pp. 448–9. James Geikie, after visiting the site, confirmed Skertchly’s discovery; see Correspondence vol. 24, letter from James Geikie, 20 November 1876. Geikie and Skertchly defended the discovery in their letters to Nature, 21 June 1877, pp. 141–2. Both letters mentioned Andrew Crombie Ramsay as a supporter of their views. Further correspondence about the matter appeared in Nature, 28 June 1877, pp. 162–3, and 5 July 1877, p. 182; for more on the dispute, see O’Connor 2007, pp. 63–5. Skertchly’s memoir on Palaeolithic humans was published in 1879 (Skertchly 1879). Geikie had argued that Palaeolithic deposits were pre- or interglacial (see Geikie 1877, p. 565); CD regarded Alfred Russel Wallace as co-discoverer of the theory of evolution by natural selection (see C. Darwin and Wallace 1858). See Skertchly 1877, p. 220. Périgord is a former province of south-east France; Creswell Crags is a limestone gorge on the border between Derbyshire and Nottinghamshire. On the engraved bones found at Périgord and Creswell, see Lartet and Christy 1875 and Dawkins 1877; for the controversy surrounding the Creswell finds, see M. J. White 2017. See Skertchly 1879, pp. 65–9. For more on Skertchly’s use of the boulder clays and for Geikie and Skertchly’s glacial chronology in a wider context, see O’Connor 2007, pp. 68–71. Brandon is a small town in Suffolk; see On the manufacture of gun-flints (Skertchly 1879), pp. 69–78.

From T. H. Farrer   28 February 1878 Board of Trade, | Whitehall Gardens. | S.W. 28.2.78 My dear Mr Darwin Caird takes it up warmly. He will see the Agricultural Society people.1 They have recently taken up the carrying on of Lawes experiments on a piece of land very liberally devoted to this purpose by the Duke of Bedford; and Caird thinks they will very likely take up this potato experiment if they think it promising—2 Any further information and any hints from you will be very welcome. You shall hear anything further Caird tells me Ever yours sincerely | T H Farrer If this goes on it will be much better than Government DAR 164: 86 1

2

Farrer was responding to CD’s request on behalf of James Torbitt to obtain government funding for continued experimental work to develop a potato variety resistant to blight; see letter to James Torbitt, 26 February 1878. James Caird was a prominent member of the Royal Agricultural Society of England (ODNB). John Bennet Lawes had been carrying out agricultural experiments at Rothamsted Agricultural Station; see Correspondence vol. 23, letter from J. H. Gilbert, 24 July 1875. The duke of Bedford was Hastings Russell; with Lawes, he set up the Woburn experimental station at Husborne Crawley, Bedfordshire, in 1876 (see E. J. Russell and Voelcker 1936).

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To T. H. Farrer   [28 February 1878] 1 4, Bryanston S.t Thursday Evening. My dear Farrer. I was extremely glad to get your note.2 You & Mr Caird will, I think, do a good dead, if you can get the Agricul. Socy, to sow & rear, one good parcel of the cross fertilised seeds from the already partially selected parents, & I cannot doubt that Mr Torbitt will gladly give seeds & tubers to the Agricult.l Soc.—3 This Soc would also be a most excellent channel for the distribution of any variety fungus proof or nearly fungus proof— On the other hand I know how laborious & wearisome the work would be and I cannot avoid the doubt, whether the trial would be energetically carried on without paternal care. It is astonishing how few persons have patience for long continued experimental work— Therefore I still think if it were possible to get a grant of a few hundred pounds it would be money well spent to permit Mr. Torbitt to carry on the work for a year or two longer in addition to the work carried on by the Agricultural Society. But, I shall be able to judge better when I hear from him.— I have asked him expressly what sum he would require—4 If he is half inclined to go on for another year without aid, I will offer him 100£ from myself; so promising do I think the experiment. With hearty thanks for your excellent assistance. Yours very sincerely. | Ch. Darwin. Copy DAR 144: 87 1

2 3

4

The date is established by the relationship between this letter, the letter from T. H. Farrer, 28 February 1878, and the letter to James Torbitt, 1 March 1878. In 1878, the Thursday before 1 March was 28 February. See letter from T. H. Farrer, 28 February 1878. James Caird was a prominent member of the Royal Agricultural Society (ONDB). James Torbitt had requested government aid for his experiments on the breeding of disease-resistant potatoes (see letter from James Torbitt, 24 February 1878 and enclosure). The Royal Agricultural Society set up an experimental station at Woburn in 1876, but it did not carry out experiments on potatoes until 1892 (E. J. Russell and Voelcker 1936, p. 80). See letter to James Torbitt, [28 February 1878].

To J. D. Hooker   28 [February 1878]1 4. Bryanston St. Thursday 28th My dear Hooker You will probably receive a printed letter from Mr Torbitt, giving the results of the selection & cross-fertilisation of Potatoes.2 I beg you to read it with care; for I have just had interview with Farrer on subject & he is is going to speak to the Duke of Richmond’s Secretary, & other influential men, if after considering the subject,

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he should agree with me that it would be a dreadful pity if hundreds of thousands of cross-fertilised seeds from already partially selected parents were thrown away.3 He thinks that if the Government is inclined to take it up, they will apply to you for advice.— Mr Torbitt says he cannot afford to go on without some aid in money.— If aided he will continue his experiments4 Pray reflect on difference in varieties of Vitis in resisting Phylloxera— of apples in resisting Coccus— of Peaches in resisting mildew &c &c.—5 These cases make me hopeful that Mr. T. may succeed, & indeed he seems to have been partially successful already, but he is dreadfully enthusiastic.— He does not want payment for 3 past years only aid in future.— I can write no more.— Am so unwell that we have come to London for change & rest.6 Yours affect | C. Darwin I hear you have sent more Cycas seeds to Down—particularly obliged— have ordered them to be sown properly.7 DAR 95: 449–50 1 2

3

4 5

6 7

The month and year are established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to James Torbitt, 26 February 1878. In 1878, the Thursday after 26 February was 28 February. In his letter to Torbitt of 26 February 1878, CD had asked Torbitt to send Hooker a copy of Torbitt’s printed letter to the chancellor of the Exchequer (enclosure to letter from James Torbitt, 24 February 1878). Thomas Henry Farrer had visited CD at CD’s daughter Henrietta Emma Litchfield’s home in Bryanston Street, London, where CD was staying; see letter to James Torbitt, [28 February 1878]. The sixth duke of Richmond was Charles Henry Gordon-Lennox; his secretary has not been identified. See letter from James Torbitt, 28 February 1878. Vitis is the genus of grapevines; phylloxera (Daktulosphaira vitifoliae) is a small sap-sucking insect native to North America, accidentally introduced in the mid nineteenth century to Europe, where it devastated native grapevines because it attacked the roots. In American vines, the insect usually only affected the leaves. Coccus viridis is a soft scale insect that is hosted by apples and other fruits and vegetables. Podosphaera is a genus of fungi that cause powdery mildew in peaches and other rosaceous plants. CD was in London from 27 February to 5 March 1878 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). Hooker had sent Cycas seeds in 1877; see Correspondence vol. 25, letter to J. D. Hooker, 8 November [1877]. CD discussed movement of the cotyledons of Cycas pectinata in Movement in plants, pp. 58 and 78.

From James Torbitt   28 February 1878 58. North Street. | Belfast. 28 Feby. 1878 Ch. Darwin Esqre. | 4 Bryanston S.t | London. Dear Sir. Confirming my telegram of today—“No money wanted for past labours, Grant in aid requisite if experiments are to be continued this season”. I beg leave to acknowledge receipt of your valued letter of 26th. inst and to tender my best thanks for liberty to publish your opinion1

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I have sent copies of my letter to Mr. Farrer and Sir. J.  Hooker marked as directed—2 I am prepared to continue the experiments if aided no matter how slightly— Anything from a hundred pounds up would do.3 I was prepared to spend £500 a year myself on the subject but the present state of trade disables me, In fact I have had to ask for some assistance from my friends which has been freely accorded, but on this condition that I spend no more money on the potato. I have been thinking of distributing the new varieties through Carter4 or others but they weigh only a ton or two as yet, and it would only be a drop of water to the ocean. My clear belief is that each particular cross-fertilized seed which I possess should be utilized this Spring.— Should be grown each seed in a pot by itself, and I think they would repay the cost ten thousand fold— but in any case I shall only be too happy to be governed by your advice in every way— My motives in prosecuting the subject seem to me to have been mixed partly selfish partly patriotic— I am very sorry indeed to learn that you are so unwell and very gratified by your suggested offer of private assistance—5 Believe me dear Sir. | With the greatest respect. | Very faithfully yours. | James Torbitt. Copy DAR 144: 484 1

2 3 4 5

The telegram has not been found but CD must have received it by the time he wrote to Joseph Dalton Hooker on 28 [February 1878], since he told Hooker that Torbitt did not want money for past labours. For CD’s questions about Torbitt’s potato-cultivation scheme and his permission to publish extracts from his letters, see the letter to James Torbitt, 26 February 1878. Thomas Henry Farrer and Joseph Dalton Hooker; see letter to James Torbitt, 26 February 1878 and n. 2. In his letter of 26 February 1878, CD had asked whether Torbitt would continue his potato experiments if aided by a grant of money. James Carter & Company; see letter to James Torbitt, 26 February 1878 and n. 4. CD had mentioned his illness and suggested a subscription of friends of the cause to further the potato work (letter to James Torbitt, 26 February 1878).

To James Torbitt   [28 February 1878]1 R.B. Litchfield’s | 4 Bryanston Street Private Dear Sir Telegram received, delayed by being addressed Bryanston Sq.e 2 I hear that the Potatoes have reached Down.3 Too unwell to call on Mr. Farrer so I asked him to call on me— have had long interviews— will consider your printed letter and if he agrees with me (as I think and hope he will) will consider what Department of Government to apply to— thinks Duke of Richmond— says Government will probably apply to Sir J. Hooker

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for advice, so I have written to him, urging him to read carefully your printed letter when he receives a copy.4 I have added some fresh arguments. Can write no more Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin Forwarded the substance of your Telegram to Mr. Farrer.5 Seems to me important to know this— Can you specify what sum of money you would require, making it as moderate as you can? Mr. Farrer says the Eastern question is much against any attention being paid to any new subject.6 Copy DAR 148: 97 1 2

3 4

5 6

The date is established by the relationship between this letter, the letter to J. D. Hooker, 28 [February 1878], and the letter to James Torbitt, 1 March 1878. The telegram has not been found, but for its contents, see the letter from James Torbitt, 28 February 1878. Torbitt had evidently addressed the telegram to Bryanston Square, rather than Bryanston Street (the home of CD’s daughter Henrietta Emma Litchfield, where CD was staying). Torbitt had evidently sent samples of potato tubers to Down, probably like the ones described in the enclosure to the letter from James Torbitt, 24 February 1878. In his letter of 26 February 1878, CD had asked Torbitt to send copies of Torbitt’s printed letter to the chancellor of the Exchequer (enclosure to letter from James Torbitt, 24 February 1878), Thomas Henry Farrer, and Joseph Dalton Hooker. Charles Henry Gordon-Lennox, the sixth duke of Richmond, was president of the Royal Agricultural Society. See n. 2, above. The ‘eastern question’ refers to the instability of Ottoman Empire, and specifically in this period to the threat of war with Russia. Following the decisive Russian victory in the Russo-Turkish War of 1877–8, other European states were alarmed by the increase of Russian influence in the region. Britain had threatened to go to war if Russia occupied Constantinople (Istanbul); see Mackenzie 1993, pp. 239–42.

From A. S. Wilson   28 February 1878 North Kinmundy | Summerhill | by Aberdeen 28 Feby. 1878. Charles Darwin, Esq. F.R.S. | Down | Beckenham. | Kent. Dear Sir, your very kindly letter was to me a source of great gratification.1 I have much pleasure in sending you a box of AEgilops ovata2 but there is one drawback; last season was so wet, and enlivened with so little sunshine, that the majority of these seeds which I have planted, or decorticated, and laid down in saucers to germinate, have failed to germinate   I merely suggest the nature of the season as the cause of death in so many of the embryos. The stock from which they were grown was procured partly from Mr. W. T. Thiselton Dyer, of Kew, and partly from Carter the Seedsman;3 and the central seeds were almost all alive. The spikelet consists of usually four florets, frequently all fertile; but I found that while the one or two central seeds were almost invariably alive and germinated, by far the greater number of the two lateral seeds never germinated, even though decorticated. These side seeds are very much compressed, apparently by the pressure of

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the strong glumes; perhaps this pressure kills the embryo— a slight pressure of the fingers will kill the embryo of a barley and prevent it from malting— I shall feel very much obliged by a look at Herr Rimpau’s papers and shall duly return them to you.4 So far as my observations went, I did not find the different wheats fertilising in different ways, but there may be one or two forms I have not observed, although I have grown all the ordinary forms, also the spelts, compositum, Polish &c. for the purpose of observing— The AEgilops also seems to me to fertilise in the same way as wheat; opening the pales and glumes for about 30 minutes and then closing.5 I attached the loop of a thread to a newly closed glume, and found that it took a weight of two ounc〈es〉 to open the floret to the width it had been open for fertilisation. A great force must therefore be brought into temporary action for fertilisation; is there not something analogous in animal fertilisation? I take the liberty of stating that my convictions are in favour of the Theory of Evolution, to which your labours have given form, and beg your acceptance of a small work which bears on some points of this theory— Tho’ published more than twenty years ago, I have not seen reason to 〈  〉den the two main contentions: that light, instead of being an isolated medium, is one of the forms of ordinary matter; and that the “creation” of the earth (and other planets) is the very work which is going on here before us at this moment.6 The decomposing materials of the sun are being transferred to the planets and built up into their structures— This is what the system keeps going for the purpose of performing— The motions of the planets are no dead motions, but living, organic evolutions. The unmaking of suns and the making of planets is the very work that is on hand. What do we want with nebular hypotheses, till we explain what it is which is being done at this moment?7 This view, gives force and cogency to all minor evolution   People look away to the past and the distant for what is at their doors. I am | Dear Sir, | yours most sincerely | A. Stephen Wilson. DAR 181: 112 CD annotation Top of letter: ‘Send Rimpau & need not write’ pencil 1 2 3 4

5 6

See letter to A. S. Wilson, 23 February 1878. CD had asked for a dozen grains in their husks in his letter of 23 February 1878. Aegilops ovata is a synonym of A. geniculata, ovate goatgrass. William Turner Thiselton-Dyer was assistant director of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew; James Carter & Company was a London firm of seedsmen. CD had offered to lend Wilson the papers in which Wilhelm Rimpau discussed varying degrees of self-sterility in different varieties of wheat and rye (Rimpau 1877a and 1877b); see letter to A. S. Wilson, 23 February 1878 and n. 7. The pale or palea is one of the two inner bracts surrounding the floret in grasses; the middle bract is the lemma and the lowermost bract at the base of the spikelet is the glume (OED). In 1855, Wilson had published The unity of matter; in it, he argued that light was derived from ordinary matter and that the dynamics of our solar system depended upon physical evolution (Wilson 1855, pp. 45–53 and pp. 74–8).

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The nebular hypothesis is a theory, originally formulated by Immanuel Kant and Pierre Simon Laplace, about the formation and evolution of planetary systems from nebulous material; for more on its history in the mid nineteenth century, see Schaffer 1989.

From Francis Darwin   [after 28 February 1878]1 My dear Father, I am going to get some of the Heracleum seed sowed today in case you want it. I have had the Cycas planted2   Do you want anything done to the potatoes sent by Torbitt.3   A lot of Ægilops has come from Wilson   I have written a scrap saying in yr absence I acknowledge & thank &c4 No sleeping seedlings have appeared— I have made notes about sea kale—5 I have been chiefly idle but also testing Thermograph in which I want Jimmy’s help.6 You must feel very queer all by yourselves in the modern babylon.7 I hope you are getting square again. Bernard is very jolly and larky in every way.8 I weighed him on Jimmys spring balance but it only made him 30 pounds & I’m sure he is more than that; he didn’t like it at all, I looped a rope under his arms & hooked him on, & he kicked his legs about in the air & squeaked to get free, & I couldn’t persuade him it was amusing— I don’t understand what potato agitation you are after.9 I hope mother hasn’t got a regulation headache yet— Yr affec son | Frank Darwin I have my lecture beautifully copied & have sent old M. S. to Nature; leaving out a few things10 DAR 274.1: 46 1 2 3 4 5 6

7 8 9 10

The date is established by the relationship between this letter, the letter to J. D. Hooker, 28 [February 1878], and the letter from A. S. Wilson, 28 February 1878. Heracleum is a genus in the carrot family (Apiaceae). CD had received Cycas seeds from Joseph Dalton Hooker (letter to J. D. Hooker, 28 [February 1878] and n. 7). See letter to James Torbitt, [28 February 1878]. CD was sent seed of Aegilops ovata (a synonym of A. geniculata, ovate goatgrass) by Alexander Stephen Wilson (see letter from A. S. Wilson, 28 February 1878). Francis’s note to Wilson has not been found. CD and Francis were experimenting with seakale in connection with their work on bloom; notes dated February 1878 are in DAR 68: 58. ‘Jimmy’ was one of Horace Darwin’s nicknames. No other correspondence about the thermograph, an instrument for recording temperature changes, has been found. For a contemporary description of the instrument, see Nature, 15 September 1881, p. 470. CD and Emma Darwin stayed at the home of Richard and Henrietta Emma Litchfield at 4 Bryanston Street, London, from 27 February to 5 March (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). Bernard Darwin. CD was trying to obtain government support for James Torbitt’s experiments on breeding blight-resistant potatoes (see letter to James Torbitt, 26 February 1878). Francis gave a lecture titled ‘The analogies of plant and animal life’ at the London Institution on 11 March 1878 (see Nature, 14 March 1878, pp. 388–91).

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To Sara Darwin   [1 March 1878] 1 4. Bryanston St Friday My dear Sara I thank you warmly for your most kind & affectionate note.2 Emma did think of offering ourselves to you, but I dreaded the length of the journey & I wished to see Dr. Clark.—3 I am somewhat better but much to boast of.— At some future time we hope to come to you, & our visits to William have been to me the greatest pleasure in the year, & now we shall have the additional pleasure of seeing you there.4 Yours affectionately | Ch. Darwin DAR 210.6: 150 1

2 3 4

The date is established by the date of CD’s visit to London; CD stayed with his daughter and sonin-law, Henrietta Emma and Richard Buckley Litchfield, at 4 Bryanston Street, London, from 27 February to 5 March 1878, ‘on account of Giddiness’ (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). The only Friday in this period was 1 March. Sara Darwin’s letter has not been found. Andrew Clark was CD’s physician. Sara and William Erasmus Darwin were married on 29 November 1877 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)).

To J. D. Hooker   [1 March 1878]1 4 Bryanston Street, | Portman Square. W. Friday My dear Hooker Should you think favourably of Mr Torbitt’s efforts after reading his printed letter, will you send me a short note which I may make use of, by shewing it to the D. of Richmond or any other person whom Farrer may advise.2 Please observe I shall not be the least surprized if you think the attempt hopeless. Farrer has shewn the printed letter to Caird who takes it up warmly & hopes to persuade the Agricult. Soc—to continue the trial.3 But I am convinced that paternal care is requisite for such experiments. Mr T— raises each seedling in a separate pot. I have ensured his continuing the experiment for this year by offering £100, which he says will be sufficient, that is unless he can get Govt aid—4 yours affectly | C. Darwin LS DAR 95: 451–2 1 2

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from T. H. Farrer, 28 February 1878. In 1878, the Friday following 28 February was 1 March. James Torbitt had written to Stafford Northcote, the chancellor of the Exchequer, requesting assistance for his experiments on the breeding of blight-resistant potatoes; he sent a copy of the letter to CD, who suggested that additional copies be sent to Hooker and Thomas Henry Farrer (see letter from James Torbitt, 24 February 1878 and enclosure, letter to James Torbitt, 26 February 1878, and letter

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to J. D. Hooker, 28 [February 1878]). Charles Henry Gordon-Lennox, the duke of Richmond, was president of the Royal Agricultural Society of England (ODNB). On James Caird’s support, see the letter from T. H. Farrer, 28 February 1878. See letter to James Torbitt, 1 March 1878.

To James Torbitt   1 March 1878 4, Bryanston Street | Portman Square. W Mar. 1, 1878. Dear Sir I have just received your letter which explains everything most clearly.1 I heard from Mr. Farrer last night: on reflection, he determined to call on Mr. Caird, who is a great authority on agriculture, as you no doubt know, and he writes to me that “Caird takes it up warmly and he will see the Agricultural Society people”.2 The Society has land and he believes that it will cultivate your seeds; and I have said that I feel sure that you will supply the Society with seeds and some tubers.3 I shall hear what is determined and will report to you; but this will probably take a little time. The Society will be an admirable means of distributing any fungous-proof variety. I wrote last night to Mr. Farrer that it appeared to me highly advisable that you yourself should continue your experiments for some time, and that Government money would be well spent in aiding you; but whether he will apply to the Duke of Richmond I am doubtful.4 Any how as so small a sum as £100 would enable and encourage you to go on, I pledge myself to transmit at any time a cheque of this amount to you, unless you obtain Government aid. So that I trust you will, as soon as the proper season comes, sow a good many of your cross-fertilized seeds. Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin To J. Torbitt Keep this note, in case of my death, on account of my pledge. Copy DAR 148: 98 1 2 3 4

See letter from James Torbitt, 28 February 1878. Thomas Henry Farrer and James Caird. See letter from T. H. Farrer, 28 February 1878. See letter to T. H. Farrer, [28 February 1878]. Charles Henry Gordon-Lennox, the duke of Richmond, was president of the Royal Agricultural Society of England (ODNB).

From James Caird to T. H. Farrer   2 March 1878 3. St James Square. March 2.–78. Dear Mr Farrer. In case I may miss you at the Board of Trade. I write a note to tell you what I have done.1 In the first place I saw Mr Jenkins the Secretary of the Royal Agr.l Society2

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who says he has no doubt that the Experimental Committee would undertake a trial of the Potato plants in various localities on being secured in the matter of expense. Then I went to Mr Carruthers, F.R.S. the Botanist of the Society & of the British Museum, and had a long conversation with him, the gist of which you will find in the accompanying letter which I requested him to write to me—3 He does not think Mr. Torbitt has got so far advanced in his experiments, as were the hard potatoes submitted to trial by the Royal Agr. Society in 1874.4 I send you an account of these experiments, and I think you might send it & Mr Carruther’s letter to Mr. Darwin for his consideration.5 Then I would suggest a meeting of Mr. Darwin, Mr Carruthers, yourself & me to talk the matter over, before asking the Government to undertake any expense. You may fix it either here or at the Board of Trade; any day up to & inclusive of Thursday next, & not earlier than 3  o’clock. Mr Carruthers is at our disposal till Thursday— So if you & Mr Darwin fix place & day, & let me know. I shall get Mr Carruthers to attend— Believe me | Very truly yours. | James Caird. T. H. Farrer Esq. Copy DAR 144: 2 1

2 3 4

5

Farrer was permanent secretary of the Board of Trade; he had met with Caird to discuss possible support from the Royal Agricultural Society of England for James Torbitt’s project for breeding blightresistant potatoes (see letter from T. H. Farrer, 28 February 1878). Henry Michael Jenkins. The letter from William Carruthers has not been found (however, see n. 5, below). In 1874, the Royal Agricultural Society offered two prizes for potatoes that proved disease resistant after three years; six varieties were submitted and these were planted in different part of England, Scotland, and Ireland (see Nature, 19 November 1874, p. 56). Joseph Dalton Hooker and William Turner Thiselton-Dyer had been highly critical of the society’s efforts to support research on potato disease (see Correspondence vol. 22, letter from J. D. Hooker, 3 March 1874, and Nature, 26 November 1874, p. 67, and 17 December 1874, pp. 128–9). Caird showed CD a memorandum by Carruthers when they met on 3 March 1878 (see letter to James Torbitt, 4 March 1878); however, this has not been found.

To T. H. Farrer   2 March 1878 Down Beckenham. [4 Bryanston Street, London.] March 2. 1878. My dear Farrer. Mr. Torbitt’s plan of overcoming the potato disease seems to me by far the best which has ever been suggested. It consists as you know from his printed letter, of rearing a vast number of seedlings from cross fertilized parents exposing them to infection, ruthlessly destroying all that suffer, saving those which resist best & repeating the process in successive seminal generations—1 My belief in the probability of good results from this process rests on the fact of all characters whatever occasionally varying   It

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is known, for instance, that certain species & varieties of the vine resist phylloxera better than others—2 Andrew Knight found one variety or species of the apple which was not in the least attacked by Coccus, & another variety has been observed in S. Australia— Certain varieties of the peach resist mildew, & several other such cases could be given—3 Therefore there is no great improbability in a new variety of the potato arising which would resist the fungus completely or at least much better than any existing variety. With respect to the Cross fertilization of two distinct seedling plants, it has been ascertained that the offspring thus raised inherit much more vigorous constitutions & generally are more prolific than seedlings from self fertilized parents—4 It is also probable that cross fertilization would be especially valuable in the case of the potato, as there is reason to believe that the flowers are seldom crossed by our native insects; and some varieties are absolutely sterile unless fertilized with pollen from a distinct variety—5 There is some evidence that the good effects from a cross are transmitted for several generations   it would not therefore be necessary to cross fertilize the seedlings in each generation; though this would be desirable, as it is almost certain that a greater number of seeds would thus be obtained   It should be remembered that a cross between plants raised from the tubers of the same plant, though growing on distinct roots, does no more good than a cross between flowers on the same individual— Considering the whole subject, it appears to me that it would be a national misfortune if the cross fertilized seeds in Mr Torbitts possession produced by parents which have already shewn some power of resisting the disease are not utilized by the Government or some Public body and the process of selection continued during several more generations— Should the Agricult: Soc:6 undertake the work Mr Torbitts knowledge gained by experience would be especially valuable; & an outline of his plan is given in his printed letter. It would be necessary that all the tubers produced by each plant should be collected separately, & carefully examined in each succeeding generation. It would be advisable that some kind of potato eminently liable to the disease should be planted in considerable numbers near the seedlings so as to infect them. Altogether the trial would be one requiring much care & extreme patience, as I know from experience with analogous work, & it may be feared that it would be difficult to find any one who would pursue the experiment with sufficient energy   It seems therefore to me highly desirable that Mr Torbitt should be aided with some small grant so as to continue the work himself.— Judging from his reports, his efforts have already been crowned in so short a time with more success than could have been anticipated; & I think you will agree with me that anyone who raises a fungus-proof potato will be a public benefactor of no common kind. My dear Farrer. | Yours sincerely. | Charles Darwin. Copy DAR 144: 88 1

For the printed letter, see the enclosure to the letter from James Torbitt, 24 February 1878. CD had suggested that Torbitt send a copy to Farrer (see letter to James Torbitt, 26 February 1878).

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Phylloxera (Daktulosphaira vitifoliae) is a small sap-sucking insect native to North America, accidentally introduced to Europe, where it devastated native grape-vines because it attacked the roots. In American vines, the insect usually only affected the leaves. For a contemporary account of the insect and the vine-infestation that spread rapidly across Europe in the 1860s and 1870s, see Riley 1874. Thomas Andrew Knight described a cider apple that was not attacked by the ‘American apple-bug (Eriosoma mali …)’ (a synonym of Eriosoma langierum, woolly apple aphid; Knight 1826). CD had referred to a similarly resistant apple in Variation 1: 349, describing the insect as ‘mealy bug or coccus’. See also letter to J. D. Hooker, 28 [February 1878] and n. 5. Coccus viridis is a soft scale insect that is hosted by apples and other fruits and vegetables. Powdery mildew on peaches is caused by the fungus Sphaerotheca pannosa. For a summary of CD’s research on the role of cross-fertilisation in producing more vigorous offspring over successive generations, see Cross and self fertilisation, pp. 285–91; Torbitt had referred to CD’s work in his printed letter (see enclosure to letter from James Torbitt, 24 February 1878). In Variation 2: 169, CD had remarked that potatoes and other plants long propagated by tubers and bulbs often failed to flower or to produce fertile flowers. The Royal Agricultural Society of England. See letter from T. H. Farrer, 28 February 1878.

From J. D. Hooker   2 March 1878 Royal Gardens Kew March 2/78 Dear Darwin I am distressed to hear of your illness— you were looking so well when we were at Down, that I do earnestly hope that this is only temporary—1 Anent Mr Torbitt I will gladly do whatever you wish, being satisfied that the direction is the right one—2 I have always myself been urging on the Coffee & Tea planters not to stake their all on one variety, because it is the most prolific, but which is all knocked over by one disease; & to have several varieties selected for their power of resistance, & to reserve some ground for these always.— The Liberian Coffee that we have now introduced into all the Colonies resists some of the Coffee diseases as no other kind has hitherto.3 Dyer has an idea that Mr Torbitt sent a foolish paper to the Belfasts meeting B.A. which was sat upon incontinently!.—4 nevertheless “Experiment on” should be the motto. It would be monstrous if the Govt. allowed you to spend £100 on such an object, after it had been brought before it.5 Ever yr affec | J D Hooker DAR 104: 103–4 CD annotations 2.1 Anent … variety, 2.3] double scored pencil 2.5 The Liberian … hitherto. 2.7] double scored pencil 1

CD had mentioned his poor health in his letter to Hooker of 28 [February 1878]. Hooker had visited Down from 9 to 12 February; his wife Hyacinth had stayed for a fortnight (letter from H. E. Litchfield to Ida Farrer, 4 February 1878 (DAR 258: 1635); Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)).

94 2 3

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CD had asked Hooker to support James Torbitt’s experiments on the breeding of blight-resistant potatoes (see letters to J. D. Hooker, 28 [February 1878] and [1 March 1878]). On the introduction of Liberian coffee to British colonies in Ceylon (Sri Lanka), Dominica and elsewhere, see R. Desmond 1995, pp. 252–3, Report on the progress and condition of the royal gardens at Kew, during the year 1876 (London: HMSO), and Nature, 26 July 1877, p. 246. William Turner Thiselton-Dyer. Torbitt’s paper on potato disease was presented at the British Association for the Advancement of Science meeting in Belfast in 1874; a brief notice of the paper was published in Report of the 44th meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, held at Belfast (1874), Transactions of the sections, p. 134. No report of the discussion following the paper survives. CD had pledged £100 to enable Torbitt to continue his experiments for another season if he was unable to obtain a grant from the government (see letter to J. D. Hooker, [1 March 1878]).

From John Michels   2 March 1878 Box 3838.— P.O. New York March 2nd. 1878.— To | Dr. Charles Darwin | England.— Dear Sir, Two chimpanzees were imported here about two months since, one recently died, and 30 hours after death a post mortem examination was made by a Dr. Spitzka, a young surgeon of New York who has devoted much attention to the Brain, and is skilled in making very fine sections of the Brain, and spinal cord.—1 I beg to send you the few observations that were made upon the general appearance of the Brain, and will probably forward some time later more detailed, and result of Microscopical examination—2 Species Troglodytes Niger,3 Sex Male Age  2  years P.M.  made by Dr. Spitzka assisted by Dr Taylor.4 Professors. Janeway, Darling, Wood, L. A. Sayre, Little, Alexander Mott, Hammond—5 and Drs. Bates Sayre Jr. Smith and others.—6 The body found emaciated, the Omentum deprived of its fat, the intestines the seat of a Catarrhal enteritis and the mesenteric glands tuberculous, enlarged and cheesy— The lungs revealed several tubercles some of which had given rise to reactive inflamation and the Pia mater of the Brain over the Sylvian fissure contained numerous grey and opaque tubercles of different dimensions— The arachnoid fluid was increased in quantity—7 All the organs strikenly resembled those found in the Human race, when the Brain was removed all present were struck by its great resemblance to the Human Brain, this being especially apparent on looking at the base— The cerebrum was richly convoluted and overlapped the cerebellum to the extent of one third of an inch— Several present observed that they could not have distinguished this brain from that of a Human infant.— There are however several distinctive features which become apparent only on closer observation  Although the cerebrum overlaps the cerebellum, and consists of the same lobes is as rich in convolutions as the brain of a Bechuana,8 and possesses

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a well developed Island of Reil, yet it also has an operculum of the occipital lobe, which the human being do not—9 One of the most important human like features of this brain is the absence of a Trapezium, and the presence of the olivary bodies,10 although rudimentary olivary bodies exists in the lower Mammalia yet it causes no perceptible prominence of the medulla, and such a prominence is first observed in the baboons— But in this chimpanzee it is as full and large as in the human being, a fact in full accordance with the high development of the lateral lobes of the cerebellum, for the olivary body keeps pace in its development throughout the animal kingdom with the development of the cerebellar hemisphere.— I am afraid you have heard all this before and you have probably witnessed the dissection of Chimpanzees and made your own observations, if it is so you must take the will for the deed. If there is any merit in the observation I should like to know of it, as Dr. Spitzka is quite a young man, whom I have met for the first time, and appears to be striking out a field for himself in this line of investigation, I saw some very fine preparations at his house, and beautifully prepared sections of Brain and spinal cord, and I should like to give credit for his work if deserved, as it may help him where encouragement is needed, he placed his notes with me to prepare for publication and I send you a copy, he is still at work, and preparing the brain for future investigation.— I suppose you heard that the “Fossil Man” turned out to be a fraud as I indicated to you.11 I remain Dear Sir | Yours Respectfully | John Michels Excuse me for drawing attention to your commencing my name with N—12 it should be M.—. DAR 171: 177 CD annotations 11.1 I suppose … you. 11.2] scored red crayon 13.1 Excuse … M.—. 13.2] scored red crayon 1

2 3 4 5

6

7

Edward Charles Spitzka performed the autopsy of a chimpanzee who had died at the New York Aquarium. A report of the findings, with details of brain anatomy, was published in the New England Journal of Education, 11 April 1878, p. 234. This report, signed ‘JM’, was evidently by Michels, as the wording is almost identical to the account in this letter. No report of the microscopical examination has been found. Troglodytes niger is a synonym of Pan troglodytes (the chimpanzee). Isaac Ebenezer Taylor was a physician at Bellevue Hospital Medical College. Edward Gamaliel Janeway, James Rushmore Wood, Lewis Albert Sayre, James Lawrence Little, Alexander Brown Mott, and William Alexander Hammond were all on the faculty of Bellevue Hospital Medical College. William Darling was professor of anatomy at New York University Medical School. Lewis Hall Sayre was one of three sons of Lewis Albert Sayre, all of whom became medical doctors and worked with their father (American medical biography s.v. Sayre, Lewis Albert). Stephen Smith was professor of anatomy at Bellevue Hospital Medical College. Dr Bates has not been identified. Arachnoid fluid: cerebrospinal fluid of the subarachnoid spaces (Butterworths medical dictionary s.v. arachnoid matter).

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Bechuana: a nineteenth-century term referring to South African peoples in the former British protectorate of Bechuanaland (now Botswana; see EB). The island of Reil, or insula, is in the Sylvian fissure of the cerebral cortex. The occipital lobe is a region at the rear of the cerebral cortex (Butterworths medical dictionary). The trapezium is a band of nerve fibre on the underside of the brain; olivary bodies are a pair of oval structures in the medulla oblongata, the lower portion of the brain stem (OED). Michels had reported the alleged discovery of a fossil man in Colorado (see Correspondence vol. 25, letter from John Michels, 9 December 1877 and n. 3). CD’s letter to Michels has not been found.

To S. B. J. Skertchly   2 March 1878 Down. | Beckenham Kent (&c.) [4 Bryanston Street, London.] March 2nd. 1878. My dear Sir. It is the greatest possible satisfaction to a man nearly at the close of his career to believe that he has aided or stimulated an able and energetic fellow worker in the noble cause of Science. Therefore your letter has deeply gratified me—1 I am writing this away from home, as my health failed & I was forced to rest;2 & this will account for the delay in answering your letter— No doubt on my return home, I shall find the memoir which you have kindly sent me—3 I shall read it with much interest, as I have heard something of your work from Profr. Geikie & have read his admirable Ice Age.—4 I have noticed the criticisms on your work, but such opposition must be expected by everyone who draws fine grand conclusions, and such assuredly are yours as abstracted in your letter.— What magnificent progress Geology has made within my life time! I shall have very great pleasure in sending you any of my books with my autograph; but I really do not know which to send.—5 It will cost you only the trouble of a post-card to tell me which you would like, & it shall soon be sent. Forgive this untidy note, as it is rather an effort to write. With all good wishes for your continued success in Science & for your happiness, I remain | My dear Sir. | Yours very faithfully— | Charles Darwin. Copy DAR 147: 480 1 2

3 4

See letter from S. B. J. Skertchly, 27 February 1878. CD stayed in London with Henrietta Emma and Richard Buckley Litchfield from 27 February to 5 March 1878 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). He saw his physician, Andrew Clark, while in London (letter to Sara Darwin, [1 March 1878]). Skertchly sent Geology of the fenland, a memoir of the Geological Survey of England and Wales (Skertchly 1877). See Correspondence vol. 24, letter from James Geikie, 20 November 1876. Geikie included a lengthy extract from Skertchly’s notes on fenland palaeolithic deposits in The great ice age and its relation to the antiquity of man (Geikie 1877, pp. 536–46). See letter from S. B. J. Skertchly, 27 February 1878 and n. 2.

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Skertchly had requested a copy of one of CD’s books in his letter of 27 February 1878.

To T. H. Farrer   [after 2 March 1878]1 [4 Bryanston Street, London.] My dear Farrer. The enclosed came whilst you were here. but I did not open it.2 Yours &c. | C. Darwin. P.S. I think the best plan would be to send the long letter to you (after corrections, additions & parts omitted.) to Hooker & get him to express an opinion on the whole scheme.—3 Copy DAR 144: 1 1 2 3

The date is established by the reference to CD’s ‘long letter’ (see n. 3, below). The enclosure has not been identified. Farrer visited CD in London on 28 March 1878 (letter to James Torbitt, [28 February 1878]), and possibly later. CD planned to make revisions to his letter to Farrer of 2 March 1878 (see letter to T. H. Farrer, [4 March 1878]). CD had also been consulting Joseph Dalton Hooker about James Torbitt’s plan to breed blight-resistant potatoes (see letter to J. D. Hooker, [1 March 1878]).

To J. D. Hooker   [3 or 4 March 1878]1 4. Bryanston St. (Return home early on Tuesday M.2 My dear Hooker Many thanks for your kind note, which answers perfectly for my purpose.—3 I have had interview with Mr Caird, who has been most energetic & kind.— Agricultural Soc. is no good for several reasons, amongst others that Mr. Carruthers thinks any such attempt hopeless.— Mr Caird will see with Farrer whether any small grant can be obtained, but for all that I can hear it is almost hopeless.4 If I had thought to get up a memorial with 4 or 5 good signatures it could, I believe, be done, but I have not strength. With my 100£ Mr Torbitt says he will go on for another year & then he hopes to have money himself to go on.—5 He instantly telegraphed seeds shall be sown tomorrow!6 I will advise him how to proceed.— I daresay he made a fool of himself at Belfast.7 I have often called him “that enthusiastic old fool”—not that I know whether he is old— & now that I am joined people may speak of “that pair of old enthusiastic fools”.— I have been suffering from constant attacks of swimming of the head which makes life an intolerable burthen & stops all work— Dr. Clark8 has put me on a dry diet & I would have given a guinea yesterday for a wine-glass of water My dear old friend | Ever yours | C. Darwin DAR 95: 453–4

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The date is established by the reference to Caird’s visit (see n. 4, below), and by CD’s return to Down on 5 March (see n. 2, below). CD stayed with his daughter and son-in-law, Henrietta Emma and Richard Buckley Litchfield, from 27 February to 5 March 1878 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). See letter from J. D. Hooker, 2 March 1878. CD was trying to raise support for James Torbitt’s breeding experiments on blight-resistant potatoes (see letters to J. D. Hooker, 28 [February 1878] and [1 March 1878]). CD met with James Caird on 3 March 1878 (letter to James Torbitt, 4 March 1878). Caird was a member of the Royal Agricultural Society of England and William Carruthers was botanist to the society. CD had also sought support for Torbitt’s experiments from Thomas Henry Farrer (see letters to T. H. Farrer, [28 February 1878] and 2 March 1878). On financial support for the potato experiments, see the letter from James Torbitt, 28 February 1878 and the letter to James Torbitt, 1 March 1878. Torbitt’s telegram has not been found; see, however, the letter from James Torbitt, 6 March 1878. See letter from J. D. Hooker, 2 March 1878 and n. 4. CD saw his physician Andrew Clark during his stay in London (letter to Sara Darwin, [1 March 1878]).

From James Caird   4 March 1878 3 St James Square. March 4th—78. Dear Mr. Darwin I have kept a copy of the enclosed which I return to you as you desired—1 Believe me very faithfy yours. | James Caird. Copy DAR 144: 1 1

Caird probably refers to the letter to T. H. Farrer, 2 March 1878 (see letter to T. H. Farrer, [4 March 1878]). He had met with CD on 3 March 1878 (see letter to T. H. Farrer, [4 March 1878], and letter to James Torbitt, 4 March 1878).

From Francis Darwin to A. S. Wilson   4 March 1878 Down March 4. 1878 Dear Sir In my father’s absence I beg leave to inform you of the safe arrival of the liberal supply of Ægilops seed which you have been so good as to send.—1 The two pamphlets have also reached their destination,2 Dear Sir | Yours faithfully, Francis Darwin Copy DAR 148: 394

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CD had requested seed of Aegilops ovata (a synonym of A. geniculata, ovate goatgrass) in his letter to A. S. Wilson, 23 February 1878. CD was in London from 27 February to 5 March 1878 for reasons of poor health (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). See letter to A. S. Wilson, 6 March 1878 and n. 1.

To T. H. Farrer   [4 March 1878]1 4. Bryanston S.t Monday. My dear Farrer. As you have been so very kind, I should like to report Progress on Potato Question—2 Mr Caird called yesterday, and I was very glad to see him   nobody could be more energetic & obliging. I quite forgot to return to him the enclosed documents, & this is one reason why I now write to you—3 The Agricult. Soc. will not do, as Mr Caird will explain— I am sure there is very little weight in Mr. Carruther’s objections.4 Mr. Torbitt telegraphs. that now he has got my £100, seeds shall be sown tomorrow.5 He says that to continue work with the tubers also. he ought to have another £100— He adds that he hopes he may be able to go on next year without money aid— I have written advising him to moderate the extent of his trials.6 Mr Caird took away the long letter which I had written to you when we thought of the Agricult Soc— He asked whether he might show it to anyone & I agreed but I could have improved it greatly. so far as relates to shewing anyone that it is the most hopeful scheme.—7 I daresay if I had strength to get up a memorial with a few good signatures we might have got a small grant from Government; but I have not the strength. Hooker writes strongly that he believes the plan to be the right one; & has given analogous advice to coffee growers in India—8 Mr Caird did not seem to think it hopeless to get aid somehow; but I doubt greatly. I shall ever feel obliged for your kindness and wisdom of your advice. | Yours very truly. | Ch. Darwin. Copy DAR 144: 89 1 2 3 4 5

The date is established by the reference to James Caird’s visit (see n. 3, below). In 1878, 4 March fell on Monday. Farrer supported James Torbitt’s project for breeding blight-resistant potatoes (see letter from T. H. Farrer, 28 February 1878). James Caird had visited CD in London on 3 March 1878 (see letter to James Torbitt, 4 March 1878). The enclosed documents have not been identified. William Carruthers was botanist to the Royal Agricultural Society of England; on his objections to Torbitt’s project, see the letter from James Caird to T. H. Farrer, 2 March 1878. The telegram has not been found. CD had pledged £100 to enable Torbitt to continue his experiments for another season (see letter to James Torbitt, 1 March 1878).

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See letter to James Torbitt, 4 March 1878. For a revised version of the letter to T. H. Farrer, 2 March 1878, see the enclosure to the letter to T. H. Farrer, 7 March 1878. See letter from J. D. Hooker, 2 March 1878.

To W. H. Flower   [4 March 1878] 4. Bryanston St Monday My dear Flower I have been so poorly all the time that I have not been able to call on you, so I have lost that pleasure.—1 It signifies little my not showing you the photograph of the goose.— If the bone shd. prove blemished I will send a notice to Nature,— perhaps in any case as it turns out rather a curious instance of inheritance, independently of the cause of the malconformation.—2 Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin Endorsement: ‘March 4th 1878’ John Innes Foundation Historical Collections 1 2

CD was in London from 27 February to 5 March 1878 for reasons of poor health (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). See also letter to J. D. Hooker, [3 or 4 March 1878]. See letters to W. H. Flower, 25 February 1878 and 26 February 1878.

From S. B. J. Skertchly   4 March 1878 Brandon | Suff. Mar. 4. 1878. My dear Sir. I cannot readily express how grateful I am for your kindly expressions of interest in my work.1 Nothing could have encouraged and stimulated me more than your letter has done, and I shall treasure it as a sheet-anchor of comfort, when, as will happen now and then, I feel downhearted at harsh unsympathetic criticism. The Survey will publish the account of my researches into the age and divisions of the “palæolithic period”,2 and I now feel certain that all will come right, and that speedily, for I have been showing some fresh sections to a hostile colleague, who has completely given in, saying “The dullest beginner could not fail to be convinced”. The sections are as under:— Section at Warren Hill. a d c mildenhall, suffolk. b 40ft chalk a. Flood Gravel b. Boulder Clay

c. Sands, implements at base d. Brick-earth, implements throughout.

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Section at Mildenhall Brickyard a b c

12 ft a. Flood Gravel.

b. Chalky Boulder Clay

c. Brick-earth, with many implements. I am very sorry to hear you are in such feeble health, but trust ere this you are quite well again. If quite convenient to you I should like “The Origin of Species”, because it initiated me not only into evolution, but into true methods of scientific thought.3 It may perhaps interest you to know that I have had many opportunities of examining the coral reefs of the African shore of the Red Sea, and found the conclusions you had expressed fully borne out by an examination of the entire coast from Suez to south of Bab-el-mandeb.4 Please do not trouble to answer this letter. I fear I have already given you too much worry, but am sure you will forgive me knowing how highly I value the slightest token of your approbation. With all good wishes for your speedy restoration to health, | Believe me, My dear Sir | Yours ever faithfully | Sydney B. J. Skertchly. Charles Darwin, Esqr. F.R.S. DAR 177: 177 1 2

3 4

See letter to S. B. J. Skertchly, 2 March 1878. Skertchly worked for the Geological Survey of Great Britain (Aust. dict. biog.). His research on Palaeolithic flints was published as a memoir of the Geological Survey (Skertchly 1879; for his conclusions on the age and divisions of the Palaeolithic period, see pp. 65–9). See letter to S. B. J. Skertchly, 2 March 1878 and n. 5. Skertchly had worked as assistant geologist to the Turkish viceroy of Egypt (Aust. dict. biog.). The city of Suez lies at the northernmost end of the Red Sea; the strait of Bab-el-Mandeb is at the southernmost end. For CD’s discussion of reefs in the Red Sea and on the east coast of Africa, see Coral reefs 2d ed., pp. 76–8, 180–2, 245–55.

To James Torbitt   4 March 1878 Down, Monday, Mar. 4, 1878 Dear Sir I have nothing good to report. Mr.  Caird called upon me yesterday; both he and Mr Farrer have been most energetic and obliging.1 There is no use in thinking about the Agricult. Soc. Mr.  Caird has seen several persons on the subject,

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especially Mr. Carruthers, Botanist to the Society. He (Mr. Carruthers) thinks the attempt hopeless; but advances, in a long Mem. sent to Mr. Caird, reasons which I am convinced are not sound.2 He specifies two points, however, which are well worthy of your consideration, namely that a variety should be tested 3 years before its soundness can be trusted; and especially it should be grown under a damp climate. Mr. Carruthers’ opinion on this head is valuable because he was employed by the Society in judging the varieties sent in for the prize offered a year or two ago.3 If I had strength to get up a memorial to Government, I believe that I could succeed; for Sir J. Hooker writes that he believes you are on the right path;4 but I do not know to whom else to apply whose judgment would have weight with Government, and I really have not strength to discuss the matter and convert persons. At Mr. Farrer’s request when we hoped the Agric. Soc. might undertake it I wrote to him a long letter giving him my opinion on the subject; and this letter Mr. Caird took with him yesterday, and will consider with Mr. Farrer whether any application can be made to Government.5 I am however far from sanguine. I shall see Mr. Farrer this evening, and will do what I can. When I receive back my letter I will send it to you for your perusal. After much reflection it seems to me that your best plan will be, if we fail to get Government aid, to go on during the present year, on a reduced scale in raising new cross-fertilized varieties, and next year if you are able, testing the power of endurance of only the most promising kind. If it were possible it would be very adviseable for you to get some grown on the wet Western side of Ireland. If you succeed in procuring a fungus-proof var. you may rely on it that its merits would soon become known locally and it would afterwards spread rapidly far and wide. Mr. Caird gave me a striking instance of such a case in Scotland. I return home tomorrow morning. I have the pleasure to enclose a cheque for £100.6 If you receive a Government grant, I ought to be repaid. With all good wishes I remain | Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin. P.S. If I were in your place I would not expend any labour or money in publishing what you have already done, or in sending seeds or tubers to any one.7 I would work quietly on, till some sure results were obtained. And these would be so valuable that your work in this case would soon be known. I would also endeavour to pass as severe a judgment as possible on the state of the tubers and plants. Copy DAR 148: 99 1 2 3 4 5

James Caird and Thomas Henry Farrer supported Torbitt’s project for breeding blight-resistant potatoes (see letter from T. H. Farrer, 28 February 1878). William Carruthers’s objections to Torbitt’s proposal are summarised in the letter from James Caird to T. H. Farrer, 2 March 1878; Carruthers’s memorandum has not been found. See letter from James Caird to T. H. Farrer, 2 March 1878 and n. 4. Joseph Dalton Hooker. See letter from J. D. Hooker, 2 March 1878. See letter to T. H. Farrer, 2 March 1878.

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CD had pledged £100 to enable Torbitt to continue his experiments for another season (see letter to James Torbitt, 1 March 1878). In April 1876, Torbitt had sent CD a pamphlet on potato blight (Torbitt 1876) and a packet of 9000 potato seeds; he had sent the same to members of both Houses of Parliament and landowners in Ulster (see Correspondence vol. 24, letter to James Torbitt, 4 April 1876, and DeArce 2008).

From James Grant   6 March 1878 J. Grant & Son, | Fishing tackle makers, | Grantown, 6th. March 1878 Dr. Darwin, M.A., F.R.S., &c. Sir, I hope the reasons for my writing you, given below, will excuse my addressing you as I do. I have been, for a while back, looking at the evidence of the existence of God from nature as I have found it enunciated in works on Natural Theology, and I have been convinced over and over again of the truth of such a doctrine. Nevertheless certain apparently contrary doctrines, as advocated by yourself and Professor Tyndall, stagger me, and yet I question if they should do so even supposing them to be true, although some seem to argue that they destroy the evidence from nature of God’s existence. They may not in the least derogatorily affect the grounds upon which the existence of God might be inferred. I am a comparatively young man, and perhaps more investigation, experience, and reflection will open my eyes as to the real value and bearing of your doctrine upon the point in question. I have been reading Prof. Tyndall’s “Fragments of Science” and your “Descent of Man”, in both of which works there are so far as I can see, civility and candour in stating the foundation of Evolution, but my knowledge is not sufficiently extensive, and, at any rate, my understanding is not clear enough to enable me to know how your doctrines affect the idea of the existence of a God of nature.1 But you, who are so much acquainted with nature, so disciplined in intellect, and have doubtless looked at the bearing of your principles upon this idea, will be able to see how they interfere or stand related to it. I would, in the meantime, therefore be much obliged to you if you would, in two or three words, simply tell me if your doctrine of the descent of man destroys the evidence of the existence of a God looked at through nature’s phenomena. Trusting that the supreme importance of the subject will make a reply worthy t .,t | James Grant. of your condescension as regards | Your respectful and obed. serv DAR 165: 89 1

John Tyndall’s Fragments of science (Tyndall 1871) included essays on miracles, materialism, and the efficacy of prayer; on the evolution of matter and the origins of the universe, see pp. 159–63. CD discussed the origin of various religious beliefs and feelings in Descent 1: 65–9. See also Correspondence vol. 14, letter to M. E. Boole, 14 December 1866.

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From James Torbitt   6 March 1878 Belfast 6 March 1878 Ch. Darwin Esqr. | Down Dear Sir Confirming my telegram of yesterday “Hope tone of letter indicates recovery &c” (and it is very naturally a very sincere hope) I really do not know what to say in return for all your kindness.1 I shall keep the £100 check and use it in the last resort, and if it has to be used I think it will be a deep disgrace to the men now in office.2 I know Mr Carruthers and his idea that the line of possible cultivation of the potato, as a matter of profit, is moving eastward. I should have sent the seed and tubers to the Society as you wished, but had no hope of anything coming of it.3 I would rather give up the thing than that you should labour in it further at present, but will hope that next season you may be able to prosecute it. My letter to the Chancellor was not in expectation of any aid but merely, having obtained your liberty to publish it, thinking that in that form it might be better calculated to attract the attentions of the Editors of the Papers.4 I need not say I will be glad to peruse your letter.5 I shall go on raising new cross-fertilized varieties, and hope not to be compelled to reduce the scale. I believe I can get several people to grow potatos in the west of Ireland and have written to two today.6 As regards my own opinion, the principal and only real difficulty in the reintroduction of the plant seems to me to be this—a “variety” in its first year of life weighs only a few ounces, in its second year a few pounds and so forth, and that by the time it has attained a magnitude to enable it to be widely distributed, it has become so old, as to be less able to resist the attack of the fungus, than it was when young, that its yield has fallen off, and that consequently large numbers of new varieties should be always being brought forward wherever the plant is grown. The first result of my cultivation of the potato was a saving of upwards of a hundred thousand a year to the Revenue as per enclosed note,—one of a lot accompanying potato seed sent to our legislators and refused to be received.7 I trust to hear of your better health and remain dear Sir with profound respect ever faithfully yours, James Torbitt DAR 178: 138 CD annotation 0.1 Belfast] ‘58 North St’ added ink 1 2

Torbitt’s telegram has not been found. See letter to James Torbitt, 4 March 1878. CD had enclosed a cheque for £100 to enable Torbitt to continue his potato experiments for another season if a government grant could not be obtained (see letter to James Torbitt, 4 March 1878).

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William Carruthers, botanist to the Royal Agricultural Society of England, had objected to Torbitt’s project (see letter from James Caird to T. H. Farrer, 2 March 1878). Torbitt had asked for permission to quote from CD’s letters in a printed letter addressed to the chancellor of the Exchequer, Stafford Northcote (see letter from James Torbitt, 24 February 1878 and enclosure). CD had agreed to send Torbitt his letter to T. H. Farrer, 2 March 1878 (see letter to James Torbitt, 4 March 1878). CD had agreed with the suggestion of William Carruthers that new potato varieties should be trialled in the damper conditions of western Ireland (see letter to James Torbitt, 4 March 1878). The enclosed note has not been found. In 1876, Torbitt had sent packets of potato seeds to members of both Houses of Parliament (see Correspondence vol. 24, letter to James Torbitt, 4 April 1876, and DeArce 2008).

To A. S. Wilson   6 March 1878 Down March 6th. 1878 Dear Sir I am much obliged for the Essays—that on Turnip seed I know—and the other which I hope soon to read, and for the magnificent supply of seeds of Ægilops.—1 Some are now put to germinate, and these may probably turn out very interesting with respect to a special point in regard to the growth of radicles, to which I have lately been attending.2 Rimpau was despatched yesterday.3 With many thanks | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin Copy DAR 148: 362 1

2 3

Wilson’s paper ‘Experiments with turnip seeds’ (Wilson 1877) in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection– CUL is bound with a short printed notice, ‘Experiments in singling turnips’, dated 20 December 1877. Wilson 1877 is cited in Movement of plants, pp. 230, 298. CD had requested seed of Aegilops ovata (a synonym of A. geniculata, ovate goatgrass) in his letter to A. S. Wilson, 23 February 1878. CD was studying the sensitivity and movement of radicles (embryonic roots) as part of his work on the movement of plants (see Movement of plants, pp. 68–77). CD had offered to send Wilson two articles by Wilhelm Rimpau (Rimpau 1877a and 1877b; see letter to A. S. Wilson, 23 February 1878 and n. 7).

To T. H. Farrer   7 March 1878 Down. | Beckenham Kent. (&c) March 7. 1878— My dear Farrer It is a shame to trouble you, but it has occurred to me that if you & Mr. Caird think it worth while to lay the potato case before any branch of the Government, the head of the office would perhaps consult some scientific horticulturalist or agriculturist whom he trusted; so that it has seemed to me worth while to make the argument as complete as I could within a moderate compass.—1 Will you glance at

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the enclosed letter; which I do not think is much longer than the old one, but with only about a third the same as before—2 If you and Mr. Caird approve of it, & think fit to act in the case I would send it to Hooker & ask him to write to me or better to you & give his judgment.3 I would then get the letter well copied out & return it to you   I have written to two persons having connections in Belfast, to make enquiries as to whether Mr. Torbitt is esteemed a man of probity—4 He telegraphed to me that he cannot consent at present to use my £100.5 I hope not to cause you much more trouble. Yours very truly. | Charles Darwin. [Enclosure] Down— Beckenham, | Kent 7 March 1878 My dear Farrer, Mr. Torbitt’s plan of resisting the potato disease seems to me by far the best that has ever been suggested. It consists, as you know from his printed letter to the Chancellor of the Exchequer, of raising a vast number of seedlings from cross-fertilized parents, exposing them to infection, destroying all which suffer, saving those which resist best, & repeating the process in successive seminal generations.6 For instance, the plants raised from seeds this present spring will be carefully examined in the autumn, and the tubers of those which seem most free from the disease will alone be saved and planted next spring. Their flowers will be cross-fertilized in the summer; their seeds saved, again sown, and so onwards. My belief in the probability of good results from this process of continued elimination rests on the fact of all characters occasionally varying. It is known that the potato varies in its liability to the attacks of the fungus: some of the kidney varieties have suffered so much that they are no longer cultivated: on the other hand it can hardly be doubted that some kinds resist better than others; for if this had not been the case it is incredible that experienced growers should have sent a ton of tubers with the risk of paying half the expenses of their cultivation, to be tested by the Agricultural Society; though none were found fungus-proof.7 A few cases may be alluded to, showing that varieties occasionally arise which are exempt from the attacks of various enemies. Certain varieties of the American vine resist Phylloxera far better than the European vine;8 certain varieties of the apple, both in England and in South Australia, have been observed to resist completely the attacks of Coccus: certain varieties of the peach resist mildew much better than others; and I could give several other analogous cases.9 Sir J. Hooker informs me that the Liberian coffee withstands the White Fly which destroys the ordinary kind; and in accordance with the facts here alluded to, he has urged the cultivators of coffee and tea in India not to rely on any single variety of these plants.10 On the other hand, as Mr. Carruthers’ remarks in a memorandum on the present Subject addressed to Mr. Caird, no variety of wheat has ever arisen which can resist rust.11 With respect to the cross-fertilization of distinct seedling plants, it has been ascertained that their

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offspring inherit much more vigorous constitutions, so that they increase much more rapidly by suckers &c, & are generally more prolific in seed, than are seedlings from self-fertilized parents. It is also probable that cross-fertilization would be especially valuable in the case of the potato, as there is reason to believe that the flowers seldom get crossed by our native insects; & some varieties are even absolutely sterile unless fertilised with pollen from a distinct kind.12 From the above considerations it appears to me that Mr Torbitt has a good chance of success if he follows out his plan for some more generations. Mr Carruthers, who has had great experience in the trials made by the Agricultural Society, objects in the memorandum before referred to, that there are no grounds for believing that Mr Torbitt’s varieties have greater power of resisting the disease than those which have been tried & have failed. This may be the case, but as far as is known to me, no one has hitherto gone on systematically selecting seedlings from parents which have been exposed to infection & which have been proved to be in some degree free from the disease, during several successive generations, aided by cross-fertilisation. It should be borne in mind that when an organism has once begun to vary in any one direction it probably will go on varying in the same direction for a length of time; for it is on this principle that all our domesticated animals & plants have been improved. As Mr Torbitt has already been at work for three years, & has now got a very large stock of cross-fertilised seeds, saved from plants which exhibited some, or as he believes a very considerable degree of immunity from the disease, it would be a great misfortune if he were prevented from continuing the work from the want of a small grant of money. I know from analogous experiments what unremitting care & patience are necessary for work of this kind; & it is in the highest degree improbable that any one else could be found who would carry on the work efficiently & gratuitously. Should a variety be raised which resists completely or almost completely the disease, its value would soon be recognized in the surrounding district & would thence spread rapidly throughout the Kingdom. My dear Farrer | Yours sincerely | Charles Darwin Copy & LS(A) DAR 144: 92; Linnean Society of London (Farrer, T. H.) 1

2

3 4 5 6

CD had been working with Farrer and James Caird to obtain support for James Torbitt’s experiments on the breeding of blight-resistant potatoes (see letter from T. H. Farrer, 28 February 1878, and letter from James Caird to T. H. Farrer, 2 March 1878). The enclosure is a revised version of the letter to T. H. Farrer, 2 March 1878. Although dated 7 March, it contains information that could only have been written after 12 March (see n. 10, below); this version of the text was probably enclosed in the letter to T. H. Farrer, 13 March 1878. Joseph Dalton Hooker had expressed his willingness to support Torbitt’s experiments (see letter from J. D. Hooker, 2 March 1878). CD’s letters have not been found; but see the letter from E. J. A. Bristow to H. E. Litchfield, 11 March 1878, and the letter to T. H. Farrer, 13 March 1878. See letter from James Torbitt, 6 March 1878. Copies of Torbitt’s letter to the chancellor of the Exchequer, Stafford Northcote, had been sent to CD, Farrer, and others (see letter from James Torbitt, 24 February 1878 and enclosure).

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The Royal Agricultural Society of England had run trials of potato varieties submitted in a prize competition in 1874 (see letter from James Caird to T. H. Farrer, 2 March 1878 and n. 4). After massive crop failures in the mid 1840s, potato late blight had been investigated and its cause determined to be a fungus; the pathogen, originally described as Botrytis infestans (Berkeley 1846, p. 30) was renamed Phytophthora infestans by Anton de Bary, who investigated the disease for the Royal Agricultural Society (Bary 1876; see also Correspondence vol. 22, letter from J. D. Hooker, 3 March 1874, and Ristaino and Pfister 2016, p. 1037). The pathogen is now classified as a species of oomycete or water mould. See letter to T. H. Farrer, 2 March 1878 and n. 2. See letter to T. H. Farrer, 2 March 1878 and n. 3. See letter from J. D. Hooker, 2 March 1878 and n. 3. It appears, however, that the information about white fly was from the letter from J. D. Hooker, 12 March 1878. The memorandum from William Carruthers has not been found; see, however, the letter from James Caird to T. H. Farrer, 2 March 1878. See letter to T. H. Farrer, 2 March 1878 and nn. 4 and 5.

To G. J. Romanes   7 March 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. March 7. 1878 My dear Romanes, My gardener1 says that he never sows onion seed till the middle of march, as they are apt to be injured by frost. In this case I cannot conceive that they will be ready for you by May.2 Shall I risk it & have them sown at once? I am very glad to hear that your Essay will be published in the Fortnightly;3 I happened to be thinking about it but the other day. The Books were dispatched by Rail this morning4 Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin LS American Philosophical Society (531) 1 2

3

4

Henry Lettington. Romanes had been carrying out grafting experiments on root vegetables in order to test CD’s hypothesis of pangenesis (see Correspondence vol. 23, letter from G. J. Romanes, 29 September 1875). In December 1877, CD agreed to have some onions supplied by Romanes planted in his garden (see Correspondence vol. 25, letter from G. J. Romanes, 2 December 1877, and letter from Charles and Francis Darwin to G. J. Romanes, 5 December 1877). CD probably refers to Romanes’s article ‘The beginning of nerves in the animal kingdom’, which was published in Fortnightly Review in October (G. J. Romanes 1878a). CD had also encouraged Romanes to have his lecture ‘The scientific evidence of organic evolution: a discourse’ (G. J. Romanes 1877c) reprinted in Fortnightly Review (see Correspondence vol. 25, letter to G. J. Romanes, [1 and 2 December 1877]); however, this did not appear until 1881 (G. J. Romanes 1881). The books have not been identified.

From T. H. Farrer   9 March 1878

11, Bryanston Square, | W. 9 March/78

My dear Mr Darwin I have not shewn your letter to Caird: but I saw him yesterday and he and I quite agreed that a letter from you indorsed by Hooker would carry as much weight either

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with the Government or any one else as if it had the names of a score of FRS’s appended.1 But we both doubted whether, supposing a small sum, say £100  or £200 to be wanted it would not be more easily obtained from private persons than from the Gov.t At any rate we agreed that if you could get Hooker to write a line saying that he agrees with your letter—we would try to make the best use of it. I therefore return it to you for this purpose. There is one point not quite clear to me: and as it is possible some enthusiastic agriculturist may be tempted to make experiments, it might be worth while to make it full & clear. How is the experiment of cross fertilization to be made, or rather continued? We have now certain seeds which Mr Torbitt has produced. They will be sown this year—(1878) and next autumn we shall see if the plants & tubers are free from disease? Now my question is this. Are the tubers thus found free from disease to be planted next year (1879): keeping those of the different plants separate: and are the flowers of these different plants to be then cross fertilized: and the seeds arising from them sown again in 1880 and so on? Or are the plants which come up this year to be cross fertilized—before we know whether they are free from disease or not? The former would seem to be the more certain though the longer plan. Indeed in the latter plan there would be much random work. If you think this question worth answering you will add something to your letter—which is quite short as it is— I can get any copying done.— And if when Hooker has added what he has to say you will send it to Caird or to me we will see what can be done with it Sincerely yours | T H Farrer DAR 164: 87 1

See letter to T. H. Farrer, 7 March 1878 and enclosure. James Caird had been working with CD and Farrer to obtain support for James Torbitt’s experiments on the breeding of blight-resistant potatoes (see letter from T. H. Farrer, 28 February 1878, and letter from James Caird to T. H. Farrer, 2 March 1878). CD had also sought support from Joseph Dalton Hooker (see letter to J. D. Hooker, [3 or 4 March 1878]).

From T. H. Farrer   9 March 1878 Board of Trade, | Whitehall Gardens. | S.W. 9 March/78 Dear Mr Darwin The inclosed has just been left by Caird.1 He thinks there would be no difficulty on such a letter as yours indorsed by Hooker in getting another £100 or more from private persons.2 But he suggests that £100 at a time is enough: at any rate until we hear that more is wanted.

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Will you return the inclosed to James Caird Esqr Copyhold Commission 3 St James Square Sincerely yours | T H Farrer DAR 164: 88 1 2

The enclosure from James Caird not been found; it was evidently returned (see letter to T. H. Farrer, 11 March 1878). CD had written a letter of support for James Torbitt’s experiments on the breeding of blight-resistant potatoes (see letter to T. H. Farrer, 7 March 1878 and enclosure, and first letter from T. H. Farrer, 9 March 1878). CD had also sought support from Joseph Dalton Hooker (see letter to J. D. Hooker, [3 or 4 March 1878]).

From Anton Schobloch   9 March 1878

18 93 78—

Dear Sir. I am a great adorateur of the selection theory—but how is it possible, that there are hermaphrodits?1 Yours | Anthony Schobloch. Adr. Austria, Meran, Tyrol. DAR 201: 34 CD annotation Top of letter: ‘☿ Fool’ blue crayon 1

CD discussed hermaphroditism in both plants and animals; for plants, see Origin, pp. 96–101, and Variation 2: 131–40; for animals, see Descent 1: 207–11.

From Anton Stecker   9 March 1878 Jurgbunzlau, March 9th. 1878. Dear Sir: There shall be edited at Prague a translation of Darwin’s “Origin of species”, and I have the honour to translate this excellent book in our Bohemian languige.1 As I know that you have reserved the right of translation in a foreign language, I beg you to allow that there might also be edited a Bohemian translation of the work I mentioned. You will certainly do it without reflecting on any compensation when I inform you that in publishing it, whe shall certainly have a great loss, so that it would be not possible to pay any sum for the right; on the other side it is rather desirable to edit this excellent work in our language, because there are in Bohemia not many who do understand English as fluently as to be able to read Darwin ‘in originali’.—

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I also beg you to give me any notice when and by whom has been published the Russian edition of the ‘origin of species’; I believe that you know the name of the Editor.2 I shall be very much obliged to you for it. I beg leave to remain, dear Sir, | yours faithfully | Dr: Ant. Stecker. Jungbunzlau | Bohemia DAR 177: 249 1

2

No Czech translation of Origin was published until 1914 (Klapálek trans. 1914; see Freeman 1977). None of CD’s works were published in a Czech translation in the nineteenth century; in Bohemia and Moravia, his works were usually read in German (see Hermann and Šimůnek 2008, pp. 201 and 205). Three editions of the Russian translation of Origin had been published by Alexander Ilyich Glazunov (Rachinskii trans. 1864, 1865, and 1873). There is no correspondence between CD and the publisher or the translator, Sergei Alexandrovich Rachinskiĭ; however, CD was acquainted with another of his Russian translators, Vladimir Onufrievich Kovalevsky, who visited Down in 1872 (see Correspondence vol. 20).

From E. J. A. Bristow to H. E. Litchfield   11 March 1878 Belfast 11th. March | /78 My dear Madam My cousin Miss Laird has requested me to write to you with any information I could collect about Mr Torbet, which I willingly do.1 Mr James Torbet is in the wholesale Wine & Spirit trade and this is the only unfavorable thing I can hear about him he owns or farms a great number of Public Houses both in Belfast and neighbourhood his Bankers report that he is a highly respectable man who has made money2 I may say that the opinion of the Public is that he is rich and highly respectable He has spent a good deal of money in his experiments on potato growing and I believe has been very successful. If I can be of any further service or can get you any more information shall be delighted to do so and as time seems of some importance please write to me direct Believe me Dr Madam | Yours very truly | E. J. Bristow d/wt Jas & Robt Young | Belfast DAR 160: 304 1

2

Miss Laird was possibly Agnes Mary Laird of Belle Vue, Shrewsbury. In an undated letter to Emma Darwin (DAR 245: 253), Henrietta mentions staying with the Lairds in Shrewsbury. See also letter to T. H. Farrer, 13 March 1878, in which CD said that a friend of the Litchfields was making enquiries about James Torbitt. Torbitt was a wine, spirit, and tea merchant with premises at 58 North Road, Belfast; he was also the owner of the Old Still tea, wine, spirit, and general stores, at eleven locations in Belfast (Belfast and province of Ulster directory 1877).

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To T. H. Farrer   11 March 1878 Down. | Beckenham, Kent (&c). March 11th. 1878. My dear Farrer. I have returned the letter to Mr Caird and thanked him,1 I have also despatched my letter corrected as you suggest to Hooker, and told him what you & Mr. Caird will probably do, and that his judgment will be final.2 With hearty thanks. | Yours very sincerely. | Ch. Darwin— Copy DAR 144: 93 1 2

The letter from James Caird has not been found; it had been enclosed with the second letter from T. H. Farrer, 9 March 1878. CD had written a letter of support for James Torbitt’s experiments on the breeding of blight-resistant potatoes (see letter to T. H. Farrer, 7 March 1878 and enclosure, and the first and second letters from T. H. Farrer, 9 March 1878). The corrected version sent to Joseph Dalton Hooker has not been found.

To James Grant   11 March 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. March 11. 1878 Private Dear Sir I shd. have been very glad to have aided you in any degree, if it had been in my power.—1 But to answer your question, would require an essay, & for this I have not strength being much out of health. Nor indeed could I have answered it distinctly & satisfactorily with any amount of strength. The strongest argument for the existence of God, as it seems to me, is the instinct or intuition which we all (as I suppose) feel that there must have been an intelligent designer of the Universe; but then comes the doubt & difficulty whether such intuitions are trustworthy.— I have touched on one point of difficulty in the two last pages of my “Variation of Animals & Plants under Domestication”, but I am forced to leave the problem insoluble.—2 No man who does his duty has anything to fear, & may hope for whatever he earnestly desires.— Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin Your letter dated March 6th was received only this morning.— Sotheby’s, New York (dealers) (12 December 2017) 1 2

See letter from James Grant, 6 March 1878. In Variation 2: 431–2, CD addressed the problem of reconciling belief in an omnipotent and omniscient God with the theory of descent by natural selection; he criticised the view proposed by Asa Gray that

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variations had been preordained and guided along beneficial lines by the Creator. See also A. Gray 1861 and Correspondence vol. 16, letter to Asa Gray, 8 May [1868] and n. 5.

To James Torbitt   11 March [1878]1 Down, March 11, Dear Sir I am much obliged for your kind letter of the 6th and enquiries about my health which is not much to boast of.2 There have been endless delays (not worth explaining) about my letter to Mr. Farrer; but it is now despatched to Sir J. Hooker and if he gives his formal approval; both letters will be taken charge of by Messrs Farrer & Caird; and they will determine what to do.3 They think it would be less trouble to get up a subscription from a few rich leading agriculturists than from Government. This plan I think you cannot object to, as you have asked nothing and will have nothing whatever to do with the subscription. In fact the affair is in my opinion a compliment to you. Mr. Farrer has urged me to give 2 or 3 sentences in my letter explaining your plan, which I have done; but whether I have done so quite correctly I know not, for I had not your printed letter by me.4 Anyhow I feel pretty sure that the plan which I have assumed that you are following is the wisest one. There is one point in your letter of the 6th, about which I hope that you will allow me to disagree with you. You speak of Agriculturalists cultivating as crops a continued succession of new varieties. Now it is of great importance that all the potatoes in the same field or bed should belong to exactly the same variety so as to be of the same quality and to be mature at the same time. This would be impossible with varieties raised from seed. In the course of centuries by long-continued selection varieties might perhaps be raised which would come true by seed like the varieties of the cabbage &c. But for years, such a hope would be as Utopian as to stock an orchard by sowing appleseeds.5 I look at it as indispensible that a fungus-proof or nearly fungus-proof var. of the potato should be raised, and this var. then propagated in common way by the tubers. Any other plan I must look at as hopeless. Whenever I can get a copy of my letter made on its return from Sir J. Hooker, I will send it you, and I need then say nothing about it. I am tired and can write no more. Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin Copy DAR 148: 100 1 2 3

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from James Torbitt, 6 March 1878. See letter from James Torbitt, 6 March 1878. CD had gone to London on 27 February for reasons of poor health; he returned to Down on 5 March (see letter to J. D. Hooker, 28 [February 1878] and n. 6). CD had written a letter of support for Torbitt’s experiments on the breeding of blight-resistant potatoes (see letter to T. H. Farrer, 2 March 1878); a revised version of this letter was shown to James Caird

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and, after further corrections, sent to Joseph Dalton Hooker for endorsement (see letter to T. H. Farrer, 7 March 1878 and enclosure, and letter to T. H. Farrer, 11 March 1878). See first letter from T. H. Farrer, 9 March 1878. Torbitt had described his plan of experiments in a printed letter to the chancellor of the Exchequer, Stafford Northcote (see letter from James Torbitt, 24 February 1878 and enclosure). Because apple trees are not true to type when grown from seed, grafted trees are used in orchards to ensure that a uniform fruit variety will be produced.

From J. D. Hooker   12 March 1878 Royal Gardens Kew March 12/78 My dear Darwin I have gone over your draft very carefully & written to Farrer expressing my opinion that Mr Torbits plan should have a trial, & is a fit subject for Govt. aid.1 I have slightly modified what I said about the Liberia Coffee, since it has lately been found to be attacked by the Hemileia a parasitic Fungus like the Pernospora of Potato as badly as ordinary Coffees, but it has resisted the fly.2 The reason is this, that the hard cuticle is an obstacle to the “fly” which has to gnaw through it before it commences its ravages, whereas the Hemileia, like the Peronospora enters by the stomata, & the stomata of one Coffee are like those of another. Ever affec yrs | Jos D Hooker DAR 104: 105–6 1

2

CD’s letter to Hooker has not been found; it was a corrected version of his letter to Thomas Henry Farrer, expressing support for James Torbitt’s experiments on the breeding of blight-resistant potatoes (see letter to T. H. Farrer, 7 March 1878 and enclosure). See letter from J. D. Hooker, 2 March 1878 and n. 3. Hemileia vastatrix is a fungus that causes coffeeleaf rust; on the severity of the disease in Ceylon (Sri Lanka) and south-east Asia, see Gardeners Chronicle, 6 November 1869, p. 1157. CD reported that, according to Hooker, Liberian coffee withstood ‘White Fly’ (enclosure to letter to T. H. Farrer, 7 March 1878). Aleurothrixus floccosus (woolly whitefly) attacks the leaves of coffee. Peronospora infestans (a synonym of Phytophthora infestans) is a type of oomycete or water mould parasitic on the potato, but at this time it was classified as a fungus (see Bary 1876).

To Frederick Smith   12 March 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. March 12 1878 r My dear M Smith, I have thought that the enclosed specimens might interest you. As far as my ignorance permits me to judge, the great difference in the casts of workers seems very curious; & some of Mrs Treats observations on their habits.1 She has done some good work with plants.2 I do not want either the specimens or note returned. Should

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the facts be sufficiently new, I do not doubt that she would be much gratified by your mentioning the fact before the Entomological Society.3 Yours sincerely | Charles Darwin LS Viscount Boyd of Merton (private collection) 1 2

3

No letter from Mary Treat about the ant specimens has been found. Treat later wrote on the anatomy and behaviour of harvesting ants (Treat 1879). CD had corresponded with Treat about insectivorous plants (see Correspondence vols. 19–24); he cited her published work on Drosera filiformis (thread-leaved sundew) and Utricularia (bladderwort) in Insectivorous plants, pp. 281 and 408. Smith was a member of the Entomological Society of London.

From Anton Stecker to Francis Darwin   12 March 1878

Jungburzlau, March 12th. 1878.

Dear Sir— I beg you to accept my best thanks for your kind letter and to tell to your venerable father that I consider it my first duty to send to him the first copy of the Bohemian translation of his works. We beginn with publishing the “Origin of Species” and then we shall edit the “Descent of Man”.—1 To day I would write to your father in another matter, but as I believe that you will be so kind as to communicate to Mr.  Charles Darwin the contents of this letter, I shall add my petition to it: For years it was my earnest desire, to obtain any occupation either as Assistant on a Zoological Museum or so at Indies or in Australia, or to be able to accompany an expedition as naturalist (Zoologist). Butt till now I did not succeed in my proposition. I therefore beg Mr: Charles Darwin, because I know very well, what an influence has his word in England, to be so kind as to inform me, if there is such a occupation to be obtained. I should be obliged to heartiest thanks to him by giving me any notice or by indicating me that person who has any decided word in it. Mr: Charles Darwin as well as you will certainly have me excused that I who am quite unknown to you allow me to write you in such a way. But as I am still young enough and it was my earnest desire for years, I believe that I shall be perhaps in any way useful, and I therefore endeavour to effect what was my first wish for so many years.— You will oblige me by accepting some of my zoological treatises I send to you per book-post.2 I am dear Sir | very Truly yours | Dr: Ant. Stecker. To Francis Darwin, Esqu: DAR 177: 250 1 2

The letter from Francis Darwin has not been found; see, however, the letter from Anton Stecker, 9 March 1878 and n. 1. No Czech translations of CD’s works were published in the nineteenth century. No publications by Stecker have been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL. He had published on embryonic development in the Arachnida (Stecker 1876).

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From Grant Allen   13 March [1878]1 10 Beaumont Street. | Oxford. March 13th. Dear Sir, About a year since you did me the honour to accept and read a little book of mine on Physiological Aesthetics.2 I now venture to send you a MS. paper “On the Colouration of Flowers and Fruits”, which seems to me to fill up a small gap in that portion of your great theory which relates to those structures.3 We are often compelled to say, in speaking of Natural Selection to non-believers, “If such and such a tendency were to arise, it would be selected on such and such grounds”. It has always appeared to me highly desirable that these ifs should, where possible, be got rid of, and that evolutionists should rather try to show that in each case the pre-supposed tendency is, as a matter of fact, apt to show itself from time to time in the particular organ or organism involved. This I have tried to do, in the accompanying paper, for the specific case of colour in flowers and fruits. The reasons which have induced me to send you the paper are these:— I wrote it with some idea that it might be “communicated” to the Linnæan Society; but on sending it to a friend who is a fellow, he thought it not quite the sort of thing for that purpose.4 I am anxious, however, in spite of his opinion, that you should look at it (if you can kindly spare a little of your valuable time—whose worth I fully appreciate—for the purpose), because I think the subject-matter would probably prove of interest to you. It is not very long, and I have tried to write as legibly as possible, so as to save unnecessary trouble. I may add that the last two paragraphs contain a very brief résumé of a theory with regard to the development of colour-perception in animals, upon which I have been engaged for several months, and which I purpose working up finally into a volume on the “Colour Sense, its Origin and Development.”5 In the course of my collection of instances upon that question, the idea here worked out first occurred to me, and seemed worth following up in the form of a short paper. With many apologies for trespassing upon your notice, I am, | Yours very faithfully, | Grant Allen. DAR 159: 41 1 2 3 4

5

The year is established by the reference to G. Allen 1877 (see n. 2, below). CD had received a copy of G. Allen 1877 through George John Romanes (see Correspondence vol. 25, letter to G. J. Romanes, 23 May 1877). The manuscript has not been found; CD evidently returned it with comments (see letter from Grant Allen, 19 March [1878]). Allen’s friend was probably Romanes; he is acknowledged as ‘F.L.S.’ in the preface to G. Allen 1879, p. ix; see n. 5, below). Allen’s manuscript was published as two separate articles in Cornhill Magazine, ‘The origin of flowers’ and ‘The origin of fruits’ (G. Allen 1878a and 1878b). There is a lightly annotated copy of G. Allen 1878a in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL; on the cover CD wrote ‘Grant Allen—good’. Colour-sense: its origin and development was published the following year (G. Allen 1879).

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To T. H. Farrer   13 March 1878 Down. | Beckenham Kent (&c.) March 13th. 1878. My dear Farrer. I send my letter of the sight of which you must be sick; you say that you can easily get it copied in London, and will you kindly have it done.1 I would have sent it to my copyist,2 but this would have caused delay, as he works only late at night, I hear from Hooker that he has written to you, & that he approves of Mr Torbitt’s plan, He tells me that the Tomato growing near potatoes, was badly affected at Kew; and this is a very unfavourable fact.3 Whatever you & Mr Caird4 may decide to do. I will agree to gratefully. A friend of the Litchfields has been making very careful enquiries from various persons in Belfast about Mr Torbitt; & reports that he is a wine & spirit merchant, & esteemed highly respectable & wealthy. He owns many public houses in Belfast   He is believed to have spent a great deal of money on his potato experiments.5 My dear Farrer. | Yours sincerely. | Ch. Darwin Copy DAR 144: 94 1

2 3 4 5

The enclosure was a copy of CD’s earlier letter about James Torbitt’s potato experiments, with further revisions suggested by Joseph Dalton Hooker (see enclosure to letter to T. H. Farrer, 7 March 1878, and letter from J. D. Hooker, 12 March 1878). Farrer had offered to have copies made in his first letter of 9 March 1878. CD had previously employed Ebenezer Norman as a copyist. No letter from Hooker on this subject has been found. James Caird. See letter from E. J. A. Bristow to H. E. Litchfield, 11 March 1878.

To Anton Stecker   13 March 1878

Down, | Beckenham, Kent. March 13. 1878

Dear Sir, I have much pleasure in authorizing your publication of a Bohemian edition of my ‘Origin of Species’.1 The Russian translation was published by Kowalewsky of St Petersburg. I believe he has resided in Germany for many years & I have no idea where he is at present.2 I hope you received the former letter written by my son in reply to your question as to the most recent edit of the Origin?3 dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Charles Darwin P.S. | In case the former letter miscarried I may mention that the 6th is the last edit of the Origin; the 2nd is the last of the Descent of Man To Dr A. Stecker | Jungbunzlau LS Cleveland Health Sciences Library (Robert M. Stecher collection)

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See letter from Anton Stecker, 9 March 1878 and n. 1. The Russian translation of Origin was in fact made by Sergei Alexandrovich Rachinskiĭ (Rachinskii trans. 1864; see letter from Anton Stecker, 9 March 1878 and n. 2). Vladimir Onofrievich Kovalevsky translated Variation, Descent, and Expression (Kovalevsky trans. 1868–9, [Kovalevsky] trans. 1871–2, and [Kovalevsky] trans. 1872). The letter from Francis Darwin to Anton Stecker has not been found; nor has the letter in which Stecker asked about the most recent edition of Origin.

From Frederick Smith   14 March 1878

British Museum 14th. March 1878

My dear Sir I am greatly obliged by your sending to me specimens of the “harvesting Ant”..1 The facts as presented to us are very curious and new to me—and if there really exist in colonies no intermediate form of mandibles? each race will probably have its special functions— I have communicated with Mrs. Treat and trust you will not think me intrusive in so doing. I shall bring the subject to the notice of the Ent. Society at its next meeting—2 believe me | yours sincerely | Fredk. Smith Cha.s Darwin Esq. F.R.S. | &c. DAR 177: 198 1 2

See letter to Frederick Smith, 12 March 1878. At the 3 April 1878 meeting of the Entomological Society of London, Smith exhibited specimens of harvesting ant that had been sent to CD from Florida by Mary Treat. One phial contained specimens ‘gradating from large soldiers to small workers, all having acutely dentate mandibles’; in a second phial, the ants’ mandibles had ‘rounded teeth’, while in a third phial, the teeth ‘were obsolete’ (see Transactions of the Entomological Society of London (1878): xii). See also Treat 1879, pp. 74 and 88, where Treat describes three types of neuter ants (major and minor workers and soldiers) each with differently shaped mandibles. The ant was later identified as Pogonomyrmex crudelis (a synonym of P. badius, the Florida harvester ant; see Treat 1879, p. 76).

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   14 March 1878

Down, Beckenham, Kent. March 14th, 1878.

My dear Dyer, I have a very strong opinion that it would be the greatest possible pity if the Phys: Lab., now that it has been built, were not supplied with as many good instruments as your funds can possibly afford.1 It is quite possible that some of them may become antiquated before they are much or even at all used. But this does not seem to me any argument at all against getting them, for the Laboratory cannot be used until well provided; and the mere fact of the instruments being ready may suggest to some one to use them. You at Kew, as guardians & promoters of Botanical Science will then have done all in your power, & if your Lab. is not used

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the disgrace will lie at the feet of the public. But until bitter experience proves the contrary I will never believe that we are so backward. I should think the German laboratories would be very good guides as to what to get;2 but Timiriazeff of Moscow who travelled over Europe to see all Bot. Labs, & who seemed so good a fellow, would I should think give the best list of the most indispensable instruments.3 Lately I thought of getting Frank or Horace to go to Cambridge for the use of the Heliostat there;4 but our observations turned out of less importance than I thought; yet if there had been one at Kew we should probably have used it & might have found out something curious. It is impossible for me to predict whether or not we should ever want this or that instrument, for we are guided in our work by what turns up. Thus I am now observing something about geotropism, & I had no idea a few weeks ago that this would have been necessary.5 In a short time we might earnestly wish for a centrifugal apparatus or a heliostat. In all such cases it would make a great difference if a man knew that he could use a particular instrument without great loss of time. I have now given my opinion, which is very decided whether right or wrong & Frank quite agrees with me. You can of course show this letter to Hooker6 Yours very sincerely | Charles Darwin. Copy DAR 144: 436 1

2

3 4 5 6

The Jodrell laboratory was completed in 1876 with funds for building and equipiment from Thomas Jodrell Phillips-Jodrell (see Thiselton-Dyer 1910 and Correspondence vol. 22, letter from J. D. Hooker, 22 December 1874). Thiselton-Dyer was given responsibility for the laboratory and encouraged botanists to use its facilities (see R. Desmond 1995, p. 250). CD was most familiar with the botanical laboratory of Julius Sachs in Würzburg (see Correspondence vol. 23, letter from Julius Sachs, 4 July 1875); Francis Darwin worked there in the summer of 1878 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). Kliment Arkadievich Timiryazev had visited CD at Down on 25 July 1877 (see Correspondence vol. 25, letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 26 [July 1877] and n. 3). A heliostat is a device containing a mirror that turns so as to direct sunlight to a fixed position; for its use in botany, see Sachs 1875, p. 683. CD refers to Francis and Horace Darwin. Geotropism (bending towards the centre of the earth) and related movements are discussed in Movement in plants, pp. 493–522. Joseph Dalton Hooker.

From James Torbitt   14 March 1878 Belfast 14th. March | 1878 Ch. Darwin Esqr | Down Dear Sir I most respectfully beg to confirm my telegram of yesterday that I “agree with your letter (of 11th. Inst) perfectly”1 If any difference of opinion existed between us, I should feel certain that it was caused by defect in my own intellect.

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A subscription to assist me in my experiments, headed by you I should look upon as an honour higher than I need mention at present. No doubt the plan you have given as the one I am acting on is the wisest one, and I shall act on it, when I know it. Mr Kennedy of Mayo whose report I had the pleasure to send you,2 ordered a ton of the new varieties, for distribution among his tenantry, and on making up the order I find that the ton comprises 30 varieties, thus a variety entering on the fourth year of life weighs on an average 74 lbs. It was in view of this slow increase of the variety that I thought it would be advisable for each farmer to grow a number of varieties keeping them separate as I did, which is easily done. I find there are no two varieties of exactly the same quality, and if one could test it I suspect no two reach maturity in exactly the same time, neither would they become cooked in the same time and if they did all three, and were mixed, the mixture would be worthless, because some of the varieties would be very susceptible to the attack of the fungus (some are so susceptible, as to be wholly destroyed the first year of life and therefore incapable under certain conditions of being propagated by the tuber) some hardly at all, and the whole wd give only an average of resistance to the Disease. In fact, if the produce of each seed is not kept by itself a selection cannot be made, and this is the very point wherein the gardeners have failed all over the three kingdoms. In the Spring of 1876 and of 1877 I sent seed to each member of the Legislature, to addresses which I had obtained by advertising in the “Times” to the Magistracy of Ulster and to all who applied for it, and in every instance which I know of except two, they mixed the produce of the seeds, and many are now trying to disentangle them, and they cannot do it except by taking each tuber as a variety in itself.3 As to whether long continued selection might produce varieties which would come true by seed, that is a question on which I do not presume to form an opinion— it is for you, not for me. I am fully convinced that it is “indispensable that a fungus-proof or nearly fungus-proof variety should be raised from seed, and this var.  then propagated in the common way by the tubers”4 It is exactly what I believe, only that I think numbers of varieties should be so obtained, and I suspect that varieties originally fungus-proof become, after a number of years propagation by the tubers, susceptible to the attack of the fungus. Therefore I think other varieties should be continually coming forward in order to replace those (as I believe) old failing varieties, and I hope tomorrow to have the honour of laying before you the reasons which have led me to come to this conclusion. I cannot adequately express my sense of your great kindness and hope to hear of better health when I receive for perusal letter to Mr Farrer5 | I am dear Sir most respectfully and faithfully yours, James Torbitt DAR 178: 139 1

Torbitt’s telegram has not been found. See letter to James Torbitt, 11 March [1878].

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Victor Coates Kennedy’s report has not been found. See, however, enclosure to letter from James Torbitt, 8 October 1878. Torbitt had sent packets of potato seeds to members of both Houses of Parliament and landowners in Ulster (see DeArce 2008). Torbitt quotes from CD’s letter to him of 11 March [1878]. The pathogen that caused potato late blight was thought to be a fungus (see Bary 1876). CD had written, and subsequently revised, a letter to Thomas Henry Farrer supporting Torbitt’s experiments (see enclosure to letter to T. H. Farrer, 7 March 1878, and letter to T. H. Farrer, 13 March 1878).

From A. S. Wilson   14 March 1878 North Kinmundy, | Summerhill, | by Aberdeen. 14 March 1878. Charles Darwin, Esq. F.R.S. | Down | Beckenham, | Kent. Dear Sir, I duly received Rimpau’s two papers and will have them gone into soon.1 As I stated before, the greater proportion of the embryos in my own crop of Ægilops are dead.2 And therefore not to waste precious time, I do myself the pleasure of sending you a small parcel which I have tested and find to be alive. Two boxes of these are enclosed. No. 1 contains the germinated, decorticated, middle-floret seeds, which as you will see have all germinated. No. 2 contains the decorticated outer-flo〈ret〉 seeds of the same spikelets, put 〈    〉 damp cloth to germinate, at the same time as the former. You will observe that only two of these have germinated, and these two are from spikelets in which the middle floret having been barren, the outer embryos and kernels had room to live and grow. All the others are squeezed to death; it is really a case of vegetatile infanticide. The Ægilops kills two-thirds of its offspring. They cannot be scattered out of the glumes and spread abroad, and therefore they are useless to the reproduction of the plant: the one middle seed being sufficient. If the other two were to grow in the same spot to which by the rigidity of the glumes all are confined, the reproduction would be less than with 〈a〉 single good plant. All this how〈ever〉 I have to reconsider more 〈at〉 leisure. By the by I have a good station on North Kinmundy for both Drosera rotundifolia and D. anglica, and if you should happen at any time to wish to make any further expts. or observations, it will be a great pleasure to me to send you a box of living plants, if you have no station near you.3 Apologising for occupying so much of your time, | I am | yours very sincerely | A. Stephen Wilson. DAR 181: 113 1 2

Wilhelm Rimpau and Rimpau 1877a and 1877b. See letter to A. S. Wilson, 23 February 1878 and nn. 6 and 7. CD had requested grains of Aegilops ovata (a synonym of A. geniculata, ovate goatgrass; see letter to A. S. Wilson, 23 February 1878 and nn. 2 and 3, and letter from A. S. Wilson, 28 February 1878).

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CD had experimented with Drosera rotundifolia (common or round-leaved sundew) and D. anglica (great sundew); see Insectivorous plants.

From James Torbitt   15 March 1878 Belfast 15 Mar | 1878 Ch. Darwin Esqr. | Down My dear Sir I am exceedingly obliged for perusal of letter to Mr Farrer, herewith returned, and of which I have been glad to take copy—also for your so kind note.1 I have not had time to put together my ideas relative to the course of the life of the potato but hope to do so on Sunday.2 If I am in a dream you will be able to set me right. Meantime I have arranged for the growth of a further lot of 5,000 cross-fertilized seeds, for all the sound seedlings (cross-fertilized) of last year, as well as all the promising sorts which were slightly touched. I have also arranged to grow all the best varieties of 1875. Those which I sold and gave away were of secondary value. I have just examined and weighed a ’75 variety, the result is—178 lbs sound 412 lbs diseased— Ever dear Sir | most respectfully, | James Torbitt I do not know if enclosed is worth reading.3 [Enclosure] Grangewood, Upper Norwood, S.E. 13th October, 1876. J. Torbitt, Esq. Sir, You were good enough to send me, on the 10th April last, a packet of potato seed. … They produced every variety; and all were found free from disease, except some “late whites”, which were all bad. … Had the season been favourable, the crops would have been as good as those raised from sets. … The experiment appears to me perfectly satisfactory, so far as it goes. … The tubers have been preserved for re-planting. … Chas. Hood, F.R.S. Palace, Holywood, | Beleast, 7th December, 1876. Dear Sir, The packet of seed you sent me last year produced a great variety of potatoes; and I selected for cultivation three sorts: first, a round red one, which yielded thus far, a very fine, large, and most productive potato. The second sort—an oblong white kidney, with a rough skin—not so productive, but a remarkably fine flavoured one;—and the other, a long black kidney; but as this black colour extends into the tuber, I do not think it would be a good eating one. But there is one remarkable feature I wish to mention, namely, that all the potatoes raised from your seed were free from disease;

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and if they continue to resist it, as I have every reason to think they will, you will have conferred, by introducing the cultivation from the seed, an incalculable benefit on the country, by largely increasing its food produce, as I consider the loss of that crop by disease may be calculated on an average over Ireland at one-third at least of the whole produce. Yours very truly, | Robert Down and Connor.4 J. Torbitt, Esq., Belfast. (His Lordship seems not to have subjected his seedlings to the infection of the disease; and the three varieties he proposes to cultivate may or may not turn out to be disease-proof.—J. T.) The Waterfoot, Pettigo, | Fermanagh, 26th February, 1877. Dear Sir, I now send you some more particulars as to the potato seed you kindly sent me, which I sowed as an amusement, and out of curiosity, more than as a scientific experiment, and find the results more interesting than I can describe. 12th April, 1876, I sowed some seed in a greenhouse in an old hot-bed that had lost the heat. April 30th sowed more seed, this seed was sown in a box in the greenhouse. I put a little guano with both sets of seed, but used no artificial heat. Both sowings did well. May 22nd I transplanted some 56 of the largest plants into drills like turnip drills made inside a walled garden on S.W. side of the wall. May 25th I transplanted out into the same place 50 more plants. May 30th renewed with more plants the drills, many plants transplanted on the 22nd and 25th having been eaten by slugs and worms. June 3, a hailstorm broke most of the plants, few remained uninjured. June 24th transplanted more plants from the greenhouse, the next day was very hot, and nearly all those were dried up or eaten by slugs. August 8th some buds of blossoms began to show. On 14th September, ’76, I had about 135 plants, 97 in flower, 27 going to flower, 11 not in flower. The stalks varied in size, colour, leaf, and flower, and were very green. Some were spotted with some sort of disease, the spots being all over the leaf, and not as large as a pin’s head, others had blotches of common potato disease. Of the 135 plants about twenty had spots or disease, but very slightly. October 20th, ’76, I dug the potatoes, they were not done growing, and looked like potatoes that required a month more to grow. I put put each plants potatoes in a paper bag by themselves. Of the 135 plants there were not any two sorts the same. They differ in shape or colour or both. 56 plants were of a white description, and had 899 tubers, while 89 plants were coloured and had 1,626 tubers. Thus I have from 135 plants 2,525 potatoes. These I intend (D.V.), to sow this year, keeping each sort by itself, and when ripe keeping only those which resist disease. Yours, faithfully, | C. K. Barton, J.P., D.L.5 J. Torbitt, Esq., Belfast. (If the plants had been grown in the open field, the slugs and worms, and the pin head spots (aphides, I suspect,) would not have touched them.—J. T.) The pin-head spots I now believe to have been the fungus. 15 Mar ’78 J. T.6 DAR 178: 140

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See enclosure to letter to T. H. Farrer, 7 March 1878, and letter to T. H. Farrer, 13 March 1878 and n. 1). CD’s note has not been found. See letter to James Torbitt, 11 March [1878]. Torbitt enclosed two printed documents containing testimonials from farmers who had grown some of his potato varieties. The second enclosure, a printed extract from Torbitt’s treatise on potato cultivation (Torbitt 1876, pp. 47–54), has not been reproduced here. Robert Bent Knox, bishop of Down, Connor, and Dromore. Charles Robert Barton. ‘C. K.’ is evidently a misprint. The last sentence of the enclosure is handwritten by Torbitt.

From James Grant   16 March 1878 Grantown, 16th. March 187〈8〉 Dr. Charles Darwin, M.A., F.R.S. | Down, | Beckenham, | Kent. Sir, I received your letter of 11th. inst.1 I am much obliged to you for your having written me, for the kindly spirit in which you have done so, and for your mind upon the question the solution of which interested me. I do not feel that I can place any reliance upon instinct or intuition in relation to the existence of God; but is there no analogy betwixt the organisation of some plants and animals on the one hand, and mechanical constructions put together by the mind and hand of man on the other, which, whatever be the method of the creation of the former, would justify the inference that they have had an intelligent first Cause?2 This I will still give thought to. I do not presume to ask for another reply. If your doctrine is wrong and dangerous, may I say that I wish you cleared of it and all error, and that I also wish your best welfare—that other-than frail life which God in Revelation offers. I am, Sir, | Yours sincerely, | James Grant. DAR 165: 90 1 2

See letter to James Grant, 11 March 1878. The analogy between organic structures, such as the eye, and human productions was used as evidence for a divine creator by William Paley (Paley 1802). For a discussion of CD’s work in relation to Paley and the tradition of natural theology in Britain, see Brooke 1991, pp. 219–25, 275–317.

To A. S. Wilson   16 March [1878]1 Down March 16. My dear Sir It is extremely kind of you to have sent me the fresh packet of good seeds, some of which I have just put on damp sand to germinate. I tried the former lot on damp sand and damp earth, (and the remainder are now in water!) and all became a sheet

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of mould, so that I was in despair of even one germinating. Your note shows me that the case is even more curious than I before understood.2 I am, however, at present overwhelmed with the number of experiments in hand. But Ægilops must not be neglected. Yours much obliged | Ch. Darwin Copy DAR 148: 363 1 2

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from A. S. Wilson, 14 March 1878. Wilson had sent a box of seeds of Aegilops ovata (a synonym of A. geniculata, ovate goatgrass) with his letter of 28 February 1878, and more with his letter of 14 March 1878. Wilson had observed that only seeds from the middle floret of a spikelet would germinate (see letter from A. S. Wilson, 14 March 1878).

From Francis Darwin to Anton Stecker   17 March 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. March 17. 1878 Dear Sir, My father asks me to inform you that he has so few opportunities of helping you in the way you desire that he fears he cannot promise you his assistance. The appointments such as you mention are as you know very few in number, they are also much sought after.1 My fathers health is not good & from living always in the country he sees a limited number of scientific men. He sincerely regrets that he cannot help you in your object, which he fully sympathises in. Yours faithfully | Francis Darwin Cleveland Health Sciences Library (Robert M. Stecher collection) 1

Stecker had asked for CD’s support in obtaining a natural history appointment (see letter from Anton Stecker to Francis Darwin, 12 March 1878). He later obtained positions on German expeditions to Africa (OBL).

From S. B. J. Skertchly   17 March 1878 Brandon | Suff. Mar. 17. 1878. My dear Sir— I beg to thank you most deeply for your present of The Origin of Species, which came yesterday.1 I look upon it as the greatest honour that has fallen to me, and shall use your sympathy and congratulations as a panacea for all the harsh criticisms that may be in store for me.2

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Sincerely trusting your health is better— I am, My dear Sir | Yours very gratefully | Sydney B. J. Skertchly C. Darwin, Esq. F.R.S. DAR 177: 178 1 2

Skertchly had asked for a copy of Origin in his letter of 4 March 1878. See letter to S. B. J. Skertchly, 2 March 1878. Skertchly’s forthcoming publication contained a discussion of the age and divisions of the Palaeolithic period (Skertchly 1879, pp. 65–9).

From James Torbitt   17 March 1878 Sydenham | Belfast 17th. March 1878 Charles Darwin Esqr | Down My dear Sir, The following is submitted to you with the greatest diffidence.1 In the summer of 1875 I planted 5,000 potato plants derived during the previous spring from the seed. In the autumn I found that a few of them had produced fruit, a larger number had blossomed but failed to produce fruit, and the great majority did not flower at all. About  1,000  of these plants formed tubers which appeared promising, these I preserved, keeping the tubers of each seed separate from all the others. In the spring of 1876 I planted these tubers, still keeping the produce of each seed separate from the others, and in the autumn I found that a larger proportionate number had produced fruit, a larger number had blossomed and failed to produce fruit, a considerable number had failed to blossom, and they all, as of course formed tubers. Out of these 1,000 varieties, as I may now call them, I made a further selection of some hundreds of the best, preserved them and again planted them in the spring of 1877, still keeping the tubers which were the produce of each particular seed separate from all the others; and in the autumn I found that a still larger proportionate number of them had produced fruit, almost all had blossomed, and a few had produced neither fruit nor flowers. To my mind these facts seem to indicate, that the plants derived from seed sown in the spring of 1875 and which had produced seed in the succeeding autumn were so precocious, comparatively speaking, as to have reached the age of puberty in the first year of life, that those which had produced flowers and no fruit, had reached the age of adolescence as it were, and that those which did not blossom were still in early youth—some of them probably being sterile. The facts seem to show to me also, that in the years 1876 and, 77 larger numbers of the “varieties” had reached the age of puberty and of adolescence and that some

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of them were still in the state of infancy and I believe that the tubers of 1875 were one year older than were the tubers of 1876 and so are during the continuance of the existence of the variety. Again, about fifteen years ago a variety named “Skerry Blue”2 made its appearance in the North of Ireland and it now blossoms pretty freely, but the flowers drop off and not one plant in a thousand yields its fruit. Its flower is inconspicuous, its stems are small, and its foliage is ragged and sickly looking. It was, it is said, for some years fungus-proof but during the last four or five, it has become, so I am told, year by year, more and more subject to the attack of the fungus. It forms a striking contrast to the seedlings of 1875 ’6 & ’7. Their stems are thick and strong, the foliage mostly of a dark green, looking some one has said as if it had been oiled, and the flowers are, for the species, exceedingly conspicuous, those which are white, seeming at a distance to sparkle in the sunlight. That variety (the Skerry) I believe has become so old as to be incapable of continuing the species. True, I have found no one to tell me whether or not it produced its seed some years ago, but as it still blossoms I think it not unreasonable to conclude that at one time it did. Again, another variety called “Cruffle” has been cultivated for a longer time than the Skerry, and it is now unable to flower, it makes an attempt which is abortive, the organs wither and drop off during process of formation. I believe it is older than the “skerry” as well in constitution as in years.3 Again the “ash leaf kidney”4 has been longer under cultivation than the “Cruffle” and it does not make an attempt even to develope its organs of reproduction, at least not one plant in a hundred does. As will be seen hereafter however, this variety occasionally produces both flower and seed. Here it may be well to say that there may be, and probably are, varieties of the plant now in existence, which are called “ash leaf kidneys”, the tubers of which resemble those of the “ash leaf kidney” in shape colour and texture, and which produce both flowers and fruit. If so, I believe they are not the produce of the same seed which produced the first mentioned ash leaf kidney. I have now from seeds sown in the spring of 1877 some fifty varieties which Farmers would call ash leaf kidneys. Further, sometime during the winter of 1875 Mr Johnston M.P. for Belfast5 told me he had succeeded in finding berries of the “Skerry Blue” and had grown plants from the seed with the view of obtaining new Skerry Blues, but he said that the resulting tubers were “small” It occurred to me that they were the equivalents of old mens children and I resolved to test, if possible, the accuracy or inaccuracy of that idea. Therefore in the spring of 1876 I planted a few tubers of all the old varieties I could procure, and in the autumn was rewarded by a cluster of berries of the ash leaf kidney. In the season of 1877 I grew 150 plants derived from the seeds of these berries. They were all small and weak looking, 146 of these died during the summer and the surviving 4 plants produced in the agregate about one fourth of the weight of tubers produced on an average by one plant derived from seed cross-fertilized by your directions, growing the same season, in the same field, and treated in the same way.

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Before fatiguing you further and before entering on a new line of argument, I would beg of you to say is it interesting, and do you wish me to continue, or am I in a dream? I remain dear Sir, with profound respect, faithfully, and gratefully, and very sincerely yours | James Torbitt I beg to enclose a few seeds of a dwarf seedling plant which produced I am told no tubers but an immense profusion of flowers, perhaps they may give something curious, and yourself or Sir J. Hooker6 might like to grow them. DAR 178: 141 CD annotations 5.5 and … sterile. 5.6] double scored pencil 6.1 The facts … infancy 6.3] scored pencil; ‘I think rash | & expresses a peculiar constitution’ pencil 7.12 whether … did. 7.13] scored blue crayon 7.16 I believe … years. 7.17] scored blue crayon 12.1 I beg … them. 12.3] scored blue crayon 1 2 3 4 5 6

Torbitt had promised to describe his experiments in breeding blight-resistant potatoes in more detail (see letter from James Torbitt, 15 March 1878). The ‘Skerry Blue’ potato is an Irish variety with purple skin. The English ‘Cruffle’ potato is mentioned in The Times, 9 October 1851, p. 5. Possibly Myatt’s ‘Ash-Leaf Kidney’ potato (see Salaman 1985, p. 163). William Johnston. Joseph Dalton Hooker had expressed support for Torbitt’s experiments (see letter from J. D. Hooker, 12 March 1878).

From J. D. Hooker   18 March 1878 Royal Gardens Kew March 18/78 Dear Darwin Mrs Lyell has been consulting me confidentially as to what is best done with Sir Chas: correspondence, & I have her permission to ask what you think—& if you would kindly help her with an opinion.1 I have read a great many of the letters, to Horner2 & others, & am greatly taken with them— they are so full of matter, so pleasant, lucid, & tell so much of his unwearied labors & of the progress of Geology during it’s comparative infancy— Then too they are full of kindly feeling to, & ready recognition of the labors of, others— They are full of local coloring as regards the places (often very obscure) that he visited for the purpose of verifying statements & collecting facts, & full of little notices of admirable local Collectors & Museums that are worthy of being remembered. Mrs Lyell has a mind to put all in print for private distribution, after revision & cutting out all passages that could hurt anyone (of which I have seen no trace)—& afterwards publish a selection as a contribution to his life. My idea is that the number

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will prove too great for printing, but this must depend on their value. I suggested her picking out a dozen by chance (without looking at them) of the bundle I have perused & sending them to you for your opinion as to their value to Science.— I am a partial witness I know & so would you be, but that must be taken into account. Mrs Lyell has riches & is devoted to Lyells memory, & if good can be done by the printing now is the time. Ever affy yrs | Jos D Hooker The value of the work would be, 1. the history it is of the progress of Geology. 2. the evidence of the care with which Lyell sifted facts & evidence. & the interest attached to the facts. DAR 104: 107–8 1 2

Charles Lyell had died in 1875. An edition of his letters and journals was eventually published in two volumes by his sister-in-law, Katharine Murray Lyell (Lyell ed. 1881). Leonard Horner.

From Grant Allen   19 March [1878]1 10 Beaumont Street. | Oxford. March 19. Dear Sir, I have to thank you very much for your kind comments upon my paper, and for the pains which you have taken in pointing out its weak points.2 I am also greatly obliged to you for the numerous references which you give me, especially that to R. Sachsse’s Farbstoffe, which I have not yet heard of.3 I shall look up the various works and passages you mention, and alter the paper in the senses you indicate. With regard to Mr. Nicholson’s statement that I had published an article on the analogies of plants and animals, there must be some mistake of name, I think.4 I have talked over the subject with Mr. Nicholson, and have always felt much interest in it—especially from the point of view of Energy—but I have certainly nothing original to offer on the question, and have never written upon it. There are two points in your letter on which I should like, with due deference, to make a remark. The first is this:— I tried as much as possible to avoid the chemical statement of pigments, because obviously I know no more about the subject than can be gained by looking at plants as they grow: but when I wrote a first rough draft and only discriminated between energy-absorbing structures (green leaves or their equivalents) and energy-expending structures, (bulbs, seeds, flowers, growing shoots &c), classing the first as mainly green, the second as apt to assume bright colours other-than-green,—a chemical friend (the Aldrichian Demonstrator in this University)5 objected that the introduction of so ultimate a principle as Energy was needless;—and I accordingly changed it for the expression “oxidation-products.” I see, now, from what you say, that I should have done better to keep to my original phraseology. Briefly, my fundamental observation is this— Chlorophyll, as a whole,

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in spite of occasional exceptions, gives a green hue to structures in which it largely exists as an active agent: but wherever any upsetting of its ordinary functions occurs, and in all parts where matters other than active chlorophyll occur, there is a more or less pronounced tendency to other colours. No doubt, as you suggest, green may occur in such parts also: but still, I think there are grounds enough for the rough generalization in spite of this—viz. that energy-expending portions of plants show a tendency to bright hues. The generalization, so expressed, is, I think, independent of special chemical or physiological facts:— I mean, it can be verified by observation alone, without the aid of analytic experiment. The generalization may look unimportant in the world as we see it now: but if we place ourselves in imagination among the green acrogens and conifers, the spores and anemophilous flowers, of a carboniferous forest, does it not begin to have a great deal more value? If we think, not of the developed entomophilous flower, but of the steps by which it developed, does not the fact that bright colours are apt to occur where energy is being expended, become a key to the whole process of its evolution?6 The second point—a shorter one—is this. I did not mean to suggest that the colours of fruits or flowers had anything to do with the appearance of insects, birds, or mammals at different geological periods, but merely with the development of a colour-sense in these animals.7 Even in this limited statement, I should refer chiefly to insects (especially bees and butterflies): for I see certain reason for thinking that all vertebrates alike inherit a certain amount of colour-perception from their common ancestor, or, at any rate, that the fishes share it with the terrestrial vertebrates. (However, as I mean to treat this question fully in my book, a copy of which I hope you will do me the favour to accept, I will not now bore you with it.)8 At the same time, I think we may allow that the colours, scents, shapes, and other peculiarities of developed flowers have had much re-active influence in modifying the insect organism— as we see obviously in bees, in butterflies, and in many protective devices or bits of mimicry:—and especially in modifying those portions of the nervous system on which tastes and instincts (meaning thereby, organically-regulated habits) depend. With renewed thanks for your kind criticisms—of which I shall gladly avail myself for my book—and with apologies for again trespassing on your valuable time, I am, | Yours very faithfully, | Grant Allen. P.S. It strikes me that Mr. Nicholson’s mistake may be due to the following cause. A paper appeared in a late number of the Cornhill with a title somewhat such as “Can we separate Plants from Animals?” As I am in the habit of contributing quasi-scientific articles to the Cornhill, Mr. Nicholson may have thought the paper was mine—which is not the case.9 DAR 159: 42 1 2

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from Grant Allen, 13 March [1878]. CD’s letter with comments on Allen’s manuscript has not been found; the manuscript was later published as two articles (G. Allen 1878a and 1878b; see letter from Grant Allen, 13 March [1878] and n. 4).

March 1878 3 4 5 6

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Robert Sachsse, Die Chemie und Physiologie der Farbstoffe, Kohlehydrate und Proteïnsubstanzen (Chemistry and physiology of dyes, carbohydrates and protein substances; Sachsse 1877). Edward Williams Byron Nicholson was a friend of Allen’s (see Clodd 1900, pp. 19–20 and passim). Walter William Fisher was the Aldrichian Demonstrator in chemistry at the University of Oxford. Allen described flowers as ‘purely expensive structures’ in contrast to leaves, which supplied energy to the plant; he also discussed seasonal changes in colour as the supply of chlorophyll to the leaves declined (see G. Allen 1878a, pp. 540–1). Allen argued that the colour of flowers and fruits, and the colour-sense of insects and other animals, developed ‘side by side’ (see G. Allen 1878a, pp. 541–3, and G. Allen 1878b, pp. 186–7). CD’s annotated copy of Colour-sense: its origin and development (G. Allen 1879) is in the Darwin Library– CUL (see Marginalia 1: 14–15). ‘Can we separate animals from plants?’ was published in the March 1878 issue of the Cornhill Magazine, pp. 336–50; the author was Andrew Wilson (Wellesley index). Allen was a frequent contributor to the magazine; for a list of his publications, see Morton 2005.

From W. M. Hacon   19 March 1878

18, Fenchurch Street, | London, | E. C . 19th. March 1878

My dear Sir I have received your note of yesterday containing instructions for a second codicil to your will,—also your will & the first codicil.—1 The scheme of your will is that out of your estate £12000 is to be raised for each of your children—sons and daughters and I think it may be convenient that this scheme should be adhered to, by the intended codicil providing that £14000, instead of £12000, shall be raised for each child;—the ultimate residue being given equally amongst the sons.— If this should not be in accordance with your wishes perhaps you will be so good as to let me hear from you. I am | My dear Sir | Yours very truly | Wm. M Hacon Charles R. Darwin Esqre. | Down | Beckenham | Kent DAR 166: 16 1

The letter to Hacon has not been found. CD had made a codicil to his will in 1871 (see Correspondence vol. 19, letter from G. H. Darwin, [17 July 1871]).

From T. H. Farrer   20 March 1878

Board of Trade, | Whitehall Gardens. | S.W. 20 March/78

My dear Mr Darwin, I saw Caird yesterday & agreed that I should write to ask you if you yet know what Mr Torbitt proposes to do with your £100, and whether he will want another £100 or more at once or soon.1 We have no doubt we could soon get him another £100 from private sources Sincerely yours | T H Farrer DAR 164: 89

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CD was working with Farrer and James Caird to obtain government aid for James Torbitt’s potato experiments; CD had sent Torbitt a cheque for £100 to be used if official aid was not forthcoming (see letter from James Torbitt, 6 March 1878).

To James Torbitt   20 March 1878 Down, March 20, 1878. My dear Sir The subject which you discuss in your last letter is a very difficult and doubtful one.1 Your view may be correct and I think it would be quite worth while to keep the subject before you and after more observations and especially experiments to publish on it. It has been recorded by Knight that the first flowers produced by some young trees are sterile, and I have occasionally found the first flowers on herbaceous plants sterile.2 As you no doubt know there are a multitude of cases of plants which have been long propagated by roots, stolons &c the flowers of which never set a seed. No botanist has seen a seed of the horse radish, the wild Ranunculus ficaria rarely produces seed.3 Again there are many cases of abnormally succulent fruits, such as pine-apples, bananas &c. which rarely or never set seeds. It appears therefore that whenever much nutriment is drawn to the organs of vegetation or the fruit, seeds fail. As the potato is propagated by tubers, this may be and probably is one chief cause of its frequent sterility. I remember hearing before the arrival of the potato fungus that some varieties flowered profusely and others scantily, and it seems to me doubtful whether all such cases can be accounted for by differences of age; but rather by innate different constitutions. I have given many facts on the sterility of plants in Ch. 18, Vol. II, 2nd Edit. in my Var. of Animals and Plants under Dom.4 In former years I should have been very glad to have observed the seedlings from the dwarf var.;5 but I am growing old and cannot attend to different subjects; and now have my hands more than full of work. If at any time I can give you information I shall feel it a pleasure to do so, but otherwise I wish to avoid as much as possible extraneous work. I have not yet heard from Mr. Farrer. I forwarded the testimonials to Mr. Caird.6 My dear Sir, | Yours faithfully | Charles Darwin Copy DAR 148: 102 1 2 3 4 5

In his letter of 17 March 1878, Torbitt had suggested that sterility in potatoes was linked to the age of the variety. See Thomas Andrew Knight’s ‘Observations on the grafting of trees’ (Knight 1795, p. 292). In Cross and self fertilisation, p. 59, CD noted that the first-formed flowers of hybrids were often sterile. Horseradish (Armoracia rusticana) is typically propagated by root cuttings; a few cultivars do not produce viable seed, but most are fertile. Ranunculus ficaria is a synonym of Ficaria verna, lesser celandine. CD discussed the causes of sterility in plants in Variation 2d ed. 2: 146–56. Torbitt had sent seeds of a dwarf variety of potato, notable for its profusion of flowers and lack of tubers, with his letter of 17 March 1878.

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Thomas Henry Farrer and James Caird. Torbitt had enclosed printed testimonials with his letter of 15 March 1878.

From James Caird   21 March 1878 Copyright Inclosure & Tithe Commission 3, S.t James’s Square: S.W. March 21. 78 Dear Mr. Darwin I am much obliged by the opportunity of perusing Mr. Torbitts Papers, which I now return.1 For the present I think the farther conduct of the experiments should be left with him, and if needful I shall be happy to apply to friends for a moderate contribution towards his expenses. But as yet his success has not been such as would in my view warrant an application for government aid. I need hardly say that, personally, I am glad to give any aid in my power to the prosecution of experiments which you and Sir J. Hooker approve,2 and Mr. Torbitt owes you a deep debt of thanks for the help you have given him.3 Believe me | Very faithfully yours | James Caird Charles Darwin Esq F.R.S. DAR 161: 1 1 2 3

James Torbitt had enclosed printed testimonials for his potato-breeding experiments with his letter of 15 March 1878; CD had forwarded these to Caird (see letter to James Torbitt, 20 March 1878). See letter from J. D. Hooker, 12 March 1878 and n. 1. CD had sent a cheque for £100 to enable Torbitt to continue his potato experiments for another season if a government grant could not be obtained (see letter to James Torbitt, 4 March 1878).

To James Torbitt   21 March [1878]1 Down, March 21, My dear Sir Please read the note on the other side and return it to me.2 Also be so kind as to send me a short note, which I can forward to Mr. Farrer and which will explain how much aid you require.3 My dear Sir | In Haste | Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin If possible answer by return of Post and not by Telegraph. Copy DAR 148: 102 1 2

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the first letter from James Torbitt, 24 March 1878. The note, evidently written on the verso of the original, has not been found.

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Thomas Henry Farrer had asked CD how much money Torbitt needed to continue his potato experiments (see letter from T. H. Farrer, 20 March 1878). CD had sent Torbitt a cheque for £100 (see letter to James Torbitt, 4 March 1878).

From Raphael Meldola   22 March 1878 21 John St. | Bedford Row, | London W.C. March 22nd. 1878 My dear Sir, I enclose proof of Proc. Ent. Soc. for Feb. meeting in order that you may see the use I have made of the letter from Fritz Müller which you were so good as to place at my disposal.1 The discussion on Sir John Lubbock’s paper also elicited, as you will see, many valuable observations— altogether the meeting was occupied with the consideration of so many points bearing on the great question of the descent-theory that you may find it useful to keep the enclosed separate copy of the Proc. for reference.2 This must be my excuse for troubling you. Yours very truly, | R. Meldola. P.S. I am forming an album of the eminent scientific men of the period— dare I ask you to honour me with your photograph & autograph to add to the collection? If you have one to spare (ordinary ‘carte’ size) I should highly prize it. | R. M. DAR 171: 126 1

2

See Correspondence vol. 25, letter from Fritz Müller, [27 November 1877]. Meldola had asked for CD’s permission to read extracts from the letter to the Entomological Society of London (see letter from Raphael Meldola, 2 January [1878]); the extracts were read at the 6 February meeting and published in Proceedings of the Entomological Society of London (1878): ii–iii. The discussion of Lubbock’s paper ‘On the colouring of British caterpillars’ ( J. Lubbock 1878) was published in Proceedings of the Entomological Society of London (1878): iv–vii. A copy of the 6 February Proceedings (1878: i–vii) is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL.

From Franklin Society, Union Christian College   23 March 1878 Union | Christian College. | Franklin Society | U. C. C. | “Bonum Exemplum Sequimur.” Merom, Sullivan County, Indiana, March 23 1878 Prof. Chas. R Darwin: Dear Sir You are hereby notified that you have been elected an honorary member of the “Franklin Literary Society”.1 To receive a favorable reply from you will give us great pleasure We have already adorned our hall with some valuable portraits and painting, and, wishing to extend the decoration, we would be glad to purchase a life size portrait of yourself. If you can procure it for us, please oblige us by so doing,

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Send bill with the portrait, as soon as possible, and we will remit the money. But let us hear from you immediately. Your Truly Joel Myers ⎫ G. A. Miller Committee ⎬ P. A. Canada2 ⎭ (Per. Myers) DAR 230: 60 1

2

The Franklin Literary Society was a student organisation that met weekly for reading, public speaking, and debate (Twenty-fifth annual catalogue of the officers and students of Union Christian College at Merom, Sullivan County, Indiana. Sullivan, Indiana: Murray Briggs and son, 1886). Union Christian College was founded in 1858 by the Christian Church (later United Church of Christ); it offered degrees in the sciences and arts to women and men. Joel A. Myers and Prentice A. Canada were students at Union Christian College; G. A. Miller has not been identified.

To Raphael Meldola   24 March [1878] Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. March 24th My dear Sir I am much obliged for the Report, which is exceedingly interesting.1 Could you hereafter send a copy to Dr. Fritz Müller Blumenau St. Catharina Brazil.— I have much pleasure in sending my Photograph as you desire.— Yours very faithfully | Ch. Darwin Postmark: MR 25 78 Oxford University Museum of Natural History (Hope Entomological Collections 1350: Hope/Westwood Archive, Darwin folder) 1

Meldola had enclosed a report of the 6 February 1878 meeting of the Entomological Society of London; it included extracts of a letter from Fritz Müller (see letter from Raphael Meldola, 22 March 1878 and nn. 1 and 2).

From James Torbitt   24 March 1878 Sydenham | Belfast 24 March | 1878 My dear Sir, Illness has delayed my reply.1

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Sales of varieties of 1875 have reduced the amount needed to £50 on first May and £50 on first August next. If however Mr Farrer and Mr Caird, to whom I am deeply indebted, desire it, I will undertake to utilize another £100 payable in July and returnable as well as the first Hundred next spring—2 I only want to keep my word not to spend more money on this matter at present. I beg leave to return herewith your most highly valued check in order that the payments may be re-arranged. With profound respect I am my dear Sir | faithfully yours | James Torbitt DAR 178: 142 1 2

See letter to James Torbitt, 21 March [1878]. CD had sent a cheque for £100 to enable Torbitt to continue his potato experiments for another season if a government grant could not be obtained (see letter to James Torbitt, 4 March 1878). See also letter from T. H. Farrer, 20 March 1878, and letter from James Caird, 21 March 1878.

From James Torbitt   24 March 1878 Sydenham | Belfast 24 March | 1878 Charles Darwin Esqre | Down. My dear Sir, You are always far too kind, and should not have written so much.1 Shall re-read your works and Knights’,2 continue the experiments, and when occasion arises avail myself of the advice so kindly offered, and which I need have no hesitation in saying I consider the best in the world. I am thankful for the information given, and know something of the doubts and difficulties surrounding the question do varieties wear out? I hope years may fall lightly and that the world may long have the benefit of your wisdom, I am 55 and my work nearly done, I think. As to progress. I have arranged to grow three acres of the ’75 varieties, and one acre is planted. I have also arranged to grow 1,000 varieties of the crossed ’77s which will occupy about an acre; 700 of these are planted. I have also arranged to grow at least 5,000 new plants, and propose to make various crosses as judiciously and carefully as I can. I enclose Mr Farrer’s note, note for him, and check,3 and am My dear Sir | most respectfully & gratefully | James Torbitt DAR 178: 143 CD annotation 3.1 the benefit of your wisdom, 3.2] underl red crayon

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See letter to James Torbitt, 20 March 1878. See letter to James Torbitt, 20 March 1878 and n. 2. CD had mentioned Thomas Andrew Knight’s ‘Observations on the grafting of trees’ (Knight 1795). See letter to James Torbitt, 21 March [1878] and n. 3. CD had sent a cheque for £100 to enable Torbitt to continue his potato experiments (see letter to James Torbitt, 4 March 1878).

To Sophy Wedgwood   24 March [1878–80]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. March 24th My dear Sophy Will you, if you can, observe one little point for me. Plenty of Birds nest Orchis used to grow a yard or two within wood above walk at top of your arable field.—2 If you could find some just springing up, you wd be able to see whether the young flower-stems break through the ground straight or arched, thus.— I find that the flower-stems of another leafless plant, Lathræa squamaria, comes up in an arch, & therefore I want to know whether this is case with Neottia. Almost all seedlings come up arched.3 Yours affectionately | Ch. Darwin Love to your Mother.4 P.S. The Lathræa when the flower-stem breaks up through the ground, secretes such an astounding quantity of water that the ground is softened for a foot all round, & Frank who is going to observe the plant carefully, thinks that this water is secreted in order to soften the ground, so as to allow the arched flower-stem to break through.5 It wd. therefore be well observe whether the ground is extra damp round Neottia, though this is very unlikely, & I think that the plants spring up in very loose mould chiefly formed of decayed leaves. Cambridge University Library (MS Add. 4251: 333) 1

2

3

4

The date range is established by the form of the address on the printed stationery, which was used by CD from November 1874, and by the mention of shoots breaking through the ground (see n. 3, below). CD occasionally requested botanical observations from Sophy and her sisters, Lucy Caroline and Margaret Susan Wedgwood, at Leith Hill Place in Surrey (see Correspondence vol. 10, letter to K. E. S., L. C., and M. S. Wedgwood, 4 [August 1862]. CD had discussed Neottia nidus-avis (bird’s-nest orchid) in Orchids, pp. 152–6. In 1878, CD began to investigate the growth pattern of shoots as they broke through the soil (see letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 19 [May 1878] and n. 4). Notes dated 23 March, 7 and 14 April in DAR 209.6: 96 describe the arching growth of Lathraea squamaria (common toothwort) as it breaks ground. CD discussed Lathraea squamaria in Movement in plants, pp. 85–6 (published in 1880). Caroline Sarah Wedgwood.

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Francis Darwin. CD concluded that the quantity of water secreted by Lathraea squamaria was a by-product of the large amount of sap absorbed by its parasitic roots in early spring (see Movement in plants, pp. 85–6 n.).

To J. D. Hooker   25 March [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | ჹ Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. March 25th My dear Hooker I think we have proved that the sleep of plants is to lessen injury to leaves from radiation.—2 This has interested me much & has cost us great labour, as it has been a problem since the time of Linnæus.3 But we have killed or badly injured a multitude of plants. (N.B Oxalis carnosa4 was most valuable, but last night was killed.) There is one very important point about which we have failed from want of specimens,—namely with those few plants which turn the under side of leaves outwards or to the zenith—that is to ascertain whether the under side is hardier than the upper side. Luckily I have 2 pots of young Clovers; but I have injured badly all the Cassias & all my plants of Arachis hypogea.5 If you think our work useful could you spare us 3 or 4 plants of Cassia— the common greenhouse species would be the best for us?—6 And have you any plants of Arachis above ground? Unfortunately there is no time to lose, as there may be few more frosts. Do you think I could buy Cassias at Veitch?7 If you can send us Cassias or Arachis they must be well packed up & directed Orpington Station “To be forwarded immediately”. May God & you forgive me for being so troublesome | Yrs affectly | C. Darwin P.S. I have just found one specimen of Cassia not experimented on, but one is hardly enough. DAR 95: 469–70 1 2

3

4 5

6

The year is established by the reference to Oxalis carnosa (see n. 4, below). CD discussed his theory that sleep in leaves was a protection against ‘radiation’ or loss of heat in Movement in plants, pp. 284–6. For his early interest in the subject, see Correspondence vol. 5, letter to J. D. Hooker, 5 June [1855]; for his initial observations, see Correspondence vol. 21, letter to J. D. Hooker, 31 October 1873. Carl von Linné (Carolus Linnaeus) had supervised a dissertation on the sleep of plants by Peter Petersson Bremer (Linnaeus 1755; later republished in Amoenitates academicae (Linnaeus 1749–90, 4: 333–50)). Hooker had supplied CD with the reference to the book (see Correspondence vol. 21, letter from J. D. Hooker, 30 August 1873). CD was sent Oxalis carnosa (fleshy sorrel) from the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, on 14 February 1878 (see letter to J. D. Hooker, 15 February 1878 and n. 2). CD had received Arachis hypogaea (peanut) from Kew in July 1877 (see Correspondence vol. 25, letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 9 July [1877], n. 2; he discussed the effects on leaves of exposure to freezing temperatures in Movement in plants, p. 289. CD discussed sleep in Cassia in Movement in plants, pp. 369–73. He described Cassia floribunda (a synonym of Senna floribunda) as ‘a common greenhouse bush’ (ibid., p. 369 n.).

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CD often purchased plants from the nursery firm Veitch & Sons.

From J. I. Rogers to Francis Darwin   25 March 1878 119, Cannon Street, | London, | E.C. 25th. March 1878 Dear Sir, Referring to your lecture on the “Analogies between Animal & plant life” and to the use of the movements of the Sensitive plant not having been accounted for—1 my attention was directed to this subject by Dr Darwins book on climbing plants,2 & from some very rough experiments, I was led to the conclusion that the movements of the Sensitive plant were protective agains〈t〉 insect depredations. I am, to my great loss, not a botanist & therefore what follows may be well known to you in which case I must apologize for taking up your time. On raising some sensitive plants in an in〈n〉er con〈ser〉vatory case together with some other seeds, I found that all the plants from the latter were much injured by woodlice while the Sensitive plants were untouched. On putting caterpillars & slugs on to the stem of the full grown Sensitive plants, I found that the down pointing thorns caused them such annoyance that they could hardly be forced to climb up. On placing them on the leaves or branches, the movements 〈caus〉ed the caterpillars much 〈in〉convenience & apparently frightened them, so that they generally dropped off as soon as they could. If not they remained quite still & if left on at night they had disappeared by morning leaving the plant untouched. Sometimes t〈he〉 caterpillar got on to the flower which is apparently not sensitive & then began to browse at ease. When the caterpillar remained on the branchlet & the leaves closed up, they presented a hard edge with hairs or thorns so as to increase the difficulty of eating them.3 A bee alighting on the leaves & finding them yield would naturally settle on the flower—thus promoting fertilization. An Indian friend told me that on brush〈ing〉 through an inviting looking green patch of Sensitive plants they suddenly move & the leaves disappear, leaving exposed the horribly sharp thorns which clothe the join〈ts〉 of the stems. This may be protective as a〈g〉ainst g〈ra〉zing animals; for the thorns like those of furze or brambles in waste places, would be unattractive, & the disappearance of the leaves would divert the animals’ attention. Perhaps the leaf motions of the Indian “Telegraph plant” (botanically called Desmodium gyrans I believe)4 may shoot off insects. Believe me to be dear Sir | Yours faithfly | J Innes Rogers 〈Fra〉ncis Darwin Esq. DAR 176: 196 CD annotation Top of letter: ‘On causes of movements in Mimosa’ pencil

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2 3

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March 1878

Francis’s lecture was given at the London Institution on 11 March 1878, and published in Nature, 14 March 1878, pp. 388–91, and 21 March 1878, pp. 411–14 (F. Darwin 1878c). He described the sleep of leaves in Mimosa, remarking, ‘no satisfactory explanation of the use which the movements are to the plant has ever been given’ (ibid., p. 413). Climbing plants 2d ed. Mimosa is the genus of sensitive plants; most of CD’s experiments for Movement in plants were performed on M. pudica (shame plant), which, like many species of Mimosa, has stipular thorns along its branches. Richard Irwin Lynch had described the plant as highly sensitive to mechanical irritation (Correspondence vol. 25, first letter from R. I. Lynch, [before 28 July 1877]); however, in Movement in plants, p. 127, CD remarked that the cotyledons were less sensitive to touch than those of other plants he observed. Desmodium gyrans is a synonym of Codariocalyx motorius (telegraph or semaphore plant); CD discussed its circumnutation and nyctitropic movements in Movement in plants, pp. 357–65.

To T. H. Farrer  26 March [1878]1 Down | Beckenham. Kent (&c) March 26th. My dear Farrer. I delayed answering your note of the 20th.2 until I could hear from Mr. Torbitt— I now enclose a fair copy of his answer—3 I have also received a note from Mr Caird, saying that he does not think Mr. Torbitt’s success sufficient to justify an application to Government—4 It would be absurd in me to doubt his judgment, but if Mr. Torbitt’s success was pretty well assured, he would require no aid, as his plants could be sold.— Anyhow I can assure you that I should never have thought of applying to you to aid me in getting up a subscription for Mr. Torbitt; I did so solely because it seemed to me possible that Government would give him some support, & that it would be a great misfortune if all the seeds were lost, By the way I have received two other testimonials to his highly respectable character.5 In a separate note he tells me that 4 acres are planted with the old seedlings & he means to raise 5000 new varieties from the seed of 1877; & will cross fertilise some of their flowers this coming summer—6 Returning to the enclosed note, you will see that he has sent me back my £100;7 & I am perplexed what to do— I do not want to waste money—yet I do not like taking back a portion of my cheque. & Mr Torbitt doesn’t wish perhaps to depend solely on me— Still more do I dislike giving you & Mr Caird trouble about so small an affair— Mr Torbitt speaks, as if he considered the whole sum whether £100 or £200, as a loan.— With more money he would no doubt raise many more than 5000 seedlings— You are accustomed to affairs of all kinds which is very far from my case—& can you give me any advice? Shall I insist on his keeping my £100; & if any more money can easily be obtained give it him now, or keep it for next year— Forgive me for troubling you with this long letter. | Believe me | Yours very sincerely. | Ch. Darwin. Copy DAR 144: 95

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The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the first and second letters from James Torbitt, 24 March 1878. Letter from T. H. Farrer, 20 March 1878. See first letter from James Torbitt, 24 March 1878. See letter from James Caird, 21 March 1878. See letter from E. J. A. Bristow to H. E Litchfield, 11 March 1878; no other letter regarding Torbitt’s character has been found. See second letter from James Torbitt, 24 March 1878. See first letter from James Torbitt, 24 March 1878. CD had sent Torbitt a cheque for £100 (see letter to James Torbitt, 4 March 1878).

From Alfred Moschkau1    26 March 1878 Redaktion | des Illustrirten Briefmarken-Journal’s, der Saxonia der Blätter für Autographen und Portraitsammler. Gohlis-Leipzig, den 26. März 1878. Hochverehrter Herr! Seit Langem habe ich es nicht gewagt Ihnen durch ein Schreiben lästig zu fallen. Trotzdem habe ich Ihrer Thätigkeit stets mein Augenmerk zugewendet und die Ihnen dargebrachten Huldigungen Ihrer Verehrer und der Engl. Universität mit hoher Genugthuung bemerkt.2 Der herbe Angriff Virchows auf Ihre Lehre veranlasste mich die Feder zu einem Abweise desselben zu benützen, welchen ich Herrn Professor Häckel zusandte.3 Zweck meines heutigen Schreibens ist erstlich Ihnen meinen höflichsten Dank zu sagen für die mir durch Aufnahme Ihnen übermittelter Notizen in Ihre Werke gewordene grosse Ehre; ferner Ihnen einige neue von mir gemachte Erfahrungen zur Begutachtung und späterer Benützung zu unterbreiten.4 Der erste Fall betrifft die Vererbung einer Abnormität am Ohre eines Thüringers auf seinen Sohn. Der Vater hat nehmlich am linken Ohre in sofern einen angeborenen Mangel, als ihm an der Ohrmuschel der äusserste, oben umgeschlagene Rand fehlt. Sein Söhnlein kam mit ganz demselben Mangel behaftet zur Welt, ihm fehlt ebenfalls am linken Ohre der äusserste Rand der Ohrmuschel. Das Ohr hat dadurch bei Vater und Sohn einen mehr spitzen Character, ohne jedoch sehr aufzufallen.5 Zweitens möchte ich mir erlauben Sie auf Vererbung der Temperamente der Ammen auf ihre Säuglinge aufmerksam zu machen. Dieser Umstand ist hochwichtig und von diesem Standpunkte aus noch sehr wenig gewürdigt. So wie man zugiebt dass sich gewisse Krankheiten der Ammen (oder der säugenden Mutter!!) auf das Kind übertragen können, so wird man auch bestätigt finden, dass durch den Milchgenuss gewisse Fähigkeiten, namentlich aber die Temperamente eingesogen werden. “Die Milch der frommen Denkungsart”6 ist daher mehr wie Ironie. Giebt man diese Uebertragung aber zu, so steht man vor einem beachtenswerthen Factum, dem der Ammenfrage und der Frage ob dann das Ammenhalten überhaupt noch zu rechtfertigen ist. Mir liegen Beweise vor, das Kinder von phlegmatischen, verschlossenen Ammen gestillt, diese Temperamente und Characterart

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er u.  behielten. Es wird also eine heitere, edlen Character eigene Amme der Seelenentwickelung der Kindes nützen, das Gegentheil ergiebt sich von selbst. Ich will also hieraus nur den Schluss ziehen, dass Fähigkeiten nicht nur vererbt resp. angeboren werden müssen, sondern durch Säugung und bei entsprechender Wahl der Amme auch angezüchtet werden können. Ich weiss nicht ob Sie mir hierin beistimmen werden? Meine ferneren Notizen beziehen sich erneut auf “mit Verständniss” sprechende Vögel. In der sächsischen Lausitz wohnt ein alter Mann, der sich seit Jahrzehnten nur mit der Dressur der Staare beschäftigt. Ein Beispiel möge Ihnen bezeugen wie weit es dieser Mann, Namens Deutscher, in seinem Fache gebracht.7 Er hatte einen Staar, den er noch flüge, d. h. zum Fliegen unreif, aus dem Neste genommen folgendes Gespräch gelernt: Wer bist du? Der Staar: Ich bin der General Radezky8 Wie alt? Ich bin siebzig Jahr. " Warst du tapfer? Sehr, sehr tapfer! " Kannst du auch pfeifen? Auf diese Frage nun setzte sich der Staar in Position, commandirte von selbst an sich:—Achtung Musik!—und begann darauf das Volkslied: Schier dreissig Jahre bist du alt! zu pfeifen. Dieser Vogel war ein wahres Prachtstück, ein Pfarrer erkaufte denselben und nach einem viertel Jahre frass ihm dessen Katze. Noch gelehrter war ein Staar, welchen im Jahre 1867 ein Gasthofsbesitzer “zur Hummel” in Hörnitz bei Zittau in der Lausitz hielt.9 Dieses Thier sprach soviel und pfiff so viele Melodien, dass der Eigenthümer die ganze Gelehrsamkeit des Staares auf einen grossen Zettel druckte, diese Zettel an die Strassenecken heftete und dadurch viel Gäste anzog. Auch dieser Staar soll, wie man mir sagte, schliesslich einer Katze zum Opfer gefallen sein. Eine vor Jahren im zoologischen Garten zu Dresden gehaltene Spottdrossel, sprach wenig, aber mit sichtlichem Verständniss. Kam ein Besucher an ihren Käfig, so war die erste Frage: “Hast du Zucker?” Erhielt sie nun solchen, rief sie laut: “danke, danke!” Erhielt sie aber keinen, oder wurde sie geneckt, schrie sie mit richtiger Entrüstung: “Du alter Bauer!” was allgemein belustigte. Mir scheint es als wenn der Staar am verständlichsten zu sprechen vermögend wäre. Weder obige Spottdrosseln noch die Papageien etc die ich gehört, waren so gut zu verstehen. Soviel für heute. Es wäre mir sehr erfreulich wenn Ihnen diese Notizen von einigem Intresse wären. Ich verehre Sie mein Herr, sehr hoch und bin in meiner Heimath als ein Darwinianer förmlich verschrieen, möchte daher gern auch mein Scherflein zum Ausbau Ihrer Lehre, die in der Naturwissenschaft eine förmliche Revolution hervorrief u. Epoche machte, beitragen. Aus diesem Grunde wollen Sie meine Notizen

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nachsichtig aufnehmen und Sie würden mich durch einige Zeilen, ob ich Ihnen auch künftig meine Bemerkungen wieder unterbreiten darf, recht glücklich machen. Gebe Ihnen der Himmel Gesundheit und Kraft, damit Sie noch recht lange sich dem Ausbau Ihrer schönen Lehre zu widmen im Stande sind. In unbegrenzter Verehrung begrüsst Sie | Ihr | hochachtungsvoll ergebenster | Dr. Alfred Moschkau | Schriftsteller. DAR 171: 252 CD annotation Verso of last page: ‘very kind letter| Milk | Starling| (At work on physiology of Plants.’10 pencil 1 2 3

4

5 6

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. CD was awarded the honorary degree of doctor of laws (LLD) at University of Cambridge on 17 November 1877 (LL 3: 222). In an address to the German Association of Naturalists and Doctors, Rudolf Carl Virchow had criticised Ernst Haeckel’s views on the teaching of evolution in schools; he remarked on the dangers of ‘personal speculation in science’, and claimed that the theory of descent was insufficiently proven, especially with regard to the origins of life (see Virchow 1877, and Nature, 22 November 1877, pp. 73–4, 29 November 1877, pp. 93–4). For more on the controversy over Virchow’s address, see the letter to K. H. von Scherzer, 1 April 1878 and n. 2. No publication by Moschkau on this subject has been found. In Descent 2d ed., p. 85 n. 52, CD had added information from Moschkau on a starling who said, in German, ‘Good morning’, to persons arriving, and ‘Goodbye, old fellow’, to those departing. See also Correspondence vol. 21, letter to Alfred Moschkau, 19 December 1873. CD had written about the inheritance of mutilations and deformities in Variation 1: 22–4; on peculiar ear features as possible rudiments of an animal ancestor, see Descent 1: 22–3. The quotation is from Friedrich Schiller’s Wilhelm Tell, 4. 3: In gärend Drachengift hast du die Milch der frommen Denkart mir verwandelt.

7

8 9 10

This may be translated as: ‘you have changed the milk of human kindness in me to a fermenting dragon’s poison’. ‘Frommen Denkart’ literally means ‘gentle (innocent) mindset’; ‘Denkungsart’ is a variant with the added meaning of ‘convictions’, and the usage is often ironic. Lusatia (Lausitz) was part of the Kingdom of Saxony; in 1815 it was divided, with part of Upper Lusatia, including Dresden and Leipzig, remaining under Saxony and the rest transferred to Prussia (Columbia gazetteer of the world). Deutscher has not been identified. Joseph Radetzky. Bertsdorf-Hörnitz and Zittau are now in the state of Saxony (Germany). CD’s note is for his reply (see letter to Alfred Moschkau, 28 March 1878).

From W. M. Hacon   27 March 1878 18, Fenchurch Street, | London, | E. C. 27th. March 1878 My dear Sir I now send you, ready for your execution, the intended further codicil to your will;—which like the will & the previous codicil has been prepared in duplicate.1 The date, at the end, should be filled in, previous to your signing the instrument. At

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the time of your signing two persons must be present & see you sign: and they must both attest in your presence & in the presence of each other.— I return in the same envelope your will and the first codicil. | & I am | My dear Sir | Yours very truly | Wm M Hacon Charles R. Darwin Esqre | Down | Beckenham | Kent DAR 166: 17 1

See letter from W. M. Hacon, 19 March 1878 and n. 1.

To Raphael Meldola   27 March [1878] Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. March 27 My dear Sir I have thought that you wd. like to read the latter part of the enclosed, which you can return at any time, & make any use of which you may think fit.—1 Yours very faithfully | Ch Darwin Postmark: MR 27 78 Oxford University Museum of Natural History (Hope Entomological Collections 1350: Hope/Westwood Archive, Darwin folder) 1

CD enclosed the letter from Fritz Müller, 20 February 1878, of which only Meldola’s copy now survives. Meldola had read extracts of a previous letter from Müller to CD to the Entomological Society of London (see letter to Fritz Müller, 27 March 1878, n. 2).

To Fritz Müller 27 March 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. March 27th. 1878 My dear Sir I write only to thank you for your interesting letter of Feb.  20th, chiefly about Lepidoptera.1 I lately permitted the Secy. of the Entomological Soc. for London to read some extracts to the Society from two of your letters to me; & he assured me that they interested everyone extremely & gave rise to the best discussion during the season. I have asked him to send you a copy of the Proceedings containing the extracts.2 As I do not think you could object, I will send the letter just received to the Secy.3 It seems to me a sin to keep your letters for myself alone.— Very many thanks for the seeds of the Viola; by an odd chance, I have just raised seedlings of Trifolium subterraneum & Arachis hypogæa, & now I shall have a third plant, so as to observe how the flowers penetrate the earth.4 For several months my son5 & self have been at work on the biology of seedling plants, & observations

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on the radicles make me wish to observe subterranean flowers,—that is if we can succeed in doing so.— The seeds of Pontederia will not germinate, & I observed that the paper where each seed lay was stained so I suppose that the whole letter had been pressed too much.6 With all good wishes for your health & happiness, believe me | ever yours very sincerely | Charles Darwin The British Library (Loan 10:45) 1 2

3 4

5 6

See letter from Fritz Müller, 20 February 1878. Raphael Meldola had asked for CD’s permission to read extracts of the letter from Fritz Müller, [27 November 1877] (Correspondence vol. 25) to the Entomological Society of London (see letters from Raphael Meldola, 2 January [1878] and 22 March 1878 and n. 1). The extracts and discussion were published in Proceedings of the Entomological Society of London (1878): ii–iii (see letter to Raphael Meldola, 24 March [1878]). See letter to Raphael Meldola, 27 March [1878]. Müller had sent seeds of Viola (see letter from Fritz Müller, 20 February 1878 and n. 2). Trifolium subterraneum is subterranean clover; Arachis hypogaea is the peanut. CD was studying the sensitivity and movement of radicles (embryonic roots) as part of his work on the movement of plants (see Movement in plants, pp. 68–77). Francis Darwin. Müller had sent seeds of an unnamed heterostyled species of Pontederia, the genus of pickerel-weed (see letter to Fritz Müller, 12 January 1878).

To Wallis Nash   27 March 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. March. 27 1878 My dear Mr. Nash I consider your wish to dedicate your book to me a great compliment.1 It gives me, also, sincere pleasure, for no one has ever come to live near Down, whom we have liked & respected in at all the same degree as we do from our hearts Mrs Nash & yourself.— As I said yesterday to Mrs. Nash, your change of residence is an irreparable loss to our village.2 With good wishes for the success of your book, & congratulations that the chief labour is over, I remain | My dear Mr. Nash | Yours ever very sincerely | Charles Darwin Patricia Nash (private collection) 1

2

Oregon: there and back in 1877 (Nash 1878) was dedicated to CD as follows: ‘To Charles Darwin in token of a friendship wherein his gentle courtesy has almost induced forgetfulness of his greatness, this book is, by his permission, dedicated.’ Louisa A’hmuty Nash. The Nashes had resided at the Rookery in Down; they moved to the neighbouring village of Beckenham before emigrating to Oregon in 1879 (see letter to Wallis Nash, 29 May 1878, and K. G. V. Smith and Dimick 1976, pp. 78–9).

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To J. D. Hooker   28 March [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. March. 28th My dear Hooker I am extremely obliged for the plants, & I do hope not to give any more trouble to Kew for a long time.— Pray thank Dyer cordially about the geotropic plants: we have now excellent materials if we can make out anything about geotropism.2 Most, indeed nearly all, of the plants shall be returned in due time. But the geotropic ones must be kept until they make fresh growths. It is very curious how differently plants withstand frost. Most of the Cassias are extraordinarily sensitive, whereas a seedling of C. pubescens will withstand quite a sharp frost; & so in many other cases.3 This gives us infinite trouble for we cannot judge except by graduated trials, how long to expose any plant so as to injure without killing it Ever yours | Ch. Darwin DAR 95: 471–2 1 2

3

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to J. D. Hooker, 25 March [1878]. CD had requested plants from the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, to replace those that had been killed by his experiments on nyctitropism (see letter to J. D. Hooker, 25 March [1878]). William Turner Thiselton-Dyer was assistant director of Kew. On the nyctitropic movements in Cassia that protect its leaves from frost, see Movement in plants, pp. 369–73. Cassia pubescens is a synonym of Senna hirsuta, woolly senna. CD described the species as Indian (ibid., p. 293 n.); however, Senna hirsuta is native to the Americas.

To Alfred Moschkau   28 March 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. March 28th 1878 Dear Sir I thank you for your very kind letter.1 As temperament or mental disposition almost certainly depends on the structure of the brain, it is incredible to me that the nature of the milk, which is digested, can affect the character of the child. The case of diseases seems to me very different.2 Your facts about the Starling (which in a state of nature imitates the cry & songs of other birds) are very curious; but I have become so absorbed with vegetable physiology that it is not likely I shall ever again attend to the minds of the higher animals. Pray believe me | Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin American Philosophical Society (532) 1 2

Letter from Alfred Moschkau, 26 March 1878 See letter from Alfred Moschkau, 26 March 1878. For CD’s views on the inheritance of moral tendencies, see Descent 1: 100–4.

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From T. H. Farrer   29 March 1878 Board of Trade, | Whitehall Gardens. | S.W. 29. March 1878 My dear Mr Darwin, My notion—and I believe Mr Caird agrees, is that it would be well to let Mr Torbitt try his experiments this year with the money you have so kindly sent him: and that if he is disposed to go on next year—we should try to get him another £100 which I have no doubt we should easily do.1 If however there were any reason to suppose that any great additional work could be effected this year by sending him more money it could no doubt be done. From his note this scarcely seems to be the case. We both agree that this would be the best way of helping this good work. Getting money from the Govt for a new thing is an endless business: and the country will be ruined by spending hundreds of millions on a disastrous war long before we should get hundreds to feed people with potatoes.2 My advice therefore is to remain as we are for the present unless Mr Torbitt wants more money this year than he now seems to want Sincerely yours | T H Farrer DAR 164: 90 CD annotations 1.4 If … done. 1.6] enclosed in quotation marks blue crayon 1.8 Getting … business:] enclosed in quotation marks blue crayon 1

2

CD had been working with Farrer and James Caird to obtain support for James Torbitt’s potato experiments (see letter to T. H. Farrer, 26 March [1878]). CD had sent a cheque for £100 to enable Torbitt to continue his experiments, but Torbitt had returned it (see first letter from James Torbitt, 24 March 1878). On the threat of British involvement in the Russo-Turkish War, see the letter to R. A. T. Gascoyne-Cecil, [18 May 1878] and n. 2.

From J. I. Rogers to Francis Darwin   29 March 1878 119, Cannon Street, | London, | E.C. 29th March 1878. Dear Sir, I thank you for your note and now that your father is investigating the movements of the Sensitive plant, we shall have their mysteries effectually cleared up—1 My theory about them was published a〈bout〉 212 years ago in an anonym〈ous〉 letter I wrote the “Field”.2 The down pointing prick〈les〉 while rendering the visits of creeping insects difficult appeared rather to facilitate their escape. The steady swaying motion by which Bees are shaken by the wind, is very different to the creeping contraction of the Sensitive plant, which has something uncanny

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about it. Though winged insects need have no fear of falling, a movement in the component parts of their foothold might cause 〈them〉 alarm. If you want to get caterpillars off a plant you shake it, and they fall off, though perhaps ordinary wind may not dislodge them. Are not Cotyledons very rarel〈y〉 attacked by insects & 〈do〉 not their depredations commence at a later stage in the plant’s growth? I have not specially watched the point, but I used to raise a great many seeds & this strikes me to have been the case, in connection with the point you mention as to the non-sensitiveness of the Cotyledons of the Sensitive 〈plant〉 Pray do not trouble yourself to reply to this note and Believe me to be | Yours faithfly | J. Innes. Rogers. F. Darwin Esq. | The Down | Beck〈en〉ham. DAR 176: 197 1 2

Francis Darwin’s note has not been found; see, however, the letter from J. I. Rogers to Francis Darwin, 25 March 1878, about movement in Mimosa pudica (shame plant). In the Field, 18 September 1875, p. 321, Rogers suggested that leaf movement in Mimosa pudica helped to protect the plant from crawling insects such as caterpillars.

To G. F. Yeo   29 March [1878]1 Mar 29 To Dr Yeo. Dear Sir, As soon as I saw it stated that there wd be a memorial to C. B. I wished to contribute;2 but I have heard that he was reckless with respect to the suffering of animals & I have no means of ascertaining whether this charge is true.3 Physiology, seems to me one of the most important of all the sciences, & it is obvious that experiments on living animals are indispensible for its progress & therefore fully justifiable; but I shd esteem it a crime to add my mite in honouring any man who had not taken the utmost care to avoid causing [any] pain. I hope4 Therefore as at present informed I cannot contribute to the C.  B.  Memorial. I sincerely apologise for presuming to trouble you with these personal details, & remain Dear Sir | yours tr | C. D. ADraftS DAR 202: 99 1 2 3

The year is established by the reference to Claude Bernard’s memorial (see n. 2, below). Yeo was a member of the British subcommittee set up to raise subscriptions for a memorial to Bernard, who died on 11 February 1878 (see Nature, 21 March 1878, p. 409). Bernard had been a leading promoter of vivisection in medical research, and some of his experiments were criticised in the debates over vivisection in Britain (see Elliott 1987, French 1975, pp. 68–70, and Schiller 1967).

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CD had been involved in drafting legislation on vivisection and had testified before the royal commission on vivisection in 1875 (see Correspondence vol. 23, Appendix VI).

To T. H. Farrer   31 March 1878

Down | Beckenham Kent &c. March 31. 1878.

My dear Farrer. I write one line to thank you & Mr Caird very truly for your assistance—1 I will follow your advice send back the £100 to Mr Torbitt, & tell him what you say—.2 Yours very sincerely— | Ch. Darwin. Copy DAR 144: 96b 1 2

CD had been working with Farrer and James Caird to obtain support for James Torbitt’s potato experiments (see letter to T. H. Farrer, 26 March [1878]). See letter from T. H. Farrer, 29 March 1878 and n. 1.

From J. W. Howell1   31 March 1878 33 Raphael Street | Brompton S.W. | (London) 31/3/78. Sir, It may seem rather an unscientific question to ask, but I have often wondered why it is that pigeons always fly in a circle. If you would be so good as to inform me their reason for so-doing I should feel deeply obliged. t I remain, Sir, | Yr very ob. sert— | J. W. Howell Chas. Darwin Esq M.A. F.R.S. LL.D DAR 201: 15 1

The correspondent has not been identified.

To James Torbitt   31 March 1878

Down, March 31, 1878.

My dear Sir I have just heard from Mr. Farrer, whose advice I had determined to follow, as he has great good sense and experience, and I know can be trusted. He advises me to send back the £100, which I now do, and I trust that you will not refuse to accept it, but adds “if there were reason to suppose that any great additional work could be effected this year by sending more money, it could no doubt be done”.1 But he seems to think from your note and what I have told him, it would be better to be contented with less extensive operations.2 He then says that if you go on with your experiments next year he and Mr. Caird3 feel sure that they could easily get another

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£100. He remarks that “getting money from the Government for a new thing is an endless business”. Copy incomplete DAR 148: 103 1 2 3

See letter from T. H. Farrer, 29 March 1878 and n. 1. CD had enclosed a copy of the first letter from James Torbitt, 24 March 1878, with his letter to T. H. Farrer, 26 March [1878]. James Caird.

To Karl von Scherzer   1 April 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. April 1st. 1878 My dear Sir I am extremely glad to hear of Häckels successful reception in Vienna.1 With respect to Virchow, his address appeared to me very arrogant, & he lectured the best naturalists in Germany, as if they had been school-boys.—2 No doubt his address will have a considerable effect on many persons, though it has produced none on me. The principle of evolution is too well established for any one man to shake it.— I am extremely sorry to hear of the death of Arthur Lane: should you have any fitting opportunity when you next see Dr. Lane, I hope that you will express for me my sympathy3 My dear Sir | Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin University of Southern California Libraries, Special Collections, Feuchtwanger Memorial Library (Collection no. 0204, Lion Feuchtwanger papers, Box 01) 1

2

3

Haeckel had been on a lecture tour popularising evolution in February and March 1878 (Krauße 1987, p. 133). He gave a lecture in Vienna on 22 March 1878 on cell souls and soul cells (Haeckel 1878). The letter from Scherzer has not been found. Rudolf Carl Virchow had given an address to the Assembly of German Naturalists and Physicians titled ‘The liberty of science in the modern state’ in Munich in September 1877; an English version of the text was published in Nature, 22 November 1877, pp. 72–4; 29 November 1877, pp. 92–4; 6 December 1877, pp. 111–13. Virchow was responding to Haeckel’s address at the same meeting titled ‘The present position of the evolution theory’, which advocated that evolution be taught in schools (Haeckel’s address was published in English in Nature, 4 October 1877, pp. 492–6). Virchow held that the German nation would regard naturalists favourably only if they exercised moderation with respect to personal speculation, especially in relation to the theory of descent. He therefore advocated that the theory of evolution should not be taught in schools. These issues were part of Kulturkampf (culture struggle), the power struggles surrounding the role of the Catholic Church in the emerging secular nation state; Virchow’s address delighted the religious right, while secular liberals felt betrayed (Hopwood 2015, p. 137). Arthur Lane was the son of CD’s hydropathic doctor and friend Edward Wickstead Lane. Scherzer and his wife, Julie Karoline Scherzer, had visited Lane’s hydropathic establishment in Richmond, Surrey, in late 1876 or in 1877 (see Correspondence vol. 24, letter to Karl von Scherzer, 24 December 1876). The envelope that contained CD’s letter was addressed to Scherzer at a hotel called The Mansion in Richmond, Surrey; Scherzer was possibly being treated at Lane’s hydropathic establishment at Ham, near Richmond, in April 1878.

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To John Price   2 April [1878]1 Down. | Beckenham Kent &c. April 2nd. My dear Price. Your own excellent Memory makes you think others have an equally good one. I can only remember seeing the gemmules (or whatever they ought to be called) of Sponges, swimming about & afterwards affixing themselves; & I suppose the Locomotion was effected by Ciliæ, This, as you well know, was exclusively Grant’s discovery; but I saw first the gemmules of Flustra swimming about also no doubt by aid of ciliæ— I wish I could have aided you but I have never attended to cilia— Wonderful as the Phenomenon truly is.2 Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin. Pray do not call me Dr Darwin, the title seems to me quite ridiculous.—3 Copy DAR 147: 281 1 2

3

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to John Price, 10 February [1878]. No letter from Price mentioning gemmules has been found. CD had observed ‘that the so-called ova of Flustra had the power of independent movement by means of cilia, & were in fact larvae’ at a meeting of the Plinian Society in 1827, when he was a student at Edinburgh University (‘Recollections’, p. 372). The cilia, or hair-like projections on cells, propel the cell forward by regular beating. Robert Edmond Grant, who studied corals and sponges, had been secretary of the Plinian Society; in 1825, he had discovered that the ova of sponges could move through the use of cilia (Grant 1825). CD and Price had become friends when they were pupils at the Royal Free Grammar School in Shrewsbury. Price was probably preparing the paper on ‘Ciliary movement’ that he presented to the Chester Society of Natural Science on 3 April 1879 (Annual Report of the Chester Society of Natural Science (1879): 11). CD had been awarded an honorary doctorate (LLD) by Cambridge University in November 1877; Price had written to congratulate him on this honour (see letter to John Price, 10 February [1878]).

From James Torbitt   3 April 1878 58 North Street. | Belfast, 3 April 1878 Charles Darwin Esq. | Down. My dear Sir, I accept of your £100 check with the greatest pleasure and am not in the least discouraged or disappointed, on the contrary, I propose this year to grow not five, but fifteen thousand new varieties, for every plant of which, your money shall pay— and I am proud that it should do so.1 I remain my Dear Sir ever | Most respectfully | and gratefully yours | James Torbitt DAR 178: 144

152 1

April 1878

CD had sent a cheque for £100 on 4 March to aid Torbitt’s attempts to breed a disease-resistant potato; Torbitt had returned the cheque when he discovered that he would only need two later payments of £50 in May and August (see letter to James Torbitt, 4 March 1878, and letter from James Torbitt, 24 March 1878). CD, however, sent the cheque for £100 back to Torbitt after Thomas Henry Farrer explained the difficulty of getting government funding for the experiments (see letter to James Torbitt, 31 March 1878).

From Fritz Müller   5 April 1878 Blumenau, Sa Catharina, Brazil April 5. 1878 My dear Sir I have to thank you for your very kind letter of January 12th as well as for some copies of Mr.  Meldola’s “Entomological Notes bearing on Evolution”. I enclose some additional notes bearing on the same subject, which may perhaps interest yourself or Mr. Meldola.1 From seeds gathered in Dona Francisca I raised some plants of a sensitive Mimosa, which are as yet very small; I observed them some days ago whilst it was raining (and had been raining for many hours), but not very hard, the temperature of the air being 22o C. The leaflets were half-closed, but the secondary and primary petioles in their normal erect position. The leaflets were in a rather insensible condition, a strong touch being required to cause them to close completely. Touching but slightly the pulvinus at the base of the main petiole, it bent rapidly down, so that its sensitiveness appeared not to be impaired.2 Being rather unwell that day, I could not stay long in the rain and must delay a more thorough observation to another time. When, long ago, in Butler’s Catalogue of the Satyridæ in the Brit. Mus. I saw (Pl. V fig 3) the elegant mane on the underside of the front-wings and the strangely modified neuration of the hind-wings of the male of Antirrhæa (or Anchiphlebia Butl.) Archæa, I felt sure, that these modified nervures must be environed by a highly developed odoriferous organ.3 Lately I have caught some specimens of both sexes of this butterfly, and indeed the male has a very strong odour emitted by the mane of the front-wings, and a very interesting odoriferous organ exists just where I had supposed it to exist on the hind-wings, besides another smaller one between the submedian and internal nervures. It is curious that in this butterfly the production of the odour appears to be almost exclusively limited to the hind-wings and the emission to the front-wings. A small oval opake spot in the membrane of the front-wings appears to be an odoriferous organ in a very rudimentary condition. Among moths the legs appear to be in a large number of cases the seat of odoriferous organs in the form of pencils, tufts, brushes etc. attached to the femur or tibia, of fore, middle or hind-legs. In one very common moth a large tuft of hairs is situated on either side of the prothorax, close to the insertion of the coxæ of the fore-legs; when these legs are extended and moved forward, the tuft of hairs unfolds into a large cone. You know that among butterflies the males of some Hesperidæ

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have large pencils of hairs on the tibiæ of the hind-legs and in the case of Plesioneura Eligius (named for me by Dr. Staudinger) I meant to perceive a faint odour emitted by these pencils, when unfolded.—4 I have lately tried to raise caterpillars from eggs extracted from the abdomen of female butterflies. The main difficulty consists in finding a proper food-plant for the young caterpillars, but generally the caterpillars of nearly related butterflies feed on the same or on nearly related plants. Thus, knowing that the caterpillars of Anartia Amalthea, Victorina Trayja, and Eresia Langsdorfii live on the same Acanthaceous plants, I gave the same plants to a young caterpillar of Junonia Lavinia and they were not rejected. The caterpillars of those four species resemble each other so perfectly, that in a system of caterpillars they would no doubt be united into a single genus.5 Some time ago I found on the leaves of Passiflora quadrangularis eggs of a butterfly, which evidently belonged to some Heliconius or any allied species. The young caterpillars died—(to my great surprise, for I had raised plenty of Heliconinæ from the egg)—one after the other without touching the leaves, on which the eggs had been found.6 At last, when only one survived, it occurred to me that their mother might have deposited her eggs on a wrong plant. For, though based on a far more solid ground, than that of the pope, the infallibility of butterflies also is not absolute. In consequence I placed before the starving caterpillar leaves of various other species of Passiflora at my disposition and before long it began to feed on one of them. By the choice, it made, I immediately supposed, that it would be a caterpillar of Dione Vanillae and this afterwards proved true.7 We are now prisoners here, having the yellow fever on the sea-shore of our province, by which circumstance our postal service also has become extremely irregular. To give an instance, I received in due time No 432 of Nature; ten days after No 430 and 433 arrived and only after another fortnight I received yesterday No 431.8 On my late excursion to São Bento I saw a white Niata cow, which contrary to what you observed, was extremely tame.9 I would have liked very much to possess this interesting animal; but they would not sell her. Pray, recommend me to your son Francis10 and believe me, dear Sir, with sincere respect | yours very faithfully | Fritz Müller. Oxford University Museum of Natural History (Hope Entomological Collections 1350: Hope/Westwood Archive, Darwin folder) 1

2

See letter to Fritz Müller, 12 January 1878. CD evidently had later sent copies of Raphael Meldola’s ‘Entomological notes bearing on evolution’ (Meldola 1878), which was published in Annals and Magazine of Natural History, February 1878. Müller’s ‘Notes on Brazilian entomology’, sent with this letter, were read at a meeting of the Entomological Society of London, 5 June 1878 and published in the society’s Transactions (F. Müller 1878). The original enclosure has not been found. Doña Francisca was a German colony, founded in 1851, lying between the Sierra do Mar and the coast in the province of Santa Catarina, about seventy-five miles north of Müller’s home in Itajahy. CD had asked whether Müller could observe a sensitive mimosa in hot weather and heavy rain (see letter to

154

3

4 5

6 7 8 9

10

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Fritz Müller, 12 January 1878 and n. 5). The primary petiole is the leaf stalk, while the secondary petioles are the stalks connecting each leaflet or pinnule to the central rachis; the pulvinus is the swelling at the base of the petiole. Arthur Gardiner Butler’s description of Anchiphlebia archaea (a synonym of Antirrhea archaea) is in Butler 1868, p. 106; the figure referred to by Müller shows the modified nervures or veins on the underside of the wing. Plesioneura eligius (a synonym of Celaenorrhinus eligius) is a species of skipper butterfly (family Hesperiidae). Otto Staudinger was a well-known German lepidopterist and dealer. Anartia amathea (‘amalthea’ is a misspelling) is the scarlet peacock butterfly; Victorina trayja is an unpublished name but probably refers to Victorina steneles (a synonym of Siproeta stelenes, the malachite butterfly); Eresia langsdorfi (‘langsdorfii’ is an incorrect subsequent spelling) is Langsdorf ’s crescent or the false erato. Junonia lavinia (a synonym of J. evarete) is the tropical buckeye. Passiflora quadrangularis is the giant granadilla. Heliconiinae is the subfamily of longwing butterflies that includes the tribe Heliconiini, passion-vine butterflies. Dione vanillae (a synonym of Agraulis vanillae) is the gulf fritillary; its caterpillars feed on leaves of Passiflora incarnata (purple passionflower), P. lutea (yellow passionflower), and other Passiflora species. Nature was published weekly; numbers 430 to 433 cover the period from 24 January 1878 to 14 February 1878. Müller had visited São Bento do Sul, a settlement in north-eastern Santa Catarina, Brazil, from 8 to 18 February 1878 (Möller ed. 1915–21, 2: 372–6). For CD’s observations on niata cattle, see Journal of researches 2d ed., pp. 145–6, and Variation 1: 89–91 and 2: 66, 205, 208, 332. Francis Darwin also corresponded with Müller (see Francis’s letter to Nature, 7 June 1877, pp. 100–1, communicating information received from Müller).

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   5 April 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. April 5— 1878 My dear Dyer I have just read in Nature the review of Forms of Flowers, & I am sure that it is by you.—1 I wish with all my heart that it deserved one quarter of the praise which you give it. Some of your remarks have interested me greatly.— I knew nothing about the wonderful nature of the so called peduncle of Arachis.—2 Hearty thanks for your generous & most kind sympathy, which does a man real good, when he is as dog-tired as I am at this minute with working all day, so goodbye C. Darwin The peduncle of Cyclamen Persicum does bow downwards with force enough slight to impress sand, though it does not become at all spiral.3 Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Thiselton-Dyer, W. T., Letters from Charles Darwin 1873–81: 114–15) 1 2

3

The anonymous review appeared in Nature, 4 April 1878, pp. 445–7. Thiselton-Dyer was named as the reviewer in Forms of flowers 2d ed., p. xi. Species in the genus Arachis, which includes groundnuts (peanuts), bury their ovaries but have conspicuous flowers; Thiselton-Dyer suggested that the elongation of the calyx tube, at the bottom of which was the ovary, was the mechanism whereby the ovaries were buried (Nature, 4 April 1878, p. 446). Thiselton-Dyer had stated that plants of every species of Cyclamen except Cyclamen persicum could bring their capsules down to the surface of the soil by means of the spiral contraction of their peduncles (Nature, 4 April 1878, p. 446).

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To T. M. Reade   8 April 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. April 8th 1878 My dear Sir I have been very glad to read your essay, & am much obliged to you for sending me the Journal & for promising me a separate copy.—1 The Journal is returned by the same post. I think that I have before said how important it seems to me that the notion about the small antiquity of the earth, now so commonly prevailing beyond the pale of working geologists, should be upset.— Believe me | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin Liverpool University Library Special Collections and Archives (TMR1.D.7.5) 1

In April 1878, Reade published a paper in the Geological Magazine titled ‘The age of the world as viewed by the geologist and the mathematician’ (Reade 1878). See also letter from T. M. Reade, 18 February 1878 and n. 2.

To G. J. Romanes   9 April [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. April 9th My dear Romanes I was just going to write to you, when I read in the newspapers the dreadful loss which you has suffered.2 I sympathise most truly with you & all your family. I did not even know that your sister was out of health. My object in writing was to say that we leave home on the 27th, returning on the th 13 of May,3 & to ask whether you could come here either before or after these dates; but probably you will not now feel inclined to do so. The onions are not yet up, & I doubt whether you will be able to do anything with them before your return to Scotland.4 Should you at any time whatever be inclined to come here, I beg you to inform me, & I will tell you whether the house will then be free of visitors.5 Believe me dear Romanes | Yours very sincerely | Charles Darwin American Philosophical Society (533) 1 2 3 4

5

The year is established by the reference to the death of Romanes’s sister (see n. 2, below). Georgina Isabella Romanes, Romanes’s elder sister, died in London on 1 April 1878; her death was announced in The Times, 3 April 1878, p. 1. From 27 April to 13 May 1878, CD visited William Erasmus Darwin in Southampton (‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). Romanes usually spent the summers at Dunskaith, the Romanes family home on the Cromarty Firth; he had built his own laboratory there, and also enjoyed the grouse and deer shooting (ODNB). He was carrying out grafting experiments in order to test CD’s hypothesis of pangenesis, and had asked CD to grow experimental onion plants in the garden at Down (see Correspondence vol. 25, letter from Charles and Francis Darwin to G. J. Romanes, 5 December 1877). Emma Darwin’s diary records that Romanes visited Down on 18 May 1878 (DAR 242).

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From T. T. Sherlock1   9 April 1878 20 Wellington Street | Upper Street | Islington N. April 9th/78 Dear Sir With much diffidence I venture to send you the enclosed. I consider it a point of importance & it perhaps would be one of the most palatable outcomes of the Evolution philosophy if it could be proved that the struggle for existence amongst tribes at least was a struggle for the production of the noblest type of man. It would be a source of much encouragement to me if you should consider this worthy of acknowledgement, Believe me | Sir Yours most respectfully | T. Travers Sherlock Chas. R. Darwin Esqre. L.L.D. [Enclosure] Descent of Man p. 130. 2nd Edition. “It is extremely doubtful whether the offspring of the more sympathetic & benevolent parents or those who were the more faithful to their comrades would be reared in greater numbers than the children of treacherous and selfish parents belonging to the same tribe. He who was ready to sacrifice his life as many a savage has been rather than betray his comrades, would often leave no offspring to inherit his noble nature. The bravest men who were always willing to come to the front in war & who freely risked their lives for others would on the average perish in larger numbers than other men. Therefore it seems hardly probable that the number of men gifted with such virtues or that the standard of their excellence could be increased thro’ natural selection i.e. by survival of the fittest.”2 If this were true the more a tribe fought the less fitted it would become for fighting. The more it conquered the less fitted for conquering. Ceteris paribus this is quite opposed to the Evolution hypothesis. The progress of societies would be impossible under such conditions. Now it is very evident that the tribe which produced the larger number of unselfish & noble natures would survive. The question is can the type be maintained. Let it be remembered in the 1st place that whatever causes produced these noble natures are still at work. Let the young savage show his courage and he is at once respected. He can in some tribes obtain many & choice wives: he will probably receive the best food, by no means an insignificant circumstance when taken in connexion with the number & strength of his offspring; and in case of scarcity would certainly receive presents from those who could spare. If the tribe were cannibals he certainly would not be eaten. Altho in battle he naturally presses to the front, yet he becomes the especial care of his fellows, they fight round him & it is a marked honour to any one who saves his life. If injured he would receive the best & most careful attention. The proneness of men to awe and worship would certainly assist his preservation in all difficulties. The

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fact that such men would certainly be men of the largest vitality (success would be the outcome of courage—i.e. a high circulation—and ability; nobility would imply large mental & emotional power to picture the sufferings of others & to be true in the present to hopes for the future.) must influence his offspring. His children would be well fed, would be cared for in his absence & in case of his death would not be neglected. Remembering also the power of example upon the acknowledged imitativeness of savage tribes also the power of praise and blame, we may fairly conclude that all these circumstances would when balanced with the other tendency of nobility & courage to self-destruction, leave a surplus of influences in favour of the of the development of noble natures within the tribe itself. DAR 177: 157 1 2

The correspondent is either Thomas Travers Sherlock (1830–82) or his son Thomas Travers Sherlock (1853–1915). The quotation from Descent 2d ed., p. 130, is largely correct except for the omission of commas, one missing ‘of ’, and the use of abbreviations.

From G. J. Romanes   10 April 1878 18 Cornwall Terrace: April 10, 1878. Many thanks for your kind expressions of sympathy.1 When the sad event occurred I had some thoughts of sending you an announcement; but as you had scarcely ever seen my sister, I afterwards felt that you might think it superfluous in me to let you know. The blow is indeed felt by us to be one of dire severity, the more so because we only had about a fortnight’s warning of its advent. My sister did not pass through much suffering, but there was something painfully pathetic about her death, not only because she was so young and had always been so strong, but also because the ties of affection by which she was bound to us, and we to her, were more than ordinarily tender. And when in her delirium she reverted to the time when our positions were reversed, and when by weeks and months of arduous heroism she saved my life by constant nursing—upon my word it was unbearable.2 The blank which her death has created in our small family is very distressing. She always used to be so proud of my work that I feel that half the pleasure of working will now be gone—but I do not know why I am running on like this. Of course it will give me every pleasure to go to Down before leaving for Scotland. If you have no preference about time, I suppose it would be best to go when you return home in May, as the onions might possibly be then ready for grafting.3 Unless, therefore, I hear from you to the contrary, I shall write again some time between the middle and end of May. E. D. Romanes 1896, p. 70

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April 1878

CD sent condolences on the death of Georgina Isabella Romanes, Romanes’s elder sister, in his letter to Romanes of 9 April [1878]. Georgina had nursed Romanes when he had typhoid fever in 1872–3 (E. D. Romanes 1896, pp. 9 and 70 n. 1). Romanes visited Down on 18 May 1878 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). From 27 April to 13 May 1878, CD and Emma Darwin visited William Erasmus Darwin in Southampton (‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). Romanes was carrying out grafting experiments in order to test CD’s hypothesis of pangenesis (see letter to G. J. Romanes, 9 April [1878] and n. 4).

To W. H. Flower   11 April 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) April 11th 1878 My dear Flower Pray forgive me for asking whether you have ever found time to look at the wingbones of the goose with malformed wings.—1 I thought that I would wait until hearing from you, before writing to Mr. Blair to thank him for the photograph, specimen &c; & I fear that he will think me very neglectful for not having done so ere this.2 Whenever you write; will you kindly return me Mr Blair’s letter, & if it seems worth while I will send a short account of case to Nature3 Forgive me for troubling you & believe me | Yours very sincerely | C. Darwin John Innes Foundation Historical Collections 1 2

3

CD had sent Flower a malformed goose wing in February, and asked him to comment on the possibility that mutilations might be inherited (see letter to W. H. Flower, 25 February 1878). In December 1877, CD had requested that Reuben Almond Blair send him the malformed goose wing (see Correspondence vol. 25, letter to R. A. Blair, 27 December 1877). He received the photograph and further details of the goose in February (see letter to W. H. Flower, 26 February [1878]). Blair’s letter has not been found. No account of this case appeared in Nature.

From G. E. Dobson   12 April 1878 Royal Victoria Hospital, | Netley, | Southampton. 12th. April 1878. Dear Dr. Darwin By same post I send you two specimens of monstrous fuchsia flowers in which the connective of the anthers of some of the stamens appears to have assumed a petaloid structure and appearance. They were the first flowers that appeared upon a fuchsia tree in my greenhouse, subsequent flowers have developed all their organs symmetrically. Perhaps you have seen this monstrosity before; however I send them on the chance that they may prove interesting to you in connection with your studies on the morpology of the flower. I would feel greatly obliged if you would kindly spare me a little of your valuable time to let me know whether, during your visit to the Galapagos Islands you observed any Bats there. I am writing the introduction to my Natural History of the

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Order Chiroptera (which will be published about the end of this month in the form of a Brit. Mus. Catalogue)1 and in treating of the Geographical Distribution of the Species I find it impossible to obtain any information as to the presence or absence of Bats in the Galapagos Group, and in this difficulty I take the liberty of asking your kind assistance. I remain, | dear Dr. Darwin, | very faithfully yours | G E Dobson DAR 162: 193 1

Dobson refers to his Catalogue of the Chiroptera in the collection of the British Museum (Dobson 1878).

To G. E. Dobson   12 April 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. April 12th 1878 Dear Dr. Dobson. The monstrosity of Fuchsia, which you have been so good as to send me is not of an uncommon order.—1 With respect to Bats at the Galapagos I shd. assuredly recorded their presence & earnestly endeavoured to shoot one, had any been seen.— Of course it does not follow from this that there are none; yet as I never collected in any place with so few insects. it is probable that Bats are really absent.2 Believe me | yours very faithfully | Ch. Darwin American Philosophical Society (B/D25.359) 1 2

See letter from G. E. Dobson, 12 April 1878. Dobson had asked CD about the presence of bats in the Galápagos Islands (see letter from G. E. Dobson, 12 April 1878); he included the information in this paragraph in his Catalogue of the Chiroptera in the collection of the British Museum (Dobson 1878, p. xxx n.). CD had visited the Galápagos Islands in 1835 (see Journal of researches, pp. 453–78).

From W. H. Flower   12 April 1878 Royal College of Surgeons of England | Lincolns Inn Fields (WC) 12 day of April 1878 My dear Mr Darwin I am exceedingly sorry that I should have given you the trouble of writing again about the goose’s wing—but it came to me just as I was beginning a course of Lectures which occupied very much time.—1 When they were over I went into the Country for a week, and since I came back I have had a quantity of arrears to fetch up. In the meanwhile the wing has been macerating in water, and only just got into a condition soft enough to enable me to examine it properly

160

April 1878

I send you a sketch of the malformation (if it can be so called) on the back of Mr Blairs Letter.2 The bones are all perfectly normal but the digits (with the large primary feathers) were in the dried state of the wing abnormally flexed upon the metacarpus at the metacarpo-phalangeal joint   Normally these bones would be in a straight line with one another— There is nothing in the bones to account for this and when softened there is no difficulty in replacing them in the natural position   The malformation of the bones was probably due to want of balance in the contractile power of opposing muscles & is analogous to club-foot in man.3 Supposing this view is correct (and it ought to be verified by dissections of the muscles and tendons in a recent state in several specimens) it is interesting in connection with the history, as although the particular injury of the parent has not reproduced itself in the offspring—it may probably have led to some disturbance in the functions of the nerves which control the muscles of the same region in this case. Of course this seems very far fetched: but unless it is a mere coincidence it is the only way in which I can account for the circumstance Before saying more I should like to have several of the wings, especially of very young birds, examined to see whether the condition was the same in all, or whether congenital, or acquired after birth. The wing of the original goose ought also to be examined and described to make the story complete. I think that on the whole it is worth following up— Believe me | Yours very truly | W H Flower W. H. Flower American Philosophical Society (534) 1

2 3

See letter to W. H. Flower, 11 April 1878. Flower was the Hunterian Professor of comparative anatomy and physiology at the Royal College of Surgeons, and responsible for delivering lecture courses on annually varying subjects; between 1877 and 1880 he lectured on the comparative anatomy of humans (Cornish 1904, p. 106). Reuben Almond Blair’s letter with Flower’s sketch on the back has not been found. Blair had suggested that the malformed goose wing might show the inheritance of the effects of injury (see Correspondence vol. 25, letter to R. A. Blair, 27 December 1877).

To W. H. Flower   13 April [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. April 13th My dear Flower One line to thank you much for your interesting note, which I will forward to Mr Blair, & ask him whether he can obtain several other specimens of wings in spirits, & I will offer to pay for them, for the case seems, from what you say, worth investigating.2 Yours sincerely & obliged | Ch. Darwin. John Innes Foundation Historical Collections

April 1878 1 2

161

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from W. H. Flower, 12 April 1878. In his letter of 12 April 1878, Flower suggested that Reuben Almond Blair send more examples of malformed goose wings; he thought that the malformation was not due to inheritance of the original injury, but that the original injury might have caused some disturbance in the nerves of the offspring.

To R. A. Blair   14 April 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Ap. 14. 1878 Dear Sir, You will think that I have been very neglectful, in not having sooner thanked you for the wing of the goose, the photograph & your last interesting letter; but I thought it best to wait until receiving Professor Flower’s report, & you will see by the enclosed the cause of his delay.1 If you are willing to take the trouble to get your interesting case thoroughly investigated, it will be necessary to procure from the owner the wings of half a dozen birds, some of them quite young; & if possible the old one which had his wing broken. They ought to be sent in spirits, & they had better be addressed to Prof. Flower2 Royal Coll of Surgeons Lincoln’s Inn Fields London And I had better be informed when they are dispatched. Should you be inclined to take so much trouble, I hope that you will allow me to say that I should be very glad to pay for the geese & for the several other contingent expenses. Your first letter & Prof: Flower’s had better be returned to me hereafter3 There is one other point which ought if possible to be ascertained; viz when the old gander had his wing broken was it wounded so that blood was discharged? If wounded did the wound suppurate? Did the wing heal quickly or slowly   These are important points in relation to the inheritance of mutilations. Pray accept my best thanks for your kindness & I remain, Dear Sir, | Yours faithfully | Charles Darwin LS American Philosophical Society (535) 1

2 3

Blair’s letter has not been found. The malformed goose wing sent by Blair had been forwarded by CD to William Henry Flower (letter to W. H. Flower, 25 February 1878). CD enclosed Flower’s conclusions (letter from W. H. Flower, 12 April 1878) with this letter. In the file with this letter in the American Philosophical Society is a photograph sent by Jessie Alice Blair from Missouri, labelled, ‘gosling with turned back feathers like the father drake that my father sent to Darwin’ (American Philosophical Society (535)). Flower had asked for several more wings of young birds, as well as a description of the wing of the bird that had suffered the original injury (letter from W. H. Flower, 12 April 1878). Letter from W. H. Flower, 12 April 1878. Blair’s first letter has not been found, but for CD’s reply to it, see Correspondence vol. 25, letter to R. A. Blair, 27 December 1877.

162

April 1878

Gosling with inverted wings (photograph, American Philosophical Society (535)) From B. J. Sulivan  [14–20] April [1878]1 Bournemouth. April. My dear Darwin There are two orphan boys, grandsons of Jimmy Button now at our Mission station, and they the missionaries are anxious to help these boys there and train them up.2 The expense for each would be 10£ a year and the elder one has been provided for by the Beckenham Branch of the Mission under the name of “William Beckenham Button”.3 I think it would be a nice thing if the old Beagles would adopt the younger one and call him “Jimmy FitzRoy Button”— He is now called “James” B— If we were each to give 1£ a year it would provide for him, as I think FitzRoy’s family would help. I am writing to all our old party.4 Hamond was here recently and he was glad to join. He has gone out to Gibraltar to take his daughter in law (a neice of my wife). and baby out to her Husband who has lately gone out to command a gun boat there.5 I hope you are all well. I have been again confined for a month with cough & cold, and could not go with my wife & daughter to our younger son’s marriage at Dover last week.6 I am getting all right again and all our party are now out of Doctor’s list. With our kind regard to Mrs. Darwin and all your family | Believe me | very sincerely yours | B. J. Sulivan

April 1878

163

DAR 177: 304 1

2

3

4

5

6

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to B. J. Sulivan, 22 April 1878. The date range is established by the reference to Henry Norton Sulivan’s wedding having taken place the previous week; he was married on 9 April (see n. 6, below). Jemmy Button, originally named Orundellico, was a Fuegian of the Yahgan tribe. He was brought to England in 1830 by Robert FitzRoy, captain of HMS Beagle, and returned to Tierra del Fuego in 1833; he died in 1861. The South American Missionary Magazine, 1 February 1878, pp. 32–3, had listed orphans in need of support, including Jemmy Button’s ‘unnamed’ (that is, with no Christian names) grandsons aged 10 and 8, whose parents had died two years previously. These orphan boys (whose Yahgan names were Pucananlacitanjiz and Cooshaipunjiz) were the sons of Jemmy Button’s eldest son, Coofyinuganjiz, and his wife Loocoīliceepa (ibid., 1 February 1878, p. 32, 1 October 1879, p. 223). They were at the mission that had been established for Fuegians at Ushuaia in the Beagle Channel, Patagonia (Hazlewood 2000. p. 343). The adoption of 10-year-old ‘Willy Beckenham’ (Pucananlacitanjiz) by the Beckenham and Shortlands Association was reported in the South American Missionary Magazine, 1 March 1877, p. 76, in a note emphasising the importance of ‘Juvenile Associations’ and ‘Children Collectors’. Sulivan, who had been second lieutenant on HMS Beagle when CD was on board during the 1831–6 voyage, was a long-time supporter of the South American Missionary Society; CD had made a donation in 1867 (see Correspondence vol. 22, letter from B. J. Sulivan, 5 January 1874 and n. 2). FitzRoy’s family included his widow, Maria Isabella FitzRoy, their daughter Laura Maria Elizabeth FitzRoy, his son and two daughters from his first marriage, Robert O’Brien FitzRoy, Fanny FitzRoy, and Katherine FitzRoy, and his brother, George FitzRoy. Robert Nicholas Hamond (1809–83) had been a midshipman on HMS Beagle when CD was on board. Hamond’s eldest son, Robert Nicholas Hamond (1844–94), was in command of the gunboat Composite, stationed in Gibraltar (Navy list 1878). He had married Janetta Tucker, daughter of Sophia Sulivan’s sister Sabine Anne Tucker, in 1877 (Burke’s landed gentry 1952, s.v. Hamond). The baby was Philip Walpole Hamond; he died in Gibraltar before November 1878 (see letter from B. J. Sulivan, 3 November 1878). Henry Norton Sulivan had married Grace Mary Griffin on 9 April 1878 (England, select marriages, 1538–1973 (Ancestry.com, accessed 1 February 2017)). It was probably Sulivan’s daughter Sophia Henrietta Sulivan who accompanied her mother, Sophia Sulivan, to the wedding.

To G. J. Romanes   15 April [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. April 15th My dear Romanes I can assure you that I was astonished when I read the list & read it over again as I could not believe my eyes that you were omitted.— I was truly grieved.—2 Long before you were proposed I have had many talks with the President3 & others on their principles of selection, & I could clearly see that age & general position in scientific society (such as being a Professor &c) had great weight.; also, (& this perhaps is quite fair) having been proposed during several years; youth in itself appears to be a disqualification however much & good work may have been done.— I am thoroughily convinced that the Council endeavour to the utmost to act honestly without any personal feeling, according to such principles as they think ought to guide them.— I can solemnly declare that though I have spoken about your Medusa work to many persons, no one has ever doubted about its high value.4 I wish that I had cut the list of the 15 names out of the Times, for I cannot remember them. I saw that age, & patronage of Science & position had done much.—

164

April 1878

Finally let me most earnestly beg you not to withdraw your name, whether or not you care about being elected; for all would say that you had withdrawn through ill-temper & would otherwise sneer at you.— According to my judgment the Council has made a gigantic mistake. | Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin P.S. | If you agree (& for Heaven sake do so) to have your name resuspended, I believe that as your proposer I must write to the Assistant Secretary.5 I wish that you could sometime find out whether this is the case. American Philosophical Society (509) 1

2

3 4 5

The year is established by the reference to the list of names that appeared in The Times (see nn. 2 and 5, below). The letter cannot be from 1877, the first year Romanes was proposed for fellowship of the Royal Society of London, because in 1877 the list of candidates did not appear until 19 April (Royal Society, Council minutes). The list of names of candidates for fellowship in the Royal Society was published in The Times, 13 April 1878, p. 9. CD had proposed Romanes for election to the Royal Society in January 1877 (see Correspondence vol. 25, letter from Charles and Francis Darwin to G. J. Romanes, 2 January [1877]). Joseph Dalton Hooker was president of the Royal Society. Some of Romanes’s work on the nervous system of jellyfish medusae had been published in the Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London (G. J. Romanes 1875, G. J. Romanes 1877a). According to his nomination form (Certificate of a candidate for election; Royal Society archives, GB 117, EC/1879/18), Romanes’s name was resuspended in 1879. Romanes was elected on 12 June 1879 (Record of the Royal Society of London). The assistant secretary was Walter White.

From Henry Potonié1   16 April 1878

Berlin. 16. 4. 1878.

Hochgeehrter Herr! Ganz kurz erlaube ich mir, Ihnen den Zweck meines Schreibens anzugeben, um Ihre werthvolle Zeit nicht nutzlos in Anspruch zu nehmen. Sie geben in dem: “Historical sketch” Ihres Werkes: “The origin of species etc.  sixth edition. London  1873” eine Uebersicht der Forscher, welche bereits vor dem Erscheinen Ihres eben genannten Werkes auf die gemeinsame Abstammung der Arten hingewiesen haben; aber die vortrefflichen Andeutungen in einem Buche des hochgeachteten, im vorigen Jahr verstorbenen, Professor Alexander Braun scheinen Ihnen entgangen zu sein. Wichtige Stellen finden sich besonders am Ende der Schlussbetrachtung (Seite: 325–348) und im Eingang (Seite: 3–23). Das Buch heisst: “Betrachtungen über die Erscheinung der Verjüngung in der Natur etc. Freiburg im Breisgau 1849/50.2 Es erschien dann noch einmal in Leipzig 1851.3 Vielleicht benutzen Sie diese Notiz in einer neuen Auflage Ihres Werkes, nachdem Sie das Buch, des Ihnen bekannten Forschers, geprüft haben.4 Ihre Verzeihung erbitte ich mir, falls ich durch einen Irrthum verleitet, unnütz Ihre kostbare Zeit gebrauchte. Sie tief bewundernd bin ich | Henry Potonié Berlin N. W. Dorotheenstr. 42.

April 1878

165

DAR 174: 58 1 2

3 4

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. CD first published his ‘historical sketch’ (in which he discussed the work of earlier evolutionists) in 1861 in Origin 3d ed., pp. xiii–xix; it had gone through several revisions by the time it appeared in Origin 6th ed., pp. xiii–xxi. Alexander Carl Heinrich Braun’s work on the phenomenon of regeneration in nature (Braun 1849–50) focused on asexual reproduction such as bud variation and graft hybrids; in the concluding section he discussed the reappearance of features (a form of reversion, which he referred to as remembrance) and the connectedness of different forms, and suggested that the same process of regeneration had led through countless intermediate steps to humankind (ibid., pp. 346–8). Potonié evidently read this discussion about the unity of life at a cellular level as an argument for common descent. Braun 1851. CD did not make any changes to Origin after 1876 (Freeman 1977, pp. 80–1).

To Raphael Meldola   17 April 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. April 17/78 My dear Sir I shd. be very much obliged if you could get some one to name the photographs of the enclosed insect & read the enclosed letter.1 It seems a pretty, but I think not new case of protective resemblance. One might fancy that the large ocelli on the under wings were a sexual ornament.— Perhaps these photographs might be worth exhibiting at the Entomolog. Soc.—2 I do not want them returned (unless indeed Dr Zacharias wants them back, which is not probable) or the enclosed letter. A single word with the name of the genus & if possible of the species, would suffice.— Pray forgive my troubling you & believe me yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin I am glad that F. Müllers letter interested you.3 He has published a paper with plates on the shape of the hairs or scales on the odoriferous glands of many Butterflies, which I cd. send you, but I doubt whether you wd. care for it.—4 Oxford University Museum of Natural History (Hope Entomological Collections 1350: Hope/Westwood Archive, Darwin folder) 1 2

3 4

The photographs and enclosed letter have not been found. Meldola exhibited the photographs at a meeting of the Entomological Society of London held on 5 June 1878. The photographs had been sent to CD by Otto Zacharias. The wings of the insects resembled leaves. (Transactions of the Entomological Society of London (Proceedings) (1878): xxiv.) CD had sent the letter from Fritz Müller, 20 February 1878, to Meldola (see letter to Raphael Meldola, 27 March [1878]). Meldola’s letter on the subject has not been found. Müller described the glands in his article ‘Ueber Haarpinsel, Filzflecke und ähnliche Gebilde auf den Flügeln männlicher Schmetterlinge’ (On hair-tufts, felted spots and similar structures on the wings of male butterflies; F. Müller 1877b). CD’s lightly annotated copy is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL.

166

April 1878

To Henry Potonié   20 April 1878 April 20th 1878 Dear Sir I am much obliged for your couteous letter.—1 The views of your great Botanist was unknown to me.2 Should I again correct the “Origin” I will introduce the case; but the book is stereotyped, I do not at present intend again to alter it, as I think that I can employ my little remaining strugle best by endeavouring to do some new work.—3 I remain Dear Sir your faithfully obliged | Chas. Darwin. Copy DAR 147: 249a 1 2

3

See letter from Henry Potonié, 16 April 1878. Potonié had suggested that CD’s historical introduction to Origin might include Alexander Carl Heinrich Braun, whose work, in Potonié’s opinion, had drawn attention to the common descent of species (letter from Henry Potonié, 16 April 1878 and n. 2). CD did not introduce any further substantial changes into the text of Origin (Freeman 1977, pp. 80–1).

To B. J. Sulivan   22 April 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Ap. 22— 1878 My dear Sulivan I shall be happy to subscribe 1£ annually as long as I live for Jemmy FitzRoy Button; & to save trouble I enclose subscription for next two years.1 I suppose that you have thought of the Boy’s future, & whether it is a real kindness to him to educate him; & secondly that we Beaglers are growing old.— I am very sorry to hear so poor an account of your health, though it seems you are now getting right.—2 I have been unusually well of late, & am working away all day long on seedling plants, which at present are my delight.3 Farewell my old friend | Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin Sulivan family (private collection) 1

2 3

CD, and others who had been on board HMS Beagle when the Fuegian Orundellico, named Jemmy Button by Robert FitzRoy, was returned to Tierra del Fuego in 1833, had been asked by Sulivan to subscribe towards the education of Orundellico’s orphaned grandson Cooshaipunjiz, who was to be renamed Jimmy FitzRoy Button (see letter from B. J. Sulivan, [14–20] April [1878]). CD recorded a payment of £2 to Sulivan for this purpose on 22 April 1878 in his Account books–cash account (Down House MS). See letter from B. J. Sulivan, [14–20] April [1878]. CD was investigating the movements of the embryonic shoots and roots of seedling plants (see letter to Fritz Müller, 27 March 1878).

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167

From Federico Delpino1   23 April 1878 Genova 23 Aprile 1878. Onorando uomo! Mi pregio d’offerirle in omaggio la “Rivista botanica dell’anno 1877” ove non ho mancato (pag. 84–106) di fare una dettagliata esposizione della di Lei mirabile opera “The different forms of flowers” ecc.2 Io non Le posso esprimere a parole la mia ammirazione per questo classico lavoro, che io non esito a considerare come il più importante scritto che sia fin qui comparso sulla fisologia florale. A pag. 183 ho fatto altresì cenno di una singolare onorificenza stata conferita alla S.V., esprimendo ben meritati encomii per la Università di Cambridge, non meno che ben meritato rimprovero per un atto inconsulto dell’Accademia francese.3 È per tal modo che, secondo le mie tenui forze, procuro di sdebitarmi in parte delle grandi obbligazioni che ho verso di Lei, come mio venerato maestro, e cortese donatore de’suoi scritti immortali. Ora a Lei, celebrato autore d’una monografia dei cirripedi,4 mi faccio ardito di presentare una mia congettura sulla vita di cosifatti crustacei. Vegga la S.V. se tale congettura abbia qualche fondamento. Nel caso che non ne abbia nessuno, non tenga il menomo conto di quanto segue. Nel caso contrario La prego di favorirmi il suo rispettabile parere. Nella mia andata a Rio de Janeiro ebbi occasione di osservare alcuni Balanus.5 Restai vivamente colpito della struttura di queste forme eterodosse. Il loro esteriore è o sembra quello di un mollusco multivalve (con mantello generatore di valve calcari); il resto è evidentemente della natura di un animale crostaceo. Ora qui non potrebbe parlarsi di transito nel senso della dottrina transformista. I molluschi e i crostacei sono certamente due lignaggi divergenti, e quindi non potrebbe esistere nessuna forma intermediaria.6 Piuttosto si presente allo spirito la possibilità di un curioso fenomeno d’innesto. Suppongasi che la larva di un cirripede, dapprima affatto sciolta e libera, ricerchi e aggredisca un individuo giovanissimo di una data specie di mollusco multivalve, innestando una parte del suo corpo col corpo del mollusco aggredito.7 Suppongasi altresi che cosifatto innesto abbia per effetto di sopprimere ogni vitalità del corpo aggredito, mantenendosi soltanto la vitalità del mantello calcarogeno; in tal caso parmi si avrebbe una naturale spiegazione dell’eterogenea struttura dei cirripedi, e forse non soltanto dei cirripedi ma eziandio degli ostracodi e di altre tribù di crostacei.8 Mi pare che questa congettura possa essere appoggiata dall’esempio del Pagurus.9 Il Pagurus assale le chioccioline di mare; le uccide e vi s’installa; ma, di mano in mano che cresce, è obbligato a mutare dimora e a ricercare un domicilio più grande. Non sarebbe un gran vantaggio pel Pagurus, se invece di uccidere totalmente il mollusco, di cui usurpa la casa, serbasse intatta la vitalità del mantello che vale a perennemente ingrandire la casa stessa? Forse la singolare abitudine del Pagurus potrebbe essere considerata come un primo passo verso la doppia natura del corpo dei cirripedi.10

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April 1878

A me questa congettura pare che abbia una grande verisimiglianza. Ma siccome non posso a meno di confessare la mia grande ignoranza in fatto di carcinologia,11 così La prego a manifestarmi in proposito il suo parere, o piuttosto a non fare nessuna riposta alla presente, nel caso che la S.V. giudichi tale congettura essere destituita da ogni fondamento. Gradisca in ogni modo l’attestato della mia devozione e riconoscenza. Suo ossequentissimo discepolo | Federico Delpino | Prof. di botanica all’Università di | Genova. DAR 162: 156 1 2

3

4 5

6 7 8

9 10 11

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. ‘Rivista botanica’ for 1877, a review of the year’s botanical publications by Delpino, was part of Annuario Scientifico ed Industriale 14 (1877); the discussion of CD’s Forms of flowers appears on pp. 536–58. The copy sent by Delpino has not been found but he evidently sent CD a separately paginated offprint. Delpino had previously sent the ‘Rivista botanica’ for 1876 as a separately paginated offprint (DAR 132.5). CD had received an honorary degree from the University of Cambridge on 17 November 1877 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). He had been unsuccessfully nominated six times for election to the anatomy and zoology section of the Académie des sciences between 1870 and 1878 (Corsi and Weindling 1985, p. 699). Delpino’s comments are in ‘Rivista botanica’ in Annuario Scientifico ed Industriale 14 (1877): 635–6. CD’s study of cirripedes resulted in the publication of Living Cirripedia (1851 and 1854) and Fossil Cirripedia (1851 and 1854). Delpino had stayed in Rio de Janiero for about a month in 1873 when personal circumstances forced him to give up his post as naturalist on a round-the-world voyage aboard the Garibaldi (Correspondence vol. 21, letter from Federico Delpino, 20 April 1873). Balanus is a genus of barnacle. Molluscs are a major phylum (Mollusca); crustaceans belong to the phylum Arthropoda. Cirripedes (barnacles) are crustaceans. In Origin, p. 148, CD mentioned the phenomenon of parasitism in cirripedes. He considered grafting to be confined to the vegetable world. Ostracods are a class (Ostracoda) of the Crustacea. Delpino was trying to account for the multi-valve shell structure of the adult cirripede compared to other crustaceans; for CD’s description of adult cirripede shells, see Living Cirripedia (1851), figs. 1–3. Pagurus is a genus of hermit crabs, which lack a hard carapace, and adopt empty shells from other species. In all their larval stages cirripedes resemble other crustaceans, but as adults they take on their atypical form (see n. 8, above). The study of crustaceans.

To A. S. Wilson   24 April 1878 Down April 24. 1878 My dear Sir I send you herewith some specimens which may perhaps interest you, as you have so carefully studied the vars. of wheat. Any how they are of no use to me as I have neither knowledge or time sufficient. They were sent me by the Governor of the Province of Samara in Russia, at the request of Dr. Asher (son of the great Berlin publisher)

April 1878

169

who farmed for some years in the province.1 The specimens marked Kubanka is a very valuable kind, but which keeps true only when cultivated in fresh Steppe-land in Samara, and in Saratoff.2 After two years it degenerates into the var. Saxonica or its synonym Ghirca. The latter alone is imported into this country. Dr. Asher says that it is universally known, and he has himself witnessed the fact, that if grain of the Kubanka is sown in the same steppe-land for more than two years it changes into Saxonica. He has seen a field with parts still Kubanka and the remainder Saxonica. On this account the government in letting steppe-land contract that after two years wheat must not be sown until an interval of eight years. The ears of the two kinds appear different as you will see, but the chief difference is in the quality of the grains. Dr. Asher has witnessed sales of equal weights of Kubanka and Saxonica grain, and the price of the former was to that of the latter as 7 to 4. The peasants say that the change commences in the terminal grain of the ear. The most remarkable point as Dr. Asher positively asserts is that there are no intermediate varieties; but that a grain produces a plant yielding either true Kubanka or true Saxonica. He thinks that it would be interesting to sow here both kinds in good and bad wheat soil and observe the result. Should you think it worth while to make any such trial, and should you require further information, Dr. Asher whose address I enclose, will be happy to give any in his power. I hope that I have not troubled you uselessly and remain, my dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin. P.S.— | I received Rimpau safely.3 Copy DAR 148: 364 1

2 3

Georg Michael Asher was the son of Adolf Asher; he lived in Samara and Saratov in Russia for a period in the 1870s. G. M. Asher had sent CD the wheat specimens in February, after receiving them from Mikhail Nikolaevich Galkin-Vraskoi, the governor of Saratov province (letter from G. M. Asher, 14 February 1878). CD obtained this and the following information about Russian wheat from Asher’s letter to John Murray, 1 November 1877, and the letter from G. M. Asher, 7 November 1877 (see Correspondence vol. 25). Wilson had borrowed CD’s copies of Wilhelm Rimpau’s papers on the varying degrees of self-sterility in different varieties of wheat and rye (Rimpau 1877a and 1877b; letter to A. S. Wilson, 23 February 1878 and n. 7).

From Leonard Darwin   25 April 1878 Brompton Barracks, | Chatham. April 25th. | 78

Dear Father Enclosed are the two photos.1 They have only been doubled in size by mistake. It could easily be done again if you like, as it is no trouble to me. Your affec son | Leonard Darwin DAR 186: 34

170

April 1878

CD annotation Top of letter: ‘Radicles of Bean.—’2 pencil 1

2

The photographs probably related to CD’s experiments on bean radicles (see n. 2, below). There are photographs of bean radicles in DAR 209.15: 1–4. DAR 209.15: 4 has ‘enlarged to twice the size. LD’ written on the back; the images on DAR 209.15: 3 are a similar size. CD was beginning to experiment on the movement of the radicles of beans (see letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 9 May [1878]).

To Karl von Scherzer   26 April 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R April 26. 1878. My dear Sir I thank you sincerely for your extremely kind letter & am glad to hear of the important post, as I suppose, to which you have been appointed.—1 I would gladly have asked you to come down here, though it is not likely that you could have spared the time, but we all leave home tomorrow morning for a visit of between 2 & 3 weeks to my married & eldest son.2 With all good wishes for your happiness and prosperity I remain | my dear Sir | Yours very faithfully | Charles Darwin Copy John Hay Library, Brown University (Albert E. Lownes manuscript collection, MS.84.2) 1 2

This letter has not been found. Scherzer had been appointed the Austrian consul general in Leipzig; his post as deputy consul general in London had ended on 19 April 1878 (Agstner 2012, p. 162). CD and Emma Darwin visited Sara and William Erasmus Darwin in Southampton from 27 April to 13 May 1878 (‘Journal’ (Appendix II)).

From Thomas Meehan   28 April [1878]1 Commonwealth of Pennsylvania | Board of Agriculture | Harrisburg | Botanical Department Thos. Meehan, Botanist. | Germantown | Philadelphia, P.a. April 28 1877 Mr. Charles Darwin, My Dear Sir,— Though there may not be much that is new to you in Dr. Wood’s Lecture on Insectivorous plants, I am sure you will like to see it, and I have begged a copy for you which I send by mail with this today.2 I took occasion to note recently that plants did not always behave in one place as they do in others,—and I incidentally referred to your experience with Linum perenne, to illustrate my point.3 I did this by no means to antagonize your observations, but quite on the contrary, to help strengthen them with those who might see cases like mine, and suspect there might be some error in the original observation. I endeavored to show a good reason for seemingly differing experiences. My friend Dr. Gray seems to

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take it another way, and writes to me that I might at least have waited to see whether or not the plant in America is heterostyled before making the remark,—that perhaps the L. Lewisii is not after all L. sibirica or L. perenne, but entitled to distinctive rank.4 So far there is a good point in the suggestion that we should go over again and examine the matter, and I am sure I shall look into it with much pleasure. But as we had all of us come to the conclusion that they were identical, the doubt did not occur to me,— so that while I am glad of the suggestion to examine our form again, I think I may be pardoned for having referred to it as I did. Though I cannot quite see just as you do, as to the deductions to be drawn from some of the observations,—I am so much in accord with so many of your views, and am so much indebted indeed to all of your labors, that I should be annoyed to be thought an “antagonist”. With best respects and wishes, believe me dear Sir | Very truly Yours | Thomas Meehan DAR 171: 111 1 2

3

The year is established by the reference to the letter published in the Bulletin of the Torrey Botanical Club, December 1877 (see n. 3, below). Meehan evidently wrote 1877 in error. Meehan enclosed a copy of Thomas Fanning Wood’s ‘Paper on the insectivorous plants of the Wilmington regions’, which had appeared in the Wilmington Daily Review, 8 May 1877 (Wood 1877). CD’s copy is in DAR 226.2: 168. Meehan wrote, in a letter published in the Bulletin of the Torrey Botanical Club, December 1877, p. 189: However, it is well to recognize the fact, that plants, and, no doubt, insects, behave differently in different places. For instance, Mr. Darwin from English experiments utterly denies that Linum perennne can fertilize itself by its own pollen. He says we may as well ‘sprinkle over it so much inorganic dust.’ But a single plant, which I brought with me from Colorado in 1873, bears fruit freely in my garden every year. It shows that how a plant may behave in one place is no rule as to how it will elsewhere.

4

CD had written, ‘Now we know positively that, so far from Linum perenne being fertilised by its own pollen in the bud, its own pollen is as powerless on the stigma as so much inorganic dust’ (Forms of flowers, p. 98). Linum perenne is blue flax. Some taxonomists gave specific status to blue flax from western areas of North America, including Colorado, referring to it as Linum lewisii; others considered it to be a variety of L. perenne. Linum sibiricum is a synonym of L. perenne. CD had already written to Asa Gray mentioning Meehan’s remarks on Linum perenne, and after consulting Joseph Dalton Hooker, expressed the opinion that the Colorado Linum was, at least functionally, a distinct species (see letters to Asa Gray, 21 [and 22] January 1878 and 17 February [1878]). For more on the controversy between CD and Meehan, see Baker 1965.

From Edmund Mojsisovics von Mojsvár   28 April 1878 Kaiserlich-Königliche | Geologische Reichsanstalt | III., Rasumoffskygasse 3. | Vienna, April 28th. | 1878. Dear Sir! I have taken the liberty, to send to your adress, by book post, some of my former paleontological publications, and the first part of my book, in course of publication, on the Geology of Southern Tyrol.1 This book intends to demonstrate the structure

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and extension of the Coral Reefs of the Triassic Period. In the first Chapter I tried to show the way, which the paleontological-geological inquiry has to go, in the mind of Your Theory, and to elucidate the true nature of the “imperfection of the Geological Record”.2 I would feel very much honoured, and greatly rewarded for my trouble, if You would be kind enough, to communicate to me in a few lines Your views on this Essay. With the highest respect, I remain, | dear Sir, | Your | obedient servant | Dr. Edm. von Mojsisovics | [Mojsisovics]3 Charles Darwin, Esq. | Down, Beckenham. DAR 171: 226 1

2

3

Mojsisovics von Mojsvár’s book Die Dolomit-Riffe von Südtirol und Venetien (The Dolomitic reefs of South Tyrol and Veneto; Mojsisovics von Mojsvár 1878–9) was being published in parts. There are six parts, inscribed by the author, in the Darwin Library–Down House. Mojsisovics von Mojsvár also sent a map, Geologische Übersichtskarte des tirolisch-venetianischen Hochlandes zwischen Etsch und Piave (Geological outline map of the Tyrolian-Venetian highlands between Etsch and Piave) and two earlier palaeontological works (Mojsisovics von Mojsvár 1873–5 and 1874). CD had devoted chapter 10 in Origin to a discussion of the imperfection of the geological record (Origin 6th ed., pp. 264–89). For Mojsisovics von Mojsvár’s explanation of gaps in the fossil record, see Mojsisovics von Mojsvár 1878–9, pp. 7–9. Mojsisovics von Mojsvár was evidently trying to clarify the spelling of his name, which ran into the margin at the first attempt, but the second is barely legible.

To G. G. Stokes   28 April 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. April 28th 1878 Sir I cannot venture to express any decided opinion whether Prof. Haughton’s paper is worth publishing in the Proceedings.1 It is desirable that geologists, who are now freely speculating about the displacement of the Poles, should see that if this be granted the presence of tropical & sub-tropical remains in the Arctic regions is not thus easily explained; & in so far Prof. Haughtons paper might be advantageously published. On the other hand the estimation of geological time is to the best of my judgment extremely wild: it is assumed that we have discovered the oldest sedimentary beds containing fossils: no allowance is made for great breaks in the series, as between the Cretaceous & Tertiary formations: towards the close of the paper it apparently is assumed that sediment is deposited over the bed of the whole Ocean; & various other objections could be raised. The conclusion which follows from his estimate, namely that a greater interval of time separates us from the miocene epoch than that between the commencement of the Secondary period & the miocene, seems almost monstrous, & is strongly opposed by other evidence.—2

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I cannot but doubt whether this part of the paper is worth printing; though as a general rule it seems to me desirable that the views of an author who has studied any subject should be judged by the general public Sir | Your obedient servt | Ch. Darwin To the Sec. | R. Society P.S. | On still further reflexion, so many objections & difficulties arise, which if they could be answered, anyhow are not noticed in the paper, that I am inclined to advise that the paper shd not be published in its present form. The subject seems to require much fuller elaboration.— C.D. The Royal Society (RR8:107) 1

2

Samuel Haughton’s paper, ‘Notes on physical geology’, was read at the Royal Society of London on 4 April 1878 (Proceedings of the Royal Society of London 27 (1878): 291). It was not published in the Proceedings of the society, but did appear under the title ‘Physical geology’ in Nature, 4 July 1878, pp. 266–8. George Howard Darwin had considered earlier work by Haughton to be ‘utter rubbish’ (see letter from G. H. Darwin, 28 January 1878. In Nature, 4 July 1878, p. 268, Haughton did not alter his statement that the sediments from the denudation of land were uniformly spread across the ocean floors. This assumption, together with his debatable estimate of strata thickness, would have given a time scale of 1.5 billion years, but Houghton arbitrarily reduced this by a factor of ten to conclude that the whole duration of geological time was a minimum of 200 million years (ibid.; Burchfield 1990, pp. 101–2).

To Thomas Whitelegge   28 April 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. April 28— 1878 Dear Sir I sincerely wish that I could give you any information about your specimens; but I have never studied the genus Geum or attended to monstrosities or sudden deviations of structure.1 I may, however, remark that the supression of one sex is not a rare abnormality.2 Wishing you success in your observations, I remain | Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Charles Darwin Mitchell Library, Sydney (MLMSS 5833) 1 2

Geum is a genus of about fifty species in the rose family; it is closely related to Potentilla. Whitelegge had evidently sent specimens of Geum, but no letter from him discussing these has been found. Whitelegge continued to investigate forms of Geum rivale that had only male and hermaphrodite flowers on the same stem (see letter from Thomas Whitelegge, 21 May 1878). Hermann Müller later mentioned Whitelegge’s discovery that Geum rivale was occasionally andromonoecious (H. Müller 1883, p. 229).

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From Édouard van Beneden1   29 April 1878 Liège 29/4 78. Monsieur et très illustre Maître, Je vous adresse en même temps que ce mot une circulaire dont je vous pris de vouloir bien prendre connaissance.2 Permettez-moi de vous dire que je tiens essentiellement à pouvoir vous placer en tête de l’album à offrir à Schwann et je ne doute où vous voudrez par l’envoi de votre photographe avec votre autograph donner un témoignage de haute estime au fondateur de l’histologie moderne. Je saisis cette occasion pour vous reïtére, Monsieur et illustre maître l’expression de mon profond respect et de mon admiration pour votre personne et votre œuvre. Votre tout dévoué | Edouard Van Beneden. A Monsieur Ch. Darwin. DAR 160: 135 1 2

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. The circular has not been found; it probably related to raising a subscription to commission a bust of Theodor Schwann (see letter from Édouard van Beneden, 11 September 1878).

To A. S. Wilson   29 April [1878]1 Bassett | Southampton April 29 My dear Sir. Your kind note and specimens have been forwarded to me here, where I am staying at my son’s house for a fortnight’s complete rest, which I required from rather too hard work.2 For this reason I will not now examine the seeds, but will wait till returning home, when with my son Francis’ aid I will look to them. I always felt, though without any good reason, rather sceptical about Prof. Buckman’s experiment, and I afterwards heard that a most wicked and cruel trick had been played on him by some of the agricultural students at Cirencester, who had sown seeds unknown to him in his experimental beds.—3 Whether he ever knew this I did not hear. I am exceedingly glad that you are willing to look into the Russian wheat case.4 It may turn out a mare’s nest, but I have often incidentally observed curious facts when making what I call “a fool’s experiment”. My dear Sir | Yours very faithfully | Ch. Darwin Copy DAR 148: 365 1

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to A. S. Wilson, 24 April 1878.

May 1878 2 3

4

175

Wilson’s note has not been found. CD visited William Erasmus Darwin in Southampton from 27 April to 13 May 1878 (‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). James Buckman had been professor of geology and botany at the Royal Agricultural College, Cirencester, Gloucestershire; he retired in 1863. In Origin, p. 10, CD described an ‘extremely valuable’ experiment by Buckman that appeared to show that species of the same genus that differed greatly in appearance in their natural habitat were indistinguishable when grown under the same conditions in experimental plots. In 1863, he learned that a student who bore Buckman a grudge had mixed the seeds that were used in the experiment (see Correspondence vol. 11, letter from S. P. Woodward, 14 February 1863). CD removed the reference from Origin 4th ed. and all subsequent editions. CD had sent Wilson specimens of Russian wheat varieties that he had received from Mikhail Nikolaevich Galkin-Vraskoi, the governor of Saratov province (see letter to A. S. Wilson, 24 April 1878 and n. 1).

From Robert Thomson   1 May 1878 Beaufort, South Carolina. Wed. 1st. May 1878 Dear Sir: Having read only recently, in your “Naturalists Tour Around the World”, with much interest the account of the great earthquake in Chile of Feby. 1835, I beg leave to submit to your attention a conjecture of my own as a possible explanation of certain phenomena connected with that and similar events. I mean an explanation more particularly of the great sea wave accompanying that and other earthquakes, to which you refer as a subject of much obscurity at that time, and of which I am not aware that any satisfactory explanation has ever since been given.1 Allow me to say however that I have no special knowledge of the subjects and have not access to any more detailed account of the earthquake of 1835, than that which is given in your narrative. 1. The theory I have to offer is based upon the idea of what I consider strictly undulatory or wave motion: or in other words, it is the application of the principle of wave motion in water to the case of the undulations of the earth crust, or earthquakes. It postulates the following proposition, that wherever there is an elevation of the earth surface there must be a corresponding adjacent depression. Now applying this principle to the special case of 1835, I venture to say that when the coast of Chile was raised above its former level, at the same time by way of compensation, the earth crust adjoining the region of elevation was depressed below its former level to a corresponding extent. So I come to the conclusion that the bottom of the Sea adjoining the coast of Chile was depressed below its former plane; that the level of the superincumbent sea was correspondingly lowered; and that as a natural consequence the great sea waves came rolling down from the higher plane of the undisturbed ocean, to become converted, upon reaching shallow water, into tremendous breakers. 2. I am considering the earthquake of 1835 as one grand undulation, which I suppose moved from a westerly direction to the coast of Chile, and was finally arrested with its crest elevated in the line of the coast or of the mountains, and thus became permanent, with attendant depressions in the sea bottom and also perhaps in the

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land on the east of the line of permanent elevation. I thus eliminate from consideration the attendant minor oscillations which may be compared to the secondary waves or ripples upon some great sea swell. Illus I. 3 1 2 2 S 1 3 S = Sea Shore 1–1 = Plane of Earth Crust before disturbance. 2–2 = First phase of Movement 3–3 = Final " " "

Illus II. HE D S

A P O

B

S = Sea Shore SAOP = Sea bottom before disturbance SBOP = " . " After " D = Origin of 1st great wave E and H = Origin of 2nd and 3rd wave. 3. To account for the gentle swelling of the water along the shore, just before the great sea waves came in, I should say that it occurred when the crest of the grand earth undulation was approaching the shore, and quietly raised the superincumbent water, to be correspondingly lowered when the earth wave had passed on to the dry land, and what was the crest became the consequent hollow. I conceive that such a gentle elevation of the water on the shore might occur without a subsequent subsidence below the former level; and in that case there would be no attendant sea waves, as in the earthquake at Chiloe to which you refer as having happened a few years before that of 1835.2 Perhaps the grand earth wave in such a case would be considered as arrested before reaching and elevating the land. Was there no permanent elevation of the land at Chiloe? 4. It appears to me that such a theory is in general harmony with the facts given in your narrative, and especially with your suggestion of the place of origin of the sea waves. I need hardly say that we should expect several rather than one great sea

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wave to be formed, and that immediately behind the first, two or more minor waves would follow and move onward to restore the natural level of the sea. I have perhaps generalized with more freedom in this matter from the fact that I am not hampered with much detailed information concerning the subject. And I am not conversant with the progress of knowledge in reference to earthquakes since the year 1835, nor have I ready access to the observations of recent explorers and writers. If the idea I have ventured to bring forward has sufficient interest, although very unwilling to trespass upon your time and attention, I should like to know how far it seems compatible with your own observations, and how far tenable in the present state of knowledge. I remain with great respect | yours very truly | Robt. Thomson Professor Chas. Darwin | England DAR 178: 118 1

2

In his Journal of researches, pp. 377–9, CD discussed earthquake waves (often known now as tsunami or seismic sea waves) and hypothesised that they were the results of disturbances in the equilibrium of an undulation. CD had arrived at Concepción, Chile, a couple of weeks after the earthquake that happened on 20 February 1835, and recorded feeling the tremors and earth movement on that day at Valdivia, over two hundred miles to the south (ibid., pp. 368–9). See Journal of researches, p. 369.

From Raphael Meldola   3 May 1878 Collection Litolff | Enoch Père & Fils Editeurs de Musique 27, Boulevard des Italiens, 27 | Paris | Maison à Londres | 19, Holles Street. W. Chez M. N. Astruc | 7 Rue Blanche | Paris, May 3/78 My dear Sir, I must beg you to excuse my apparent neglect in not answering your letter of April 17th. sooner but I have been detained in Paris on business connected with the Exhibition & your letter has only just reached me.1 I am exceedingly obliged to you for the photographs & will exhibit them at the next meeting of the Entom. Soc.2 I will get the moths named immediately on my return with the greatest pleasure & communicate the names to you.3 I hope to return to London next week. Fritz Müller’s observation on the relative abundance of mimicking & mimicked species opens out some important questions in the theory of mimicry—4 I had already collected a number of observations bearing on this phase of the question & as soon as I can find time I propose to organize them for publication. Believe me, dear Sir, | Yours very faithfully | R. Meldola. DAR 171: 127

178 1

2

3 4

May 1878

See letter to Raphael Meldola, 17 April 1878. The Exposition Universelle was held from 1 May 1878 to 10 November 1878 (EB). Meldola had brought specimens of a new green dye he had discovered, which was exhibited under the trade name ‘Viridine’ (Meldola 1882, p. 187). CD had received photographs of two species of leaf-mimic katydids, probably Pterochroza illustrata (a synonym of Tanusia illustrata) and P. ocellata (peacock katydid), from Otto Zacharias (see letter to Raphael Meldola, 17 April 1878 and n. 2, and Proceedings of the Entomological Society of London (1878): xxiv). Meldola had evidently mistakenly assumed that the insects in the photographs were moths (see n. 2, above). CD had sent Meldola the letter from Fritz Müller, 20 February 1878 (see letter to Raphael Meldola, 27 March [1878]). Müller had noted that, depending on where they were observed, some species could be seen as either the mimicking or the mimicked species.

From T. H. Farrer   4 May 1878 Abinger Hall, | Dorking. | (Gomshall S.E.R. | Station & Telegraph.) 4 May/78 My dear Mr Darwin I inclose a bit of Ledum which if not insectivorous—is certainly ferociously insecticide. I dont see it mentioned in your book: and possibly it is purely gratuitous malice and not self-interest which makes its sticky nectar the death of so many creatures.1 It is curious & painful to see them get their long legs fast to the style, & then gradually get more & more [involved]. I have been much struck with our Primulas this beautiful spring.— We have plenty of wild primroses & cowslips: and here and there an oxlip—(qu)—and primroses & oxlips I have seen run into one another.2 But Payne is proud of his Polyanthuses & Coloured Primulas and has them all about the shrubberies.3 They and the wild ones both seed themselves: and it seems to me that we are getting almost every kind of step & variety—in habit—ie—in umbel—& nonumbel—in close or open flower—and in colour, between primrose cowslip & polyanthus.— In a group of cowslips some will begin to get a more open flower: some to hold up their heads: some to have a deeper & richer orange— some longer pedicels to each flower—till we almost get a polyanthus—. The pink & mauve primulas elongate their stems & become umbelliferous. There seems to be no constant character. Some vary in a very ugly way by turning the flower into something like a shabby calyx. Why should the Lady smock on our lawn become double, & form a handsome spike: whilst that in the field remains with its usual single flowers & flat head? It is neither soil, aspect or shade. Double flowers are a great puzzle4 I hope Payne has sent the Stipa to Frank5 Sincerely yours | T H Farrer DAR 164: 91

May 1878 1

2

3

4 5

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Farrer probably refers to Ledum palustre (a synonym of Rhododendron tomentosum, Labrador tea) or a closely related species. The nectar contains a glycoside that is toxic to some species of insect but not to the bees that pollinate the plant. CD’s book was Insectivorous plants. The primrose is Primula vulgaris and the cowslip is Primula veris. Hybrids of the two species occur naturally; these resemble the true oxlip (Primula elatior) and are known as false oxlips. CD studied hybridity in these species in ‘Specific difference in Primula’. George Payne was Farrer’s gardener. Polyanthus is the common name of a hybrid group derived from some species of the genus Primula; CD discussed experiments with polyanthus and Primula auricula in ‘Dimorphic condition in Primula’. Varieties of lady’s smock or cuckoo flower (Cardamine pratensis) with double flowers occur naturally. Fully double flowers are usually sterile, as the sexual parts have become petaloid. Francis Darwin had studied the ability of some awned seeds to bury themselves in the ground; most of his research was based on observation of seeds of Stipa pennata (feather grass; see F. Darwin 1876).

To T. H. Farrer   7 May [1878]1 Basset, Southampton May 7th My dear Farrer We are staying here till Monday, so that the Ledum (a plant which I never before saw) arrived quite dried up; but by soaking it, I saw the astonishing number of captured flies.— The case ought to be investigated & if I could find time (which alas prevents many things being done) I would do so.— Could Mr Payne raise me a plant in a pot?2 By the way I know nothing about Stipa, & hope a plant has not reached Down during our absence.3 Double flowers are perplexing things, but a theory which I give in my Var: under Dom: seems to explain most cases,—bearing in mind what slight changes of conditions induce sterility.4 At present I care for nothing in this wide world except the biology of seedling plants,—the infamous threatening of war being of course a trifle compared with my beloved seedlings.5 How charming Abinger must have been looking.—6 Yours ever very sincerely | Ch. Darwin Mr Torbitt wrote to me a little time ago that he had determined to raise 15,000, instead of 5,000 seedling Potatoes.7 With respect to crossed Primroses, I have known wild hybrid oxlips, crossed naturally by primrose, & the grandchildren were primroses borne on a very short common peduncle.—8 Linnean Society of London (Farrer 29) 1

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from T.  H.  Farrer, 4 May 1878.

180 2

3 4 5

6 7 8

May 1878

The Darwins visited William Erasmus and Sara Darwin in Southampton from 27 April to 13 May 1878 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). Farrer had sent CD a specimen of Ledum sp. (see letter from T. H. Farrer, 4 May 1878 and n. 1). George Payne was Farrer’s gardener. Farrer had instructed Payne to send a plant of an unnamed species of Stipa for Francis Darwin (see letter from T. H. Farrer, 4 May 1878 and n. 5). CD discussed the cause of doubleness in flowers in Variation 2: 167, concluding that long-continued cultivation in rich soil seemed to be the ‘commonest exciting cause’. CD had been working on movement in cotyledons (seed-leaves) of plants, later published in Movement in plants. Following the decisive Russian victory in the Russo-Turkish War of 1877–8 and the signing of the Treaty of San Stefano, other European states were alarmed by the increase of Russian influence in the region. Britain had threatened to go to war, but a crisis was averted by the convening of the Congress of Berlin in mid-May 1878 (Mackenzie 1993, pp. 240–2). See also letter to R. A. T. Gascoyne-Cecil, [18 May 1878]. Abinger Hall, Abinger, Surrey, was Farrer’s home. CD had last stayed there in 1875 (Correspondence vol. 23). See letter from James Torbitt, 3 April 1878. See letter from T. H. Farrer, 4 May 1878 and n. 2. The peduncle or flower-stalk of Primula vulgaris is typically fairly long with a single flower-head.

To T. H. Farrer   8 May [1878]1

From Mr. C. Darwin. [Bassett, Southampton.] May 8th

Thanks for another & much better lot of specimens of the Ledum.—2 I doubt whether case worth labour of investigation. The glands probably serve, in accordance with Kerner’s view, merely to protect the flowers from crawling insects, which would not cross-fertilise them.—3 C.D. ApcS Linnean Society of London (Farrer 30) 1 2

3

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from T.  H.  Farrer, 4 May 1878. See letter from T. H. Farrer, 4 May 1878 and n. 1. CD initially thought the plant would be worth investigating to determine whether it was insectivorous (letter to T. H. Farrer, 7 May [1878]). The genus Ledum has been subsumed within the genus Rhododendron; leaves of many species of Ledum have insecticidal properties. Anton Kerner had mentioned that access to the flowers of Ledum palustre was impeded by sticky secretions from the epidermis of the bracts (see Kerner 1876, p. 215).

From A. F. Gray   8 May [1878]1 Dear Sir,— The following case will, I think, prove of interest to you, as it corroborates your belief that freshwater shells are sometimes transplanted by the agency of aquatic birds.2 In the sketch I have endeavoured to give you a correct idea of the way in which the shell was attached to the duck’s foot.3

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It was given to me by Mr.  H.  L.  Newcomb, who shot the bird, which was a blue-winged teal (Querquedula discors), while flying, near the Artichoke river at West Newbury, Mass., September 6, 1877.4 The shell, the common mussel, or clam (Unio complanatus), is a very abundant species, being found in nearly all the rivers and ponds of the Atlantic slope.5 How long the shell had been attached is only a matter of conjecture, but it had abraded the skin of the bird’s toe, and left quite an impression. It was living when the bird was shot. It would have undoubtedly been transplanted to some pond or river, perhaps miles from its original home, had the bird not been shot, and might then have propagated its kind. Arthur H. Gray6 Danversport, Mass., May 8 | To C. Darwin, Esq.

Nature, 30 May 1878, p. 121 1 2 3

4 5 6

The year is established by the date of publication of this letter in Nature. The letter was sent to Nature by CD (see letter to A. F. Gray, 21 May [1878]). In Origin, p. 385, CD described an experiment in which he suspended a duck’s feet in an aquarium where freshwater shells were hatching and soon found numerous minute shells attached to the feet. The original drawing has not been found but a woodcut was made of it for publication in Nature, 30 May 1878, p. 121; this image is reproduced here. See also letter to Nature, [21? May 1878]. The shell, together with the duck’s foot, is in the collection of the Museum of Comparative Zoology, Harvard (MCZ, Malacology 154590); see plate on p. 182. H. L. Newcomb has not been identified. Querquedula discors is a synonym of Anas discors (blue-winged teal). Unio complanatus is a synonym of Elliptio complanata (eastern elliptio), a freshwater mussel. Gray’s middle initial was misprinted in Nature.

Elliptio complanatus. MCZ:Mala:154590. Museum of Comparative Zoology, Harvard University. ©President and Fellows of Harvard College.

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From G. H. Darwin   [before 9 May 1878]1 Dear Father I’ve received a letter from Kőrosi Director of the Statistical Bureau at Pest.2 He says that Dr. Bőke examined the parentage of 60 deaf-mutes—3 Out of 16 born so none were children of consang. parents— out of 44 who acquired the deficiency 6 were offspring of consang. marriages. This seems very extraordinary & just contrary to what one wd.  expect if consang.  marriages tend to deaf mutism—unless there are two wholly distinct causes for the complaint Do you think that it wd be worth sending to Nature.4 I heard some more about the Election to the R.S— 13 were elected right off & Prof. Smith stuck up very strongly for Symons the meteorologist & Rayleigh & Hind (the astronomer) appealed whether he wd’nt rather have me— however they ended by taking Symons.5 I hear Hooker spoke up for me—tho’ of course it could have been only in a general sort of way.6 Somebody reveals secrets with considerable freedom but that is’nt my affair Yours affec | G H Darwin DAR 210.2: 66 1 2 3 4 5

6

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to G. H. Darwin, 9 May 1878. József Kőrösy was the director of the statistical office at Budapest (International encyclopedia of the social sciences). The city of Budapest was formed by the unification of Buda and Óbuda with Pest in 1873. Gyula Bőke was a Hungarian otologist. No article or letter from George to Nature on the subject of consanguinity of parents of deaf children has been identified. George had first been proposed for fellowship of the Royal Society of London in November 1877. George’s name was put forward again on 7 March 1878, 6 March 1879, and 1 May 1879 (Proceedings of the Royal Society of London 27 (1878): 156, 28 (1878–9): 379, 29 (1879): 1); he was elected on 12 June 1879 (Record of the Royal Society of London). George James Symons, first nominated in 1872, was elected on 6 June 1878 (ibid.). Henry John Stephen Smith was Savilian Professor of geometry at Oxford (ODNB). George also refers to John William Strutt (the third Baron Rayleigh), and John Russell Hind. Joseph Dalton Hooker was president of the Royal Society.

To G. H. Darwin   9 May [1878] From Mr. C. Darwin, Down, Beckenham I think the account wd. be worth sending to Nature.— But as far as I can remember few or none have attributed deaf-mutism to consanguinity.1 I was particularly glad to hear about R.S. election.2 C. D. May. 9th— Bassett ApcS Postmark: MY 9 78 DAR 210.1: 68

184 1 2

May 1878

See letter from G. H. Darwin, [before 9 May 1878] and n. 4. See letter from G. H. Darwin, [before 9 May 1878] and n. 5. George had reported on the discussions by the Council of the Royal Society of London about the election of new fellows.

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   9 May [1878]1 Basset, Southampton. May 9th. (we return home on the 13th.) My dear Dyer I have given you & Hooker a rather long holiday, but now I want some aid badly.— I have written on separate slip of paper what I want.—2 I daresay I cd get the Cissus & Bignonia at Veitchs’, but Hooker told me to apply first to Kew.3 When at Kew a few months ago, Mr Lynch gave me fruits of 2 Cacteæ: we sowed the seed fresh & dried under various temperatures, but not one germinated. Of all the seeds of Cycas so kindly sent me only two cracked & these died.4 Why we failed I cannot imagine. I have extreme wish to observe seedlings of Cacteæ & Cycas; if you have any seeds of latter, would you get Mr Lynch to raise a few for me & of some Cacteæ, & as soon as the earth cracks over the seeds or a vestige of a cotyledon appears, to despatch the pots to me. I shall die a miserable, disgraced man if I do not observe a seedling Cactus. As for Cycas I have hardly any hope.— We have been doing some really pretty work on radicles; but it is too long a story for you to read or for me to write. What trifles determine the success of experiments; Sachs missed a pretty little discovery solely by keeping his germinating beans too warm.— What magnificent work he has done on radicles.—5 I hope Mrs Dyer is going on well.—6 I saw a paragraph in Times from you about plants not turning to the Light for their profit, which has astounded me, & some time I must talk with you about this.7 Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin P.S. I cannot resist telling you a little about the radicles. The apex is sensitive, & instead of turning to touching object like a tendril, it turns from it. The apex is so sensitive that if little squares (about 201 th of inch) of card & thin paper of exactly same size are fixed to opposite sides of apex, the radicle, (growing freely downward in damp air) bends always from the card side.— The apex of a radicle growing in earth tries to circumnutate, & thus prefers the earth on all sides; if one side is harder than the other the radicle will bend from this side, & thus it will discover with unerring precision the lines of least resistance in the ground.—8 Do not trouble yourself by answering this scrawl, but aid me if you can about the plants.— | C.D. Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Thiselton-Dyer, W. T., Letters from Charles Darwin 1873–81: 119–21)

May 1878 1 2

3 4

5

6 7

8

185

The year is established by the address; CD was at Bassett, Southampton, from 27 April to 13 May 1878 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). The enclosure has not been found, but was evidently a list of seeds that CD wanted for his experimental work on the movement of cotyledons (seed-leaves). Joseph Dalton Hooker was director of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Thiselton-Dyer was assistant director). Cissus is the genus of treebind; Bignonia is a genus of vines. The Veitch nursery had often provided CD with plants for his experimental work. Richard Irwin Lynch was foreman of the propagating department at Kew. He had provided CD with several plant specimens for his experimental work on plant movement, as well as performing some experiments for CD (see, for example, Correspondence vol. 25, letters from R. I. Lynch, 25 July 1877 and the first and second letters of [before 28 July 1877]. Cacteae (a synonym of Cactaceae) is the family of cacti; Cycas is the only extant genus of the family Cycadaceae, a very ancient group of trees. CD had been sent seeds of Cycas in November 1877 and February 1878 (see Correspondence vol. 25, letter to J. D. Hooker, 8 November [1877], and this volume, letter to J. D. Hooker, 28 [February 1878]). According to the Outwards book (Archives, Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew), CD was sent seedlings of Cycas pectinata on 16 May 1878. Julius Sachs had examined the movement of plant roots, in particular of the radical, or embryonic root, in ‘Ueber das Wachsthum der Haupt- und Nebenwurzeln’ (On the growth of primary and adventitious roots; Sachs 1873–4). Many of his experiments were performed with Vicia faba (broad or fava bean). CD also used V. faba for many of his experiments on the movement of the radicle, later published in Movement in plants. Thiselton-Dyer’s wife, Harriet Anne, had given birth to their first child, Frances Harriet, on 9 April 1878 (Allan 1967 s.v. ‘Hooker pedigree’). An article in The Times, 4 May 1878, p. 6, commented on the first of five lectures on vegetable morphology given by Thiselton-Dyer at the Royal Institution of Great Britain; the first lecture was on 30 April 1878. Thiselton-Dyer had reportedly said that light paralysed the protoplasm, making cells unyielding; the shaded side thus grew more readily, resulting in a bending toward the light. CD devoted a chapter of Movement in plants to a discussion of the sensitivity of the apex of the radicle (ibid., pp. 129–200).

From B. J. Sulivan   10 May 1878 Bournemouth May 10/78 My dear Darwin After all the trouble I have given you and others, and after getting a cordial consent from all I had written to—including Mrs. FitzRoy—I find that unknown to me and to some others the daughter of one of the Committee with some lady friends had already adopted Jemmy’s younger grandson—& sent out names they wished him to be called. So both are provided for though not in the way I had hoped for.1 I therefore return you the cheque you so kindly sent— I am very glad to hear you keep so well and can do so much of your interesting work2 With our kind regards to Mrs. Darwin and all your circle Believe me Dear Darwin | Your sincere friend | B. J. Sulivan DAR 177: 305 1

See letter from B. J. Sulivan, [14–20] April [1878], and letter to B. J. Sulivan, 22 April 1878. Jemmy Button, whose Yahgan name was Orundellico, had been returned to his native Tierra del Fuego in 1833 on HMS Beagle; his orphaned grandson was Cooshaipunjiz. Maria Isabella FitzRoy was the widow of Robert FitzRoy, who had been captain on the voyage and had been responsible for

186

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returning Orundellico and other Fuegians. Sulivan refers to the committee of the South American Missionary Society. CD’s record of a payment of £2 to Sulivan for ‘J. Button grandson’ on 22 April 1878 has been crossed out, probably by CD on the return of his cheque (CD’s Account books–cash account (Down House MS)). See letter to B. J. Sulivan, 22 April 1878.

To Francis Darwin   [11 May 1878]1 My dear old F. It has only just occurred to me that you never gave in Nature the result of weighing the 2 lots of Drosera.2 This is a great pity & I hope that you will do so as soon as you can, & you can then add a few words on paper in Bot. Zeitung, of which I have now received a copy. The author seems rather injured that you fed the plants so much more carefully than he did.—3 Will you send to Down, as soon as you can spare it, the Part on Radicles by Sachs which you have, for I have read the other two Parts.—4 It is a magnificent piece of work. He will swear & curse when he finds out that he missed sensitiveness of apex.—5 I have been putting together my notes & the case is conclusive; but I have not nearly finished & my account will be abominably long. Yet there are several points to ascertain. It was a great misfortune that you threw away the notes about the failures; failures often prove as useful as successes.— We go back on Monday & have had a most prosperous visit.6 They are all here very kind & sweet.— I often catch myself thinking of Bernard & his pretty ways.7 It is dreadful to think of the orange which he was prevented from eating, & I do hope it has been made up to him by many others. Your affect Father | C. Darwin Saturday 10th. Basset. DAR 211: 23 1

2

3

4

The date is established by the reference to Francis Darwin’s paper (see nn. 2 and 3, below) and by the address; CD was at Bassett, Southampton from 27 April to 13 May 1878 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). Saturday fell on 11 May 1878, not 10 as CD wrote. An article in Nature, 17 January 1878, pp. 222–3, titled ‘Insectivorous plants’, summarised the paper that Francis Darwin read before the Linnean Society on that day. The full paper, published in Journal of the Linnean Society (Botany), contained data on the weight of fed and starved plants of Drosera rotundifolia (common or round-leaved sundew; F. Darwin 1878a, pp. 26–30). Francis added a memorandum, dated 6 May 1878, at the end of his published paper, referring to results corroborating his findings in Botanische Zeitung (Kellermann and Raumer 1878; see F. Darwin 1878a, p. 32). Julius Sachs’s paper ‘Ueber das Wachsthum der Haupt- und Nebenwurzeln’ (On the growth of primary and adventitious roots; Sachs 1873–4) had been published in two issues of the first volume of Arbeiten des Botanischen Instituts in Würzburg. The first part, on radicles, or embryonic roots, appeared in issue 3 (1873); the second part, on taproots and adventitious roots, was published in issue 4 (1874). CD evidently considered Sachs’s earlier paper ‘Ablenkung der Wurzel von ihrer normalen Wachsthumsrichtung durch

May 1878

5

6 7

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feuchte Körper’ (Deflection of the root from its normal direction of growth by moisture; Sachs 1872), published in issue 2 (1872) of the same volume, to be part of the same work. Sachs had reviewed earlier results on root sensitivity that suggested sensitivity was located in the apex, but dismissed these as having been an artifact of a methodological error (see Sachs 1873–4, pp. 432–4; see also Ciesielski 1872). The Darwins were visiting their son William Erasmus Darwin and his wife, Sara; they were at Bassett, Southampton, from 27 April to Monday 13 May 1878 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). Bernard Darwin was Francis’s son.

To G. J. Romanes   11 [May 1878]1

Basset Southampton 11th.

My dear Romanes, I have just heard from my wife that the Huxleys come to us on the 18th for the Sunday, & it has occurred to me that you perhaps wd like to meet them & the Lichfields.—2 I do not know whether Frank will then have returned3 Yours sincerely | C. Darwin American Philosophical Society (474) 1 2

3

The month and year are established by the reference to Romanes’s visit (see n. 2, below) and by the address; CD was at Bassett, Southampton, from 27 April to 13 May 1878 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). In 1878, 18 May fell on Saturday. Emma Darwin recorded Romanes’s arrival at Down on that day (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). Emma did not record the visit of either Thomas Henry and Henrietta Anne Huxley or Richard Buckley and Henrietta Emma Litchfield. Francis Darwin returned from Wales on 27 May 1878 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)).

From W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   11 May 1878

Royal Gardens Kew May 11. 78

Dear Mr Darwin Our indefatigable Lynch has taken your wants in hand and we will do the very best we can for you. It is good of you to let us supply you as of course it is honour and glory to us.1 I have not seen the paragraph in the Times but it must have sharply perverted what I said.2 It is always so with reporters; they have no genuine desire to understand one’s meaning and are too indifferent to make careful notes or ask for explanations afterwards if one’s meaning is not clear to them. I certainly stated that the heliotropism of plants is something independent of the advantage gained by green plants moving towards the light though that movement is due to it. I deduce this statement—which I fear is not quite clear—from Vines’s work on the slowing effect of light on a hypha of Phycomyces which has no chlorophyll of course and therefore could gain nothing by heliotropism3   He attributes this “slowing” to a paralysis of the protoplasm produced by light preventing the extension of the contiguous cell wall. The protoplasm loses extensibility, the cell wall in intimate contact with it does the same. hence growth is locally arrested. Hence also on a large

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scale the multicellular plant curves over towards the light. This is undoubtedly in a green plant an advantage to it but I am so far heretical as to feel doubtful whether, from the facts, one can affirm that the advantage of heliotropism has brought it about. It appears to be a habit which plant-protoplasm contracted before it learned the chlorophyllian process. I offer this view with all possible submission— I think it is not the same thing quite as denying the advantage of heliotropism. Your son Frank came down to see me and spent a most agreeable afternoon. He told me about the roots.4 I am immensely interested   When you were at Kew I pointed out to you a very characteristic Example of positive heliotropism in the aerial roots of an orchid. The plant was one brought by Moseley from the Admiralty Islands.5 But I dare say with a little management we could get other less valuable specimens to show the same thing. I am going away with my wife for a few days to the seaside6 and perhaps when you return to Down Incomplete DAR 209.8: 154 CD annotations 1.1 Our … them. 2.4] crossed pencil 4.1 Your son … interested 4.2] crossed pencil 4.3 Example … an orchid 4.4] double scored pencil Top of letter: ‘Heliotropism very good’ ink; ‘[‘If an evi’ del] If turning to light an evil can be checked & this process, however effected cd be increased till opposite result gained | Plants vary so much in degree of Heliotropism & even individuals the cases endlessly variable’ pencil 1 2 3 4

5

6

See letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 9 May [1878] and nn. 2 and 4. Richard Irwin Lynch was foreman of the propagating department at Kew. See letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 9 May [1878] and n. 7. Sydney Howard Vines had studied the influence of light on Phycomyces nitens (common pin mould) while studying at Julius Sachs’s laboratory in Würzburg. His experimental results were reported in Vines 1878. The date of Francis Darwin’s visit has not been established. Francis was assisting CD in experiments on the sensitivity of radicles (embryonic roots). CD had mentioned their findings in his letter to Thiselton-Dyer of 9 May [1878]. CD had visited Kew on 22 January 1878 (letter to Asa Gray, 21 [and 22] January 1878). Henry Nottidge Moseley collected the orchid specimen while employed as a naturalist on the Challenger expedition. Orchids collected in the Admiralty Islands were described in the botany section of the report on the scientific results of the voyage (Hemsley 1885–6, 1 (IV): 247–8). Harriet Anne Thiselton-Dyer (see letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 9 May [1878] and n. 6).

From C. B. Clarke   12 May 1878

Herbarium, Kew 12 May 1878

Dear Sir, It has been suggested to me here that I should communicate to you the following case of extreme dimorphism—

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Order Rubiaceæ Genus Adenosacme Bth & Hk. f. Gen. Pl. II. 69.1 The best-known species is Adenosacme longifolia Wall. Cat. 6280 = Rondeletia longifolia, Wall. in Roxb. Fl. Ind. ed. Carey & Wall. II 137.2 The only figure is Adenosacme (Lawia) acuminata, Wight Icon. t. 10703 In the Gen. Pl.  l.c. Hooker says (of the genus) “stamina 4–6  medio vel supra medium corollæ tubi inserta”4 Wallich in Roxb Fl. Ind l.c.  says (of species longifolia) that the stamens are inserted at the very base of the tube.5 Wight in his Icon shews that the stamens (in species acuminata) are not merely at the base of the corolla tube but he depicts the corolla tube removed leaving the stamens standing on the ovary !! On the slip of paper enclosed I have copied (badly) the two poor pictures of Wight. On the same piece of paper I have copied four old field notes made by myself from fresh examples of Adenosacme longifolia: collected in distant places and times. I also enclose buds in numbered covers cut from the dried specimens from which these sketches were originally taken. It is possible of course that different forms of flowers may occur on the same shrub but among the Coffeaceæ my experience is that this rarely happens.6 In my No 26947 the stamens are very nearly if not quite free from the corolla (as Wight has depicted in the other species). The peculiarity of the case is not the difference in length of the style and stamens in the two forms but the extreme difference in the point of insertion of the stamens. The note made from No 14591 shews a distinctly intermediate position of the stamens; the shrub may be trimorphic— I may add that I have no doubt that the four figures referred to A. longifolia are all strictly of one “species”, a marked one that I know well. Wallich has repeatedly noticed the common occurrence of dimorphism in the Coffeaceæ: it is so common indeed that the length of the style and insertion of the stamens usually given as part of the generic character in this order are (in my opinion) almost useless for determining species.— You are doubtless aware that the cultivated Cinchonas are all dimorphous—7 The following may interest you as it occurs in a genus not much observed in Europe In Combretum acuminatum Roxb.8 before the calyx expands, a minute round hole appears at the top of the bud. The long simple style (the stigma is not broader than the style) protrudes through this fitting it closely, not a grain even of pollen could get out— After the style has withered the calyx (and small petals) expands, the anthers ripen— Believe me | Yours with deep respect | C. B. Clarke C. Darwin Esqre.

from 9134

Adenosacme longifolia, Wall. Cat. 6280

from 26947

from 14591

190 May 1878

[Enclosure 1]

May 1878

Copied from Wight Icones t. 1070 Lawia acuminata, R. Wight. i.e. Adenosacme acuminata, Hook. f. [Enclosure 2]

191

192 [Enclosure 3]

[Enclosure 4]

May 1878

May 1878

193

DAR 161: 160 CD annotation On cover: ‘Curious case of Dimorphism.— Rubiaceæ’ ink 1

2

3 4 5 6 7 8

Clarke was on leave from the Bengal civil service and since 1877 had been working at the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, on descriptions for Joseph Dalton Hooker’s Flora of British India (Hooker 1872–97). The genus Adenosacme was described in Genera plantarum (Bentham and Hooker 1862–83, 2: 69). Orders in Genera plantarum are analogous to families in modern systematics. The Wallich catalogue, compiled between 1828 and 1847 by Nathaniel Wallich, listed dried specimens of plants in the collection of the East India Company Museum; Adenosacme longifolia (Rondeletia longifolia is a synonym) is entry number 6280 (ibid., p. 213). Clarke also refers to the edited version of William Roxburgh’s Flora indica, which had additions by Wallich (including the entry for Rondeletia longifolia; Roxburgh 1820–4, 2: 137–9). In his description of Adenosacme longifolia, Hooker noted that the flowers, as observed by Wallich and Clarke, were dimorphic or trimorphic (Hooker 1872–97, 3: 95). There is a woodcut of Lawia acuminata (a synonym of Adenosacme acuminata) in Robert Wight’s Icones plantarum Indiae Orientalis (Wight 1840–53, 3: pl. 1070). Stamina 4–6 medio vel supra medium corollae tubi inserta: 4–6 stamens inserted at or above the middle of the corolla tube (Latin). Roxburgh 1820–4, 2: 138 (see also n. 2, above). The buds were folded into numbered pieces of paper; the sketches have corresponding numbers. The family name Coffeaceae is a synonym of Rubiaceae. Cinchona is a genus in the family Rubiaceae; the trees Cinchona officinalis and C. pubescens were cultivated for their bark, a source of quinine. The flowers are heterostyled. Combretum acuminatum is a species in the family Combretaceae (bushwillow).

From Francis Darwin   [12 May 1878]1

Pantlludw, | Machynlleth. Sunday

My dear Father, Many thanks for your letter also for Nature & the german paper—2 I am very glad the root results came out well. It was was idiotic of me not to keep notes of the negative cases.3 I didn’t send a note to Nature about the Drosera because I thought it oughtn’t to appear before it did in the Linnean, I sent a note as an appendix about the Germans’ experiment, but I am not sure whether it will go in, tho’ why I cannot understand as I have had no proofs—4 Murie says he will plan its insertion “some way” or other.5 He seems to think I am not going to alter my proofs much but I expect I shall. The Germans work is very satisfactory as confirming mine. I see my London Institution lecture is translated in that French revue Internationale.6 George has sent me a very interesting article by Stanley Jevons on Brownian movement7   I think it may bear on water in wood. I think I shall come back on Wednesday 22nd—& I must try & get a day or two at Cambridge to try electricity with Dew Smith.8 Your Southampton visit seems to have been very prosperous—9 Bernard is extremely jolly & very good friends with all but Baby who I believe takes a certain amount of pleasure in teasing him. He is quite enraptured every day at throwing stones in the stream. I don’t know what he’ll do at Down   I think he will have to have a little puddle made for him like the beavers. He had a heart

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breaking parting from Mary Anne this morning   she went to church in the waggonette & I & B drove as far as the gate to meet the postbag, & when he found she was going on without him he was dreadfully grieved—but cheered up in 2 minutes over the thoughts of a little tame rabbit he wanted to see.10 I had two nice letters from Mother & Bessy11 which I ought to have answered— Your affec son | Frank Darwin I should be much obliged if you would pay £60  now instead of July  1 to my account.12 I don’t think I shall want it, but I shall shave it rather close. I send off Sachs today13 my Fortnightly & yr XIXth century came here—I thought you wd see Wm’s14 DAR 274.1: 47 1

2 3 4

5 6

7

8

9 10 11 12 13

14

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to Francis Darwin, [11 May 1878], and by the reference to a payment of £60 (see n. 12, below). In 1878, 12 May was a Sunday. See letter to Francis Darwin, [11 May 1878] and nn. 2 and 4. The German paper was Sachs 1873–4. Francis had discarded notes on failed experiments on the sensitivity of the radicle or embryonic root. See letter to Francis Darwin, [11  May  1878] and n. 3. Francis wanted to add text to the published version of his paper on nutrition of Drosera rotundifolia (common or round-leaved sundew), read to the Linnean Society on 17 January 1878 (F. Darwin 1878a). The German experiments were reported in Kellermann and Raumer 1878. James Murie was assistant secretary of the Linnean Society. Francis’s lecture at the London Institution on 11 March 1878, ‘The analogies of plant and animal life’, was published in Nature (F. Darwin 1878c). It also appeared in French translation in the Revue internationale des sciences between 2 May and 6 June 1878 (F. Darwin 1878d). George Howard Darwin had sent William Stanley Jevons’s article, ‘On the movement of microscopic particles suspended in liquid’, which was published in the Quarterly Journal of Science, April 1878 ( Jevons 1878). According to Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242), Francis returned to Down from Wales on 27 May 1878. Albert George Dew-Smith had co-written papers on the effects of electrical currents on mollusc and frog hearts (Dew-Smith and Foster 1875 and 1876). Francis was in Cambridge on 29 May (letter to Wallis Nash, 29 May 1878). See letter to Francis Darwin, [11 May 1878] and n. 6. CD had described the visit to his son and daughterin-law, William Erasmus and Sara Darwin, as prosperous. Bernard Darwin was Francis’s son; Mary Anne Westwood was Bernard’s nurse. Baby has not been identified. Elizabeth Darwin. The letters have not been found. CD recorded a payment of £60 under the heading ‘Advanced to Frank’ on 13 May 1878 in his Account books–cash accounts (Down House MS). CD had asked for the first part of Julius Sachs’s paper ‘Ueber das Wachsthum der Haupt- und Nebenwurzeln’ (On the growth of primary and adventitious roots, Sachs 1873–4; see letter to Francis Darwin, [11 May 1878] and n. 4). Fortnightly Review and Nineteenth Century.

To Francis Darwin   [13–26 May 1878]1 My dear Backy— if you can arrange to stay at home for 3 or 4 days after you return I shall be glad, as I much want you to try a troublesome experiment, of the class Fool.—2 Sachs

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found that radicles turn to damp surface or water— Ciewenski (or some such name) found exactly the opposite & Sachs is confounded & yet quite believes Ciewenski.—3 Now I suspect that when radicles are hot & dry they may bend to water, but when cold they may turn with disgust from the water; but this seems too good & wonderful a case & too simple an explanation of Sachs perplexity: nevertheless it ought to be tried.— I do not know at what temp Ciewenski worked so it is a mere guess.— Work is dull work without you.— yours affec | C. D.— DAR 211: 26 1

2 3

The date range is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from Francis Darwin, [12 May 1878], and by the date of Francis’s return to Down, 27 May 1878 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). Francis was in Wales visiting the family of his late wife, Amy Darwin, and intended to go on to Cambridge after returning to Down (see letter from Francis Darwin, [12 May 1878] and n. 8). See letter to Francis Darwin, [11 May 1878] and n. 4). Julius Sachs had referred to Theophil Ciesielski’s observation that roots laid on a horizontal wet surface grew upwards away from the moisture (Ciesielski 1871, p. 33; Sachs 1872, p. 219). Sachs later dismissed Ciesielski’s results, claiming they were due to Ciesielski’s having allowed the roots in his experiments to dry out partially during preparation (Sachs 1873–4, p. 401).

To Thomas Meehan   13 May 1878 Down. | Beckenham Kent (&c). May 13th. 1878.

My dear Sir. When I read your Article, it certainly made me think that you wished indirectly to throw doubt about my observations & I did not like the indirect manner of your doing so,—as it then seemed to me, More especially as you did not state that my observations had been fully confirmed by Prof r Hildebrand, which I mention in my book.—1 Nor do you allude to the statement by Dr. Alefeld, that there are no Heterostyled Linums endemic in N. America, though this may be erroneous notwithstanding that it has just been confirmed2 It seemed to me that you were bound at least to state whether your plant was long or short styled.—3 Such a manner of treating the work of other observers did not appear to me the way to encourage truth. But after your letter just received I shall never think again on the subject, & I hope that you will not do so, except perhaps to make you pause for a few minutes—4 I remain | My dear Sir. | Yours faithfully, | Ch. Darwin. Copy DAR 146: 356 1

CD refers to Meehan’s letter in Bulletin of the Torrey Botanical Club, December 1877, p. 189 (see letter from Thomas Meehan, 28 April [1878] and n. 3). CD’s observations on self-sterility in Linum perenne

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2

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(blue flax) had been confirmed by Friedrich Hildebrand (see ‘Two forms in species of Linum’, p. 81, Hildebrand 1864, p. 2, and Forms of flowers, p. 98). Friedrich Alefeld had noted that North and South American species of Linum had monomorphic flowers with capitate stigmas and styles united (Alefeld 1863, p. 281). For the confirmation CD refers to, see A. Gray 1878b. Meehan had raised a single plant of Linum that he brought from Colorado; in his published letter (see n. 1, above), he identified it as L. perenne, but gave no morphological description of the flowers. Letter from Thomas Meehan, 28 April [1878].

To G. J. Romanes   13 May [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. May 13th. My dear Romanes Just returned home.— I enclose 2 of the Blood-red Onions. I suppose that they must be larger for grafting.—2 But come whenever convenient & stay as long as you like.3 In Haste | Yours sincerely | C. Darwin. Christ Church Library, Oxford 1 2 3

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from G. J. Romanes, 10 April 1878. See letter to G. J. Romanes, 9 April [1878] and n. 4. Romanes visited Down on 18 May 1878 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)).

From Naphtali Lewy1   14 May 1878 29 Baker’s Row | Whitechapel | London E. Sr Hochwohlgeboren | dem Weltberühmten Naturforscher | Charles Darwin Noch im Jahre 1876 im Monate April hatte ich die Ehre von Er. Hochwohlg. Briefe zu empfangen (in Radom in Polen); nun soll es mich freuen, wenn nachstehender Artikel auch Beifall finde, und Er. Hochwohlg. mit einer Antwort mich zu beehren geruhe.2 Ich gedenke immer ein fassungsreiches Buch über Ihre Theorie in Betreff der Mosaischen Verfassung zu schreiben und eben dieser vorliegender Artikel ist ein Beitrag zu demselben, “In meinem Werke “Toldot-Adam” (die Abs. des. Mensch.) Wien 1875., habe bewiesen dass die biblische Schöpfungsgeschichte ganz nach der Darwinischen Theorie erklährt und comentirt werden kann, und die Ursprache eignet sich sehr der Transmutationstheorie im Ausdruck und Inhalt.3 Nun wollen wir jetze versuchen im Urtext in Betreff d. Bastardbildung was die Wissenschaft behauptet, dasselbe dort zu finden, und zu beweisen dass die Darwinische Lehre eigentlich uns den Schlüssel gibt zur Biblischen-Geheim Verfassung— Wollen wir die Haupt-Momente d. Dar. L. hervor heben. In der Abstammung Cap. 9 Bastardbildung heisst es:

May 1878

197

1) der frühe Tod der Bastardembryone tritt wahrscheinlich in gleicher Weise bei Pflanzen ein; wenigstens ist es bekannt dass von sehr verschiedenen Arten erzogene Bastarde zuweilen schwach und zwerghaft sind ung jung zu Grunde gehen—.4 2) daselbst: In beiden Fällen kommt die Unfruchtbarkeit in vielerlei vor:5 3) das   die obige Ansicht dass die Sterilität der Bastarde durch das Vermischen zweier Constitutionen zu einer verursacht sei, ist vor kurzem sehr entschieden v. Max Wichura vertreten worden.6 Was die Wissenschaft “Bastard” nennt, das will die Bibel mit dem “unehlichen Kind” bezeichnen; sie heisst es “eine schändliche vermischung ‫תּ ֶבל‬ ֶ III Buch Moses Cap 20 V12)7 oder besser für das Vermischen zweier Arten gibt sie den Ausdruck le_rivoh ‫( לְ ִר ְבﬠָ ה‬ibid. Ve. 16)8 und jedes Abkömmling von Blutsverwandeten Eltern welche ihre Blösse aufdecken, das heisst sie “Bastard” (d. Cap 18. Ve 6)9 Nun wollen wir lesen was die Bibel über solche, “Unzucht” verhängt: es heisst (ibid Cap 18. Vers 24) “Vermischt euch nicht (das die Grundbedeutung im Hebrai: von ‫)ת ַמ ְמאוּ‬ ְ mit diesen— —das Land hat sich vermischt und deshalb hat es die Bewohner ausgespieen”—10 Ist etwa hier nich gesagt “dass von verschiedenen Arten erzogene Bastarde schwach, zwerghaft und jung zu Grunde gehen? ist etwa nicht das Ausspeien des Landes, der frühe Tod der Bastardembryone”— ? lesen wir nicht deutlich (das. Cap  20. V.  21) “Wer die Blösse aufgedeckt die werden Kinderlos sterben”11  ist etwa mehr da Geheimnis als die Natur-Lehre nach Darwin? Verhängt nicht die Bibel dasselbe was die Wissenschaft heimsucht? “in beiden Fällen kommt die Unfruchtbarkeit”—? (v das Vers 25)12 Liegt nicht etwa in der Warnung d. Bibel “Ihr müsst Arten von Arten unterscheiden”, was die Wissenschaft droht der “Vermischung”?— Sagt uns nicht deutlich die Bibel was der Darwinismus uns lehrt? (V. Buch Mos. 28. Ver. II) dass die Sterilität der Bastarde durch das Vermischen zweier Constitutionen zu einer verursacht sei?13 Und eben diesen Fluch spricht aus die Bibel “Mangel an Leibesfrucht u.s.w. und den “Wahnsinn” an Blutsverwandeten Abkömmlinge (c 29. v. 62)14 ist gewiss zu bestätigen mit Darwin’s Theorie!!!. Wer den Darwinismus anerkennen will, glaube ich, der kan bei dem mosaischen Verfassungen recht getrost bleiben, und zwar noch mit Licht und Wahrheit mehr darin forschen— Es soll mein grösstes Vergnügen sein wenn Er. Hochwohlg. mit Gunst meine Ansicht anerkenne, und mich wissen lasse (laut obenstehende Adresse) seinen Wohlwollen Ich habe die Ehre Er Hochwohlg | ganz ergebenster und | gehorsamster Diener | zu zeichnen | Naphtali Lewÿ 29 Bakers Row | Whitechapl London E. | Den 14 Mai 1878— DAR 201: 21 1

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I.

198 2 3 4 5 6 7

8

9

10 11 12

13 14

May 1878

CD’s letter has not been found, but see Correspondence vol. 24, letter from Naphtali Lewy, [26 March – 24 April 1876]. CD’s copy of Lewy’s essay was later lost (ML 1: 365). It was published both in a periodical (Lewy 1874), and in book form (Lewy 1875). Lewy’s thesis is discussed in Colp and Kohn 1996, pp. 1721–4. Lewy quotes from the German translation of Origin 6th ed. (Bronn and Carus trans. 1876, p. 345; see also Origin 6th ed., p. 249). See Bronn and Carus trans. 1876, p. 346; see also Origin 6th ed., p. 250. See Bronn and Carus trans. 1876, p. 347; see also Origin 6th ed., p. 251. In the German translation of the Bible made by Martin Luther, the first five books are referred to as I to V Mose (Moses); III Mose is Leviticus and V Mose is Deuteronomy. Lewy did not use Luther’s German translation, but seems to be translating directly from the Hebrew. Lev. 20:12: in the King James translation reads, ‘And if a man lie with his daughter in law, both of them shall surely be put to death: they have wrought confusion; their blood shall be upon them.’ Le-rivoh (‫ )לְ ִר ְבﬠָ ה‬means ‘to copulate’. Lev. 20:16 in the King James translation reads, ‘And if a woman approach unto any beast, and lie down thereto, thou shalt kill the woman, and the beast: they shall surely be put to death; their blood shall be upon them.’ In German, Bastard can also be translated ‘hybrid’. Lev. 20:6 in the King James translation reads, ‘And the soul that turneth after such as have familiar spirits, and after wizards, to go a whoring after them, I will even set my face against that soul, and will cut him off from among his people.’ Lev. 18:25 in the King James translation reads, ‘And the land is defiled: therefore I do visit the iniquity thereof upon it, and the land itself vomiteth out her inhabitants.’ Lev. 20:21 in the King James translation reads, ‘And if a man shall take his brother’s wife, it is an unclean thing: he hath uncovered his brother’s nakedness; they shall be childless.’ Lev. 20:25 in the King James translation reads, ‘Ye shall therefore put difference between clean beasts and unclean, and between unclean fowls and clean: and ye shall not make your souls abominable by beast, or by fowl, or by any manner of living thing that creepeth on the ground, which I have separated from you as unclean.’ Deut. 28:2 in the King James translation reads, ‘And all these blessings shall come on thee, and overtake thee, if thou shalt hearken unto the voice of the Lord thy God.’ Deut. 28:62 (there is no verse 62 in Deut. 29) in the King James translation reads, ‘And ye shall be left few in number, whereas ye were as the stars of heaven for multitude; because thou wouldest not obey the voice of the Lord thy God.’

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   14 May 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. May 14th. 1878 My dear Dyer. I am particularly obliged for your letter, though I can assure you that I had no intention whatever of asking you to write.—1 What you say about Heliotropism is very satisfactory to me, & very different from the impression which I received (perhaps falsely) from the Report.2 It shows how Heliotropism may have originated. I find that if respiration is stopped by thick layer of blackened greasy matter along one side of stem, the opposite side goes on growing & a curvature follows directed towards the blackened side like that from Heliotropism.— But I am sure that there is much yet to make out by Heliotropism.— One part of stem when shut off from light acts on or transmits an effect to other & distant parts. I will soon return several plants to Kew, but must first observe one little point.

May 1878

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Do you care to have at Kew Drosera Whittakerii:3 it is finely in flower with me, & I do not want the plants? If you do wish for it, send me a Post-card: if I do not hear, I shall understand you do not want them. Would it be possible to send me 2 or 3 corms of Colchicum autumnale; I want to see how flowers break through the soil.—4 I noticed hurriedly in Athenæum & hope to see further notice in “Nature”, that Mr Lynch has described some plant (name forgotten) which has one cotyledon rudimentary:5 I have lately been observing a strictly analogous case & there are 2  or 3 points which I shd like to see in Mr. Lynch’s plant,—if by any chance you have any seeds left; but I shd require to know what heat to subject them to.— Ever yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin Lo & behold, I believe one of my Cycas seeds is trying to germinate!6 (Your letter to Frank has been forwarded | He returns on or about the 23d.)7 Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Thiselton-Dyer, W. T., Letters from Charles Darwin 1873–81: 122–3) 1 2

3

4 5

6 7

Letter from W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 11 May 1878. See letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 9 May [1878] and n. 7. In his letter of 11 May 1878, Thiselton-Dyer sought to correct the impression CD had after reading an article in The Times that he had argued that plants did not turn to light ‘for their profit’. Drosera whittakerii (the name is an orthographic variant of D. whittakeri, scented sundew) is a native Australian species of sundew. Joseph Dalton Hooker had described a specimen borrowed from the Royal Botanic Gardens, Edinburgh, in Curtis’s Botanical Magazine 30 (1874): tab. 6121; he had then offered to lend it to CD (see Correspondence vol. 22, letter from J. D. Hooker, 22 July 1874). CD did not refer to this species in Insectivorous plants. Colchicum autumnale is the autumn crocus, a member of the family Colchicaceae, and unrelated to true crocuses. Its leaves appear in spring and die back in summer, and flowers appear in autumn. A report in the Athenaeum, 11 May 1878, p. 606, noted that Richard Irwin Lynch’s paper on the seed structure and germination of a species of Pachira was read before the Linnean Society on 2 May 1878 (Lynch 1878). Lynch described the germination of Pachira aquatica (Guiana-chestnut or provision tree), noting that one cotyledon or seed-leaf was large and fleshy while the second was reduced in size and not fleshy. The summary of the paper that appeared in Nature, 23 May 1878, p. 110, described the unequal cotyledons and the fact that the larger one persisted for six months while the smaller one seemed functionless. CD had been trying to germinate seeds of Cycas, the only extant genus of the family Cycadaceae, a very ancient group of trees (see letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 9 May [1878] and n. 4). Francis Darwin had taken his son, Bernard, to Pantlludw, Wales, to visit the family of his late wife, Amy Darwin; according to Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242), he returned to Down on 27 May 1878.

To Raphael Meldola   15 May [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. May 15th My dear Sir I think the enclosed will interest you.— The letter to me need not be returned as I have had the only important passage for my work copied out.—2 In the letter F. M. sent me seeds of Cassia neglecta & several beetles arrived alive, having formed their cocoons, & gnawed their way out of the little peas or seeds.—

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May 1878

These elegant beetles, with the knowledge of their manner of development may interest some Coleopterist.3 I hope to hear sometime about Dr Zacharias photographs.4 I received your obliging letter from Paris.5 Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin Oxford University Museum of Natural History (Hope Entomological Collections 1350: Hope/Westwood Archive, Darwin folder) 1 2

3 4 5

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from Raphael Meldola, 3 May 1878. CD enclosed the letter and enclosure (now missing) from Fritz Müller, 5 April 1878. The important passage concerned Müller’s observations of the movements of leaves of Mimosa in the rain (see letter from Fritz Müller, 5 April 1878 and n. 2). Meldola published Müller’s enclosure in the Transactions of the Entomological Society of London (F. Müller 1878). Cassia neglecta is a synonym of Senna neglecta. The beetles were later identified in an annotation by Meldola as belonging to the genus Spermophagus (a synonym of Amblycerus, seed beetles of the subfamily Bruchinae). Otto Zacharias. See letter from Raphael Meldola, 3 May 1878 and n. 2. See letter from Raphael Meldola, 3 May 1878.

From Charles Layton  16 May 1878 16 Little Britain London May 16/78 Charles Darwin Esq Dear Sir I enclose a/c Sales of your books from New York, with cheque on Union Bank, (payable to your order) for £73.19.10—1 Please acknowledge the receipt, & oblige | Yours Respectfully | Charles Layton | Agent D. Appleton & Co [Enclosure 1] Sales by D. Appleton & Co to Feby 1/78 of “Origin of Species” for a/c Charles Darwin Augt 1/77 On hand 307 Oct Printed 500 Ed over 10 Feby 1/78 On hand 490 Sold 327 5% of $2 $32.70 Expression of Emotions 1184 〈Au〉g 1/77 On hand Feby 1/78

" Sold

1117 67 10% of $350 23.45

May 1878 Descent of Man Aug 1/77. On hand Feby 1/78 " Sold Insectivorous Plants No sales since last a/c

472 201 271 10% of $2

201

54.20

$110.35 £22. 7. 8

33

Stg Value Exch 4.83 Gold 102 [Enclosure 2]

Sales by D. Appleton & Co to Apl 29. 1878 for a/c of Charles Darwin Climbing Plants Nov /75 Printed 1000 On hand 452 〈Ap〉l 29/78 Given Editors Sold

206 342. 10% of $125

$42.75 94

1 2

〈d〉educt Copyright on 15 sold under Cost

$41.81 Orchids 〈Fe〉by Apl 29/78

Printed On hand Given Editors Sold

1000 564 106 330. 10% of 175

1 2

〈d〉educt. Copyright on 15 sold under Cost Different forms of Flowers Printed 1000. 〈 〉t /77. 〈Ap〉l 29/78.

On hand

$57.75 1.31

56.44

517

Given Editors Sold

111 372. 10% of $150 $55.80 1 .38 d〈e〉duct 2 Copyright on 5 sold under cost Forwd Forwd

55.42 $153.67 $153.67

202

May 1878

Cross Fertilisation Feby /77 Printed 1000 Apl 29/78 On hand 344 Given Editors 131 Sold 525 10% of $2 $105. 1 5.10 deduct 2 Copyright on 51 sold under Cost 1 1002

Stg Value Exch 4.8888 Gold Add amount of other a/c

99.90 $253.57 £51.12.2 22.7.8 £73.19.10

DAR 159: 101–3 1

CD recorded the receipt of £73 19s. 10d. for sales of US editions of his books on 17 May 1878 (CD’s Account books–banking account (Down House MS)). CD’s US publisher was D. Appleton & Co. CD’s bank was the Union Bank, Charing Cross Branch, London.

To Fritz Müller   16 May 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. May 16 1878 My dear Sir Your letter just received is highly interesting, & I have forwarded it to Mr Meldola, who is Secy.  to the Entomolog. Soc., & no doubt will be delighted to read extracts at the next meeting.1 I am astonished at the many new & curious facts which you continually observe. Many thanks for the information about the Mimosa; when it is in flower, will you kindly send me a few dried flowers & leaves that I may get the species named.2 At any time when walking in the rain, & you shd pass near a Cassia, please to observe whether the leaves are all deflexed. I was very glad to receive the seeds of Cassia neglecta; but the greater number were destroyed by a curious beetle, which had been developed & were alive in the packet. I sent this beetle to the Entomol. Soc.3 When next you write, please to tell me whether Cassia neglecta is the species which grows near the sea-side, of which you before sent me seeds.4 In my former letter I said that none of the seeds of Pontederia had germinated; but now 4 seedlings have come up!!5 With cordial thanks for all your great kindness, I remain | my dear Sir | yours sincerely | Charles Darwin I am very sorry to hear about the yellow Fever.—6

May 1878

203

LS(A) The British Library (Loan 10:46) 1

2 3

4

5 6

CD sent Raphael Meldola the letter from Fritz Müller, 5 April 1878, with which Müller had enclosed some entomological observations. Müller’s ‘Notes on Brazilian entomology’ was read by Meldola at a meeting of the Entomological Society of London on 5 June 1878, and published in the society’s Transactions (F. Müller 1878a). See letter to Raphael Meldola, 15 May [1878]. See letter from Fritz Müller, 5 April 1878 and n. 2. Müller had not identified the species of Mimosa that he had observed. Cassia neglecta is a synonym of Senna neglecta. Meldola exhibited some of the beetles with their cocoons at a meeting of the Entomological Society on 5 June 1878; they were identified as belonging to the genus Spermophagus (a synonym of Amblycerus, seed beetles of the subfamily Bruchinae). (Transactions of the Entomological Society of London (Proceedings) (1878): xxiv.) No earlier letter has been found in which Müller mentioned enclosing seeds of any species of Cassia. In Movement in plants, p. 34, CD mentioned that Müller had sent seeds of a Cassia tora plant that grew by the sea; he noted that the seedlings were identified at Kew as indistinguishable from C. tora (a synonym of Senna tora). It is unlikely that the identification was correct since Cassia tora is not native to the Americas; the specimen was probably Senna obtusifolia, a South American species often confused with C. tora. See letter to Fritz Müller, 27 March 1878 and n. 6. Pontederia is the genus of pickerel-weed. See letter from Fritz Müller, 5 April 1878.

From Thomas Whitelegge   16 May 1878 58 Hillgate Street | Hurst Brook | Ashton under Lyne May 16/78 Dear Sir It gives me great pleasure to forward you what I believe to be Gyno dioecious Plants of the Ranunuculus acris.1 I first detected them at Northenden Near Manchester on May 11th but since I have found them to be very abundant about here. So far as my observation goes at present the same Plant produces none but flowers with reduced Andræceum and corolla which you will see by the specimens inclosed2   I have only seen a few that appear to be intermediate, that is with the anthers partially developed   I have examined some hundreds of the larger flowers but have failed to find any but Hermaphrodites. So far as I can jugde from counting the number of Plants of each sort in about 2 Square yards the Hermaphrodites exceed the female form in proportion of about 3 or 4 to 1. I have marked about a dozen Plants to see if they produce any other but female flowers   I shall also raise some plants from seed to see if the female form produces Hermaphrodites or females only. Hopeing I am not troubling you to much and that the plants will be acceptable and interesting. I should be much obliged if you could inform me if they have been noticed or decribed anywhere as I dont see the Ranunculaceæ mentioned in your ‘Forms of Flowers’, as containing Gyno dioecious plants—3 Believe Me Yours Truly | Thomas Whitelegg DAR 181: 92 1

Ranunculus acris is the meadow buttercup. Species that are gynodioecious have hermaphrodite and pistillate (female) flowers on separate plants.

204 2 3

May 1878

The enclosure has not been found. In Forms of flowers, p. 311, CD mentioned Ranunculus aquatilis (water crowfoot) as having cleistogamic flowers. No other member of the family Ranunculaceae (buttercups) is mentioned.

To Thomas Whitelegge   17 May 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. May 17— 1878 Dear Sir I am much obliged for your letter.1 I am certain that I have never met with any account of any species of Ranunculus being gynodiœcious, but I have seen it stated that they tend to be diœcious, probably in consequence of such plants as you have been so good as to send me. Should I print a new Edit. of my last book, I will introduce on your authority this case.—2 Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin Mitchell Library, Sydney (MLMSS 5833) 1 2

See letter from Thomas Whitelegge, 16 May 1878. In Forms of flowers 2d ed., p. ix, CD referred to a note by Whitelegge in Nature, 3 October 1878, p. 588, that mentioned Ranunculus acris and other species as gynodioecious (see also letter from Thomas Whitelegge, 16 May 1878 and n. 1).

To R. A. T. Gascoyne-Cecil   [18 May 1878]1 To the Most Hon. the Marquis of Salisbury. We have the honour to inform your lordship that a declaration of opinion on the subject of the policy of this country in reference to the affairs of Eastern Europe has recently been signed by upwards of 220,000 of her Majesty’s subjects.2 This considerable number of signatures has been spontaneously attached to the declaration above mentioned in a short space of time, and many of the signatories are persons who, from their social position or their eminence in literature or science, we submit are entitled to claim your attention. We therefore venture to request that you will appoint an early day to receive a deputation who will present these signatures to your lordship, and more fully represent the views held by a large portion of the country on this important matter.—3 We are, your lordship’s obedient servants, | Westminster, Rutland, Bedford, Bath, Shaftesbury, Cowper, Camoys, Coleridge, Arthur Russell, F. Leveson-Gower, J. A. Froude, R. W. Church, Charles Darwin, Charles Wood, W. Denton, George Rolleston, William Mather.4 Daily News, 23 May 1878, p. 2

May 1878 1

2

3

4

205

The date is established by the source, which describes the letter as having been sent to the foreign secretary, Gascoyne-Cecil, marquess of Salisbury, on ‘Saturday last’; the Saturday before 23 May 1878 was 18 May (Daily News, 23 May 1878, p. 2). The text of the letter was also published in The Times, 23 May 1878, p. 5. The text of the declaration read: ‘We believe that there has not existed during the last twelve months, and that there does not exist now, any justification whatever for a war between Russia and Great Britain, and we should hold our Government guilty of the greatest crime towards this nation should they lead us, or allow us to drift, into war’ (Daily News, 23 May 1878, p. 2). An account of the declaration, which had been presented at a public meeting held on Clerkenwell Green on 14 April, first appeared in The Times, 15 April 1878, p. 11. CD had signed it by 1 May (The Times, 1 May 1878, p. 10), and on 4 May he was listed as one of those collecting signatures (The Times, 4 May 1878, p. 10). More than twenty fragments of unused printed forms for collecting signatures, later reused by CD for notes on movement in plants, are in DAR 209. Russia had declared war on Turkey in April 1877 following uprisings in the Balkan territories of the Ottoman Empire. Under the treaty of San Stefano, signed on 3 March 1878, the Ottoman Empire gave up its eastern European territory; the prime minister, Benjamin Disraeli, continued to urge British military intervention to prevent the establishment of a Russian client state with access to the Aegean. Renewed rumours of war following the call-up of reserve troops by Disraeli on 27 March, and the resignation on 28 March of the non-interventionist foreign secretary, Edward Henry Stanley, Lord Derby, prompted the delivery of 189 petitions to Parliament between 5 and 26 May (Saab 1991, pp. 158, 184–9). For the politics of the war and the debates within government, see Hicks et al. eds. 2012, especially pp. 18–28. See also letter from T. H. Farrer, 29 March 1878, and letter to T. H. Farrer, 7 May [1878] and n. 5. Gascoyne-Cecil refused the request to meet a deputation. In a letter to Hugh Lupus Grosvenor, the duke of Westminster, on 20 May 1878, he replied that any statement the government felt at liberty to make would ‘necessarily be made to Parliament’, and urged the duke also to address to Parliament any arguments condemning government policy (The Times, 24 May 1878, p. 10). Besides CD, the signatories include Charles Cecil John Manners, sixth duke of Rutland, Hastings Russell, ninth duke of Bedford, John Alexander Thynne, fourth marquess of Bath, Anthony Ashley-Cooper, seventh earl of Shaftesbury, Francis Thomas de Grey Cowper, seventh Earl Cowper, Thomas Stonor, third Baron Camoys, John Duke Coleridge, Baron Coleridge, Richard William Church, dean of St Paul’s, and Charles Lindley Wood.

To T. W. Higginson   [18 May 1878] Handed in at the Farnboro Kent Office at 11.48 PM. From C. Darwin | Down | Beckenham To Colonel Higginson | Charing Cross Hotel Glad to see you tomorrow Sunday dinner half past seven and bed. Orpington is only Station four miles off post answer will reach me tomorrow1 Telegram Date-stamp: MY 18 78 Houghton Library, Harvard University (MS Am 1162.10: 200) 1

In the event, Higginson was unable to visit on 19 May 1878, but did visit from 24 to 25 May (see letter from Emma Darwin to T. W. Higginson, 19 May [1878]). A short description of this visit is in Higginson 1898, pp. 285–6.

206

May 1878

From Emma Darwin to T. W. Higginson   19 May [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Sunday May 19 Dear Sir Mr Darwin begs me to say how glad we shall be to see you on Friday next—& we hope you will stay the night. We dine at 7.30—and you will find flys at Orpington Station.2 Dear Sir | very truly yours | E. Darwin Houghton Library, Harvard University (MS Am 1162.10: 201) 1 2

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the telegram to T. W. Higginson, 18 May 1878. See telegram to T. W. Higginson, 18 May 1878 and n. 1. A fly was a light horse-drawn carriage for hire.

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   19 [May 1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. April 19th My dear Dyer I am heartily obliged for the plants & seeds which arrived safely & several of them will be of extreme use to me.—2 I hope that you will give from me my thanks to Mr. Lynch.—3 With respect to the tiny plants of Melocactus they are much too old; what I require to see is the plumule or cotyledons (as the case may be) as or before they break through the ground.4 I have therefore been thinking that it wd be the best plan for us to attempt again raising seeds of some Cacteæ, for I forgot that the pots require for my purpose to be daily examined. Will you therefore ask Mr Lynch to let me have any seed or fruit, which he can get of any Cacteæ (avoiding Opuntia nigricans & Rhipsalis cassytha, which so disgracefully failed with us);5 asking him moreover to mark on packet what temperature & kind of soil they ought to be sown in.— From same cause it wd be better to send me a few seeds of Pachira with instructions about sowing.6 This in the long run wd. give less trouble than raising seedlings for me.— I was very much interested with your last letter about protoplasm, &c, about which I have sometimes thought though knowing very little.7 As the cell-walls grow I do not see why light, gravity contact &c—shd. not act on them directly, instead of through the protoplasm.— When examining Drosera, I took the impression that the cell-walls were undervalued.8 It is a frightfully difficult subject, & I shall avoid it, keeping to facts as much as possible.— We are very sorry to hear not a very good account of Mrs. Dyer: some time ago we heard a very prosperous account.—9 Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Thiselton-Dyer, W. T., Letters from Charles Darwin 1873–81: 116–18)

May 1878 1

2 3 4

5

6 7 8

9

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The month and year are established by the relationship between this letter, the letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 9 May [1878], and the letter from W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 11 May 1878. CD evidently wrote 19 April by mistake. CD had requested seeds and plants from Kew in his letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 9 May [1878]. Richard Irwin Lynch was the foreman of the propagation department at the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew. CD was studying the development and movements of the first shoots and leaves of the plant embryo; he later observed that in many Cacteae (a synonym of Cactaceae) the cotyledons were rudimentary but probably served to protect the plumule when it broke through the soil in an arch (Movement in plants, pp. 96–7). Melocactus is the genus of melon cacti, found from Mexico to central South America. Opuntia nigricans (a synonym of Opuntia elatior, prickly pear) is a cactus native to South America. Rhipsalis cassytha (a synonym of Rhipsalis baccifera, mistletoe cactus), is found in Africa and Sri Lanka as well as in the Americas. According to a list of plants sent from Kew on 25 March 1878, CD had received a plant of Rhipsalis cassytha (DAR 209.12: 185). CD had asked for seeds of Pachira aquatica (Guiana chestnut or provision tree). See letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 14 May 1878 and n. 5. See letter from W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 11 May 1878. Sydney Howard Vines had explained the loss of extensibility in the cell wall as a secondary effect of the paralysis of the protoplasm, which was caused by light (letter from W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 11 May 1878 and n. 3). CD had studied the inflection of the tentacles in leaves of Drosera rotundifolia (common or round-leaved sundew); he presented conflicting views on the physiological processes involved, noting that both elasticity of the cell wall and contraction of the protoplasm had been suggested as explanations for the inflection (Insectivorous plants, pp. 256–9). In his letter of 11 May 1878, Thiselton-Dyer mentioned going away to the seaside with his wife, Harriet Anne Thiselton-Dyer. Harriet had given birth to her first child on 9 April 1878 (Allan 1967 s.v. ‘Hooker pedigree’).

To Raphael Meldola   20 May [1878] From Mr. C. Darwin, Down, Beckenham. Many thanks for card.— Pray take no more trouble on subject.1 Down | May 20th. Apc Postmark: MY 21 78 Oxford University Museum of Natural History (Hope Entomological Collections 1350: Hope/Westwood Archive, Darwin folder) 1

Meldola’s postcard has not been found, but contained an identification of photographs of insects that CD had received from Otto Zacharias (see letters from Raphael Meldola, 3 May 1878 and n. 2, and 23 May 1878).

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   20 [May 1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Monday 20th My dear Dyer I will despatch per Railway tomorrow (Tuesday) at 1o plants for Kew, if you will direct Carrier to call for them on Wednesday at Charing Cross.2

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(Acacia cultriformis3 (Mimosa albida.4 (N.B the pot has been embedded in larger pot, which seemed to suit the plant last year.) (Drosera from Australia.)5 Oxalis carnosa (both plants, as the one which I killed(!) with frost has quite recovered)6 2 other species of Oxalis which I do not want. Cassia sp.7 (name forgotten this minute) (which I do not want) I hope the plants will reach Kew safely & I give Hooker8 hearty thanks for them.— I do not send Nicotiana glauca as it has grown to so gigantic a size; but will save seed for Kew.—9 Nor do I send Araujia, as the plant is so big, & as I sent seed;10 but both shall be sent if required. It makes me proud to send anything to Kew.— Ever yours | C. Darwin P.S | My Arachis hypogea is not doing well & the species never has done well after a time.— If Mr Lynch can see a plant with flower-peduncle beginning to bend down to bury the pod, I shd. excessively like the whole watch process. from its commencement, or even near the close.—11 Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Thiselton-Dyer, W. T., Letters from Charles Darwin 1873–81: 124–5) 1

2 3

4 5

6

7 8 9 10 11

The month and year are established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 5 April 1878, and by the day of the week mentioned in the date. In 1878, May was the only month in which the 20th fell on a Monday. The railway station closest to CD was at Orpington, from where trains went to Charing Cross, London. Acacia cultriformis (knife-leaf wattle) appears on an undated list of plants, possibly a packing slip, now in DAR 209.12: 3 (see Correspondence vol. 21, enclosure to letter from J. D. Hooker, [1 November 1873]. CD’s notes for his experiments removing bloom from the leaves of this plant, dated between 1 June 1877 and 13 February 1878, are in DAR 66: 83. Mimosa albida is a tropical American shrub of the family Fabaceae. CD studied movement in this species in November 1873 (see Correspondence vol. 21). Drosera is the genus of sundews; for CD’s observations on the Australian species he worked on, see Insectivorous plants, pp. 280–5. In his letter to Thiselton-Dyer of 14 May 1878, CD had offered to send a plant of Drosera whittakerii (scented sundew), an Australian species. CD reported in his letter to J. D. Hooker of 25 March [1878] that he had killed his specimen of Oxalis carnosa (fleshy sorrel). The plant had been sent on 14 February 1878 (Outwards book, Archives, Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew). CD made observations on several species of Cassia; he had been sent six species in April 1874 (Outwards book, Archives, Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew). Joseph Dalton Hooker. CD sent seeds of Nicotiana glauca (tree tobacco) to Kew on 28 June 1878 (Inwards book, Archives, Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew). CD sent Thiselton-Dyer fruits of Araujia sericifera (common moth-vine or cruel plant) in January 1878 (see letter from W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 29 January 1878). In his letter to J. D. Hooker of 25 March [1878], CD reported that he had injured all his plants of Arachis hypogaea (peanut). Richard Irwin Lynch was foreman of the propagating department at Kew. An unsigned review of Forms of flowers written by Thiselton-Dyer (letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 5 April 1878 and n. 1) had included the information that flowers of Arachis hypogaea had ovaries in elongated

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calyx tubes; after fertilisation, the ovary developed a gynophore or stalk that buried the ovary in the ground (Nature, 5 April 1878, p. 446).

To W. J. Beal   21 May 1878 Down, | Beckenham, | Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. May 21. 1878 Dear Sir I am much obliged for your extremely kind notice of my book on Cross Fertilisation & for your note of May 2d.—1 I have further to thank you for a copy of your article on Hairs &c.— I am glad that you intend to experimentise2 & remain | Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin Michigan State University Archives and Historical Collections (W. J. Beal Papers UA.17.4 box 891 folder 1) 1 2

CD’s copy of Beal’s review of Cross and self fertilisation is in DAR 226.1: 155 (Beal 1877). Beal’s letter of 2 May 1878 has not been found. Beal’s article, ‘Hairs and glandular hairs of plants, their forms and uses’ (Beal 1878), was published in the American Naturalist in May 1878.

To A. F. Gray   21 May [1878] Down Beckenham Kent May 21. I thank you cordially for your most interesting communication.— I have sent an account of it to “Nature”, & if, as I expect, it is printed, will send a copy to you.—1 Ch. Darwin ApcS Postmark: MY 21 78 Houghton Library, Harvard University (Autograph File, D) 1

See letter from A. F. Gray, 8 May [1878]; the letter was published in Nature, 30 May 1878, p. 121.

To J. N. Lockyer   21 May [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. May 21st Private My dear Sir I hope that you will think the enclosed worth printing in “Nature”2   A wood-cut d w . add greatly to its interest.—3 If printed perhaps I had better see proof.— If not

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printed, may I beg you to return it as I shd. be extremely sorry to lose record of so curious a case.— Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin University of Exeter Library Special Collections (EUL MS 110) 1 2 3

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from A. F. Gray, 8 May [1878]. CD enclosed the letter from A. F. Gray, 8 May [1878]; the letter, together with an introductory note from CD, was published in Nature, 30 May 1878, pp. 120–1 (see letter to Nature, [21? May 1878]). A woodcut was made of Gray’s drawing and published in Nature, 30 May 1878, p. 121 (see letter from A. F. Gray, 8 May [1878]).

To Nature   [21? May 1878]1 [Down.] Transplantation of shells It is well known that animals and plants inhabiting freshwater have, as a general rule, a very wide distribution; yet each river system, with all the pools and lakes in connection with it, seems completely cut off from every other system of the same country. Still more complete is the separation between the freshwaters of distinct continents or of islands; nevertheless they often possess freshwater species in common. In my “Origin of Species” I have suggested various means of transportal;2 but as few facts on this head are positively known, the case given in the adjoined letter of a living Unio, which had caught one of the toes of a duck’s foot between its valves, and was secured in the act of being transported, seems to me well worth recording.3 charles darwin Nature, 30 May 1878, pp. 120–1 1

2 3

The date is conjectured from the relationship between this letter and the letter to J. N. Lockyer, 21 May [1878]. This letter may have been enclosed in the letter to J. N. Lockyer, 21 May [1878]; alternatively, Lockyer may have asked CD later to write an introduction to the letter from A. F. Gray, 8 May [1878], but no other correspondence on the subject has been found. See Origin, pp. 383–88. CD enclosed the letter from A. F. Gray, 8 May [1878]. Gray had sent a sketch of a freshwater mussel, Unio complanatus (a synonym of Elliptio complanata, eastern elliptio), attached to the foot of a duck.

From Thomas Whitelegge   21 May 1878 58 Hillgate St | Hurst Brook | Ashton-under-lyne May 21/78 Dear Sir I thank you sincerely for your two letters, and for the offer in your last.1 On Saturday afternoon I spent about an hour and a half in examining flowers of R. acris to see if I could find any with the Gynoecium aborted but after examining many

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hundred flowers I failed to find any. I saw a many of the small flowered females and I have planted some in our Botanical Garden.2 On Sunday last I was in the Wye Valley between Buxton and Miller’s Dale. I found some few plants of R. acris with female flowers. I may state that the object of my visit was to examine the Geum rivale (not intermedia as I supposed) to see if I could find any in the same condition as that I sent you.3 I succeeded in finding about 30 flowers with only the stamens developed some of which were on the same flower stalk along with Hermaphrodite flowers, one plant which I have before now, has 5 flowers, 4 of which are Hermaphrodite and one male. As far as my observations have gone the male flowers are not at all common.4 But I am afraid I am tresspassing too much on your time I Remain Sir | Yours Respectfully | Thomas Whitelegg P.S. I can forward you the plants if you desire me to do so which I would gladly do. T.W. DAR 181: 93 CD annotation 1.4 small flowered females] underl pencil 1

2 3

4

Letters to Thomas Whitelegge, 28 April 1878 and 17 May 1878. CD wrote that he would add Whitelegge’s information on gynodioecious plants in the family Ranunculaceae if there were a new edition of Forms of flowers (see letter to Thomas Whitelegge, 17 May 1878 and n. 2). Whitelegge probably refers to the botanical garden of the Ashton-under-Lyne Linnean Botanical Society, of which he was president (R. Desmond 1994). Whitelegge had reported observing gynodioecious plants of Ranunculus acris (meadow buttercup; see letter from Thomas Whitelegge, 16 May 1878 and n. 1). In a now missing letter, Whitelegge had evidently discussed abnormalities in what he supposed was Geum intermedium (G. × intermedium is a hybrid of G. rivale (water avens) and G. urbanum (wood avens); see letter to Thomas Whitelegge, 28 April 1878). In Forms of flowers, pp. 12–13, CD had noted that he was unable to identify any androdioecious species, that is, those with staminate (male) and hermaphrodite flowers on different plants.

From W. E. Darwin   22 May [1878]1 Basset May 22 My dear Father, Here is the Extract Athenæum May  11  p.  606 “A short paper was read by Mr R. I. Lynch “on the seed structure and germination of a species of Pachira”— The seeds were received at Kew July 1877, & labelled the “Provision Tree”. Varying in size, they consist chiefly of one fleshy lobed Cotyledon, the second being exceedingly diminutive and functionless. Germination occurs in a fortnight after sowing, and, in one instance the larger persistent Cotyledon did not appear to be exhausted for nearly 6 months2 Your affect son | W.E.D DAR 209.6: 199–200

212 1 2

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The year is established by the date of the extract from the Athenæum, 11 May 1878. CD had written a note on 19 May 1878 (DAR 209.6: 200) mentioning Richard Irwin Lynch’s paper on Pachira aquatica (Lynch 1878) and probably asked William for the account in the Athenæum, which he saw before leaving Southampton on 13 May 1878 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II); letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 14 May 1878). Lynch’s paper was read at the Linnean Society on 2 May 1878; he had described the germination of Pachira aquatica (Guiana-chestnut or provision tree; see letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 14 May 1878 and n. 5).

From Raphael Meldola   23 May 1878 21 John St. | Bedford Row, | London W.C. May 23/78 My dear Mr. Darwin, Some time before I received your last post-card I had sent the photographs of Dr. Zacharias’ insects to my friend Prof. Wood-Mason who has been making a special study of the Orthoptera of late & he has returned them to me with a letter confirming the generic name (Pterochroza) I sent to you.1 No. 1, of which I could not find a specimen in the B.M., is probably P. ocellata Serville.2 À propos of the little beetles which came out of Fritz Müller’s seeds of Cassia neglecta a friend of mine showed me some time ago some small seeds from Brazil which when first sent over possessed the remarkable property of jumping about— particularly when held in the hand or otherwise exposed to a slight elevation of temperature. After a time the seeds lost this property & on opening one a small dead larva (Coleopterous?) was found inside. This leads me to ask whether the insects which emerged from F. M.’s seeds may not be related to the above. Could you spare me one or two of the perforated seeds if you still possess them to exhibit at the Entom. Soc. with their beetles & cocoons?3 I propose to work up F. M’s observations into a paper for our next meeting entitled “Notes on Brazilian Entomology”.4 Yours sincerely, | R. Meldola. Were the living beetles & the cocoons found in the box or packet containing the seeds? DAR 171: 128 CD annotation 3.7 Could ... cocoons? 3.9] double scored ink 1

2 3

Meldola sent CD a postcard (now missing) with the names of insects, photographs of which had been sent to CD by Otto Zacharias; CD, in his reply of 20 May [1878], told Meldola he need not pursue the matter further. James Wood-Mason was deputy superintendent of the Indian Museum at Calcutta. Pterochroza is a genus of leaf-mimic katydids in the family Tettigoniidae (katydids and long-horned grasshoppers). Pterochroza ocellata is the peacock katydid; it has large eye-spots on its normally hidden hindwings. See letter to Fritz Müller, 16 May 1878 and n. 3. Cassia neglecta is a synonym of Senna neglecta. Meldola exhibited the beetles and cocoons at the Entomological Society of London on 5 June 1878 (Transactions of the Entomological Society of London (Proceedings) (1878): xxiv).

May 1878 4

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Müller’s ‘Notes on Brazilian entomology’ was read by Meldola at the 5 June meeting of the Entomological Society of London and published in the society’s Transactions (F. Müller 1878).

To Robert Thomson   23 May 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. May 23rd 1878 Dear Sir, I am sorry to say that so many years have elapsed since I have attended to the subject of earthquakes that I am quite incapable of expressing any opinion on your views.1 When Mr Mallet’s paper on earthquakes, appeared, I well remember regretting that I had published any speculations on the subject, for it became clear to me that a man, to do any good work on this subject, must be deeply versed with respect to wave-motions both in solids & fluids.2 I remain dear Sir, | Yours faithfully | Charles Darwin LS John Hay Library, Brown University (Albert E. Lownes manuscript collection, MS.84.2) 1 2

See letter from Robert Thomson, 1 May 1878. Robert Mallet’s paper, ‘On the dynamics of earthquakes’ (Mallet 1846), sought to apply physical laws to the study of earthquakes.

From Francis Galton   24 May 1878 42 Rutland Gate May 24/78 My dear Darwin The enclosed “Composite Portraits” will perhaps interest you.1 The description of them is in this week’s “Nature” (p.97.)2 You will see that I have there published the letter you kindly forwarded to me from Mr. Austin of New Zealand. (To whom I am now about to write a second time.)3 Together with the villains (absit omen!)4 I send 3  of our own family ancestors which I have had made, & for which you may care to find some place somewhere. The original portraits are in the possession of Reginald Darwin and are those of our uncle Sir Francis Darwin and of our great grandfather & of our great great grandfather respectively, (as you will find written on their backs)— These take the Darwin family back for 214 centuries. There seems to be a great deal of the Darwin type in William Darwin b: 1655.5 I hear vague rumours of your wonderful investigations on the growth, &c of plants, & am eager for the time when they shall be published6 Ever sincerely yrs | Francis Galton DAR 105A: 99–100 1

The enclosures have not been found.

Composites made from portraits of criminals convicted of murder, manslaughter or crimes of violence. Pearson 1914–30, 2: plate 28. By permission of the Syndics of Cambridge University Library.

May 1878 2

3 4 5

6

215

Galton’s article ‘Composite portraits’ was published in Nature, 23 May 1878 (Galton 1878). Galton used multiple exposures of existing photographs to make a new composite image in order to observe typical characteristics; he also observed that composite photographs were more beautiful than the originals. For examples of his composite photographs, see Pearson 1914–30, 2: plates 28–35; see also this volume, plate on p. 214. Albert Duncan Austin’s letter was published in Galton 1878, p. 98 (see Correspondence vol. 25, letter from A. D. Austin, 6 November 1877). Absit omen: may the omen be absent (Latin); the sense is ‘perish the thought’ or ‘god forbid’. One of Galton’s sets of composites was of convicted criminals. Francis Sacheverel Darwin, Robert Darwin (1682–1754; ‘our great grandfather’), and William Darwin (1655–82; ‘our great great grandfather’). There are plates of portraits of F. S. Darwin and Robert Darwin in Pearson 1914–30, 1: plates 6 and 18. There is an oil painting of William Darwin at Darwin College, Cambridge. CD had been investigating different types of plant movement since July 1877; his results were published in 1880 in Movement in plants.

From M. C. Stanley   24 May 1878

23. S.t James’s Square. | S.W. May 24/78

Dear Mr. Darwin My brother who has just returned from S. America has brought from the River Plate the accompanying fragment of bone from a fish’s head called Corbin; he is very anxious to know if it ever came under your notice.1 There are two of these bony substances in the head of every fish. Fibrous threads diverge from the rough part in to interior— As if this substance were the covering of the brain!.2 if one can venture to speak of the brain of a fish: Forgive me for troubling you & for daring to suppose I am mentioning any thing that can be new to you.— Believe me | Yrs Very sincerely | M C Derby DAR 162: 170 1

2

Lionel Sackville Sackville-West had been British envoy at Buenos Aires from 1873 until January 1878 (ODNB). The Río de la Plata (River Plate) is an estuary formed by the confluence of the Uruguay and Paraná rivers; it forms part of the border between Argentina and Uruguay (Columbia gazetteer of the world). The bone fragment has not been found; the fish was probably Micropogonias furnieri (whitemouth croaker), known locally as corvina. Sackville-West’s bone fragment was probably from an immature fish. In teleost or bony fishes, ossification of the bones occurs differentially, with those bones subject to greater stress being the first to ossify. For more on the sequence of ossification in the neurocranium of Micropogonias furnieri from larval to adult stages, see Jardim and Santos 1994.

To Raphael Meldola   25 May 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. May 25. 1878 My dear Sir, The living beettles & the cooccoons were found in a small paper packet containing the seeds.1 Those from which the beetles had emerged were much broken & the

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larvæ had evidently attacked some of the other seeds. I am sorry to say that some of the injured ones were thrown away. I am glad that you are going to draw up a paper from Fritz Müller’s letters2 Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin LS Oxford University Museum of Natural History (Hope Entomological Collections 1350: Hope/Westwood Archive, Darwin folder) 1

2

Fritz Müller had sent CD some seeds that turned out to contain beetles. CD had sent the beetles to Meldola; Meldola had asked to see the seeds as well. See letter from Raphael Meldola, 23 May 1878 and n. 3. See letter from Raphael Meldola, 23 May 1878 and n. 4. Müller had sent CD some notes on Brazilian entomology with his letter of 5 April 1878. CD forwarded the letter and notes to Meldola with his letter of 15 May [1878].

From Blanche and Alice   27 May 1878 35, Leece Street, May 27th. 1878. Dear Sir, We are writing to ask you a great favour, and hope that you will 〈not think〉 we are presuming too much 〈on your〉 good nature. That is, would you kindly se〈nd us〉 three of your autographs wri〈tten on〉 separate pieces of paper for ourselves 〈and〉 a friend? If you should think proper to gra〈nt〉 our request, we shall always 〈    〉 value the autographs. Hoping we are not troubling 〈you or〉 taking too great a liberty. We remain. | Your obedient servant〈s〉 | Blanche, & 〈Alice〉1 DAR 159: 144 1

The correspondents have not been identified. Leece Street is in Liverpool; the address was the premises of a dealer in Berlin wool, Mary Elizabeth Edwards (Post Office directory of Lancashire, Liverpool and Manchester 1881). See also letter from Alice and Blanche, 31 May 1878.

From George Cupples   27 May 1878 The Cottage, | Guard Bridge | Fifeshire. N.B. Monday | May 27/78 My Dear Mr Darwin, It is with great reluctance that I venture to intrude on you with a query in reference to the subject I am now busily engaged in—and which I hope to have done with soon now—viz—the Scotch Deerhound breed or race (treated in a popular-monograph way.)1 Probably it will trouble you least if I make no further preliminary, so I may at once say that the query is simply this:—

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(Taking for granted your principle—as to the likelihood of peculiarities being sexually transmitted—e.g. greater size on the part of (either I suppose the female or) the male deerhd., according as certain conditions may have obtained—such as that the peculiarity should be found to show itself late in the young, or the reverse—and as cats seem for example to do with colour—&c &c)2 Hitherto I had looked at this on the supposition that the Deerhd. race or breed gradually had increased in size from their original stock—keeping in mind also what you say of the probability that the sexual difference of size is more now “than in the aboriginal parent-species.”3 But I should like to know how the case would stand in regard to your rule or principle if it were supposed that the aboriginal parent-species had been larger than any subsequent derived stock? I am supposing that the original deerhound is perhaps a nearly-related descendant from an extinct great dog, such as is indicated in the following data. 1. Your own reference to De Blainville’s supposition of a single dog as the source of all dogs, and to the “remains in later tertiary deposits more like those of a large dog than of a wolf—”. Variation of Animals vol. 1. 1.4 2. In Col. Hamilton Smith’s book. 1 ⎧ reference to “the Agnotherium” of Kaup and ⎨ ⎩ 2 “the Canis spelæus of Goldfuss, in the cavern of Gailenruth.”5 3. The large skull mentioned in Richardson’s manual on Dogs, as having been found “in a bog in Westmeath, in Ireland,” and observed to present characteristics that leave doubt whether it was that of a bear (Polar) or of a dog (Irish greyhound type, but) of immense size.6 Now I do sincerely beg pardon for all this—still it may not be uninteresting to you—and if you conveniently (and everyway) can send me a line or two, merely saying whether and how the case would be altered on the supposition that the Scotch deerhound (and Irish greyhd) race is descended (and closely) from any such large extinct dog (as that on the foregoing page)— Might not the case be one of gradual diminution of size and degeneration in various respects—but the male diminishing (and degenerating) more slowly. Domesticated breeds, I suppose, from what you say in your works, generally increase in size—but I fancy it is sometimes the reverse.7 Men do actually breed deerhounds smaller, of set purpose. The whole history seems to imply gradual degeneration—& I should like to know who Kaup and Gailenruth were.8 The main point is, to know whether the principle (as to sexual disparity of size in favour of the male,) would hold good in any case—such as the reversion or inversion of the process of growth in the size of the said breed. I take this opportunity of saying that I have had many fresh confirmations from various experts, as to the fact of the said disparity (in favour of the male.) and of its being very marked. Of course this implies that it would become less marked in dogs

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at all cross-bred. Now, how would this tell? For the farther we go back, it might be that the breed is then to be supposed more pure? And the peculiarity hence more obvious? Yet I am imagining that some difference (in favour of clearness &c) might be obtained to a monographic view of the matter, when the original stock is considered as larger in size—dog and bitch perhaps not at all so disparate as now, however. I am with great respect and true regard | Yours truly | George Cupples Postscript | I have added this in order to make explicit apology. What I have written may be too tedious—and besides may have nothing of consequence in it, in which case I of course do not wish to have any reply so far as it is concerned. I should very much like to know, however, how your health keeps. I am myself tolerably well. Mrs Cupples9 is just now in London, and intended to try to make her way by Beckenham, in order to find out whether Mrs Darwin and you are at home. She did not know of my writing to you— indeed it only struck me this morning to do so. George Cupples DAR 161: 304 CD annotations 8.2 characteristics ... size. 8.4] scored red crayon 10.4 I ... were.] scored red crayon 1 2 3 4 5

6

7 8 9

Cupples’s book Scotch deer-hounds and their masters was published posthumously in 1894 (Cupples 1894). See Variation 2: 71–5 and Descent 1: 279–99. Variation 2: 73. Variation 1: 15–16. CD had cited Henri de Blainville’s work Ostéographie (Blainville 1839–68, 2 (P): 142). See The natural history of dogs by Charles Hamilton Smith (C. H. Smith 1839–40, 1: 106). The extinct Miocene genus Agnotherium was named by Johann Jakob Kaup; it was a large carnivore, sometimes known as the bear-dog. Georg August Goldfuss had described the late Pleistocene species Canis spelaeus from bones found in the Gailenreuth cave near Muggendorf, Bavaria, Germany (Goldfuss 1823, p. 451). Henry Downing Richardson discussed the characteristics of the skull and speculated that it belonged to an extinct animal allied to, but not identical with, the dog, with similarities to bears and perhaps hyenas. He noted that the only extant bear with a similar skull was Ursus maritimus (the polar bear; Richardson 1847, pp. 35–6). See, for example, Origin, p. 11, and Variation 2: 174. Cupples evidently intended Goldfuss rather than Gailenreuth; see n. 5, above. Anne Jane Cupples.

From Thomas Whitelegge   27 May 1878 58 Hillgate St | Hurst Brook | Ashton under Lyne May 27— 1878 Dear Sir I forward you four Plants of Ranunculus repens, with the corolla and stamens reduced as in R. acris, but not reduced so much as in the latter.1 I gathered them in Medlock Vale, about 3 miles east of Manchester. I only found five Plants in this condition all of which were growing within a space of about 2 feet square. I have

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searched very carefully both in the same feild and in about 10 others where R. repens is the principl plant growing therein but failed to find any more in the same condition, not even intermediate forms can I find, but only the usual Hermaphrodites, it appears to be Proterandrous. Perhaps it may in a state similar to that of Lathyrus nissolia— that is in the first stage, of a change.2 I remain | Yours Truly | Thos Whitelegg DAR 181: 94 1

2

Ranunculus repens is the creeping buttercup; R. acris is the meadow buttercup. Whitelegge had sent CD plants of R. acris as an example of a gynodioecious species (see letter from Thomas Whitelegge, 16 May 1878 and n. 1). Proterandrous (now protandrous) flowers are hermaphrodite flowers in which the male parts mature before the female ones. In Forms of flowers, pp. 326–7, CD had remarked that Lathyrus nissolia (grass vetchling) was apparently in the first stage of producing cleistogamic flowers.

To Friedrich Ludwig   29 May 1878 Down | Beckenham, Kent (&c). May 29th. 1878. Dear Sir. I thank you sincerely for the trouble which you have taken in sending me so long & interesting a letter, together with the specimens.1 Gradations are always very valuable, & you have been remarkably successful in discovering the stages by which the Plantago has become gyno-diœcious— Your view of its origin from being proterogynous, seems to me very probable especially as the females are generally the later flowering plants.2 If you can prove the reverse case with Thymus your view will manifestly be rendered still more probable— I have never felt satisfied with H. Müller’s view, though he is so careful & admirable an observer.3 It is more than 17 years since I attended to Plantago; & when nothing had been published on the subject, & in consequence I omitted to attend to several points,—& now after so long an interval, I cannot pretend to say to which of your forms, the English one belongs; I well remember that the anther of the females contained a good deal pollen, though not one sound grain.—4 Once again thanking you for your kindness, I remain with much respect— Dear Sir | Yours faithfully. | Ch. Darwin. P.S. | Delpino5 is Professor of Botany in Genoa Italy; I have always found him a most obliging correspondent. Copy DAR 146: 137 1

Ludwig’s letter to CD has not been found, but in Forms of flowers 2d ed., p. ix, CD wrote: I have received an additional account of Plantago lanceolata being gyno-diœcious in England; and Dr. F. Ludwig of Greiz has sent me a description of no less than five forms

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May 1878 of this plant which graduate into one another; the intermediate forms being comparatively rare, whilst the hermaphrodite form is the commonest.

2

3

4 5

Plantago lanceolata is ribwort plantain. Ludwig later published a paper, ‘Ueber die Blütenformen von Plantago lanceolata L., und die Erscheinung der Gynodiöcie’ (On the flower forms of Plantago lanceolata L., and the appearance of gynodioecy; Ludwig 1879), in which he discussed the stages in the development of gynodioecy, or the existence of both hermaphrodite and female flowers. Proterogynous (now protogynous) flowers are hermaphrodite flowers in which the female sexual parts (carpels) mature before the male ones (stamens). Ludwig noted that another gynodioecious species, Thymus serpyllum (Breckland thyme), differed from Plantago lanceolata in the ratio of hermaphrodite to female flowers during its flowering period. In T. serpyllum, whose hermaphrodite flowers are protandrous (i.e. stamens mature before carpels), female flowers predominated early in the flowering period, while hermaphrodite flowers became more frequent later. The opposite was the case in P. lanceolata. (Ludwig 1879, p. 448.) Hermann Müller had suggested that since insects tended to visit more conspicuous flowers first (where they were dusted with pollen), less conspicuous flowers of the same species, which were visited only later, might have gradually lost functional stamens and been converted to females (H. Müller 1873, pp. 319, 326; Forms of flowers, p. 304). CD’s notes on dichogamy and dimorphism in Plantago lanceolata, dated 28 April 1863, are in DAR 109: A27–8. Federico Delpino.

To Wallis Nash   29 May 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. May 29th 1878 r My dear M Nash I thank you sincerely for your most kind Dedication, & I heartily wish that I deserved it more fully than is the case.1 Emma began reading aloud your volume to us yesterday evening, & we liked it much, though not as yet arrived at new ground, yet it told us several new things. There is not a word in it superfluous, & this as far as my experience goes with books of travels is an extremely rare virtue. Pray thank Mrs. Nash for her note.2 We often & often regret your & Mrs. Nash’s absence, & say if you were here we would talk about this or that point.— But we ought not to regret your move, for Beckenham is a larger field for the unbounded goodness of both of you.3 Believe me | Yours ever very sincerely | Charles Darwin Frank has gone to Cambridge for some electrical work with plants, otherwise he wd have sent a message to Mrs Nash.—4 F. Louise Nash Barton (private collection) 1

2 3

Nash had dedicated his book, Oregon: there and back in 1877 (Nash 1878), to CD. The dedication reads: ‘To Charles Darwin, in token of a friendship wherein his gentle courtesy has almost induced forgetfulness of his greatness, this book is, by his permission, dedicated.’ The note from Louisa A’hmuty Nash has not been found. The Nashes had lived at The Rookery, north of Down, Kent, from 1873 to 1877. At this time, their address was Downs House, The Avenue, Beckenham, Kent (Post Office directory of the six home counties 1878).

May 1878 4

221

See letter from Francis Darwin, [12 May 1878] and n. 8.

From E. W. Fithian   30 May 1878 Commons Preservation Society, | 1, Great College Street, Westminster, S.W. 30th. May 1878 Dear Sir, Knockholt & Chevening Footpath Fund.1 As Treasurer of the above Fund I have been requested to make a call of one-third of the amount guaranteed towards defraying the expenses incurred in resisting the closing of this footpath. This sum will be sufficient to meet the liabilities incurred. As you kindly guaranteed £7.0.0.* I shall be glad if you will favour me with onethird of that sum. When the accounts have been closed a Balance Sheet will be sent to each subscriber. I am, | Yours truly, | Edward W. Fithian * Cha.s Darwin Esqr. £3.0.0 Miss Darwin2  2.0.0 Miss Wedgwood3  2.0.0 £7.0.0 Cha.s Darwin Esq F.R.S. LS DAR 202: 101 CD annotations Verso of last page: ‘3) 10

(3.

3.4

9

3

12

10 0 13.4 3 40 01’

pencil crossed pencil;

‘£ 1-

C. Darwin 13. 4

Bessy

13. 4

Elizabeth

£ 26"8 Total’4 1

pencil

Knockholt, Kent, is several miles south-east of Down, where the Darwins lived; Chevening is a few miles south-east of Knockholt. Chevening was the seat of the Earl of Stanhope; CD had been acquainted with the fifth Earl Stanhope, Philip Henry Stanhope (‘Recollections’, p. 406).

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Elizabeth Darwin was CD and Emma Darwin’s daughter. Elizabeth Wedgwood was Emma Darwin’s sister, and lived in Down. On 31 May 1878, CD recorded a payment of £2 6s. 8d. under the heading, ‘Fithian for Knockholt Footpath (class 1£ for self) | (15 Paid as Elizabeth and Bessy have each to pay me 13.4)’ (CD’s Account books–cash account (Down House MS)). CD recorded the payment of £1 in his Classed account books (Down House MS). In an entry dated 15 June 1878, CD recorded the receipt of £1 6s. 6d. under the heading, ‘Received from Bessy & Elizabeth in payment of my payment by cheque to Fithian for Knockholt foot-path’ (CD’s Account books–cash account (Down House MS)).

From Alice and Blanche   31 May 1878 Liverpool. May. 31st. 1878. Dear Sir. Please allow us to thank you for your great kindness 〈    〉 〈sen〉ding us your autograph; 〈we sh〉all always keep and value it 〈    〉 Hoping you will excuse the trouble we must have given you, and thanking you again for the great pleasure you have afforded 〈us〉1 We remain, | Yours obediently, | Alice and Blanche DAR 159: 145 1

See letter from Blanche and Alice, 27 May 1878.

To E. W. Fithian   [31 May 1878]1 Mr. D.  begs leave to enclose a cheque for 2£.6s.8d for the Knockholt Foot-path, consisting, as requested, of 1£ from himself & 13 4d from Miss Darwin & the same from Miss Wedgwood2 ADraft DAR 202: 101v 1 2

The date is established by the date of the cheque that CD sent to Fithian (see also letter from E. W. Fithian, 30 May 1878 and n. 4). See letter from E. W. Fithian, 30 May 1878 and nn. 1 and 4. Elizabeth Darwin and Elizabeth Wedgwood had each pledged £2; 13s. 4d. was a third of that amount.

To Edmund Mojsisovics von Mojsvár   1 June 1878 Down. | Beckenham, Kent. June 1. 1878. Dear Sir. I have at last found time to read your first chapter of your Dolomit Riffe, & have been exceedingly interested by it. What a wonderful change in the future of geological chronology you indicate, by assuming the descent-theory to be established,

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& then taking the graduated changes of the same group of organisms as the true standard! I never hoped to live to see such a step even proposed by anyone.1 Nevertheless I saw dimly that each bed in a formation could contain only the organisms—proper to a certain depth & to other there existing conditions and that all the intermediate forms between one marine species & another could rarely be preserved in the same place & bed—2 Oppel, Neumayer3 & yourself will confer a lasting and admirable service on the noble science of Geology if you can spread your views so as to be generally known & accepted— With respect to the continental & oceanic periods common to the whole N. hemisphere to which you refer, I have sometimes speculated that the present distribution of the land & sea over the world may have formerly been very different to what it now is; & that new genera & families may have been developed on the shores of isolated tracks in the South & afterwards spread to the North.4 With my best thanks for the present of your great works & with the highest respect | I remain, Dear Sir. | Yours faithfully— | Charles Darwin. Copy DAR 146: 383 1

2 3

4

Mojsisovics von Mojsvár had sent CD the first part of his book Die Dolomit-Riffe von Südtirol und Venetien (The Dolomite reefs of South Tyrol and Veneto; Mojsisovics von Mojsvár 1878–9); see letter from Edmund Mojsisovics von Mojsvár, 28 April 1878. CD’s copy is in the Darwin Library–Down. Mojsisovics von Mojsvár took CD’s theory of descent as established and argued that fossil evidence rather than the characteristics of rocks was crucial in determining geological age (ibid., pp. 1–2). See Origin, pp. 297–301. Albert Oppel had published on the Jurassic formations of England, France, and south-west Germany (Oppel 1856–8). CD had read Melchior Neumayr’s work tracing the lineage of gastropod shell evolution in freshwater Pliocene sands and clays of Slavonia (Croatia) (Neumayr and Paul 1875; see Correspondence vol. 25, letter to Melchior Neumayr, 9 March 1877). For the influence of these authors on Mojsisovics von Mojsvár’s work, see Mojsisovics von Mojsvár 1878–9, pp. 15–18. See, for example, Origin, pp. 305–6. A fundamental division between marine and terrestrial formations is outlined in Mojsisovics von Mojsvár 1878–9, pp. 6–8.

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   2 June 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. June 2d. 78 My dear Dyer I remember saying that I shd. die a disgraced man if I did not observe a seedling Cactus & Cycas, & you have saved me from this horrible fate, as they move splendidly & normally.1 But I have two questions to ask: the Cycas observed was a huge seed in a broad & very shallow pot with cocoa-nut fibre as I suppose. It was named only Cycas.— Was it Cycas pectinata? I suppose that I cannot be wrong in believing that what first appears above ground is a true leaf, for I can see no stem or axis.—2

‘The kew gardens question. Observe the Privileged Few at their Studies in the Garden, and the Public, “who are really Satisfied with Present Arrangements,” outside.’ Funny Folks, 25 May 1878. © The Board of Trustees of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew

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Lastly, you may remember that I said that we could not raise Opuntia nigricans; now I must confess to a piece of stupidity; one did come up, but my gardener & self stared at it & concluded that it could not be a seedling Opuntia, but now that I have seen one of O. basilaris, I am sure it was. I observed it only casually & saw movements which makes me wish to observe carefully another.3 If you have any fruit will Mr Lynch4 be so kind as to send one more.— I am working away like a slave at radicles & at movements of true leaves, for I have pretty well done with cotyledons. Alas Frank is off tomorrow to Wurzburg, & work by myself will be dull work.—5 I am very sorry to hear about Mrs Dyer not gaining strength: with us civilised beings, nursing seems to try the constitution much; so it did sometimes with my wife, & there seems nothing but patience for it.6 That was an excellent letter about the Gardens: I had hoped that the agitation was over   Politicians are a poor truckling lot, for our minister must see the wretched effects of keeping the garden open all day long.7 Your ever troublesome friend | Ch. Darwin Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Thiselton-Dyer, W. T., Letters from Charles Darwin 1873–81: 126–7) 1 2 3

4 5

6 7

CD had asked for seedlings of cactus and Cycas to study the development and movements of the first shoots and leaves (see letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 9 May [1878]). In Movement in plants, p. 78, CD states of Cycas pectinata (Assam cycas): ‘the cotyledons are hypogean, and a true leaf first breaks through the ground with its petiole forming an arch.’ CD reported that he had failed to grow the cactus Opuntia nigricans (a synonym of O. elatior, prickly pear) from seed in his letter to Thiselton-Dyer of 19 [May 1878]. Opuntia basilaris is the beavertail cactus. CD’s gardener was Henry Lettington. Richard Irwin Lynch. Francis Darwin left to work at the laboratory of Julius Sachs in Würzburg, Germany, on 3 June and returned on 8 August 1878 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242) and letter from Emma Darwin to W. E. Darwin, [11 August 1878] (DAR 219.1: 114)). Thiselton-Dyer’s wife, Harriet Anne, had given birth to her first child in April 1878 (Allan 1967 s.v. Hooker pedigree). An unsigned letter, ‘The claims of science and sight-seeing’, was published in the Economist, 1 June 1878, p. 640. It argued against a motion that was to be brought before the House of Commons to open the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, to visitors throughout the day, on the grounds that it ‘would be disastrous to the Gardens not only as a scientific establishment, but as a centre from which many new vegetable products have been disseminated to the great advantage of the commerce of the country’ (see Hansard parliamentary debates 3d ser. vol. 241 (1878) col. 1464). The minister responsible for Kew was Gerard James Noel, first commissioner of works; the gardens were only open to the public in the afternoons.

To F. J. Cohn   5 June 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington S.E.R. June 5. 1878. My dear Sir It was exceedingly kind of you to send me so interesting a letter. I will forward it to my son Francis, who has gone to Germany for 2 months, & he will particularly

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like to read your letter.1 I have been the more interested by your details, as I published (Gardener’s Chronicle Jan 5 1861 p. 4) a short note with a rude drawing of the Achenes of the Australian Pumilio argyrolepis, which are of a curious shape, like the foot of a man.2 If they fall laterally on a damp surface, the exuded mucilage in drying, draws them upright, so that they appear as if gummed with great care to the surface. I afterwards heard that Decaisne had published a paper on the subject in the Ann. des Sciences Nat; & after reading it, looked at the Achenes of Senecio & some other compositæ; but I did not make out the details which you so clearly describe & figure.3 I have placed some of the seeds from your packet, under the microscope, but have as yet failed to see the viscid threads. Possibly this particular lot of seed may not have been quite ripe; for I cannot understand why I now fail to see what I formerly saw. Believe me. | With cordial thanks. | Yours sincerely. | Charles Darwin. LS (photocopy) DAR 249: 73 1

2 3

The letter from Cohn has not been found; CD forwarded it with the letter to Francis Darwin, 5 [ June 1878]. Francis Darwin had gone to study in Julius Sachs’s laboratory in Würzburg, Germany; see letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 2 June 1878 and n. 5. CD’s note on Pumilo argyrolepis (a synonym of Siloxerus multiflorus) appeared in Gardeners’ Chronicle, 5 January 1861, pp. 4–5; see Correspondence vol. 9, letter to Gardeners’ Chronicle, [before 5 January 1861]. Joseph Decaisne’s paper ‘Sur la structure des poils qui couvrent le péricarpe de certaines Composées’ (On the structure of the hairs covering the pericarp of some Compositae; Decaisne 1839) was published in Annales des sciences naturelles (botanique); see also Correspondence vol. 20, letter to Friedrich Hildebrand, 9 February 1872, in which CD recommended the examination of the ‘curious adhesive filaments of mucus emitted by the Achenia of many Compositae’ and wondered about their function. Senecio is a genus in the Compositae (or Asteraceae, the daisy family); it includes ragworts and groundsels.

To Francis Darwin   5 [ June 1878]1 My dear F. You will like to see the enclosed.—2 I have tried the seeds, but cannot see them, though I saw them 16 years ago when I described the achenes of the Pumilio from Australia.—3 I am working too hard— you dear old fellow | Affect F. | C. D. 5th DAR 211: 22 1 2 3

The month and year are established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to F. J. Cohn, 5 June 1878. CD enclosed a letter from Ferdinand Julius Cohn, which has not been found; see letter to F. J. Cohn, 5 June 1878. In 1861, CD had published his observations of Pumilo argyrolepis (a synonym of Siloxerus multiflorus); see Correspondence vol. 9, letter to Gardeners’ Chronicle, [before 5 January 1861]. He had failed to observe the viscid threads in seeds sent by Cohn; see letter to F. J. Cohn, 5 June 1878.

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To W. H. Kesteven   5 June 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. June 5th 1878 Dear Sir Your view of the origin of tumbling seems to me very probable.1 Some years ago I received a letter & I believe a paper published in some Indian Journal, describing some experiments made by the author, who had punctured the skull of a pigeon which was not a tumbler, & it survived for a long time & flew in a manner closely resembling that of a tumbler.2 I cannot remember whether any fluid was injected into the skull.— I thought that I had quoted these experiments in the second edition of my Variation of Animals & Plants under Domestication, but I cannot find the passage & therefore cannot give the reference Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin P.S | I have just succeeded, & you will find reference in foot-note to Vol. I. p. 228 of my Var. under Dom.— Observe 2d. Edit 1875.—3 DAR 261.11: 16 (EH 88206068) 1 2

3

No letter has been found from Kesteven concerning the origin of the movements of tumbler pigeons (descendants of the rock pigeon, Columba livia). In 1873, Thomas Lauder Brunton sent CD William James Moore’s article on Columbidae published in the Indian Medical Gazette (W. J. Moore 1873); see Correspondence vol. 21, letter to T. L. Brunton, 26 March 1873. In Variation 1: 217, CD wrote: We do not in the least know the origin of the common Tumbler, but we may suppose that a bird was born with some affection of the brain, leading it to make somersaults in the air. He added a note to the second edition referring to Moore’s experiments: pricking the base of the brain, and giving hydrocyanic acid, together with strychnine, to an ordinary pigeon, brings on convulsive movements exactly like those of a Tumbler. One pigeon, the brain of which had been pricked, completely recovered, and ever afterwards occasionally made somersaults. (Variation 2d ed. 1: 228, n. 46.)

From Edmund Mojsisovics von Mojsvár   6 June 1878 Vienna, June 6th. 1878. Dear Sir! With expressions of the sincerest feelings of gratitude I have read over and over your very kind letters of the 2d. ult. and 1st. inst.— Allow me to thank you most heartily for those words of appreciation, which you so kindly devoted to my late work.1 These words are to me the highest price and the greatest gratification, which ever I dreamt to earn.

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There is at this present period little chance among Geologists to make proselytes. A new theory and a good cause requires always time to penetrate into and to secure general acknowledgement. The first steps to be taken will be the task to demonstrate and explain in single instances the high value and the importance of this views. And it appears to me in that respect, that no subject, than the triasic formations of our Alpine countries, is more fit to attain in an excellent way the mentioned purpose. With my work “The Dolomite Reefs” I have purposed to lay the foundation to the theory of the heteropic formations, showing unmistakable instances.2 Your remarks about the scarcity of intermediate forms between diverse species of marine Organisms in the same bed and the same place agree generally with our experiences.3 It is necessary, to search frequently the derivated isopic fauna at distant places of the same isotopic Region, and this search is indispensable on account of the heteropic changes on different places in the same marine Province. This difficulty grows, as it appears with the extent of the Provinces.— Wherever isopic formations follow without break, we always find in our mesozoic formations on the same places a smaller or greater number of derivated forms. If your most valuable time would once more allow it to take my work up again, I would ask the favour to devote a little attention to the illustration of the alpine formations, particularly to that of the Trias, in the 3d. Chapter of my book.4 The abroad very little known peculiarities of the alpine formations, and which peculiarities are of the extremest interest to modern science, were the source, which led me by degrees to my views, laid down in the first chapter of my work. With the reiterated expressions of thanks for your kindness I remain, dear Sir, with the highest respects | Yours faithfully | Dr. Edmund von Mojsisovics DAR 171: 227 1

2

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CD sent comments on Mojsisovics von Mojsvár’s book Die Dolomit-Riffe von Südtirol und Venetien (The Dolomite reefs of South Tyrol and Veneto; Mojsisovics von Mojsvár 1878–9) with his letter to Mojsisovics von Mojsvár of 1 June 1878; his letter of 2 May has not been found. Mojsisovics von Mojsvár’s method of determining the age of geological formations relied on fossil evidence from disturbed strata. He coined the terms ‘isomesisch’ and ‘heteromesisch’, ‘isotopisch’ and ‘heterotopisch’, ‘isopisch’ and ‘heteropisch’ to refer to material (composition), geographical (provinces) and spatial (formations) contexts, respectively (see Mojsisovics von Mojsvár 1878–9, pp. 6–7). See letter to Edmund Mojsisovics von Mojsvár, 1 June 1878. In the letter to Edmund Mojsisovics von Mojsvár, 1 June 1878, CD said that he had read the first chapter of Mojsisovics von Mojsvár 1878–9.

From J. I. Rogers to Francis Darwin   6 June 1878 119, Cannon Street, | London, | E.C. 6th. June 1878

Dear Sir, I think you told me that the Sensitive plant closes up at night.1 On enquiry of an Indian brother I find that there are plenty of snails, about Calcutta at any rate2  

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Though very different to ou〈rs〉 they are larger & more destructive. If they are night feeding like ours are, (and my brother thinks they are), the closing up of the leaves & the exposure of the prickles would be protective, especially if the body of the 〈sn〉ail be soft like ours. It would a〈lso〉 be equally protective against slugs, if there are any in the tropics: and in a lesser degree against animals that browse at night. Yours faithfly | J Innes Rogers F. Darwin Esq. DAR 176: 198 1

2

No letter from Francis Darwin to Rogers on this subject has been found, but for Rogers’s previous statements on the possible protection against insects afforded by the movements of the sensitive plant (Mimosa pudica), see the letter from J. I. Rogers to Francis Darwin, 25 March 1878. For CD’s and Francis’s experiments on the leaves of Mimosa pudica, see Movement in plants, pp. 374–5. Rogers’s brother George Rogers was a solicitor in Calcutta (now Kolkata).

From T. H. Huxley   8 June 1878 4 Marlborough Place | N. W. June 3rd 1878 My dear Darwin I send you the inclosed article on ‘Evolution’ which will appear in the next volume of the Encyclopædia Britannica— I do not think anybody has traced out the strange mutations in the meaning of the word before— And I think you will be astonished to see what Lamarck’s opinions were in 1794.1 Madge is about again and except that her voice is between a duck’s and a raven’s seems not much the worse— But we had an awful period of anxiety, for ten or twelve days2 The wife & she will be off to Westgate in a day or two to recruit3 They both need it—although my wife kept up remarkably indeed wonderfully well My mind is entirely set on Cray fishes. I have been working out their structures in relation to their distribution with very pretty results4 The southern hemisphere forms are quite distinct from the northern & each area has its own group They are evidently all modifications of marine ancestors which have been improved oft Ever | Yours very truly | T. H. Huxley DAR 166: 349 1

Huxley contributed the subsection ‘Evolution in biology’ to the ‘Evolution’ article (EB 9th ed. 8: 744– 51), which traces the changing uses of the word ‘evolution’ from the early eighteenth century. On p. 748, Huxley cited passages from Jean Baptiste de Lamarck’s Recherches sur les causes des principaux faits physiques (Research on the causes of the major physical facts; Lamarck 1793–4, 2: 213–14) and contrasted them with Lamarck’s view in Philosophie zoologique (Lamarck 1809). The passages concerned the distinction between minerals (termed ‘nature’ by Lamarck) and organic beings, stated that the princi-

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ple of life was unknowable, and emphasised the great differences between life and nature, suggesting that the spontaneous generation of organic beings was impossible (see Corsi 1988, p. 51). The passage ‘que l’existence de ces êtres étonnants n’appartiennent nullement à la nature’ (that the existence of these astonishing creatures has nothing at all to do with nature) is underlined in CD’s copy of Huxley’s article in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. For more on the development of Lamarck’s thought and interpretations of it, see Corsi 1988 and Bowler 1983, pp. 86–95. Huxley’s daughter Marian had been dangerously ill with diphtheria (see A. Desmond 1994–7, 2: 113). Huxley’s wife was Henrietta Anne Huxley; Westgate-on-Sea is a town in Kent. Huxley had lectured on crayfish to working men at the Royal School of Mines, Jermyn Street, London, from 29 April to 3 June 1878 (L. Huxley ed. 1900, 1: 490). He had presented a paper, ‘On the classification and the distribution of the crayfishes’, to the Zoological Society of London on 4 June 1878 (T. H. Huxley 1878c); in it, he showed a remarkable correspondence between the morphological and geographical divisions of crayfishes. In 1880, he published The crayfish: an introduction to the study of zoology (T. H. Huxley 1880).

From John Coghlan   9 June 1878 Buenos Ayres, 9 June 1878 My dear Sir About seven years ago I wrote to you on some matter which I thought might be of interest and received so kind a reply that it encourages me again to trouble you on a subject which may have some scientific importance1 I went some days since in company with Dr Colbourne2 Resident Physician of the British Hospital to see an animal exhibited here as an eightlegged horse which appears to us a remarkable instance of reversion   On the inside of each leg from the knee down is a distinct digit (or whatever the correct term may be) terminating in a perfect hoof   On the fore legs it hangs rather loosely but on the hind the distinct bone is clearly traceable from the knee down with the articulations well defined It corresponds with the figure of the leg of the Miohippus given in Huxley’s American Addresses Page 88 but is larger reaching close to the ground and more approaching the Architerium of Oscar Schmidts Doctrine of Descent Page 274 Fig P there being however only one additional hoof on each leg.3 It is said that when the horse gallops all eight hoofs touch the ground We could perceive nothing else abnormal about him   The teeth are of the usual number but the animal is old and has lost his marks so that the form of the surface was not very distinguishable. There appeared nothing uncommon in the skull. Although exhibited here as coming from Chili the horse was bred in the South of the Province, is of the ordinary size, and was used for riding until it struck some one that he was a curiosity. He is very quiet and allowed his fore legs to be lifted without difficulty but on lifting the hind staggered about as if unable or unused to stand in that position We returned on the following day to make a more detailed examination and hoping to be allowed to take a photograph but found that he had been shipped to be sent to London on board the “Maskelyne” one of Lamport and Holt’s steamers which will sail on the 11th for Southampton Antwerp and thence to Liverpool and

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by which this letter will be forwarded. The owner not paying the freight here the animal will be in charge of the Captain and if not claimed at Southampton will be taken on. The Captain—Hairby—will be glad to give any information4 Talking over this matter yesterday Mr Grenfell—son of the Admiral—who has an estancia in Entre rios told me that there is a pony there known as the “petizo a cinco patas” which has four additional hoofs on each leg—that he had never particularly examined it but would do so on his return5 Hoping that the subject may be of sufficient interest to excuse me for troubling you | I am, my dear Sir | yours truly | John Coghlan Charles Darwin Esqr. DAR 161: 198 1 2 3

4 5

In his letter of 13 July 1871 (Correspondence vol. 19), Coghlan sent information about horses and birds in response to Variation. CD’s reply to that letter has not been found. Louis Colbourne. In Thomas Henry Huxley’s American addresses (T. H. Huxley 1877, p. 88), there was a table with drawings of the bones and teeth of American horses from the Eocene to the recent period; it included the Miohippus, described as having ‘three complete toes—one large median and two smaller lateral ones’, and ‘a rudiment of that digit, which answers to the little finger of the human hand’ (ibid., pp. 87–9). Oskar Schmidt’s The doctrine of descent and Darwinism contains a drawing of the skeleton of the foot of an Anchitherium in which the middle toe is on the ground and the two lateral toes point down to the ground (Schmidt 1875, p. 274, fig. P). Lamport and Holt’s steamship Maskelyne, captained by Edward Hairby, docked at Southampton on 9 October 1878 en route to Antwerp from South America (The Times, 10 October 1878, p. 6). Alfred Masini Grenfell, son of John Pascoe Grenfell, owned estates in Entre Ríos, a central province of Argentina, north of Buenos Aires. Petiso a cinco patas: small horse with five legs (Spanish).

From J. D. Hooker   9 June 1878 The Royal Society, | Burlington House, London, W. June 9th/78. Dear Darwin I have long had at heart a scheme for reducing the monstrous heavy fees (in future) of F.R.S.  by establishing a “Publication Fund”—which by relieving the income of part of the expenditure on publications, would eventually set free the desired amount for the reduction of fees to the standard of other societies.1 To this end I induced my old friend Young of Kelly to give me £1000, & the Council has entered into my Scheme, accepted the £1000 as the first contribution to the fund & sanctioned my taking any honest course towards increasing it.2 Spottiswoode has gone into the matter for me, & finds that £10,000 would suffice, & further he thinks that an effort should be made to raise this sum at once amongst the Fellows—by subscriptions varying from £50 (which is as much as I can afford) to £1000, out of which a few swells may be cozened!—3

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I need hardly say that I am ambitious to confer this boon on the Society & on Science before I leave the Chair—4 I am sure of your sympathy, but can well suppose that you cannot help; & shall not be surprized to be told so. Ever affy yrs | Jos D Hooker. DAR 104: 109–10 1

2

3 4

Hooker was president of the Royal Society of London. For a full account of his scheme to reduce the fees of ordinary members of the society by covering its publication costs out of this new fund, see Proceedings of the Royal Society of London 28 (1878–9): 45–8. James Young had given the donation to the Royal Society to be expended in a manner that Hooker approved of (Proceedings of the Royal Society of London 28 (1878–9): 45). Young lived at Kelly House, Wemyss Bay, Renfrewshire, Scotland (ODNB). Hooker and Young probably met in Glasgow, where Young lived until 1837; Hooker lived there from 1820 to 1839 (ODNB s.v. Hooker, William Jackson). William Spottiswoode was treasurer of the Royal Society. For Spottiswoode’s plan for the fund and a list of major subscribers, see Proceedings of the Royal Society of London 28 (1878–9): 46–7. Hooker stood down as president on 30 November 1878 and was replaced by Spottiswoode; see Proceedings of the Royal Society of London 28 (1878–9): 63 and 69.

To T. H. Huxley   11 June [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. June 11th.— My dear Huxley I thank you very much for your article on Evolution. It seems to me capitally done; but how you find time to pick the brains of all those old fellows, about whom a gentleman of the present day knows nothing, is astonishing. It is extremely curious about Lamarck: one would like to learn, as you say, what made him change his front so completely.2 I do not know whether I ought to return the article, but shd. like to keep it, & will do so unless I hear to the contrary. We often thought & talked about you during your late distress; for we know what that kind of misery is. I still look back with horror to what we endured when some of our children were dangerously ill with scarlet-fever & we were in a panic about the others, & then when my wife caught it, that was a climax.—3 Ever yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin Imperial College of Science, Technology and Medicine Archives (Huxley 5: 331) 1 2

3

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from T. H. Huxley, 8 June 1878. Huxley had enclosed his subsection ‘Evolution in biology’ of the ‘Evolution’ entry for Encyclopaedia Britannica (EB 9th ed. 8: 744–51); CD’s copy is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. Huxley’s part of the article was an account of the changing use of the word ‘evolution’ in the work of Jean Baptiste de Lamarck and others; see letter from T. H. Huxley, 8 June 1878 and n. 1. Huxley’s daughter Marian was recovering from diphtheria; see letter from T. H. Huxley, 8 June 1878 and n. 2. CD’s youngest child, Charles Waring Darwin, died of scarlet fever in 1858; see Correspondence vol. 7, letter to J. D. Hooker, [29 June 1858]. In June and July 1862, CD’s son Leonard was ill with

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scarlet fever and his wife, Emma, contracted it in August; see Correspondence vol. 10, letter to A. R. Wallace, 20 August [1862].

From Arnold Dodel-Port1   12 June 1878 Hottingen | Zürich, 12. Juni 1878. Herrn Charles Darwin in Down, Beckenham, Kent | England. Hochgeehrtester Herr! Wir haben das Vergnügen, Ihnen heute die soeben erscheinende 1. Lieferung unsers “Anatomisch-physiologischen Atlas der Botanik” zu übersenden (als Rolle, unter Kreuzband, recommandirt) und hoffen, daß diese ersten Blätter eines entwicklungsgeschichtlichen, physiologischen Anschauungsmittels Ihren Erwartungen entspreche.2 Das Unternehmen fand bei den bedeutendsten Fachgelehrten Deutschlands so freundliche Aufnahme, daß es nicht schwer war, auch einen begeisterten u.  opferwilligen Verleger für die deutsche und französische Ausgabe zu finden. Gegenwärtig wird die Herstellung der 2ten & 3ten Lieferung, die im Spätjahr erscheinen sollen, vorbereitet. Nach zwei bis 3 Wochen wird die erste Lieferung mit französischem Text erscheinen. Gleichzeitig wird der Text in’s Englische übersetzt, um dem kostspieligen Werk, dessen Herstellung ein grosses Kapital erfordert, auch in England & Amerika Abonnenten zu sichern.3 Nur dadurch, dass mehrere Nationen sich als Abnehmer für dieses Lehrmittel interessiren, wird es möglich sein, das Ganze in jener Weise durchzuführen, wie es im Wunsch der deutschen Botaniker und Anhänger der Entwicklungslehre liegt. Für die Ausgabe mit englischem Text u. für den Vertrieb in England & Amerika werden wir noch eine englische Firma gewinnen müssen, da die buchhändlerischen Verhältnisse es dem deutschen Verleger unmöglich machen, für die Propaganda in England etwas Erhebliches zu thun.× Wir werden uns daher in diesen Tagen an einen einglischen Verleger wenden, um zu erfahren, ob sich dort ein Mann findet, der im gleichen Sinne für die Ausbreitung des Werkes in England wirken kann u. will, wie es Herr Schreiber für die französische & deutsche Ausgabe thut. Es ist daher gedenkbar, daß der angesprochene englische Verleger bei Ihnen oder bei Ihren Herren Söhnen4 anfragen wird, was Sie von dem Unternehmen halten. So mag es denn am Platz sein, zu sagen, daß die vorragendsten Botanik-Professoren deutschlands mit Leib u. Seele für unsern Atlas einstehen, mit Rath & That helfend zum Gelingen des Ganzen beitragend. (V. “Prospect & Vorwort”, die Namen: Julius Sachs, Carl Nägeli, Ferdinand Cohn, De Bary, Eduard Strasburger, Pringsheim, Julius Wiesner etc.)5 Wie Sie aus der vorliegenden Lieferung ersehen werden, haben wir in diesen Blättern Kapitel aus den verschiedensten botanischen Disciplinen behandelt. Am meisten dürften Sie die drei Tafeln: Drosera (die Ihnen schon früher zugesandt wurde), Salvia & Ophrys interessiren. Alle drei sind von mir nach der Natur gezeichnet. Ob sie wahr sind, das werden in erster Linie Sie entscheiden. Von den

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Orchideen habe ich deßhalb die relativ seltene Ophrys Arachnites gewählt, weil ich diese Pflanze etliche Sommer beobachtet & von ihr allein colorirte Originalzeichnungen besass.6 Auch entschied der Umstand sehr für diese Wahl, daß bei Ophrys der Bau der Orchideen-Blüthe sehr leicht ohne Zergliederung demonstrirt werden kann. In später erscheinenden Lieferungen werden noch etliche Blumentafeln erscheinen. Dr. Hermann Müller in Lippstadt war so freundlich, uns aus freien Stücken eine grössere Zahl von weitern Originalzeichnungen zur freien Auswahl zu offeriren, die wir in der Folge zu benützen gedenken. Dasselbe können wir von Prof. De Bary, Eduard Strasburger, Nägeli & Pringsheim melden. Es handelt sich nun in erster Linie darum, nach der Ausgabe der ersten Lieferung bei den Gelehrten & Schulmännern deutscher, französischer u. englischer Zunge, die das Glück haben, Botanik auf dem Katheder lehren zu dürfen, Abonnenten für das Werk zu gewinnen. Gelingt das Ganze, indem sich alle Cultur-Nationen daran betheiligen, so wird für die botanische Entwicklungsgeschichte der schwierige Weg auch in die Mittelschule einigermassen geebnet werden.7 Wir erreichen dabei mehr, als wenn die Entwicklungsgeschichte im engen Rahmen des academischen Unterrichtes verbleibt. Genehmigen Sie, hochgeehrtester Herr, bei diesem Anlaß neuerdings die Versicherung unserer ausgezeichneten Hochachtung | und dankbarsten Ergebenheit: | die herausgeber des “Atlas” | für dieselben: Dr. Arnold Dodel-Port | Freie Straße 22 | in Hottingen | Zürich. [Contemporary translation] We have the pleasure to send you to day our newly published first number of the anotomical physiological Atlas of botany” … & we hope that this first blossom of a physiological developpment untertaking may answer your expectations. The undertaking met with such a friendly reception from the learned in the matter in Germany that it was not difficult to find an enthusiastic & willing publisher for the German & French edition. At present the second & third parts which are to appear late in the year are being prepared. Also in two or 3 weeks will the first edition with french text appear. At the same time the text will be translated into English, in order to see the expensive work for the putting forth of which a great capital is wanted spread abroad in England & America. Only through the fact that several naturalists have interested themmselves as … for this capital, will it be possible to bring out the whole in the way that the German Botanists with … … For the edition with english text & for the … in England & Amerika we must win over an english firm, as the bookselling circumstances make it impossible for the German publisher to do anything important for the propaganda in England. We shall therefore soon turn to an english publisher, to learn if there is there a man who in the same sense both can & will work for the spreading of the work in England   Herr Schreiber will manage for the German

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& french edition. It is therefore imaginable that the said publisher should ask you or your son what you think of the undertaking. May it come into your heart to say that the boldest botanists & professors of Germany stand up with body & soul for our atlas & contribute advise & help to the success of the whole   the names Julius Sachs etct As you will see from the accompanying copy we have made capital out of the most different botanical discipline. You should remark most the three plates of Drosera (which were sent to you earlier) x. All three were drawn by me from nature. Whether they are true you will be able to decide at the first line. Of the Orchids I have chosen the relatively rare Aachinites because I observed this plant in the summer & of it alone possessed original drawings. Also the circumstance that in the Ophrys the build of the orchis flowers can be shown very easily without dismembering it, had great weight in my choice. In the later appearing copies— there will be several plates of flowers. Dr Hermann Müller of Leipzig was so kind as to give us the choice of a large number of original drawings which we are thinking of using & also from Prof de Bary Eduard Nägelie & Pringsheim   It is therefore above all things important after the pulbication of the first part to win over the learned men & schoolmen in the German, French & English tongues who have the happiness to be allowed to teach botany from the lecturing desk, if they thunder forth for the work the whole thing succeeds. DAR 162: 197 1 2

3

4 5

6

7

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. A contemporary translation found with the letter is included above. Dodel-Port sent the first part of his and Carolina Dodel-Port’s Anatomisch-physiologischer Atlas der Botanik für Hoch- und Mittelschulen (Anatomical-physiological atlas of botany for universities and middle schools; Dodel-Port and Dodel-Port 1878–83). Dodel-Port had sent two early plates from the atlas to CD in 1877 (see n. 6, below) and CD had found them ‘excellent’ and ‘well executed’ (Correspondence vol. 25, letter to Arnold Dodel-Port, 6 July 1877). The German edition was published by J. F. Schreiber, a company run by Ferdinand Schreiber. A French translation of Dodel-Port and Dodel-Port 1878–83 has not been identified; the English translation of the explanatory texts was published in parts from 1880 (Dodel-Port and Dodel-Port 1880–3). The work was expensive because of the large number of lithographed plates. Francis Darwin. Carl Wilhelm von Nägeli, Ferdinand Julius Cohn, Anton de Bary, and Nathanael Pringsheim. A large edition of sixty plates was planned for universities but only the forty-two-plate edition aimed at secondary schools was ever published (see Correspondence vol. 25, letter from Arnold Dodel-Port, 3 July 1877 and n. 4). Dodel-Port had previously sent plates of Drosera rotundifolia (the common or round-leaved sundew) and Volvox gobator (a species of green algae); see Correspondence vol. 25, letter from Arnold Dodel-Port, 3 July 1877. CD had made major studies of the genera Drosera, Salvia, and Ophrys in Insectivorous plants, Cross and self fertilisation, and Orchids, respectively. Drosera rotundifolia, Salvia sclarea, and Ophrys arachnites appeared as plates 1, 11, and 36 in Dodel-Port and Dodel-Port 1878–83. Ophrys arachnites (late spider-orchid) is a synonym of Ophrys fuciflora subsp. fuciflora; CD had described it in Orchids 2d ed., pp. 51–2. Mittelschule (German): literally, middle school, but used to refer to a level following the first few years of school in a Volksschule (now Grundschule). For more on the struggle to have evolution taught in German schools, against the opposition of the Catholic Church, see Hopwood 2015, p. 137.

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To Raphael Meldola   12 June [1878]1 From Mr. C. Darwin, Down, Beckenham. I have received from Weissmann an interesting essay on Daphnidæ (Entomostraca) with bright colours gained, as he believes, by sexual selection.2 He says it makes him believe that Butterflies have thus gained colours. I do not know whether you care about these little Crustaceans.— If you do not care to see it, I shall so understand silence.— C.D June 12th ApcS Oxford University Museum of Natural History (Hope Entomological Collections 1350: Hope/Westwood Archive, Darwin folder) 1 2

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from Raphael Meldola, 13 June 1878. CD had received August Weismann’s third essay in the series ‘Beiträge zur Naturgeschichte der Daphnoiden’ (Weismann 1876–80), entitled ‘Ueber die Schmuckfarben der Daphnoiden’ (On the ornamental colours of daphnoids); a lightly scored copy is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. Weismann’s group ‘daphnoids’ included genera now placed in the suborder Cladocera (water fleas), and the related suborder Laevicaudata. For Meldola’s interest in translating some of Weismann’s other essays, see the letter from Raphael Meldola, 2 January [1878] and n. 3.

From Raphael Meldola   13 June 1878

21 John St. | Bedford Row, | London W.C. June 13/78

My dear Sir, I am much obliged for your offer to lend me Weismann’s essay on Daphnidæ which I shall be glad to read although I cannot pretend to any special knowledge of the Crustacea.1 I want however to trace the steps which have led the author to believe in sexual selection as a cause for the colours of butterflies. Fritz Müller’s paper on the “Odours emitted by Butterflies” was duly read at the last meeting— Bates seemed rather in doubt at to whether F. M. had conclusively demonstrated that the “fans”, “brushes” &c in Lepidoptera were really scent organs. I think there can be no second opinion about this after reading F. M’s former papers which he was good enough to send me.2 We had also an interesting paper by Peter Cameron “on the larvæ of Tenthredinidæ with special reference to protective resemblance.3 I exhibited Dr. Zacharias photographs of Pterochroza—4 it appears that in one of the specimens the forewings had been broken off & were stuck on again hind part before so that the neuration was somewhat “mixed”:— Thus:—

True position.

Position in photograph.

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Accompanying Fritz Müller’s letter & paper there was an interesting specimen which will be duly described in our “Proceedings”. It was the elongated nectary of a sp. of Hedychium which had caught a Sphinx-Moth by its proboscis— this frequently happens according to F. M. What a striking argument against the teleological theory of adaptations!5 Yours very sincerely, | R. Meldola. DAR 171: 129 1

2

3 4

5

In his letter of 12 June [1878], CD had offered to send Meldola August Weismann’s third essay on Daphnidae (part of Weismann 1876–80). The essay explained the acquisition of bright colours in these crustaceans through sexual selection and posited a similar explanation for bright colours in butterflies. Fritz Müller’s ‘Notes on Brazilian entomology. Odours emitted by butterflies and moths’ (F. Müller 1878), sent with his letter to CD of 5 April 1878, was read at the meeting of the Entomological Society of London on 5 June 1878. Henry Walter Bates, the president of the society, remarked at the meeting that ‘when collecting on the Amazons he had often observed the strong odour of vanilla emitted by certain butterflies. Without a more complete examination of the evidence, however, he was not prepared to admit that the tufts of hair or manes on the wings, &c., of butterflies were scent-secreting organs’ (Transactions of the Entomological Society of London (Proceedings) (1878): xxvii). In 1877, Müller had published on sexual selection in Brazilian butterflies and on hair-tufts, felted spots, brushes, and similar structures in male butterflies (F. Müller 1877a and 1877b). Cameron 1878; Tenthredinidae is the largest family of sawflies. CD sent Otto Zacharias’s photographs of leaf-mimic katydids to Meldola with his letter of 17 April 1878. For details, see the letter from Raphael Meldola, 3 May 1878 and n. 2; for a report of Meldola’s exhibition of the photographs at the meeting, see Transactions of the Entomological Society of London (Proceedings) (1878): xxiv. A brief description of Müller’s specimen appears in Transactions of the Entomological Society of London (Proceedings) (1878): xxiv. Hedychium is the genus of ginger lilies; sphinx-moths belong to the family Sphingidae.

To Arnold Dodel-Port   15 June 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. June 15 1878

Dear Sir I have received your letter & the kind present of the Atlas. The drawings are magnificent, & in those cases in which I can judge, faithful. The work wd be quite invaluable to any one who has to lecture. If any one applies to me (my son is at Würzburg) I will recommend the publication of the work in England, in the strongest possible terms.1 I cannot give any other aid as on account of my health I live a most retired life. London publishers seldom publish translations of continental works, & why this shd be so I cannot explain. As your work is an educational one, the greatest of the London publishers, Messrs Longman & Co, wd perhaps take it up.2 I am really ashamed that you shd have sent me so many fine plates; & I hope that you will allow me to become a regular subscriber to the work. I heartily wish that it may be successful & I remain dear Sir | yours faithfully | Charles Darwin

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P.S. Very few English persons can read the German character, & my daughter3 had great difficulty in decyphering your letter. LS Zentralbibiliothek, Zürich (Ms. Z VIII 417.2) 1

2 3

See letter from Arnold Dodel-Port, 12 June 1878. Dodel-Port had sent the first part of his Anatomischphysiologischer Atlas der Botanik (Dodel-Port and Dodel-Port 1878–83) and had warned CD and Francis Darwin that they might be approached by a publisher about an English translation. The English translation of the explanatory texts for the atlas was published by W. & A. K. Johnston (Dodel-Port and Dodel-Port 1880–3). See letter from Arnold Dodel-Port, 12 June 1878; a translation in the hand of CD’s daughter Elizabeth Darwin follows Dodel-Port’s letter.

To G. J. Romanes   16 June [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. June 16th. My dear Romanes. Do just what you like in both cases. The notes on insects were made about 40 years ago; & I have just recollected that I used them in drawing up a long chapter on instinct, written 4 or 5 years before the “Origin” was published. I send the two pages out of this Chapter which please return. I wish it had occurred to me to offer you this chapter of 110 pages to read; for in skimming over parts of it, I find abundant references to many curious facts. It is I presume now quite too late to be of any use to you—2 Here is a new case about Baby-language: Frank took the Baby in a train & called the engine a ‘puff puff’ & this was altered by him into “boo boo”. Now every vehicle, even a wheel barrow, is called a ‘boo boo’, as is a chimney on a house whether smoking or not, & a house itself. So again is a fire whether burning or merely laid to be lighted.3 Rather more onions of the last lot have died, apparently owing to the wet weather, but still the number of deaths is few.4 One Pea has sent up a miserably aborted shoot, apparently consisting of a half plumule.5 Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin LS(A) American Philosophical Society (537) 1 2

3

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from G. J. Romanes, 18 June 1878. No earlier exchange of letters about the notes has been found, but CD had sent his 1848 notes on instinct in bees and wasps (DAR 73: 21–2), which he used in chapter 10 of his ‘big book’ on species, entitled ‘Mental powers and instincts of animals’ (published in 1975 in Natural selection, pp. 466–527). Romanes was preparing for his lecture ‘Discourse on animal intelligence’, delivered at the meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science in Dublin on 16 August 1878 (Report of the 48th meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science (1878): lxxv; G. J. Romanes 1878b). Francis Darwin and his son, Bernard Darwin. Romanes’s work on the physiology of the nervous systems of jellyfish (medusae) had led him to the topic of animal behaviour, including human and animal language development (see Schwartz 1995, pp. 306–12).

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CD was growing onions in the garden at Down for Romanes’s grafting experiments to test CD’s hypothesis of pangenesis (see letters to G. J. Romanes, 9 April [1878] and n. 4, and 13 May [1878]). CD was conducting experiments on the movement of the common pea (Pisum sativum; see Movement in plants, pp. 158–63).

To Francis Darwin   18 June [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. June 18th My dear Frank You will see by enclosed that there is poor chance of getting Ciesiskis: could you borrow it from Sachs & read it, & see whether anything concerns us, & under what circumstances the radicles bent from water?2 I have now done a good many leaves & shall do only 4 or 5 more, for all circumnutate in a plain manner, & closely like cotyledons.— I have also been observing the movements of some cotyledons & it is clear that sleep movement is nothing but exaggerated circumnutation.3 I have got an odd little fact with Oxalis: the cotyledons of O. Valdiviana rise vertically up late in evening, whilst those of O. rosea & floribunda sink vertically down. There is something very odd about the hypocotyl of O. rosea; if tied with a thread to a pin or very thin stick, or if tied to nothing, it makes both cotyledons to sink downwards in a marked manner, but I must experimentise more about this odd transmitted sensitiveness.4 Radicles have been going very badly, neither decidedly negative nor positive; & this is an odious state of things.5 I hope in a fortnight to have done with spontaneous movements, & then must begin on light.—6 This work, with no writing, I find very wholesome, but very tiring. Bernard7 lately has had many servile admirers & he is as charming as charming can be.— Your affect Father | C. Darwin Could you easily go at night into Botanic garden green House or Hot House & look out for sleepers?8 DAR 211: 27 1 2

3 4

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 18 June [1878]. The enclosure has not been found. Francis had been working with CD on various experiments on movement in plants and was now visiting Julius Sachs’s laboratory at Würzburg from 3 June until 8 August 1878 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242); letter from Emma Darwin to W. E. Darwin, [11 August 1878] (DAR 219.1: 114)). Sachs had referred to Theophil Ciesielski’s article on the circumstances in which radicles grew upwards away from moisture but he had observed different results (Sachs 1872, p. 219, Ciesielski 1871, p. 33; see letter to Francis Darwin, [13–26 May 1878] and n. 3). CD was observing the movement of leaves and cotyledons (seed-leaves); see letter to W. T. ThiseltonDyer, 2 June 1878. See also letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 18 June [1878]. Oxalis valdiviana is a synonym of O. valdiviensis (Chilean yellow-sorrel); O. floribunda is abundant flowering wood sorrel. These experiments with the

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hypocotyl (the stem that supports the cotyledons) of O. rosea (pink sorrel) are reported in Movement in plants, pp. 23–5. For CD’s previous work on transmitted sensitiveness in Drosera (sundew) and Dionaea (Venus fly trap), see Insectivorous plants, pp. 364–7. CD’s experimental notes on the movement of radicles (embryonic roots) are in DAR 209.5. CD resumed his experiments on heliotropism in early July 1878; see letter to Francis Darwin, 2 July [1878]. Francis Darwin’s son, Bernard Darwin. Sachs was director of the Würzburg botanic garden, which was attached to his laboratory of plant physiology (Botanische Garten der Universität Würzburg, http://www.bgw.uni-wuerzburg.de /fileadmin/07010200/_temp_/BGWuerzburgEnglish.pdf, accessed 23 May 2017).

From Arnold Dodel-Port1   18 June 1878 Hottingen | Zürich, 18. Juni 1878. Herrn Charles Darwin in Down, Beckenham | Kent. England. Hochgeehrtester Herr! Mit grosser Genugthuung haben wir aus Ihrem Geehrten vom 15. d. Ms gesehen, dass Sie mit der Art und Weise der Ausführung unseres Tafelwerkes sehr zufrieden sind. So viel jetzt bekannt ist, wird unser “Atlas” von allen Seiten mit Anerkennung & Freude begrüsst.2 Von allen Seiten kommen die besten Nachrichten & zwar von den namhaftesten Repräsentanten deutscher Wissenschaft, so von Prof. Julius Sachs in Würzburg, Oscar Brefeld in Berlin, Dr. Hermann Müller in Lippstadt, der uns noch weitere Materialien für Blumentafeln offerirt & Anderen mehr. Die Hoffnungen der Herausgeber & Verleger scheinen somit in Erfüllung zu gehen und das ganze Werk wird zweifelsohne innerhalb der nächsten 2 Jahre vollendet werden können. Sie waren so freundlich, uns die Adresse eines englischen Verlegers von Schulbüchern mitzutheilen, wofür ich Ihnen herzlich danke. Mein Verleger wird sich also ohne Zweifel an die genannte Londoner Adresse wenden.3 Von eminentester Bedeutung für die Ausbreitung unseres Atlas auch im englischen Sprachgebiet wird der Umstand sein, dass Sie ein so lebhaftes Interesse an der Ausführung unseres Vorhabens genommen haben, und für uns gibt es keine grössere Satisfaction als Ihr Beifall gerade in Sachen jener Tafeln, die namentlich der Veranschaulichung der Blumen-Theorie (Fremdbestäubung) gelten, die ja durch Ihre Initiative so schnell & siegreich die Welt erobert hat. Ueberall wird die Salvia-Tafel von Gelehrten & Laien mit gleich grossem Interesse entgegengenommen.4 (Der Verleger wird noch weitere 1000 Exemplare nachdrucken lassen.) Sie sehen, dass man durch Anschauung für eine wissenschaftliche Wahrheit erfolgreich Propaganda machen kann. Es wird uns jetzt nicht schwer sein, einen englischen Verleger zu gewinnen und wir hoffen, die englische Ausgabe auch schon in zwei Monaten im Buchhandel zu sehen. Sie schreiben gegen den Schluss ihres Geehrten: “I hope that you will allow me to become a regular subscriber to the work”.—5 Hiegegen muss ich Sie bitten, zu entschuldigen, wenn ich feierlich gegen dieses Ihr Vorhaben protestire. Ich verdanke Ihnen, hochgeehrtester Herr, so unendlich Viel, dass mir in meinem ganzen Leben

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nie möglich sein wird, Ihnen diesen Dank in würdiger Form abzustatten. Es ist nur ein Versuch, diese meine innerste Gesinnung schwach anzudeuten, wenn ich mir erlaube, Ihnen von Zeit zu Zeit davon Kenntniss zu geben, was wir bearbeiten. Ohne Sie & Ihre Alles befruchtende Wissenschaft wäre auch unser Atlas nicht zu Stande gekommen. Sie erlauben also gütigst dass wir Ihre Subscription nicht annehmen, sondern stolz & glücklich sein werden, Ihnen die folgenden Lieferungen gleichfalls zu übermachen als warmer Gruss vom Continent. Ich verbleibe in dankbarster Gesinnung und | innigster Verehrung | Ihr ergebenster | Arnold Dodel-Port DAR 162: 198 1 2 3

4

5

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. See letter to Arnold Dodel-Port, 15 June 1878. Dodel-Port had sent CD the first part of his botanical atlas (Dodel-Port and Dodel-Port 1878–83). In his letter to Dodel-Port of 15 June 1878, CD had recommended Longman & Co. as a publisher for the English translation; an English translation of the explanatory texts for the atlas was published by W. & A. K. Johnston (Dodel-Port and Dodel-Port 1880–3). Dodel-Port had drawn CD’s attention to the plate of Salvia sclarea (Dodel-Port and Dodel-Port 1878– 83, plate 11) because CD had worked on the genus for Cross and self fertilisation; see letter from Arnold Dodel-Port, 12 June 1878 and n. 6. See letter to Arnold Dodel-Port, 15 June 1878.

From G. J. Romanes   18 June 1878 18 Cornwall Terrace, Regent’s Park, N.W.: June 18. Very many thanks for your permission to use your observations, as well as for the additional information which you have supplied.1 If all the manuscript chapter on instinct is of the same quality as the enclosed portion, it must be very valuable. Time will prevent me from treating very fully of instinct in my lecture, but when I come to write the book for the International Science Series on Comparative Psychology, I shall try to say all that I can on instinct.2 Your letter, therefore, induces me to say that I hope your notes will be published somewhere before my book comes out (i.e. within a year or so), or, if you have no intention of publishing the notes, that you would, as you say, let me read the manuscript, as the references, &c., would be much more important for the purposes of the book than for those of the lecture. But, of course, I should not ask to publish your work in my book, unless you have no intention of publishing it yourself. I do not know why you have kept it so long unpublished, and your having offered me the manuscript for preparing my lecture makes me think that you might not object to lending it me for preparing my book. But please understand that I only think this on the supposition that, from its unsuitable length, isolated character, or other reason, you do not see your way to publishing the chapter yourself. E. D. Romanes 1896, p. 71

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See letter to G. J. Romanes, 16 June [1878] and n. 2. CD had given his permission for Romanes to use his notes on insects for a lecture on animal intelligence, and sent two pages from the manuscript of his ‘big book’ on species, which was not published in his lifetime but formed the basis for Origin (see letter to G. J. Romanes, 19 June [1878]). In 1882, Romanes’s Animal intelligence (G. J. Romanes 1882) was published by Kegan Paul, Trench & Co. in their International Scientific Series; it included extracts from CD’s notes on social insects throughout. Mental evolution in animals included as an appendix chapter 10 of CD’s unpublished ‘big book’ on species (published in 1975 as Natural selection, pp. 466–527; see G. J. Romanes 1883, pp. 355–84).

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   18 June [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | ჹRailway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. June 18th My dear Dyer Could you give or lend me any fir tree in a pot, between 6 & 24 or 28 inches high (including pot), with longish leaves & in a vigorously growing state. I have been observing many leaves carefully & all circumnutate, except doubtfully those of Pinus pinaster; but this plant was only 112 inches high, raised from Kew seeds.—2 I am at present interested with seedlings of Oxalis, as the cotyledons of O. Valdiviana rise up vertically at night, whilst those of O.  rosea & floribunda sink down vertically at night. They thus all three sleep well. Whereas O. corniculata raises its cots only 45o. Moreover O. rosea puzzles me just now greatly by the hypocotyledenous stem being sensitive, but not moving itself, though causing the cotyledons to move. This, fact, however, will require much more observation. Now can you give me seeds of any other species of Oxalis besides those which I have as by enclosed little list.3 Frank seems getting on well at Wurzburg & is working away at physiology & at the accursed German language: Sachs is very kind to him.4 Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin My unlucky & unhealthy Arachis hypogea is flowering but will not set a single pod, alas, alas.—5 P.S | I hope that you have good accounts of Mrs Dyer.—6 Where has she gone to? I know that Hooker7 is so busy & overworked that I avoid writing to him.—8 Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Thiselton-Dyer, W. T., Letters from Charles Darwin 1873–81: 128–9) 1 2 3

4 5 6

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 2 June 1878. For CD’s observations of the leaves of Pinus pinaster (maritime pine), see Movement in plants, pp. 250–1, 269–70. Oxalis valdiviana is a synonym of O. valdiviensis (Chilean yellow-sorrel); O. rosea is pink sorrel; O. floribunda is abundant flowering wood sorrel; O. corniculata is creeping wood sorrel. The enclosed list has not been found. Francis Darwin was working at the laboratory of Julius Sachs in Würzburg, Germany, over the summer (see letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 2 June 1878 and n. 5). Arachis hypogaea is the peanut; see letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 20 [May 1878] and n. 11. Harriet Anne Thiselton-Dyer; see letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 2 June 1878 and n. 6.

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Joseph Dalton Hooker. A note by Thiselton-Dyer was filed after this letter in the collections at Kew: June 21st. To Ch. Darwin Esq Plant Strephinum Seedlings and seeds Stapelia Sarpedon Seeds Oxalis colorata " incarnata " stricta " Valdiviana. CD’s experiments with Strephium floribundum (an illegitimate synonym of Raddia brasiliensis) and Stapelia sarpedon are described in Movement in plants, pp. 46–7 and 391–2. The seeds of ‘Oxalis colorata’ were later found to be those of O. floribunda; see Correspondence vol. 27, letter from W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 22 April 1879. Oxalis incarnata is the pale pink-sorrel or crimson wood sorrel; O. stricta, the yellow wood sorrel.

To G. J. Romanes   19 June [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. June 19th My dear Romanes. You are quite welcome to have my longer chapter on Instinct.— It was abstracted for the Origin.2 I have never had time to work it up in a state fit for publication; & it is so much more interesting to observe than to write.— It is very unlikely that I shd. ever find time to prepare my several long chapters for publication, as the material collected since the publication of the Origin has been so enormous. But I have sometimes thought that when incapacitated for observing, I wd. look over my M.S, & see whether any deserved publication. You are therefore heartily welcome to use it, & shd. you desire to do so at any time, inform me, & it shall be sent. Yours very sincerely | Ch Darwin American Philosophical Society (538) 1 2

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from G. J. Romanes, 18 June 1878. See letter from G. J. Romanes, 18 June 1878. CD refers to chapter 10 of his ‘big book’ on species, entitled ‘Mental powers and instincts of animals’ (published in 1975 as Natural selection, pp. 466–527). The chapter was abstracted as chapter 7 of Origin (‘Instinct’); it became chapter 8 in Origin 6th ed.

From G. J. Romanes   21 June 1878 18 Cornwall Terrace: June 21, 1878. I am of course very glad to hear that you have no objection to letting me have the benefit of consulting your notes.1

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Most observers are in a frantic hurry to publish their work, but what you say about your own feelings seems to me very characteristic. Like the bees, you ought to have some one to take the honey, when you make it to give to the world—not, however, that I want to play the part of a thieving wasp.2 I will send you my manuscript about instinct (or the proofs when out), and you can strike out anything that you would rather publish yourself. I shall not be able to begin my book till after the jelly-fish season is over.3 This will be in September or October; but I will let you know when I want to read up about instinct. With very many thanks, I remain, yours very sincerely and most respectfully, | Geo. J. Romanes. E. D. Romanes 1896, p. 73 1

2 3

See letter to G. J. Romanes, 19 June [1878]. CD had agreed to lend Romanes chapter 10 of his ‘big book’ on species (published in 1975 as Natural selection, pp. 466–527) for Romanes’s work on animal intelligence. CD had also sent his notes on instinct in bees and wasps (DAR 73: 21–2); see letter to G. J. Romanes, 16 June [1878]. Romanes was concluding his work on the locomotor system of medusae (jellyfish); see letter from G. J. Romanes, 10 September 1878, and G. J. Romanes 1879. He produced two books that incorporated material from CD on instinct: Animal intelligence (G. J. Romanes 1882) made use of CD’s notes on insects throughout; Mental evolution in animals (G. J. Romanes 1883) contained chapter 10 of CD’s ‘big book’ on species as an appendix.

From Francis Darwin   [22 June 1878]1 Hotel de Russie | Würzburg Saturday My dear Father, I have had a talk with Sachs about oat & canary grass   he says the chlorophyll is only beginning to be developed when the seedling appears above ground & that the assimilation is extremely small for the first few days— He evidently thought that assimilation was practically not going on for the first few days. If you want to know more accurately I can easily grow some oats, & it would be good practice in section cutting or perhaps in spectroscoping.2 But Sachs seemed very confident about the complete unimportance of assimilation. I have borrowed Cieselski & read him.3 Sachs doesn’t consider that there is any puzzle as to how the difference between their results arose. He says the bend up only occurs when the root has previously lost water & & then the cells on the water surface become more turgid & cause the upward bend. I think I only saw a passage about Cieselski in ‘Ablenkung der Wurfeln &’ p 219— I suppose you have seen the place in “Ueber das Wachsthum der Hapt u Nebenw” p 401, where he talks about the fact that the roots must be slightly dry for C’s bend.4 I have read most of Cieslski & I dont think there is much to trouble about. Sachs doesn’t think much of him, although some of his experiments were good.

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One fact of his would be interesting if it were true but Sachs says it is “falsch’— If you cut the extreme tip of a root, it goes on growing pretty well though the punctum vegetationis is destroyed. Cieselski says that while this growth continues & before a new punctum vegis. is formed that the roots does not care for gravity & will grow in any direction it is placed in5  This Sachs says is not true. Cieselski says if you shave a long sloping bit off a root—& place the root horizontally then if the cut surface is downwards the root will bend down geotropically even quicker than usual, but if the cut surface is uppermost, the root will sometimes bend up before it bends down. This looks like bending towards the cut side. I have got a most queer looking sleeper—? hygrometrica: it has pinnate leaves like M. Farnesiana & Sachs says it always asleep—he doesn’t understand the movements: he thinks it must be suited for some very exceptional climate or position: it has a great deal of wood & very few leaves & all afternoon in shade they were pressed back agains the stems & the leaflets shut—I will observe it.6 Sachs declares he believes that one use of sleeping plants shutting up on being irritated is a protection against hail. There was a summer hailstorm here of only 5 or 10 minutes which did many pounds worth of damage by killing plants, & some mimosas were out in it & were quite uninjured   He thinks the flaccidity of the leaf in the irritated state important as making it yield on being struck. He seemed quite inclined to believe in protection from cold. Also in bloom being protection against dryness. He thinks blo〈om〉 must have many functions & said it was a protection against insects.7 He had never noticed the fact that when you wet the lower end of a yew stick water appears above & quite agrees with my idea that it is important, he evidently didint much believe in it till he tried it himself & then was pleased with it I have not got any good Hydrocharis plants so have not begun.8 I have been cutting to get exactly central ones. I think Sachs thought I wanted to publish something & that was why he gave me the the Hydrocharis to do, I told him that I would rather do something that hadn’t been finished even tho’ it led to nothing so I have started trying to make out what changes in strength & in elasticity go on as a woody stem loses water At present the experiments are very simple A stick or grass stalk fixed horizontally at one end & a weight to take off & put on, & I measured the movement with my mercury microm9    The ultimate object is to know what share the tension of the cell walls (not the hydrostatic turgor) takes in causing the stiffness of a stem. One ought to be a first rate mathematician for such a thing. I shall also do some experiments putting fresh & withered shoots into alcohol & seeing what happens. Sachs has done some experiments, & says they both retain their form very nearly, but he doesn’t know exactly. Sachs told me of a real fools experiment he tried, he thought the green colour of cabbage catterpillars must come from chlorophyll & so he tried feeding them on etiolated leaves—but they would not turn

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white.10 I think it would be a good thing to have a telescope like Vines used, it would do for any careful observations—they are made in Munich & I could order one like Sachs’   they cost about £10.11 I should think there are at least 50 thermometers in the laboratory   some beauties divided in 101 th Centigrade. The fittings generally are very simple; he has a great many big cylinders of glass & all sorts of zinc covers & boxes for various things—& splendid lots of cork, also silvered wire for fastening things under water, tho’ brass does as well I should think. My love to everybody | Yr affec son | Frank Darwin DAR 274.1: 51 CD annotations 3.1 I have got … M. Farnesiana 3.2] double scored red crayon 6.13 I … observations— 6.14] double scored pencil 6.15 at least … Centigrade. 6.16] cross in left margin, pencil 1 2

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5 6

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The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to Francis Darwin, 26 June [1878]. In 1878, the Saturday before 26 June was 22 June. Francis was investigating whether there was chlorophyll in the cotyledons of canary grass (Phalaris canariensis) and oats (Avena sativa). Thin sections examined under a microscope could provide a view of individual cells containing chlorophyll. The spectroscope (invented in the late 1850s by Gustav Robert Kirchhoff and Robert Wilhelm Eberhard Bunsen) provided a means of calculating the absorption spectra of a chemical element or compound. In 1871, Kliment Arkadievich Timiryazev had published the first spectral analysis of chlorophyll (Timiryazev 1871), in which he had shown that absorption was restricted to blue and red wavelengths; his analysis could therefore be used to detect the presence of chlorophyll in cells. For contemporary views of what constituted the cotyledon of grasses, see the letter from George Henslow, [c. 20 February 1878] and n. 3; for CD’s own usage, see Movement in plants, p. 62. Francis was working in Julius Sachs’s laboratory in Würzburg, Germany, over the summer (see letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 2 June 1878 and n. 5). CD had asked Francis to read Theophil Ciesielski’s observations on the movement of radicles (embryonic roots) when in contact with water (Ciesielski 1871, p. 33; see also Ciesielski 1872, p. 25). See letters to Francis Darwin, [13–26 May 1878] and 18 June [1878]). In his paper ‘Ablenkung der Wurzel von ihrer normalen Wachsthumsrichtung durch feuchte Körper’ (Deflection of the root from its normal direction of growth by moisture; Sachs 1872, p. 219), Sachs observed that radicles turned towards water whereas Ciesielski’s experiments showed that roots laid on a horizontal wet surface grew upwards away from the moisture. In ‘Ueber das Wachsthum der Hauptund Nebenwurzeln’ (On the growth of primary and adventitious roots), Sachs dismissed Ciesielski’s results, claiming they were due to Ciesielski’s having allowed the roots in his experiments to dry out partially during preparation (Sachs 1873–4, p. 401). CD had reported that his experiments on radicles were inconclusive (see letter to Francis Darwin, 18 June [1878]). Falsch: wrong (German). Ciesielski 1871, pp. 29–30; see also Ciesielski 1872, pp. 21–2. The punctum vegetationis is the growing point. CD had asked Francis to check sleeping plants in the botanic garden greenhouses at night (see letter to Francis Darwin, 18 June [1878]). Francis later identified the species as Porliera hygrometrica (letter from Francis Darwin, [29 June] 1878). In taxonomic literature, Porliera is considered an incorrect subsequent spelling of Porlieria; the name Porlieria hygrometrica is unresolved, but is likely to be an error for P. hygrometra; the name was sometimes applied to specimens later identified as P. chilensis (see, for example, Johnston 1938, pp. 253–4). Mimosa farnesiana is a synonym of Vachellia farnesiana (sweet acacia). CD had begun studying bloom (the waxy or powdery coating on leaves and fruit) in August 1873 (see Correspondence vol. 21, letter to J. D. Hooker, 13 August 1873). He had resumed investigating the function of bloom on leaves in 1877 (see Correspondence vol. 25, letter to Fritz Müller, 14 May 1877 and n. 2). Hydrocharis is a genus of aquatic plants.

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A mercury micrometer is used to measure very small changes in pressure; a micron is one millionth part of a metre. Cabbage caterpillars: either caterpillars of the small cabbage white butterfly, Pieris rapae, which are green, or those of the cabbage moth, Mamestra brassicae, which vary from green to brown or blackish. Sydney Howard Vines had investigated the influence of light on unicellular organisms while working in Sachs’s laboratory; he described the ‘micro-telescope’ he used in Vines 1878, p. 135. The instrument had been made by C. A. Steinheil Söhne of Munich.

From C. W. Thomson   22 June 1878 Bonsyde | Linlithgow, N.B. June 22d | 1878 My dear Sir, The Professorship of Nat: Hist: in the University of Aberdeen is to be vacant at the close of the current Summer Session— Dr. McIntosh of Murthly is a candidate—and I think his careful work on the Annelids and Nemerteans gives him a good claim.1 He has been my colleague for some years past as Examiner in Zoology in Edin University and he has won our entire confidence in that capacity being at once well-informed and judicious— Pray do not take the trouble of answering this note, but if you see your way to giving him a help I think his appoint would be an advantage. Dr. Hoeck has I understand nearly finished the “Challenger” Pycnogonids and I am still reserving the Cirripeds for him— I wish to see his Pycnogonid work before I send them to him.2 One of the Nat: Hist: memoirs is finished— Mr. Davidson on the Brachiopoda— I only wish a larger departmt had been in his hands.3 Believe me with great respect, yours very truly | C. Wyville Thomson DAR 178: 116 1

2

3

William Carmichael McIntosh had published two volumes of his Ray Society monograph on British marine annelids (McIntosh 1873–1922); the first volume dealt with nemertine worms (ribbon worms; now included in phylum Nemertea). The position of regius professor of natural history at Aberdeen was vacated by James Nicol in 1878, and awarded to James Cossar Ewart in 1879. Thomson was regius professor of natural history at the University of Edinburgh. Paulus Peronius Cato Hoek’s report on specimens of Pycnogonida (sea spiders) collected by HMS Challenger between 1873 and 1876 was published in 1881 (Hoek 1881); his report on Cirripedia came out in 1884 (Hoek 1884). Thomas Davidson’s report on Brachiopoda was received on 28 September 1878 and published in 1881 (Davidson 1881).

To Francis Darwin   [c. 23 June 1878]1 My dear F. I can send (packed in damp rag & surrounded by oil-silk) a twisted piece of Aristolochia sipho, of so-called Azorean Honeysuckle, & of common Honeysuckle.— Dependent branches of Scarlet Runn K.  Bean become well twisted.— Give the

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order & they shall be sent.— I despatch to day Nature.—2 It is grand about Sachs “die merkwurdigste” &c &c3 Bless his soul. Bernard will turn into a Railway Engineer so absorbed is with booboos.—4 Dear old Backy | goodbye | C. D. Prof. E. Tangl has send you a thickish pamphlet “Das Protoplasma der Erbse”5 Probably good— Shall I send it DAR 211: 28 1 2

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4 5

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 23 June [1878]. Aristolochia sipho is Dutchman’s pipe; ‘so-called Azorean Honeysuckle’ is Bignonia capensis (a synonym of Tecoma capensis, Cape honeysuckle); common honeysuckle is Lonicera periclymenum; the scarlet runner-bean is Phaseolus multiflorus (a synonym of P. coccineus); the kidney bean is Phaseolus vulgaris. CD sent the weekly issues of the journal Nature regularly while Francis was in Würzburg (see letter to Francis Darwin, 7 [July 1878] and n. 5). Francis Darwin had shown Julius Sachs his discovery of protoplasmic filaments on the common teasel (Dipsacus sylvestris), and Sachs had exclaimed, ‘Die merkwürdigsten Dinge’ (The most remarkable things; German); see letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 23 June [1878] and n. 4. Francis’s baby son, Bernard Darwin; see letter to G. J. Romanes, 16 June [1878] and n. 3. A copy of Eduard Tangl’s two-part essay Das Protoplasma der Erbse (The protoplasm of the pea; Tangl 1877–8) is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL, marked ‘For Francis Darwin with compliments of the author’.

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   23 June [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. June 23d My dear Dyer One line to thank you for Oxalis seeds & the Stapelia. Instinct must have told you that Stapelia wd be very interesting to me, as it is.—2 Geograph. Distrib. is an awful subject, but I have no doubt that with your great knowledge you will do it splendidly.—3 Sachs has asked Frank to show him the Teazle filaments & I have been delighted to hear that he examined them for a long time; & kept on exclaiming “die merkwurdigste Dinge, Sonderbar, Sonderbar.”4 Yours very sincerely | C. Darwin I know that Sir Joseph loves Douglas Galton, & so he will grieve to hear how he has behaved to Horace! He asked Horace to assist him about Brakes & H. though that they were to be joint authors. Horace wrote more than half the paper—undertook all the correspondence & superintended all the experiments, without any payment; and Galton publishes the paper as his own, saying merely that he had been assisted by Mr H. Darwin!—5 P.S | I almost forgot one chief object in writing to send seeds of Nicotiana glauca, which you said you wd like to have.6 Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Thiselton-Dyer, W. T., Letters from Charles Darwin 1873–81: 131–2)

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The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 18 June [1878]. For Thiselton-Dyer’s note on the items sent to CD, see the letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 18 June [1878], n. 8. CD had requested seeds of more species of Oxalis so that he could observe the movements of the seedlings at night. Stapelia is a genus of stem-succulent plants; most are native to South Africa. In 1874, CD had asked Thiselton-Dyer about the movement in the flowers; see Correspondence vol. 22, letter from W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 31 May 1874. CD’s observations on the circumnutation of the hypocotyl of Stapelia sarpedon are in Movement in plants, pp. 46–7. Thiselton-Dyer was preparing a lecture, ‘Plant-distribution as a field for geographical research’, for the 24 June meeting of the Royal Geographical Society (Thiselton-Dyer 1878). Francis Darwin was working with Julius Sachs in Würzburg; he had published his discovery of protoplasmic filaments in the common teasel (Dipsacus sylvestris) the previous year (see F. Darwin 1877a and 1877b, and letter to Francis Darwin, [c. 23 June 1878]). ‘Die merkwürdigsten Dinge, Sonderbar, Sonderbar’: The most remarkable things, strange, strange (German). Joseph Dalton Hooker had a long-standing dispute with Douglas Strutt Galton over the running of Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, when Galton was director of public works and buildings in the Office of Works; see Correspondence vol. 23, letter from J. D. Hooker, 16 August 1875. The first part of Galton’s ‘On the effect of brakes upon railway trains’, published in June 1878, contained the sentence: ‘The author was assisted in making the experiments, and in their reduction, by Mr. Horace Darwin’, and one further reference to Horace Darwin’s experiments (D. S. Galton 1878–9, pp. 467 and 486). CD had promised seeds of Nicotiana glauca (tree tobacco) in his letter to Thiselton-Dyer of 20 [May 1878]; the Inwards book, Archives, Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, records that they were received from CD on 28 June 1878.

From J. E. Taylor   25 June 1878 Museum | Ipswich June 25 / 78

Dear Sir I have taken the liberty of forwarding to you for your acceptance a copy of my new book on “Flowers: Their Origin, Shapes, perfumes, & Colours”, in which I have freely referred to your various valuable books.1 Please accept the volume as a sincere but humble tribute of respect from one of your most ardent students. I have the honour to be, Dear Sir, | Yours sincerely | J. E. Taylor To | Dr. Darwin M.A. F.R.S. | &c &c DAR 202: 124 1

A copy of Taylor 1878 is in the Darwin Library–Down; CD’s works are discussed throughout the text and there are two specific references to Forms of flowers on pp. 228 and 244. Taylor’s letter, on Hardwicke’s Science Gossip headed notepaper, is reproduced on p. 251.

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   25 June [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. June 25th My dear Dyer I shd. be greatly obliged if you could tell me the name of genus & nearest species of enclosed leaf. It was given to my gardener by another gardener as a Caladium.2 It

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has never flowered with me: all the leaves are like the enclosed, but somewhat larger & they rise from a great conical stock or corm or tuber.— I enclose addressed card & you need only write name (if leaf can be recognised) at back.— I want to know name, because the leaf moves so much at night from horizontal to 69° below horizon, that it deserves to be said to sleep, & monocot. sleepers are rare.—3 yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Thiselton-Dyer, W. T., Letters from Charles Darwin 1873–81: 133–4) 1 2 3

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the postcard from W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, [27 June 1878]. CD’s gardener was Henry Lettington; the other gardener has not been identified. Caladium is a genus of flowering plants native to Central and South America; they belong to the family Araceae (arums). CD’s experimental notes on the sleep of Caladium esculentum are in DAR 209.14: 15–18; see also Movement of plants, pp. 390–1.

To J. E. Taylor   [after 25 June 1878]1 Dear Sir I thank you sincerely for your letter & for the very kind words written in the beginning of your book on Flowers, which you have been so good as to send me, & will read it within a short time.2 I remain | Dear Sir | Yours f. & obliged | C. D. Draft DAR 202: 124v 1 2

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from J.  E.  Taylor, 25 June 1878. Taylor had sent his book Flowers: their origin, shapes, perfumes and colours (Taylor 1878) with his letter of 25  June  1878. The inscription on the title page of the copy in the Darwin Library–Down reads: ‘To Charles Darwin Esq L.L.D; M.A; F.R.S. &c &c with the humble but most sincere and grateful thanks of the writer for the many pleasures derived from Mr. Darwin’s numerous writings. Ipswich June 25/78’.

To Francis Darwin   26 June [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. June 26th My dear F. I have been greatly interested by the scientific part of your letter & we have all been amused by the non-scientific.2 If you have spare time (but not otherwise) I shd like to know from your own researches whether in oat seedlings (say 101 or 102 inch high) whether there is chlorophyll,— So as to make sure that the bending is to find a passage to light for future use.—3

The letter from J. E. Taylor, 25 June 1878. DAR 204: 124. By permission of the Syndics of Cambridge University Library.

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June 1878

I quite overlooked in Sachs about radicles in Cieslokis’ experiments being dry.— Keep extract about his statement of sliced radicles turning from the cut side.—4 Please let me hear generic name of plant— hygrometrica: perhaps I cd. borrow spec. from Kew.5 I wonder what made Sachs think about bloom protection against insects: I suppose you mentioned our results with cabbages & Sea-Kale.—6 If you can make it out read the enclosed memorandum & tell me what you think about it.— I fear from reading McNab Pfeffer’s book must be studied.—7 It seems to me that the cotyledons of Oxalis offer a most promising field for study, as in some species, they move vertically up,—in others vertically down—in others only a little movement at night.8 Your affect. old Father | C. Darwin [Enclosure] June 25th 1878. The short petioles of the Cots. of Cassia are enlarged, transversely wrinkled & formed of tissue appearing different from that of lamina & Hypocotyl.— How is Oxalis valdiviana & rosea or floribunda?? I neglected to observe with Cassia whether when Cots. Horizontal upper surface of petiole is transversely wrinkled.— I have looked at Cots. of Oxalis floribunda & there seems to be a semicircular pale-coloured pulvinus on upper surface formed of smaller cells; but it tired me too much to look carefully.— Now on O. corniculata the cots of which raise only 45° I can see no pulvinus.— This very important showing that pulvinus developed in same genus.9 DAR 211: 29–30 1 2

3 4

5

6 7

8 9

The year is established by the date of the enclosure. Most of the scientific issues dealt with in this letter relate to the letter from Francis Darwin, [22 June 1878]. Presumably another letter containing both scientific and non-scientific material was sent but has now been lost. See letter from Francis Darwin, [22 June 1878] and n. 2. In his letter of 18 June [1878], CD had asked Francis to borrow Theophil Ciesielski’s article (Ciesielski 1871) from Julius Sachs and read about the circumstances in which radicles grew upwards away from moisture. The passage about sliced radicles is on p. 33. See also letter from Francis Darwin, [22 June 1878]. See letter from Francis Darwin, [22 June 1878] and n. 6. The Outwards book, p. 463 (Archives, Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew), records that ‘Porliera hygrometrica’ (Porlieria hygrometra) was sent to Down on 5 July 1878. See letter from Francis Darwin, [22 June 1878] and n. 7. CD was probably reading William Ramsay McNab’s chapter, ‘Movements of variation in plants’, in McNab’s Botany: outlines of morphology and physiology (McNab 1878, pp. 140–3); the chapter contains a reference to Wilhelm Pfeffer’s Die periodischen Bewegungen der Blattorgane (The periodic movements of leaf organs; Pfeffer 1875). See letter to Francis Darwin, 18 June [1878] and n. 4. For CD’s earlier interest in the sensitivity of species of Cassia, see letter to J. D. Hooker, 25 March [1878]. Oxalis valdiviana is a synonym of O. valdiviensis (Chilean yellow-sorrel); O. rosea is pink sorrel; O. floribunda is abundant flowering wood sorrel; O. corniculata is creeping wood sorrel.

June 1878 From E. A. Greaves to G. H. Darwin   26 June 1878

253 14 Pittville Parade, June 26th. 1878

Dear Sir, I am much pleased that you all like Dr. Darwin’s portrait, I had no fear about its being a valuable painting & I have heard that it was a good likeness taken by Wright of Derby when the learned Doctor was in advancing years—1 With respect to its pedigree: that unfolds a piece of family history at which I often wonder in amazement as to its results, and which I thought every member of the Darwin family knew— Portraits many are to be found in Derbyshire households of the higher class I believe for when the Doctor was in the hey day of prosperity, every one wished for his portrait & Wright must have realized a handsome fortune by them—but to return from this digression In the year 1772 May 16th. a daughter was born to the Dr. named Susanna. In the year 1774 May 20th. was born another daughter named Mary—the offspring of a young and beautiful woman of the name of Parker, she had some position in the family of Col. Pole of Radbourne Hall, the Doctor being frequently there as the Physician of the family— Of their early life I know little, they were educated & Dr. D: bought a very nice large house at Ashborne for them near Sir Brooke Boothsbys estate.2 They opened a school for young ladies & what with their superior talents & accomplishments educated the children of the higher families both in Derbyshire & elsewhere; partly owing to the learned Dr.s patronage & their own energies— They continued their school ’till Susanna married my Uncle Hadley a surgeon in the first practice, and a great friend of yr. ancestor; in the Zoonomia you will find his name mentioned, this was in the year 1809—3 Mary P. continued to reside at A. with two other sisters the Misses Day the daughters of the above mentioned person who after a while married a Mr. Day, & were half sisters—4 Two Pictures were given by Dr. E. D. to his daughters painted for them I expect, the one now in yr. possession was given to S: P. & at her marriage she brought it to Derby where during my Uncle’s life-time it hung over the Dining-room mantel-piece. After Aunt’s death her daughters had it, then it came to her brother Dr. Henry Hadley & he gave it to me—5 I highly prized it, and am heartily glad, it sd. be still valued— The other Picture which belonged to Mary P. she gave to a niece the daughter of a brother of those two Days she did not turn out well, she however was fortunate in selling her Picture, it is in the National Portrait Gallery I saw it when in London, it is a lovely picture, painted when younger in a puce coloured coat— It is revarnished & re-gilt—6 These daughters were looked upon with much favour, they were no common women, and were frequently at the Priory, indeed old Mrs. D.7 used to conclude her letters to them as “yr affecte mother”. They used to visit the Galtons’, at the Larches8 & indeed all their pupils looked upon them with affection— To myself Aunt Hadley was as a Mother to me, committed to her care by my Grandmother Hadley9 on her death-bed— What I owe to her can no tongue can tell, and her sister was equally my friend— I believe I am the sole depository of this family history Dr. H. not mentioning it, neither Aunt, I learned it all from Miss Wharton, Miss P’s companion,10 whom she had educated—

Erasmus Darwin (c. 1770) by Joseph Wright of Derby. Reproduced from Milo Keynes, ‘Portraits of Dr Erasmus Darwin’, Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London 48 (1994): 71, by permission of the Royal Society. The original is on loan to Darwin College, Cambridge.

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Amongst my belongings I have a book written by Dr. E. D. on Education11 for these daughters, for it was education in those days—& other papers—some curious and not altogether papers elegant addressed “to Eliza’ Hadley12 by Edward Darwin of Mackworth near Derby, he was a great invalid dropsical, most kind and generous   Aunt used to drive over every week to see him, & I being at school at Mackworth was called for & what a day of delight we had Eliza, Henry & myself—! I have often thought what wd. become of these things, seeing the present generation know nothing of their Gd. Mother’s ancestry— & of her connexions. When I am tired of them or rather have done with them, wd. you care to receive them? I am a great person for family relics, & genealogies— Sir Francis D.13 told Mr. Greaves14 & myself that Dr. E. D. died rather suddenly, but that he had good hope in his end— Mrs. Schimmel Pennick was too severe—15 You must please to excuse this scrawl, for the weather is just now rather trying & makes my hand tremulous | With kind regds. to yr. Father & yourself I am, dear Sir, | Your’s most truly | E: A. Greaves There is a nice little account of Wright, “on a description of Derbyshire a small book which I will find Wright the painter, better known as “Wright of Derby”, was born in 1734. He studied in London under Hudson,16 at the same time as did Sir Joshua Reynolds. Owing to the ill feeling which not infrequently exists among men of talent, as well as lesser minds, Wright did not receive the title of R.A. when he was proposed, & so deeply did he feel the slight that, on a subsequent occasion, when Newton,17 secretary to the Royal Academy, visited him at Derby with the offer of a diploma from the Society, he indignantly refused it. He died in 1797. From Black’s Tourist’s Guide.18 Dr. Erasmus Darwin born at Elston, near Newark, Nottinghamsh. Decr 12th. 1731 Died April 18th. 1802 DAR 210.14: 13 1 2 3

4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12

In January 1878, CD had bought a portrait of his grandfather Erasmus Darwin by Joseph Wright of Derby from Greaves; see letter from E. A. Greaves, 3 January 1878. Susanna Hadley and Mary Parker Jr were the daughters of Mary Parker Sr, who had worked on the estate of Edward Sacheverel Pole. Boothby lived at Ashbourne Hall, Derbyshire. The school was established by Susanna Parker and Mary Parker Jr in 1794, and Mary took sole charge after Susanna married Henry Hadley in 1809. Henry Hadley’s experiments on the communication of smallpox via the blood are detailed in Erasmus Darwin’s Zoonomia (E. Darwin 1794–6, 1: 405–7). Mary Parker Sr married Joseph Day in 1782; the daughters were probably Hannah Maria Day and Ann Day. Greaves was brought up by her uncle Henry Hadley and his wife, Susanna; after Susanna’s death the painting passed to their daughter, Elizabeth Susanna Hadley, and son Henry Hadley (1812–74). Mary Parker Jr’s picture was given to Anna Maria Jerome, daughter of Edwin Court Wilcox Day. Jerome sold the portrait in 1859 (National Portrait Gallery: NPG 88; see Ingamells 2004, p. 135). Elizabeth Darwin (Erasmus Darwin’s second wife). Samuel Tertius Galton and Violetta Galton. Ursula Hadley (Susanna Hadley’s mother-in-law). Barbara Ellen Wharton (Mary Parker Jr’s companion). A plan for the conduct of female education in boarding schools (E. Darwin 1797). Elizabeth Susanna Hadley.

256 13 14 15

16 17 18

June 1878

Francis Sacheverel Darwin. Richard Greaves. In her autobiography, Mary Anne Schimmelpenninck had insinuated in a series of memories from her childhood that Erasmus Darwin was a glutton and a non-believer, who scoffed at conscience and morality (Hankin ed. 1858, 1: 152–4, 178–80, and 237–48). Thomas Hudson. Francis Milner Newton was the first secretary to the Royal Academy of Arts. The quotation, with minor differences in punctuation, is from Black’s tourist’s guide to Derbyshire ( Jewitt ed. 1868, pp. 163–4).

From J. W. Judd   26 June 1878 Science Schools | South Kensington | S.W. 26th. June 1878. My dear Sir, My friend Dr. Neumayr of Vienna has asked me to forward to you the accompanying paper, which he hopes may offer some observations not unworthy of your interest.1 Dr. Neumayr is still carrying on, under the auspices of the University of Vienna, his researches on the geology of the Turkish Empire—but his work has of course been somewhat interrupted of late. He has now just returned from his wedding-tour in the North of Italy;— he has married the daughter of his old friend and teacher Prof. Suess.2 Your kind interest in myself and my studies—the sense of which affords me the strongest incentive and encouragement to labour—emboldens me to trouble you for a moment, with a statement of my own affairs. My class is now transferred to this building, and next year I hope to commence a course of practical instruction in geology in illustration of the lectures. Prof. Huxley has powerfully aided me in realizing this object of my ambition for a long time past.3 I am also about to take the same important step in life that Dr. Neumayr has, and believe my future wife is calculated by education and taste to sympathize with and aid me in my studies.4 I know that you will pardon this reference to my own prospects and hopes; and I hope that the partial recovery of health of which you spoke to me as having taken place in your own case, and in which we all so greatly rejoiced, has continued—and that you are able to work under less adverse conditions than formerly. Remembering all your kind sympathy and friendly encouragement, | Believe me to remain, | Yours very dutifully, | John W. Judd DAR 168: 84 1

2

Judd had sent Melchior Neumayr’s paper ‘Ueber unvermittelt auftretende Cephalopodentypen im Jura Mittel-Europa’s’ (On abruptly occurring cephalopod types in the Jura of Central Europe; Neumayr 1878); a copy is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. Neumayr was professor extraordinarius of palaeontology at the University of Vienna; his work was interrupted by the Balkan crisis (see letter to R. A. T. Gascoyne-Cecil, [18 May 1878] and n. 2). On

June 1878

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4

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2 April 1878, he married Paula Aloisia Suess, the daughter of his doctoral supervisor Eduard Suess (Svojtka et al. 2009, p. 358 n. 3). In 1877, Judd had been appointed professor of geology at the Royal School of Mines, Jermyn Street, London. Soon afterwards it moved to South Kensington, where there was room to establish a practical course in geology (Nature, 9 March 1916, p. 37). Thomas Henry Huxley had taught a practical course in biology since that department of the School of Mines had moved to South Kensington in 1872 (T. H. Huxley and Martin 1875, pp. vi–vii). CD had supported Judd’s election to the Royal Society of London; see Correspondence vol. 25, letter from J. W. Judd, 24 April 1877. Judd married Jeannie Frances Jeyes on 10 August 1878.

From James Torbitt   26 June 1878 58 North Street | Belfast 26 June 1878 Charles Darwin Esqr | Down My dear Sir, I think you may now wish to hear from me and therefore I venture to report progress fully.1 I have planted three acres of selected varieties of 1875—the varieties of 1876 were not very good and I gave them away— Of the crossed varieties of 1877 I have about eleven hundred growing healthily. This season I packed out into 300 boxes, 15,000 crossed seedlings (seedlings of 1875 crossed with each other) and have been in this case very unfortunate. About one fourth of them were eaten by slugs and another fourth killed by soot which I was advised to scatter on them to kill the slugs, the remaining half are now planted out in the field and growing well. For this season I have made arrangements to cross much larger numbers than heretofore and would now claim your advice so most kindly offered, as to the proper mode of proceeding. My way was to shake out the pollen on glass, to see under the microscope that it was perfect, and apply it early to the stigma by means of a hair pencil, repeating the operation several times. I propose now in certain varieties to separate the petals and discover the stigma a little before the natural time, and would be very grateful for your advice as to this matter—advice the value of which we all know. I have also had varieties of 1875 distributed among 80 farmers on the west coast of Ireland and hope to furnish you with reports from them. As to the specimens I had the pleasure of sending you by post yesterday—the 1875 seedling is submitted as in comparison with the three others. The Skerry Blue made its appearance about 15 or 20 years ago, and it now blooms but all the flowers drop off and it does not reproduce itself. The Cruffle is longer under cultivation and the flower-buds wither and drop off before the flowers open. The Champion has become famous in Scotland lately, and is possibly the variety alluded to by Mr Caird.2 It is about 15 years under cultivation I am informed, and the flowers have be come monstrous, as for specimens, but I shall procure healthy at least normal flowers from Scotland and ascertain if the monstrosity be accidental.

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If I might be permitted to ask I should be very exceedingly glad to hear of your recovered health. I am my dear Sir | most respectfully & faithfully yours | James Torbitt DAR 178: 145 1

2

CD had helped Torbitt to seek a government grant for his experimental programme for raising disease-resistant potatoes from seed. Torbitt did not receive the grant but CD contributed £100 to Torbitt’s scheme; see letter from James Torbitt, 3 April 1878. Torbitt had sent CD varieties of potato (Solanum tuberosum). CD had reported that James Caird had given him a ‘striking instance’ of a fungus-proof variety of potato grown in Scotland; see letter to James Torbitt, 4 March 1878.

To J. W. Judd   27 June 1878 Down. | Beckenham Kent. June 27th. 1878. My dear Sir. I am heartily glad to hear of your intended marriage—1 A good wife is the supreme blessing in this life, & I hope & believe from what you say, that you will be as happy as I have been in this respect— May your future geological work be as valuable as that which you have already done; & more than this need not be wished for any man; the practical teaching of Geology seems an excellent idea.2 Many thanks for Neumayr; but I have already received & read a copy of the same, or at least of a very similar essay—& admirably good it seemed to me—3 This essay and one by Mojsisovics which I have lately read, show what Palæontology in the future will do for the classification & sequence of Formations—4 It delighted me to see so inverted an order of proceeding,—viz the assuming the descent of species as certain & then taking the changes of closely allied forms as the standard of geological time— My health is better than it was a few years ago, but I never pass a day without much discomfort and the sense of extreme fatigue. With all good wishes. | Yours very sincerely— | Ch. Darwin. Copy DAR 146: 8 1 2 3

4

See letter from J. W. Judd, 26 June 1878 and n. 4. See letter from J. W. Judd, 26 June 1878 and n. 3. Neumayr 1878; see letter from J. W. Judd, 26 June 1878 and n. 1. In 1877, CD had read Melchior Neumayr’s work, written with Carl Paul, on the Congeria and Paludina strata (Neumayr and Paul 1875); see Correspondence vol. 25, letter to Melchior Neumayr, 9 March 1877. A lightly annotated copy of Edmund Mojsisovics von Mojsvár’s paper ‘Kleine Beiträge zur Kenntniss der Anneliden. I. Die Lumbricidenhypodermis’ (Small contributions to the knowledge of the annelids. I. The hypodermis of lumbricids; Mojsisovics 1878) is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. Both Mojsisovics and Neumayr took CD’s theory of descent as established and determined geological age by fossil evidence rather than by the characteristics of rocks; see also letter to Edmund Mojsisovics von Mojsvár, 1 June 1878, and letter from Edmund Mojsisovics von Mojsvár, 6 June 1878.

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From W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   [27 June 1878] Colocasia antiquorum, Schott = Caladium esculentum, Hort.1 pc Postmark: JU 27, JU 28 78 DAR 209.14: 188 CD annotation Foot of postcard: ‘Experiments with water were also tried’2 pencil 1 2

CD had asked Thiselton-Dyer to identify this plant in his letter of 25 June [1878]. Colocasia antiquorum is an invalid synonym, and Caladium esculentum is a synonym, of Colocasia esculenta (coco yam or wild taro). CD describes experiments on the sleep of Caladium esculentum in Movement of plants, pp. 390–1; CD’s notes on his experiments with water are in DAR 66: 125 and 127.

To James Torbitt   28 June 1878 Down, June 28, 1878. My dear Sir 〈3 lines excised〉 considering to how many risks seedlings are exposed, I cannot but think that the saving of the half the crossed ones, is upon the whole fairly good fortune. The crossed seedling which you sent seemed an extraordinarily fine plant.1 With respect to your question about opening the potato and fertilising the stigma in the bud, it does not seem to me adviseable, and it would cost you much additional labour.2 It is quite likely that the stigma would not then be mature. The maturity with most plants can be judged of by its surface being coated by a very thin layer of viscid fluid. Your plan of obtaining and using the pollen seems to me a very good one. It would be, I believe, quite sufficient if you were to apply the pollen on 2 successive days;—or on one day and then on the third day. The statements about the dropping off and sterility of the flowers on the old varieties seem to me very interesting.3 Many thanks for your enquiries about my health; until the last week I have been considerably better than usual. My dear Sir | Yours very faithfully | Chas. Darwin. Copy, incomplete4 DAR 148: 105 1 2 3 4

In his letter of 26 June 1878, Torbitt said that he had sent specimens from his experimental programme for raising disease-resistant potatoes from seed. Torbitt had asked CD’s advice on cross-fertilising large numbers of potato varieties in his letter of 26 June 1878. Torbitt had made these statements about the Skerry Blue and Cruffle potato varieties; see letter from James Torbitt, 26 June 1878. A section has been excised from the copy after the salutation.

260 From W. H. Dallinger   29 June 1878

June 1878 The Parsonage | Woolton. Liverpool June 29. 1878.

Chas Darwin Esq My dear Sir I have no doubt you will see the enclosed paper: but perhaps you will pardon my calling your attention to it by sending it, insomuch as I shall shortly be publishing in connexion with it but not through the same Society some papers which more widely apply the method of heat testing of the germs of the septic organisms which is explained in the enclosed paper; and I shall do myself the pleasure of forwarding them to you.1 I have now in hand a long series of investigations on these putrifactive organisms which deal with the effects of altered environment when the alterations are steadily and slowly made: and the results hitherto palpably demonstrate your great doctrine. With such enormous numbers as are capable of being studied at once, in all stages of their existence, and the comparatively short periods of life-cycle opportunities for the observation of variation and survival are so abundant that the demonstration is comparatively easy. I have hitherto published nothing on this special branch of my researches, partly because they are not as complete as I wish them to be, and partly because I find it so difficult to constantly observe and write at the same time, in a busy life. But I referred in my recent R. Inst. Lectures to one branch2—viz the effect of constantly and carefully added increments of heat on the adult forms. and in my first series of experiments extending over three years I was able to raise the temperature from 45° F. to 137° F. with the adult organism living flourishing and multiplying at the last named temperature.3 Yet if the infusion containing them be suddenly raised from 45° F to 85° F they are in the course of 30 or 40 hours almost wholly destroyed. A painful illustration of this has just happened: my colleague in some of my work— Dr. Drysdale—and I are at work upon a special form just now, and although before these few days of hot weather set in we had it abundantly in a maceration; yet we had it in a covered (small) shed exposed to the sun where the temperature reached (without our thinking of it) about 95° to 100° F and now (after three days) there is not a trace of it left. This of course does not apply to Bacterium tenus and many forms of Vibrio &c.4 But it is a vexatious “control” of my experiments— With much respect | Believe me | Truly yours | W. H. Dallinger DAR 162: 34 1

2

3

Dallinger sent his paper ‘On the life history of a minute septic organism: with an account of experiments made to determine its thermal death-point’ from the Proceedings of the Royal Society of London (Dallinger 1878). This paper is not in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL; there are no later papers by Dallinger in the collection either. Dallinger had given a lecture to the Royal Institution of Great Britain on 4 May 1877, entitled ‘Recent researches into the origin and development of minute and lowly life-forms; with a glance at the bearing of these on the origin of bacteria’ (Dallinger 1877). In the Royal Microscopical Society’s Monthly Microscopical Journal, Dallinger had published a series of papers with John James Drysdale challenging the theory that life could be spontaneously generated

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(Dallinger and Drysdale 1873, 1874, and 1875). The second and third papers are in Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL, marked with the authors’ compliments; CD had sent Ernst Haeckel the first in the series (see Correspondence vol. 21, letter to Ernst Haeckel, 25 September 1873). See also Correspondence vol. 24, letter to W. H. Dallinger, [after 10 January 1876]. Tenus: the bacterium Clostridium tetani, which causes tetanus. Vibrio is a genus of gram-negative bacteria, characterised by their comma shape, and including V. cholerae, which causes cholera.

From Francis Darwin   [29 June] 18781 Hôtel de Rassie | Würzburg Sat 28th/78 My dear Father, I shall have lots of time to do the oats & will sow some next week.2 Also I can easily see about sleepers. Porliera hygrometrica is the plant & belongs to the Zygophylleæ.3 There is something odd about it I found that a twig in water in the room was open while the plant in the garden was shut, & it does not depend on light only as a twig kept under water in a glass & in blazing sun, was quite open. I have seen a few plants that look as if they must sleep & I will go round the garden carefully in the evenings when I always go a loaf. I think the great distinct Pfeffer makes is between sleepers with joints & those without joints, & says that there is no growth but only variation in tension in those that have joints. But Batalin says there is very slight growth even in those with joints.4 It seems an absurd thing to call the two really different. I will see what Sachs5 says. If possible I will do the microscoping here. I have been cutting sections of roots to see the development of secondary roots & I shall know enough to make out the anatomy of the bean roots if it is wanted. Today I did the male & female organs of Marchantia6 & tried the prothallus of a fern but failed, the great thing is not so much very thin sections, but 〈at least 2 pages missing〉7 like this so that they move up not down at night8

day

night 9

I must leave off & measure my roots Your affec | F D (ought I to call on Semper?)10

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Incomplete DAR 209.14: 181 CD annotations 1.1 I shall … sections, but 2.8] crossed blue crayon 1.2 Porliera hygrometrica] ‘Sapindaceæ’ interl pencil End of letter: ‘Porliera— Branch growing vertically down—’ ink; ‘Add Ipomœa to list if not done see note on Pisum.’11 pencil 1

2 3

4

5 6 7 8 9

10 11

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to Francis Darwin, 26 June [1878]. In 1878, the Saturday following 26 June was 29 June. Francis evidently dated the letter 28 June in error. See letter to Francis Darwin, 26 June [1878]. See letter from Francis Darwin, [22 June 1878] and n. 6, and letter to Francis Darwin, 26 June [1878] and n. 5. Porliera hygrometrica is considered a doubtful species and is possibly a synonym of Porlieria hygrometra, in the family Zygophyllaceae. See letter to Francis Darwin, 26 June [1878] and n. 7. Wilhelm Pfeffer had countered the claim made by Alexander Fedorovich Batalin that a small amount of growth occurred in the joint (pulvinus) during periodic movements; Pfeffer noted that measurements made with a micrometer confirmed the absence of any growth once the joint regained its original position (see Batalin 1873, p. 455, and Pfeffer 1875, p. 4). See also Movement in plants, p. 113. Julius Sachs. Marchantia is a genus of liverworts. The extent of the missing text is unknown, but is likely to consist of at least one half of a folded manuscript sheet, since the surviving section of the letter is a torn half of a folded manuscript sheet. The diagram depicts the movements of the leaves of Porlieria hygrometrica; see n. 3, above. Francis had been sectioning bean roots, probably to aid CD in his experiments on movement in the radicles or embryonic roots of beans (Vicia faba; see letter from Francis Darwin, [22 June 1878], and letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 9 May [1878] and n. 5). Carl Gottfried Semper had dedicated to CD his work on the eyes of sea slugs (Semper 1877b); see Correspondence vol. 25, letter from C. G. Semper, 13 July 1877. The note on Ipomoea (the genus of morning-glories) was probably a reminder to add it to the list of sleeping plants published in Movement in plants, pp. 320–1. For CD’s experiments on Pisum sativum (common pea), see the letter to G. J. Romanes, 16 June [1878] and n. 5.

To Francis Darwin   29 [ June 1878]1 29th. I will go & get the best twisted stems which I can find & will despatch them by this post—2 Reflecting over what I wrote about movements due to a Pulvinus & to mere circumnutation, I believe that I quite missed the true point.—3 I think a pulvinus acts by secreting water from its cells into the inter-cellular spaces, so that we ought to get evidence (by comparing transverse sections) of cells on the concave side of petiole of leaf when asleep (which has no pulvinus) being reduced in size, compared with their size when awake.— C. D. Sent by today’s post—

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The twisters are Black Bryony (Tamus) Azorean Honeysuckle Common Do— Aristolochia Cipho4 DAR 211: 31 1 2 3 4

The month and year are established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to Francis Darwin, [c. 23 June 1878]. CD had offered to send Francis specimens of twisted plants in his letter of [c. 23 June 1878]. See enclosure to letter to Francis Darwin, 26 June [1878]. The text from ‘Sent by’ is on the reverse of the letter in Emma Darwin’s hand. Black bryony is Tamus communis; ‘Azorean honeysuckle’ is Bignonia capensis (a synonym of Tecoma capensis, Cape honeysuckle); common honeysuckle is Lonicera periclymenum; Aristolochia sipho is Dutchman’s pipe.

From G. H. Darwin   [30 June 1878]1 4, Bryanston Street, | Portman Square. W. Sunday afternoon Dear Father, I never was more disgusted than at seeing that little paragraph in Nature—for it is obvious that M. Lagrange has got hold of the same sort of ideas as I have. I suppose it’s foolish to care very much about it, but I shall feel fearfully flat if I am forestalled.— I asked Galton about sending some sort of abstract to the Brit. Assoc. but he said he didn’t know & advised me to find out from Spottiswoode which I am going to do—& if it is all right I shall send some account of my work to Dublin.2 I am sorry to say that Uncle Ras3 has had a relapse again which he says was brought on by his imprudence in eating green peas. He did not strike me as looking so ill as he was when he was first bad. I have been very little good here tho’ Ive managed to see several people—but the heat has been really intolerable until today. I don’t quite know when I shall come down again as it depends on whether I get more lively or not tomorrow—however I shall certainly be back by Wednesday.4 Yours affectionately | G H Darwin DAR 210.2: 67 1 2

The date is established by the reference to the report in Nature, 27 June 1879 (see n. 2, below); the Sunday after 27 June was 30 June. A summary of the papers in Bulletin de l’Académie royale de Belgique 3 (1878), published in Nature, 27 June 1878, p. 242, reported that Charles Henri Lagrange proposed to use his conclusion ‘that a deformable mass, subjected to the attraction of another deformable mass, in rotation takes a motion of rotation in the same direction’ to explain the origin of astronomical movements. Douglas Strutt Galton was general secretary of the British Association for the Advancement of Science; William Spottiswoode

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was president. George’s paper ‘On the precession of a viscous spheroid’ appeared in Report of the 48th meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science (G. H. Darwin 1878c). The paper modelled the possible long-term effects of lunar tides on the earth’s rotation, assuming differing degrees of viscosity. CD’s brother, Erasmus Alvey Darwin. There is no record of George’s visiting Down around this date.

From H. S. Sanguinetti   July 18781 13 Pall Mall, | London, S.W. July 1878. Sir. I beg to inform you that I have removed from 6a Vigo Street to the above address, Where I shall be2 AL incomplete DAR 209.13: 9r CD annotation 1.1 I beg … be 1.2] crossed pencil 1 2

This letter was previously published as from ?, July 1871 (Correspondence vol. 19); the last digit of the year was mistakenly read as ‘1’ not ‘8’. This scrap survives in the Darwin Archive–CUL because CD used it to write notes on. Herbert Sanguinetti & Co, financial agents, are listed in the Post Office London directory 1878 at 6a Vigo Street; by 1879 the address is 13 Pall Mall (Post Office London directory 1879).

To J. D. Hooker   1 July 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. July 1. 1878 My dear Hooker I shall be very glad to take a part in any scheme which you wish for.—1 Will you therefore put my name down for £200. But I think rather strongly that it would be only fair to the subscribers to state that the subscriptions would not be called for, unless £10,000 is promised, so that the Socy. may be enabled to reduce by a sensible amount the cost of being elected a member.2 Your life must now be one of great fatigue, Ever yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin P.S. | Do you possess Porliera hygrometrica & if so could you lend me the plant? Frank sends me a wonderful account of its being almost always asleep, night & day, & I shd. much like to observe it.3 Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Royal Society Letters, c. 1875 – c. 1905, JDH/2/18: f.36) 1

Hooker had proposed setting up a fund to cover the costs of Royal Society of London publications so that the fees for fellows of the society could be reduced (see letter from J. D. Hooker, 9 June 1878 and n. 1). No more recent letter from Hooker requesting a subscription from CD has been found.

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William Spottiswoode, treasurer of the Royal Society, had stated that a fund of £10,000 for publications would suffice to reduce the fees of the Royal Society to the amount charged by other societies; he suggested that donations be sought from the fellows of the society (see letter from J. D. Hooker, 9 June 1878 and n. 3). On the identification of Porlieria hygrometrica, see the letter from Francis Darwin, [22 June 1878] and n. 6.

To M. H. Truelove   1 July 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. July 1. 1878 Private Sir From living in the country I never heard your Father’s name, until his trial, & know absolutely nothing about him. It is, therefore impossible for me to sign the memorial which states that “he is a person of honourable character & blameless life, who in good faith &c”; not that I have any reason whatever to doubt these several statements. I have not seen the Moral Phys. by R. D. Owen, but have heard the nature of its content; & though I am strongly opposed to all such views & plans, yet the conviction of your Father seemed to me very harsh, as the publication of works of this nature can hardly be considered as obscene in the ordinary sense of the word.—1 I am sorry for your Father, but cannot aid him, & remain | Sir | Your obedient servt. | Ch. Darwin American Philosophical Society (539) 1

Edward Truelove was in Coldbath Fields prison serving a four-month sentence for publishing an edition of Robert Dale Owen’s Moral physiology, a book about birth control first published by Owen in the US in 1830 (R. D. Owen 1877 and R. D. Owen 1830). Truelove had been prosecuted at the instigation of the Society for the Suppression of Vice and tried under the Obscene Publications Act (also known as Lord Campbell’s Act); the jury, however, could not agree on a verdict, and Truelove was convicted only after a second hearing. See Truelove 1878, pp. 98–9, and Amphlett Micklewright 1961, p. 41.

To W. H. Dallinger   2 July 1878 I did not know that you were attending to the mutation of the lower organisms under changed conditions of life; and your results, I have no doubt, will be extremely curious and valuable.1 The fact which you mention about their being adapted to certain temperatures, but becoming gradually accustomed to much higher ones, is very remarkable. It explains the existence of algæ in hot springs. How extremely interesting an examination under high powers on the spot, of the mud of such springs would be.

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Dallinger 1887, p. 191 Dallinger had sent CD a copy of his paper ‘On the life history of a minute septic organism: with an account of experiments made to determine its thermal death-point’ (Dallinger 1878; see letter from W. H. Dallinger, 29 June 1878).

1

To Francis Darwin   2 July [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. July 2d My dear F. Murie has written to me & you, asking me if you were away to look over your revise, which I have done & found nothing to correct & no criticism to make to you, except that one or two sentences might have been clearer.2 The whole strikes me as excellent & conclusive.— The revise is marked “25 copies”: had you not better get more?— I have sent cheque to a repeated bill from Griffin for 2.10.10— A thermometer has come from Kew, for which I have also paid,— I think 1.11.0.—3 There is a “certificate” with the thermometer.— I will now go through your letter, but first will say that Bernard seems quite well, though temper not quite so placid as formerly. He has just started very happy & eager in “boobo” with Miss Darcy & Bessy to the Station.4 I think you certainly had better call on Semper; you can say that I asked you to do so to give my very kind remembrances. You know that he has lately returned from America—has travelled much in Philippines & Malay Arch.—has worked on same subjects as Balfour—is a first-rate man, & I liked him, but he is said to have bad temper & to think that everyone is depreciating him.— He dedicated a magnificent essay to me on eyes of a Mollusc,— Onchidium.—5 I have written to Kew about Porliera: do the leaves look like silver under water? Can they shut up to check evaporation; something of this kind occurs (Duval-Jouve) with certain grasses: you could try (if you could get permission) by enclosing small branch in well wetted bottle with wet sponge.—6 I am glad to hear that Sachs tries “fools experiments”. Do what you think fit about the 10£ Telescope, & any other instrument; only do not waste money, as you know your honoured father hates this.7 I go on maundering about the pulvinus, cushion or gland whichever you call it, & from what I have seen roughly in the petioles of the Cotyledons of oxalis, I conclude that a pulvinus must be developed from ordinary cells, which secrete water into the inter-cellular spaces on the concave side of a bending organ; & that a pulvinus is developed only when the bending has to be continued for a period after growth has ceased or nearly ceased.8 The cotyledon of Oats bending towards light would, I think, do for observation, & I much wish that you wd. try either there or here whether by cutting thin sections about 101 th.  of inch above the soil of 2  or 3  cots:, you could measure under high power the diameter of the cells, & observe whether their diameter is the same all round. If you can ascertain their average diameter, then cut sections on the most

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bent part, at same height above soil as before, & see if cells on concave side of the stem where bent through heliotropism (or apogeotropism) are smaller than those on convex side.9 I cannot remember whether such observations have been made, but I think that they are worth making. If there is no such action, as I imagine how the deuce can a pulvinus be developed in all sorts of Families? I am trying a slight modification of your dodge; & putting night-light under large bell-glass, standing on little wooden bricks to let some air come in, & I have succeeded in keepin jar of water for many hours between 75° & 80° F:10 I have thanked Murie & returned revise.11 AL incomplete DAR 211: 32 1 2

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The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from Francis Darwin, [29 June] 1878 (see n. 5, below). James Murie was assistant secretary of the Linnean Society; he sent proofs of Francis Darwin’s revised version of a paper on the nutrition of Drosera rotundifolia (common or round-leaved sundew) that he had presented at a meeting of the society in January (F. Darwin 1878a). Murie’s letter has not been found. CD’s Account books–cash account (Down House MS) records a payment of £2 10s. 10d. to Griffin for ‘Chemical Apparatus’; J. J. Griffin & Sons were London scientific-instrument suppliers and publishers in London. There is no record of a payment for the thermometer. Mary Catherine Georgiana D’Arcy had arrived at Down House on 1 July 1878. She and Elizabeth Darwin left Down for London on 2 July; Elizabeth was going to stay with her sister, Henrietta Emma Litchfield. (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242).) Bernard Darwin was 22 months old; he called a vehicle of any sort a ‘boo boo’ (see letter to G. J. Romanes, 16 June [1878]). Francis had asked whether he should call on Carl Gottfried Semper (see letter from Francis Darwin, [29 June] 1878). Semper had dedicated his book on the visual organs of the vertebrate eye type on the backs of sea slugs to CD (Semper 1877b). In July 1877, before Semper departed for America, he sent CD a copy (Correspondence vol. 25, letter from C. G. Semper, 13 July 1877). Onchidium is a genus of air-breathing marine slugs (pulmonate gastropods) in the family Onchidiidae. Semper had explored the Philippines from 1858 to 1865; he contributed two volumes of a ten-volume work on the fauna of the Philippine archipelago (Semper et al. 1868–1916, vols. 1 and 3). Francis Maitland Balfour was lecturer on animal morphology at Cambridge University. CD had asked Joseph Dalton Hooker whether he could borrow a plant of Porlieria hygrometrica from Kew (letter to J. D. Hooker, 1 July 1878). Francis had described the plant as almost always being asleep (letter from Francis Darwin, [22 June 1878]). Joseph Duval-Jouve had discovered the cellular mechanism by which certain grasses rolled up or folded their leaf-blades inwards to prevent moisture loss (Duval-Jouve 1875, pp. 326–9). Julius Sachs’s ‘fool’s experiment’ and the purchase of a micro-telescope had been mentioned in the letter from Francis Darwin, [22 June 1878]. CD described ‘a so-called joint, cushion or pulvinus’ as consisting of an aggregate of small cells that had ceased to increase in size from a very early age (Movement in plants, p. 2). In plants with leaves attached to the stem by a petiole or leaf-stalk, the pulvinus is located at the base of the leaf-stalk. CD was investigating when the organ emerged, and whether there was a pulvinus in cotyledons. He later discussed the emergence of pulvini and variations in cell length in Oxalis cornicula in Movement in plants, pp. 119–21. For CD’s understanding of the nature of the cotyledon in grasses, see Movement in plants, p. 62. Grass leaves do not have a stalk but are sessile, and their pulvini are located in the leaf-sheath, the portion of the leaf that encircles the shoot or stem. Apogeotropism: the tendency of leaves and other parts of plants to turn away from the earth and bend in opposition to gravity (OED).

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CD was probably trying to determine the conditions under which radicles turned towards or away from water; he wished to understand the differences in the experimental results obtained by Julius von Sachs and Theophil Ciesielski (see letter to Francis Darwin, [13–26 May 1878]). The letter in which Francis described his ‘dodge’ has not been found. CD’s letter to Murie has not been found. See n. 2, above.

From J. D. Hooker   2 July 1878 Kew July 2/78. Dear Darwin A thousand thanks for your most liberal (unexpectedly so) response.1 At present we are only feeling our way— My original idea was, the funding Young’s donation, & any increase that from time to time might accrue, till the sum was sufficient to lighten the fees, & then to go on to let it increase again till the maximum relief desireable reduction might be effected— but the opinion was so strong that it would be better to do the thing off-hand, that I & Spottiswoode have undertaken to see what can be done at once.— Our idea is, that if the £10,000 cannot be raised at once, whatever is raised should be funded & allowed to accumulate till that sum is reached.2 We have had no end of minor schemes—as for raising enough to give free fellowship to poor men, & such like. & I have appointed a Committee which will consider all details of expenditure & report on it— Meanwhile Spottiswoode assures me that several men will be ready with £500 each—& the great thing is to secure the thing being done however far long in future. If your plan is followed of taking no subscriptions till the £10,000 is promised, the whole scheme may break down at £9000!— whereas £9000 funded would in a couple of years or so be £10,000.3 However it is quite within any one’s competence to offer so handsome a subscription as yours conditionally.— I have just printed my R.I. lecture on Geograph.l Distribn. of N. American plants, & shall send you a copy when I get them.4 Ball & I are busy at our Marocco journals—which will I think be interesting.5 Shall you be at home when the Gooseberries are ripe? & will you give me a feast?—6 Ever yr affec | J D Hooker DAR 104: 111–12 1 2

3

Letter to J. D. Hooker, 1 July 1878. Hooker had proposed reducing the fees for fellows of the Royal Society of London by setting up a fund to finance the society’s publications; James Young had started the fund with a donation of £1000, and William Spottiswoode, the Royal Society’s treasurer, had calculated that £10,000 would be sufficient for the desired reduction in fees (letter from J. D. Hooker, 9 June 1878). CD had suggested that the promised donations should not made until the full £10,000 had been pledged (letter to J. D. Hooker, 1 July 1878).

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Hooker had delivered an evening lecture on the distribution of North American flora at the Royal Institution of Great Britain in April. The text was published in the institution’s Proceedings (Hooker 1878a); CD’s offprint is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. John Ball was working with Hooker on a book based on journals kept by both men during their trip to Marocco (Morocco) in 1871 (Hooker and Ball 1878, p. vi). Hooker’s love of gooseberries was well-known among the Darwin family; he had a long-standing invitation to visit Down for a gooseberry feast every summer (see Correspondence vol. 13, letter from J. D. Hooker, [after 17 June 1865] and n. 6).

From T. H. Huxley   2 July 1878

South Kensington July 2. 1878

My dear Darwin My friend Marsh of Yale is over here & wants badly to see you1 He is a right good fellow & just the sort of man you would like— So if you are well enough to be bothered with strangers I put in a plea for him His address is Palace Hotel, Buckingham Gate I am just back from Margate. Madge is slowly mending & I begin to hope we are safe from the after consequence of diphtheria—2 I trust we shall all be together again on Sunday week Don’t answer this | Ever | Yours very faithfully | T H Huxley DAR 166: 350 1 2

Othniel Charles Marsh, professor of palaeontology at Yale University, visited Europe in the summer of 1878; Marsh had first met Huxley in 1862 (Schuchert 1938, pp. 19 and 32). Huxley’s daughter Marian was recuperating after a dangerous bout of diphtheria (see letter from T. H. Huxley, 8 June 1878).

To O. C. Marsh   2 July 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. July 2d. 1878 My dear Sir It will give me very great pleasure to see you here; but I am bound to add that the state of my health does not allow me to converse with anyone for a long time.—1 I do not know whether it will suit you best to come here for dinner & sleep, returning next morning, or to come here merely to lunch at 1o o clock. A train leaves Charing Cross at 11o 15′, reaching Orpington Stn (4 miles from my house) at 12o 4′, & you can get a Fly there. You could return by the train which leaves Orpington at 2o 50′, & this wd allow you to stay here about 112 hour. If you come to dinner & sleep, I wd suggest Friday, as Mr McLennan, a remarkable man, the author of Primitive Marriage will be here, & you might possibly like to meet him.—2 Perhaps you will be so good as to let me hear what you decide & I remain | My dear Sir | Yours very faithfully | Charles Darwin Yale University Library: Manuscripts and Archives (O. C. Marsh Papers (MS 343) Series 1, Box 8, folder 327)

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Thomas Henry Huxley had told CD that Marsh was eager to visit him (letter from T. H. Huxley, 2 July 1878). John Ferguson McLennan visited Down on either Friday 5 or Saturday 6 July 1878 (see letter to Francis Darwin, 6 [July 1878] and n. 3). His book Primitive marriage was published in 1865 (McLennan 1865). CD’s annotated copy is in the Darwin Library–CUL.

From J. I. Rogers to Francis Darwin   2 July 1878 119, Cannon Street, | London, | E.C. 2nd. July 1878 Dear Sir, My brother writing from Calcutta says: “The closing of the leaves of the sensitive plant and the dropping of the stalks is apparently for protection as when they are closed you can hardly distinguish the pl〈ant〉 on the brown earth, and i〈t〉 would clearly be an advantage to hide thus when attacked by a goat or locusts.1 The closing of the leaves at night too would protect the plant from beetles & fireflies which play havoc with leave〈s〉 〈at〉 night. I find 〈ma〉ny p〈lants〉 with 〈lea〉ves like the Sensitive plant (or Acacia) close them at night.2 My sensitive plant is not affected when touched or even roughly stroked with a blade of grass, nor was it affected when the grass was laid on & then lifted off. There is a sensitive plant precisely like the ordinary one that grows 〈i〉n water— running along the surface. The leaves are larger, and the flower white & larger but in other respects the plants look the same.3 Strong shaking by our strong winds does not close the leaves of the water plant, but the land one closes slightly under the same 〈ci〉rcumstances.” Three things str〈u〉ck me in my brothers remarks: 1. The difficulty of seeing the closed sensitive plant on the brown baked earth of India. 2. The multitude of night flying fireflies and insects found in India, from which a plant might find protection useful. 3. The fact of there being a water sensitive plant—which however may not be new to you. Yours faithfully | J I Rogers. F. Darwin Esq. DAR 176: 199 CD annotation Top of letter: ‘Keep this— Did you 〈write〉 to him? or I suppose he 〈read〉 your Lecture: I think you ought to thank him’4 pencil 1

Rogers’s brother, George Rogers, was a solicitor in Calcutta (now Kolkata). John Innes Rogers had first written to Francis in March suggesting that the function of the movement of the sensitive plant (Mimosa pudica) was to guard against insect depredations (letter from J. I. Rogers to Francis Darwin, 25 March 1878).

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Plants of the genera Mimosa (sensitive plants) and Acacia (acacias and wattles) have compound leaves consisting of pairs of branches or pinnae on slender stems with each pinna lined with several pairs of leaflets, giving a fern-like appearance. The aquatic sensitive plant was probably Neptunia oleracea (water mimosa), which has yellow flowers, while those of Mimosa pudica (the sensitive or shame plant) are pink. Rogers had read Francis’s lecture on the analogies between animal and plant life given at the London Institution on 11 March 1878, and published in Nature later that month (F. Darwin 1878c; see letter from J. I. Rogers to Francis Darwin, 25 March 1878 and n. 1). No letters from Francis Darwin to J. I. Rogers have been found.

To J. D. Hooker   3 July [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. July 3d My dear Hooker You have thought so much more over the subject than I have, that I entirely yield, & so put my name down for £200 without any proviso.—2 I do not think that with my 5 sons, I ought to give more.— We shall be delighted most thoroughily to see you here in the gooseberry season, & I hope that Lady Hooker & little Joseph both like gooseberries.—3 I do not think I am bound to say anything about the state of the crop.— Ever yours | C. Darwin Ask Dyer to see about Porliera hygrometrica: if I do not hear I shall understand you have not got it; or too big.4 DAR 95: 473 1 2

3

4

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from J.  D.  Hooker, 2 July 1878. CD had promised £200 towards a fund for Royal Society of London publications in order that the fees for fellows might be reduced; he had suggested that individual donations not be called in until the desired total of £10,000 had been pledged. Hooker gave his reasons against this in his letter of 2 July 1878. CD recorded a payment of £200 to the ‘R.S. Fund’ on 10 December 1878 under ‘Science’ in his Classed account books (Down House MS). Hooker had expressed his desire for a gooseberry feast at Down (letter from J. D. Hooker, 2 July 1878). Emma Darwin recorded in her diary that the Hookers visited Down from 20 to 22 July (DAR 242). The party evidently included Hooker’s wife, Hyacinth Hooker, and their son, Joseph Symonds Hooker. In his letter to Hooker of 1 July 1878, CD had asked to borrow a specimen of Porlieria hygrometrica. CD’s reminder must have prompted Hooker to ask William Turner Thisleton-Dyer to pack it up immediately; the plant was sent from the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, to Down on 5 July 1878 (Outwards book, Archives, Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew).

To [G.-G. Baillière?]1   5 July 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. July 5th 1878 Dear Sir I hope that you will be so good as to inform M. Cosserat how greatly pleased I am with the appearance of the translation which he has done me the honour

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to make of my book on Coral-reefs.—2 I further beg to thank you for having sent me a copy.— I have the honour to remain | Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin Peter Harrington (dealer) (7 February 2012) 1 2

The correspondent is conjectured from the reference to the French translation of the second edition of Coral reefs (see n. 2, below). The French translation of the second edition of Coral reefs was made by Louis Cosserat, and published in 1878 by Librarie Germer Baillière et Cie under the proprietorship of Gustave-Germer Baillière (Cosserat trans. 1878).

To O. C. Marsh   5 July [1878]

From Mr. C. Darwin, Down, Beckenham.

Tuesday will do very well & I shall be delighted to see you1 C.D. July 5th ApcS Postmark: JY 5 | 78 Yale University Library: Manuscripts and Archives (O. C. Marsh Papers (MS 343) Series 1, Box 8, folder 327) 1

Marsh had evidently written that he wished to visit CD on Tuesday 9 July 1878, but his letter has not been found (see letter to O. C. Marsh, 2 July 1878).

From Hermann Müller   5 July 1878

Lippstadt, July 5, 1878.

My dear Sir! Annexed I send you some seeds which my brother Fritz has collected for you and which two of his daughters arriving here from Brazil have brought along with.1 Last year I have fertilised in different ways the two forms of Viola tricolor: a) the form with small yellowish flowers (var arvensis) b) the form with large gay-coloured flowers.2 The descendants of them are now blooming in my garden. The results are as follows: 1) a) crossed with pollen of b). The flowers of the descendants are equal in size and colour to those of a). so that I am doubtful whether cross fertilisation has been of effect—self fertilisation always very early taking place 2) a) crossed with pollen of a) from a distant locality The same result as in 1) 3) b) crossed with pollen of a) The flowers of the descendants are in colour equal to those of b) but in size much smaller, intermediate between a) and b) 4) b) crossed with own pollen Only 6 descendants have been obtained. Flowers in colour like those of the parents, in size much smaller, even smaller than in 3).

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The fertilisation of a) offers great difficulty, the cavity of the stigma often being filled with pollen grains immediately after the opening of the flower. I have attempted to remove them but some ones may easily have remained. Unfortunately this year I am too much overwhelmed with work to continue the trials with Viola tricolor, but certainly recommence them sometime and continue through some years. With the most sincere respects | yours | very sincerely | H Müller DAR 171: 310 CD annotation Top of letter: ‘Ophrys Your paper’3 pencil 1

2

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Fritz Müller’s daughters Anna and Emma had travelled to Germany in May 1878 (West 2016, p. 153). The seeds have not been identified but may have included seeds of Cassia (see letter to Fritz Müller, 24 July 1878). Viola tricolor is heart’s-ease; Viola tricolor var. arvensis is a synonym of Viola arvensis, the field pansy. CD had advised Müller on crossing experiments with V. tricolor and other plants with two different kinds of flowers in a letter that has not been found (see Correspondence vol. 25, letter from Hermann Müller, 2 April 1877 and n. 1). CD’s annotations are probably notes for his reply, which has not been found. Ophrys is a genus of terrestrial orchids; CD had made observations on fertilisation in several species (see Orchids). The first part of a paper by Müller, ‘Die Insekten als unbewußte Blumenzüchter’ (Insects as unconscious flower breeders; H. Müller 1878), was published in Kosmos, July 1878; the concluding parts were published in the August and September issues. CD’s annotated copy is in his collection of unbound journals in the Darwin Archive–CUL. Müller had referred to Ophrys muscifera (a synonym of O. insectifera, the fly orchid) as typifying a class of flowers that lured insects by means of deception without offering a nectar or pollen reward (H. Müller 1878, pp. 335–6).

To Francis Darwin   6 [ July 1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. 6th. My dear F. They have sent a magnificent bush of Porliera covered with leaves—2 Compare twig with your plant— no vestige of bloom— To day cloudy every leaf wide awake! Will have it in study to night & see how it sleeps, if it does sleep.— I am 12 dead with work & talk with McLennan, but have splendid success with radicles of Maize.—3 Case just reverse of bean— must be kept hot & then every single radicle with squares on tips on cork hooked & wound like French Horns—whereas 20 radicles with no squares as straight as arrows— Case splendidly conclusive. But the bother is great of finding out temperature at which radicles become sensitive.4 Therefore I shall not do many more, as we have a Dicot. & Monocot. Yours affect | C. Darwin DAR 211: 33

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July 1878

The month and year are established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to J. D. Hooker, 1 July 1878. CD had asked to borrow a Porlieria hygrometrica plant from the Royal Botanic Gardens at Kew (see letter to J. D. Hooker, 1 July 1878). A plant was sent to Down on 5 July 1878 (Outwards book, p. 463, Archives, Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew). On the status of the name Porlieria hygrometrica, see the letter from Francis Darwin, [22 June 1878] and n. 6. John Ferguson McLennan was expected to visit Down on Friday 5 July 1878 (see letter to O. C. Marsh, 2 July 1878). His visit may have been postponed until 6 July. CD’s notes on radicles of Zea mays (maize), dated between 2 and 8 July [1878], are in DAR 209.5: 208–19; the experiments are described in detail in Movement in plants, pp. 178–81. CD found that temperatures above 70°F destroyed the sensitivity to irritation of bean (Vicia faba) radicles (Movement in plants, p. 142), but that radicles of maize increased in sensitivity in temperatures varying from 76 to 82°F. (ibid., p. 178). According to CD’s definition, an organ could be called sensitive when its irritation excited movement in an adjoining part (ibid., p. 191); in experiments where a piece of card was attached to one side of the root tip, CD found that the root bent away from the irritation of the card. Maize was highly sensitive at optimal temperatures, and was the only monocotyledon on which CD and Francis experimented (ibid., pp. 177–9). Beans are dicotyledons.

From Francis Darwin   [before 7 July 1878]1 My dear Father, I have been talking to Sachs about sleeping plants that move with & without growth & it appears he fully agrees that the cause of the movement is the same in both. He has expressed this in the 4th edition of his book which you have—it is at p 852.2 He says he doesn’t agree with Pfeffer about these things—3 He thinks that the cause lies in the protoplasm which causes variations in the turgescence, & that the growth along the convex side is only in consequence of the increased turgescence which precedes it. I am glad to find he doesn’t think very much of Pfeffer, that is he says he is very learned & does very good work, but he doesn’t think clearly. Sachs seemed to think any work in cutting sections asleep & awake would be useless, as there was no doubt about it that whether there was a joint or / not the cause was the same in principle—4 I send the extract from Cieselski—5 Many thanks for the splendid twisters, the beast of a Sipho wont act with hot & cold water   I must try the tamus— I find Convulvulus arvensis is most splendidly twisted.6 I have talked to Sachs about the oats, & he thinks the best way will be to cut the tips off & extract them in alcohol.7 My elasticity of wet & dry wood experiments seem likely to fail, but it is worth going on at.8 I can always do some microscoping if it fails quite   The Sunday Society want me to lecture, are they supposed to be done for a charity? if so I feel as if I ought to do it, but if they pay I wont, would you tell me, or send a post card addressed to me to Uncle Ras for him to write on it “paid” or “not paid”9 Yr affec | FD DAR 274.1: 57

July 1878

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CD annotations 1.2 it appears … things— 1.4] double scored red crayon 1.6 the growth … precedes it. 1.7] double scored red crayon 1.11 Many thanks … paid” 1.20] crossed blue crayon 1 2

3

4

5

6

7 8 9

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to Francis Darwin, 7 [ July 1878]. The fourth edition of Julius Sachs’s Lehrbuch der Botanik (Textbook of botany; Sachs 1868) was published in late 1874 (Sachs 1874). CD cited it in Movement in plants, p. 2 n., but there is no longer a copy of this edition in the Darwin Library–CUL. CD also cited the English translation (Sachs 1875), which had been made from the third German edition (Sachs 1873), with some additional material from Sachs 1874 added in notes (see Sachs 1875, Translator’s preface). Sachs claimed that the cause of change in turgescence during plant growth was the same as that which caused movement in a mature plant, the only difference being that growth-related changes resulted in a permanent change in cell volume, while those related to movement in a mature plant did not (Sachs 1874, p. 852). Wilhelm Pfeffer, a former student of Sachs, had argued that increased turgescence during growth was triggered internally (or was autonomous) while that related to movement resulted from external triggers (or was induced). See Pfeffer 1877, pp. 205–7. It is unclear whether the ‘cause’ refers to the cause of the turgor or whether the cause was the turgor, which was related to both growth and movement. CD had suggested that Francis compare the size of cells in the pulvinus of a leaf when awake or asleep to determine whether there was a loss in cell turgor on one side of the organ (see letter to Francis Darwin, 29 [ June 1878]). Francis probably sent a copy of Theophil Ciesielski’s doctoral dissertation (Ciesielski 1871); it was also published in Beiträge zur Biologie der Pflanzen without the introductory historical review of the literature (Ciesielski 1872). CD’s heavily annotated copy of Ciesielski 1871 is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection– CUL. CD wanted to account for the conflicting experimental results of Ciesielski and Julius Sachs (letter from Francis Darwin, [22 June 1878] and n. 4). Francis had received small lengths of stems from CD, including those of Aristolochia sipho (Dutchman’s pipe) and Tamus communis (black bryony). See letter to Francis Darwin, 29 [ June 1878]. Convolvulus arvensis is field bindweed. CD asked Francis to try to determine whether chlorophyll was present in cotyledons of oats (Avena sativa; see letter to Francis Darwin, 26 June [1878] and n. 3). Francis was attempting to determine whether the strength and elasticity of woody stems changed as they dried out (letter from Francis Darwin, [22 June 1878]). The Sunday Lecture Society, founded in 1869 as a successor to the Sunday Evenings for the People, held talks on science, literature, and the arts at St George’s Hall, Langham Place, Regent Street, London; CD was a supporter of the society (see Barton 2014, p. 204). Erasmus Alvey Darwin was probably also a supporter, as he had supported the more controversial Sunday Evenings for the People in 1866 (ibid., pp. 191–2).

To Francis Darwin   7 [ July 1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. 7th My dear F. Porliera went beautifully to sleep in my study & awoke well early in the back & obscure part of my study, & has kept awake all day under skylight: it has circumnutated in simple manner.— Now I shd like to hear whether it is kept hot & dry at Würzburg; for it seems an odd case.— I will look to stomata some day.—2

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Maize radicles have behaved splendidly & George has made some capital sketches. On other hand radicles of Cotton-plant almost always utterly insensible to the little sq.— I suppose I cannot get right temperature or keep air damp enough. I wish I cd get some cement which wd hold under water.3 I have been looking to day at flowers of the Marantaceous Thalia dealbata:4 they d w be well worth investigating; if you pass bristle down young flower, & you then hear a click & the pistil shoots across the flower & becomes wound up like a corkscrew & seizes bristle; but when bristle withdrawn it is covered with pollen.— I think pistil is held straight by a fold in a stiff petal, & slightest touch releases it, & then bang it goes off, ensuring cross-fertilisation. Good bye, as I have nobody to talk to, about my work, I scribble to you.— I send Nature.5 All the family are here & all adoring Bernard6 C. D. I forgot to thank you for extract from Cieleski & about Sachs & sleeping plants.— Notwithstanding what he says, I shd. like to see sections, on your return, of bent & straight oats-cotyledons.7 DAR 211: 34 CD annotation 1.3 Now … Wùrzburg; 1.4] underl red crayon 1 2

3

4

5 6

7

The month and year are established by the reference to the plant that CD had received from Kew (see n. 2, below). CD was sent a plant of Porlieria hygrometrica from the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, on 5 July 1878 (see letter to Francis Darwin, 6 [ July 1878] and n. 2). Francis had reported that Sachs did not understand its movements and believed it to be almost always asleep (see letter from Francis Darwin, [22 June 1878] and n. 6). CD may have wanted to check the location of the stomata in relation to leaf movement caused by changes in the moisture level; earlier authors had differed on whether the species was sensitive to such changes (see, for example, Fée 1858, pp. 467–9). CD was testing the sensitivity of radicles (embryonic roots) by attaching tiny squares of card to one side of the tip; in optimal conditions, the roots moved away from the card, thus confirming their irritability (see letter to Francis Darwin, 6 [ July 1878] and n. 4). Getting the pieces of card to stay in place was a challenge; CD later found that sandpaper adhered more effectively (Movement of plants, p. 133). George Howard Darwin’s sketches of the roots of maize (Zea mays) are in DAR 209.5: 200–3. In Movement of plants, p. 8, CD acknowledged George’s help with illustrations. Thalia dealbata (powdery alligator-flag) is in the family Marantaceae (arrowroot) but CD described it as in the Cannaceae (Movement of plants, p. 389); it is native to North America. CD’s notes on movement of the pistil in flowers of T. dealbata, dated from 9 to 20 July [1878], are in DAR 209.13: 1–11. The journal Nature was published weekly. Bernard Darwin was Francis Darwin’s son; he had lived with CD and Emma Darwin at Down House since the death of his mother, Amy Darwin, in September 1876. William and Sara Darwin were visiting at the time of this letter (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). See letter from Francis Darwin, [before 7 July 1878] and n. 5. Francis had sent a work by Theophil Ciesielski and mentioned that Sachs did not think work in cutting sections of cotyledons to determine whether cells on the concave side of a bent stem were smaller than those on the convex side would give worthwhile results.

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To William Spottiswoode   7 July [1878]1 July 7 To W. Spottiswoode My dear Mr Sp. I hope that you will excuse me troubling you with a question, busy as you must now be. A Mr Pinker has written to me that Mr Willett wishes to pay for & present, a bust of me to the R. Institution; & that he had seen you & that the Institution is willing to accept the bust.—2 The whole affair is a mystery to me; for I never saw Mr W. & cannot conceive why he wishes to present my bust to the R. Institution, with which I have not the honour to be connected.; & I never heard of Mr Pinker, except in connection with this affair. Therefore will you kindly tell me how far the account is accurate. I do not know what to do; I hate the fatigue & loss of time from sitting; & yet it seems so ungracious to refuse.— If you could tell me that busts were accepted only of men who had served your excellent Institution, all wd be [simple sailing] for me.—3 Do you by any chance know anything of Mr Pinker & whether he is even a moderately good sculptor. Pray forgive me troubling you in my perplexity, & believe me ADraft DAR 202: 83 1 2 3

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from William Spottiswoode, 10 July 1878. Henry Willett does not appear to have any connection with the Royal Institution of Great Britain. Henry Richard Hope Pinker’s letter to CD had not been found. Spottiswoode was secretary of the Royal Institution (Proceedings of the Royal Institution of Great Britain 8 (1875–8): 668).

From Francis Darwin   [after 7 July 1878]1 Bot Institut. | Würzburg My dear Father, I have been horribly idle about sleeping plants for you but I will really have a good look   it is quite easy; I have seen a Zygophyllum fabago which sleeps pretty well 2 leaflets moving vertically upwards.2 Porliera seems to be a different species; the twig you sent has very much the look of mine but has only 8 or 9 prs of leaflets & that gives it a dumpy look compared with yrs.3 I havn’t made it out properly— It certainly sleeps— twigs in water in the diffused light of this room are open all morning & shut early about 3   They were open in a dark cupboard after about 24 hrs. A twig kept quite under water in blazing sun out of doors is open when the plant in bed has shut leaves. Under a bell glass in a glass of water & standing in a plate of water it remained open in full sunlight   It seems to me it must depend on dampness but I half think it depends on being richly supplied with water, as a twig is in a a glass of water; as mine does not seem the same species I will try some more things.

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The oats have only just begun to germinate I shall do some to day—4 Sachs5 made a calculation & said that at the most the little tip that appears at first could 6 only manufacture make 1000 of a milligramm dry weight in a day by assimilating; (a 1 th milligramm = 70 grain). Germinating seeds do not gain in weight he says. PM   I have cut sections of a young oat 15th inch above the ground—& it has chlorophyll in it, Sachs looked & said it was chlorophyll but rather yellow, & therefore not fully developed: Only 4 or 5 oats have come up as yet & this was the smallest—I can get younger ones tomorrow morning I hope—sections is much better than alcohol which I always thought bosh. Since writing about Porliera this morning I found another Porliera same species but in a pot & not in open ground & its leaves were wide open while the one in ground were shut. Sachs on theoretical grounds says the one in the bed gets more water, but I asked the gardener privately & he on practical grounds says he waters the pot-plant every day & never the bedded out one. Yr affec son | F Darwin Many thanks about my proofs I will write to printers about 50 copies at once6 DAR 209.7: 157 CD annotations 1.1 I have been … glass of water 1.12] crossed blue crayon 1.2 I have seen … upwards. 1.3] double scored red crayon 1.2 Zygophyllum fabago] underl red crayon 2.1 The oats] pencil, opening square bracket red crayon 2.1 The oats … bosh. 3.5] ‘(Use of heliotropism)’ pencil, square brackets in ms 4.1 Since … found] underl blue crayon 4.1 Since … out one. 4.5] crossed blue crayon 4.1 another Porliera] opening square bracket red crayon 4.4 I asked … out one. 4.5] double scored blue crayon Top of p.  2: ‘(I do not think I have said anything about function of circumnutation of Cotyledons & Hypocotyls’ pencil 1 2 3

4

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to Francis Darwin, 7 [ July 1878]. Zygophyllum fabago is the Syrian beancaper. CD had sent Francis a twig taken from the plant he had borrowed from the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (letter to Francis Darwin, 6 [ July 1878]); it had been referred to as Porliera hygrometrica (Outwards book, p. 463, Archives, Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew; see also letter from Francis Darwin, [22 June 1878], n. 6). Plants identified as Porliera hygrometrica growing in Würzburg seemed to behave differently from the plant CD had received from Kew (see letter from Francis Darwin, [29 June] 1878, and letter to Francis Darwin, 7 [ July 1878] and n. 2). Porlieria hygrometrica is an unresolved name that has been used to refer to both P. hygrometra and P. chilensis; it is likely, based on the description of the leaflets, that CD’s specimen was the species now recognised as P. hygrometra, while the Würzburg plants were P. chilensis. Francis’s notes, dated between 12 and 26 July 1878, recording the movements of both specimens of Porlieria from the Würzburg garden, are in DAR 209.14: 110–11. CD had asked Francis to measure the diameter of the cells of the pulvini of cotyledons of oats (Avena sativa) and to try to determine whether the cotyledons contained chlorophyll (see letters to Francis Darwin, 26 June [1878] and 2 July [1878]).

July 1878 5 6

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Julius Sachs. CD had checked the proofs of Francis’s paper on the nutrition of Drosera rotundiflolia (F. Darwin 1878a), and recommended that Francis ask for more offprints (letter to Francis Darwin, 2 July [1878]).

From R. A. Blair to the Smithsonian Institution   10 July 1878 Sedalia Mo. July 10. 1878. Dear Sir, Upon the request of Mr. Cha.s Darwin, I have prepared a small box of specimen Goose wings in alcohol, bearing on a case of Transmission of Effects of injury. He directs me to address them Prof. Flower Royal Col. Surgeons, Lincoln’s Inn Fields London which I have done—1 Will you be kind enough to forward them, through the Institution? They are in Alcohol well packed & marked, in wooden box 14 x 8 x 4 inches—2 I will be pleased to deliver the pckge in Washington prepaid. Hoping to receive your favorable reply I remain | Very Truly | Your obdt Servt | R. A. Blair | Sedalia | MO. Box 451. American Philosophical Society (B/D25.20) 1 2

See letter to R. A. Blair, 14 April 1878. William Henry Flower was curator of the Hunterian Museum and Hunterian Professor of comparative anatomy at the Royal College of Surgeons. The Smithsonian Institution in Washington DC had established a worldwide exchange system with other scientific institutions by negotiating deals with several steamship companies for free transport and obtaining the co-operation of the United States and foreign governments to admit Smithsonian packages duty-free. The use of the system for specimens began to be curtailed in the 1870s but it continued to operate for publications well into the twentieth century. See Craig 2004, pp. 8–9.

To G. H. Darwin   10 [ July 1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. 10th My dear George I am so much interested in the Thalia, that I shd. be very glad of sketch of pistil, just beginning to curve & & another sketch of pistil naturally wound up into spire.—2 I know it is a shame to ask you, as you are working on such much more important subjects.— The specs are in spirits & water & will keep for a few days. It will be impossible for you to do it, unless you can borrow microscope with very weak simple lens. I send diagram of the more interesting specimen, which was almost killed with Prussic acid, so that pistil would move a little from the enfolding petal when I dissected away

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all the petal except the enfolding one.—3 I cannot yet make out positively what keeps it in place. The 2 transverse nectaries are important; & so is a little white fold at base of lower nectary. The Pistil rises from middle of Ovarium—base of petal of course on one side.— The rectangularly bent summit of pistil, which is seen obliquely in the position shown in diagram, is very complex— If you can, you may afterwards cut it off & draw it from above or any other position.— On summit there is white knob (in front of concavity in which the pollen is lodged) which I believe is the stigma, with a second stigma in the deep cavity below.— The second spec.  shows pistil & enfolding petal after it had exploded from a touch to tip of nectary with pistil wound into a spire.— Whether you will succeed is a mere chance; but you will fail without microscope Yours affectly | C. Darwin DAR 210.1: 69 1 2

3

The month and year are established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to Francis Darwin, 7 [ July 1878]. George often provided drawings for CD’s botanical research (see Movement in plants, p. 8). CD was interested in determining whether the pistil of Thalia dealbata (powdery alligator-flag) was itself irritable or whether its movement was purely mechanical (see letter to Francis Darwin, 7 [ July 1878]). For George’s diagram, see the enclosure to the letter from G. H. Darwin, 12 July 1878. CD’s diagram has not been found. CD’s notes on the application of various acids including prussic (hydrocyanic) acid are in DAR 209.13: 2–11.

From W. E. Darwin   10 July [1878]1 Bank July 10 My dear Father I took Mr (not Dr) Marsh to the photographer’s shop, & bought one by Mrs C. for him & he bought another.2 A parcel will be at Orpington in a day or so containing the 2 photographs and a gray paper mount He wants you to sign on the gray mounted photoph. and also on the separate gray mount, and then return all three to him at: Palace Hotel Buckingham Gate London He is a pleasant man & I hope to see the collection when I am over.3 There 2 busts by Pinker at the Academy; he seems to me to be able to make a good likeness of his model, but I should say he was quite common place without being vulgar.4 We had two very pleasant Days at Down only I wish Sara had been brisk5 | Your affect son | W. E. Darwin I send a pamphlet on6 You owe me 11s/6d7

July 1878

281

Cornford Family Papers (private collection) CD annotation Top of letter: ‘M | Charl | Charles’ ink 1 2

3

4

5 6 7

The year is established by the references to Othniel Charles Marsh and Henry Richard Hope Pinker (see nn. 2 and 4, below). Marsh had visited Down on 9 July 1878, when Sara and William Erasmus Darwin were also there; William left Down on the 9th, possibly with Marsh (n. 5, below, and letter to O. C. Marsh, 5 July [1878]). The photograph of CD purchased by William for Marsh was probably the one taken by Julia Margaret Cameron. Marsh, professor of palaeontology at Yale University, had inherited a fortune from his uncle George Peabody in 1869; this allowed him to amass a spectacular collection of fossils. Before this, Marsh had persuaded Peabody to fund a museum at Yale; Marsh, who became the Peabody Museum’s director, donated his personal collection to the museum in 1898. (ANB.) William and Sara Darwin sailed for the US on 14 September 1878 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). Pinker hoped to sculpt a bust of CD for the Royal Institution of Great Britain (see letter to William Spottiswoode, 7  July [1878]). He had trained at the Royal Academy of Arts and exhibited work in the summer exhibitions held there (Mapping the practice and profession of sculpture in Britain and Ireland 1851–1951, http://sculpture.gla.ac.uk (accessed 15 February 2017)). According to Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242), Sara and William arrived in Down on 5 July; William left on 9 July and Sara on 10 July. William refers to Sara’s being slightly unwell. The pamphlet has not been identified. This was possibly the cost of the photograph by Cameron (see n. 2, above). According to Cameron’s price catalogue of 1868, the cost of her portrait photographs ranged from 7s. 6d. to around 14s., with autographed ones selling for more (see J. Cox and Ford 2003, p. 3).

To W. D. Fox   10 July 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) July 10th 1878 My dear Fox I was indeed grieved to see yesterday in the Times the great loss which you have suffered.1 I know well what misery this loss will cause to your affectionate disposition & to poor Mrs. Fox.2 Emma desires me to say how much she sympathises with you both. It is no use whatever my writing; but I could not endure not to do so.— I hope she did not suffer much. Do not write to me, unless doing something is a little relief to you. God bless you my dear old friend. I hope you & Mrs Fox are fairly well in bodily health. Yours affectionately | Charles Darwin University of British Columbia Library, Rare Books and Special Collections (Pearce/Darwin Fox collection RBSC-ARC-1721-10-03) 1 2

The death of Fox’s 25-year-old daughter Theodora was announced in The Times, 9 July 1878, p. 1. Ellen Sophia Fox.

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From William Spottiswoode   10 July 1878 Combe Bank | Sevenoaks 10 July 1878 Dear Mr Darwin, I am very sorry that you have been troubled by this Mr Pinker; especially as we hoped that we had prevented his applying to you.—1 He wrote some time ago to the managers of the R.I. to the effect that a Mr Willett of Brighton had commissioned him to execute a bust of you, which would be presented to the R.I, if the managers would use their influence to induce you to sit, & would accept the work when completed. The managers (having no knowledge of the sculptor, nor any communication from Mr Willet) declined to interfere in the matter. In fact they looked upon the whole project as one originating with Mr Pinker for his own purposes. Mr Pinker called upon me after receiving his answer; & I then verbally explained that the managers did not thereby decline beforehand to accept any offer of a donation, or to receive any work of his; but that they did not think it right without very strong reason to intrude upon your time & privacy which are so essential to your health & to science.—2 This he has transformed into something else.— The RI. would of course be proud to possess a bust of you; but we do not think that this is the way to go to work; & I strongly counsel your having nothing to do with it. very sincerely yrs | W Spottiswoode DAR 177: 237 1

2

See letter to William Spottiswoode, 7 July [1878] and n. 2. Henry Richard Hope Pinker hoped to be commissioned by Henry Willett to produce a bust of CD for the Royal Institution of Great Britain. Pinker later made the statue of Darwin for the court of the Oxford Museum of Natural History (see ‘The statues in the court’, http://www.oum.ox.ac.uk/learning/pdfs/statues.pdf (accessed 19 October 2017)). Spottiswoode was secretary of the Royal Institution (Proceedings of the Royal Institution of Great Britain 8 (1875–8): 668).

From G. H. Darwin   [before 11 July 1878]1 6 Q. A. St | Cav. Sq. Dear Father, I have seen the Belgian Bulletin— it is only a short report of the referees on the paper. I can see that Lagrange (who they speak of as a young man) is tackling the subject in a fundamentally different way from me— in fact his work is very different but yet sufficiently on the same subject for me to be glad to finish off my work.2 I think from the way he is attacking it that my problem will be solved infinitely more precisely & thoroughly than his & I think it exceedingly unlikely that he will have found out all that I have done. I daresay however he’ll find out some of what I miss. His work appears to be much more one of theoretical dynamics. I’m delighted at this. Yrs affec | G H Darwin Uncle Ras brisk3

July 1878

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t Good acc. of A.t Fanny4

DAR 210.2: 68 1 2

3

4

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to G. H. Darwin, 11 [ July 1878]. George had been alarmed to discover that Charles Henri Lagrange was doing similar astronomical work to his (see letter from G. H. Darwin, [30 June 1878] and n. 2). Reports on Lagrange’s paper on the origin of astronomical movements (Lagrange 1877–8) were given at a meeting of the Royal Academy of Belgium on 2 March 1878, and printed in Bulletins de l’Academie royale des sciences, des lettres et des beauxarts de Belgique 2d ser. 45 (1878): 148–54. George was staying with Erasmus Alvey Darwin at 6 Queen Anne Street, Cavendish Square, London; Erasmus had attributed his recent bout of ill health to eating green peas (letter from G. H. Darwin, [30 June 1878]). Frances Emma Elizabeth Wedgwood.

To G. H. Darwin   11 [ July 1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. 11th My dear George I cannot tell you how I rejoice that the Lagrange’s case does not seem very bad—2 I feel sure that two men working on something analogous is an advantage, as far more likely to attract the attention of astronomers.— I am working hard at Thalia & enjoy dissecting & microscope & have recovered some handiness.3 I have managed by cutting away all petals & organs except the enfolding one to feel sure this is the retainer & I am almost certain it is a case of true sensitiveness like that of Dionæa.—4 The cavity is the true stigma, for I found many pollen-tubes there deeply inserted; whereas the pollen-grains in the receptacle on the white sticky mass had not once exserted a tube. This sticky matter is merely a means to retain the pollen in the receptacle, after it has been scooped out of the anther.—5 Hurrah for the sticky stigma & the sticky or viscous bowels of the earth—6 Yours | C. D. DAR 210.1: 70 1 2 3

4 5

6

The month and year are established by the reference to Thalia dealbata (see n. 3, below). George had been worried that his work on astronomical movement might be pre-empted by Charles Henri Lagrange (see letter from G. H. Darwin, [before 11 July 1878]). CD had asked George to make drawings of the pistils in specimens of Thalia dealbata (powdery alligator-flag) that he had sent him (see letter to G. H. Darwin, 10 [ July 1878]). CD was interested in determining whether the pistil was itself irritable or whether its movement was purely mechanical (see letter to Francis Darwin, 7 [ July 1878]). Dionaea muscipula is the Venus fly trap. CD suspected that the pistil itself of Thalia dealbata was irritable. CD had described the the pistil as ‘rectangularly bent’ with at its summit a white pollen-filled knob that he identified as a stigma, and with a second stigma in a cavity below the bend (see letter to G. H. Darwin, 10 [ July 1878]). George was probably working on his paper ‘On the precession of a viscous spheroid, and on the history of a remote earth’, received by the Royal Society of London on 22 July, in which he treated

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the earth as a viscous body subject to disturbances from both the moon and the sun; his calculations indicated that enormous periods of time would be required for the evolution of the planetary system (G. H. Darwin 1878d).

From Francis Darwin   [12 July 1878]1 Botanisches Institut My dear Father I cut sections of an oat 3 mm above the ground & it was about as green as the 5 mm one. Sachs couldn’t exactly say whether it could assimilate, but it would want light to fully develope its chlorophyll just as much as it wants light to make starch out of its perfect chlorophyll.2 I have been round the hot houses & plants out side 2 or 3 times & have found some sleepers we have not had, but no new principle—3 I will look at them all again & describe them better to you. Cassia baccata 4 leaflets which turn outside in like our Cassia Adenantha pavonina (Legumin)   Leaflets drop & turn edgwise ie not quite outside in— Tamarindus indicus— leaflets shut upwards Bauhinia Richardiana (Leg) 2 large leaflets—drop Ligophyllum Guaiacum— has joints & ought to shut like Arachis but is v. unhealthy Indigofera tinctoria leaflets drop simply " Tejsmanni Edwardsia chrysophylla sleeps like Mimosa but I dont know whether 2ndy petioles close up. Albizzia lophantha I think we had only the generic name was different. It sleeps pretty much like Mimosa like Oxalis floribundus —"— Regnilli Acetosella also O vespertilionis which has odd leaflets so O rusciformis has leaflike foot-stalks but no little leaves at the end   I am not sure yet whether it sleeps.4 I am nearly sure Gossypium sleeps, simply dropping the leaf downwards— several more Acacias & Coesalpinas I have only seen in the day.5 Besides my wood experiments which are rather failures but now today I have at last got a good method Sachs has set me at climbing plants he wants to prove that tendrils & twisters behave in the same way— But I must write you a letter about that alone   He thinks de Vries has not cleared everything up— The fact is as Sachs says himself Sachs has never worked at twiners himself & has not thoroughly gone into the mechanical problems6

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Please thank Bessy for her very nice letter—& tell her & mother I will write a real letter tomorrow7 Yr affc son | F Darwin ჹ Please send me the address of the American Printing Machine   Semper has writers palsy in his right hand & thought they cost more than £20 or he would have got one before.8 DAR 209.1: 156–7, DAR 209.14: 88 CD annotations 1.1 I cut … chlorophyll. 1.4] crossed ink; ‘Copied’ added ink; enclosed in square brackets blue crayon 2.1 I have … outside in like 3.1] crossed pencil 3.5 Bauhinia … drop] crossed pencil 3.8 Indigofera tinctoria] scored pencil 3.9 Tejsmanni] scored pencil 3.12 Albizzia lophantha] ‘ = Acacia’ added pencil 6.1 Besides … F Darwin 8.1] crossed pencil; ‘9 33 – 12–6 | 51 [‘1’ over ‘0’] 14’ pencil 9.1 Please ... before. 9.3] crossed blue crayon Top of letter: ‘Chlorophyll in seedlings & Sleep of Plants | July 12[‘2’ over ‘0’]th 1878’ pencil; ‘Light | & | Sleep’ blue crayon 1 2 3 4

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The date is established by CD’s copy of the first paragraph of this letter, labelled ‘Frank July 12th 1878’, in his notes (DAR 209.7: 158). The cotyledon of oats that Francis had previously examined had yellow chlorophyll; Julius Sachs had concluded the chlorophyll was not fully developed. See letter from Francis Darwin, [after 7 July 1878]. By ‘no new principle’ Francis probably means that he has not found a plant whose sleep movements differ in any way from those of plants that he has already mentioned. Cassia baccata is an unknown combination. ‘Our Cassia’ may refer to Cassia neglecta (a synonym of Senna neglecta), a species that CD had studied in June 1878 (notes dated 9–14 June [1878], DAR 209.6 41–5). Adenanthera pavonina is the red beadtree (‘Adenantha’ is a misspelling). Tamarindus indicus (a synonym of Tamarindus indica) is tamarind. Ligophyllum guaiacum is an unknown combination; the genus Guaiacum is in the family Zygophyllaceae (caltrop). Indigofera tinctoria is true indigo; I. teysmannii is a synonym of I. zollingeriana (Zollinger’s indigo). Edwardsia chrysophylla is a synonym of Sophora chrysophylla (mamani). Albizia lophantha is a synonym of Paraserianthes lophantha (plume albizia); Francis may have known it as Acacia lophantha, another synonym. Mimosa is the genus of sensitive plants. Oxalis floribunda (‘floribundus’ is a misspelling) is abundant flowering wood sorrel; O. regnellii is a synonym of O. triangularis (false shamrock); O. acetosella is a synonym of O. montana (mountain wood sorrel); O. vespertilionis is a synonym of O. latifolia (broadleaf wood sorrel); Oxalis rusciformis (an unresolved name) is winged oxalis. Gossypium is the genus of cotton; Francis’s notes on sleep in G. maritimum and G. brasilense (both synonyms of G. barbadense, Creole cotton) are in DAR 209.14: 33. Caesalpinia is the genus of nicker and poinciana. The genus Acacia as it was defined at this time is now often split into five related genera: Acacia (mostly limited to Australian species), Vachellia, Senegalia, Acaciella, and Mariosousa (see Bouchenak-Khelladi et al. 2010). Francis was testing the elasticity of wet and dry wood (see letter from Francis Darwin, [before 7 July 1878]). CD had acknowledged Hugo de Vries’s work on climbing plants in the second edition of Climbing plants, and endorsed De Vries’s conclusion that twining stems were not irritable whereas tendrils were (Climbing plants 2d ed., pp. 16–17, 170–1, and 204). Neither Elizabeth Darwin’s letter to Francis Darwin nor Francis’s letter to Elizabeth and Emma Darwin has been found. CD had purchased a typewriter in 1876; it cost £21 (Correspondence vol. 24, letter from Francis Darwin, [1 May 1876] and n. 4). Carl Gottfried Semper was professor and director of the Zoological Institute in Würzburg. Writer’s palsy was a term that emerged in the mid nineteenth century to describe the spasm or cramp that resulted from excessive use of the muscles of the hand due to writing (OED).

286 From G. H. Darwin   12 July 1878

July 1878 Trin Coll. July 12 78

My dear Father, I enclose the drawings I have made.1 The poisoned specimen withered up so quick that it was all shrivelled before I could put in the shading & therefore the complex folding of the petal near the base of the nectaries is not done quite so well as I cd. wish—as I had to work from memory. It is rather better in the second one, wh. seemed to survive drying much better. I borrowed a microscope from F. B & used a pretty high power so that I cd’nt see the whole of it at once.2 I drew what I thought I saw as well as I cd but it was’nt very easy & I only hope it has hit off the right thing pretty fairly. I don’t the least understand the working of it or how on earth the bees get at those curious nectaria   You must explain it when I come home. If you want any more drawings please send them. I don’t think it has taken me more than 3 or 4 hours to do those six. I have got several new ideas in my work—there seems no end to it—but they are luckily little things, wh I can despatch in a few words 3 Yours affec. | G H Darwin [Enclosure 1]

the elbow is much smaller on this side

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[Enclosure 2]

view with petal removed DAR 209.13: 14–15, DAR 210.2: 69 CD annotations Enclosure 1: Top of page: ‘Edge of petal more serrated’ pencil Beside upper right-hand diagram: ‘upper nectary shorter than lower’ pencil the elbow … side] ‘too prominent’ added above, pencil Below lower right-hand diagram: ‘Whole thing too prominent’ pencil Enclosure 2: Top of page: ‘Edge of petal more serrated’ pencil Below left-hand diagram: ‘Upper nectary shorter’ pencil Upper right-hand diagram: ‘too prominent’ inserted by elbow, pencil Beside lower right-hand diagram: ‘Very good’ pencil Bottom of page: ‘Whilst held within perianth stigma & anthers vertical’ pencil 1 2 3

CD had sent George specimens of the floral organs of Thalia dealbata (powdery alligator-flag) to observe under the microscope and draw (see letter to G. H. Darwin, 10 [ July 1878]). Francis Maitland Balfour was professor of animal morphology at Cambridge University and, like George, a fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge. George was probably working on his paper on the precession of a viscous spheroid (G. H. Darwin 1878d; see letter to G. H. Darwin, 11 [ July 1878] and n. 6).

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To G. H. Darwin   13 [ July 1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. 13th My dear George. I am greatly obliged for the drawings— some will do very well, but a few little alterations are requisite; which I can explain when at home.2 I will keep some specimens in spirits— I suspect one part has greatly swollen from the action of water & spirits; but the next fresh specimens which I get I will compare carefully with your drawings.— From want of time I do not think I shall write my paper on Thalia till the autumn, so there is no hurry— I had intended writing it at once. I very sorry to have cost you so many hours work.3 Your affect. Father | C. Darwin I am very tired so no more.— DAR 210.1: 71 1 2

3

The month and year are established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from G. H. Darwin, 12 July 1878. CD had asked George to make drawings of specimens of Thalia dealbata (powdery alligator-flag) that had been kept in spirits (see letter to G. H. Darwin, 10 [ July 1878], and letter from G. H. Darwin, 12 July 1878). There are annotations by CD on the drawings made by George; see enclosure to letter from G. H. Darwin, 12 July 1878. Making six drawings had taken George three to four hours (letter from G. H. Darwin, 12 July 1878).

To Francis Darwin   14 July [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. July 14th My dear F. Many thanks for all you have done for me.— Keep notes— Why I wish to know about sleeping plants is to give list of Families, as I have observed a good many new cases.—2 My Porliera has had no water for some time, but shows no sign of flagging.3 I have been intending for some time & hope tomorrow to enclose a twig, still on the tree, in bottle with quick-lime, to see effects of locally very dry air. I have been working very hard all the week, chiefly at Thalia, & at last I have made out whole mechanism: it is a wonderful case— the excitement from a touch spreads from 2 filaments over nectar (which filaments are prolongations of a petal or strictly a staminoid) to the pistil, which instantly (certainly as quickly as Dionæa) curls up into a spire, sweeps the bristle to the opposite side of flower, covering it with pollen, & holding it in a special fold or notch. Just as with Catasetum I cd never help jumping when the pollinia were ejected, so here the sudden snap with which the pistil coils up always makes me jump.4 I have now observed the movements of a score of leaves & of many sleepers, so as to compare the nature of their movements, & it is clear to me that sleep is merely modified circumnutation at a particular time of the day.—

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You know some leading shoots are always hooked & I have been observing how they straighten themselves: this again is circumnutation with an excess of movement on the under side of the bowed or convex part. Does not Pfeffer call this hynasty & epinasty or some such names? If you can, do talk about this movement of Pfeffer with Sachs;— it does not seem to me to deserve a special name.—5 Lastly I have a good case with Acacia retinoides of leaves from which bloom had been removed in February being attacked with black smut.6 I hope that you get on with German & profit in many ways from what you see in the Institut.— How nice it will be to have you home again. Bernard is very sweet & pretty.7 Ever yours affect | C. Darwin I send Nature8 P.S. Horace suggests that you ask permission to water copiously the plant of Porliera which is out of doors & see if it will then keep awake all day.—9 P.S. | Very many thanks about Sleepers just received— The great thing is fresh Families. I have a Malvaceous plant, but not genus Gossypium so this wd be valuable fact if it sleeps— Do not waste time abt more Leguminosæ unless you see something remarkable & new—10 I do not see that any one (except you occasionally) uses the machine. It is an ugly object in the Smoking Room & I shd. think it a very good thing for me to send it as a present to Sachs   You decide.— I am sure that I shall never endure to have my M.S. copied— Horace does not object to its being given.— All this is written under a mistake— I thought it was Sachs & I see it is Semper— Nevertheless I shd not at all object to give it to Semper— If you decide so, (I do not care an atom about it) it ought to be cleaned & despatched & packed by makers11 DAR 211: 35, 36, 39 1 2

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The year is established by the reference to Porlieria (see n. 3, below). Francis had sent some observations on sleeping plants and a list of species that slept (see letters from Francis Darwin, [after 7 July 1878] and [12 July 1878]). CD gave a list of the families of plants that slept (i.e. closed up leaf-blades or leaflets at night) in Movement in plants, pp. 320–1. A plant of Porlieria hygrometrica was sent to Down on 5 July 1878 (Outwards book, p. 463, Archives, Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew). Francis, after seeing a twig of CD’s plant, had questioned whether the plants in Würzburg and CD’s specimen were the same species, based on the differences in leaf morphology as well as the differences in behaviour (see letter to Francis Darwin, [after 7 July 1878] and n. 3). For CD’s observations on the floral structure of Thalia dealbata (powery alligator-flag), see the letter to Francis Darwin, 7 [ July 1878], the letters to G. H. Darwin, 10 [ July 1878] and 11 [ July 1878], and the letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 14 July [1878]. Dionaea muscipula is the Venus fly trap. CD had described the ejection of the pollinia in three species of the orchid genus Catasetum in Orchids, pp. 212–27. It was not Wilhelm Pfeffer but Hugo de Vries who used the terms hyponasty and epinasty to denote the greater longitudinal growth along the lower or upper side of a plant part that caused upward or downward bending respectively (Vries 1872, p. 252). CD later adopted the terms because they were so often used in Germany (Movement in plants, p. 6). Francis was working in Julius Sachs’s laboratory in Würzburg in the summer of 1878. CD and Francis were carrying out experiments on the protective function of bloom on plants (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). Acacia retinoides is swamp wattle.

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Bernard Darwin was Francis’s son. CD evidently sent the weekly issues of the journal Nature to Francis (see letter to Francis Darwin, 7 [ July 1878] and n. 5). Horace Darwin’s suggestion was in response to Francis’s observation that an unwatered Porlieria hygrometrica planted in the ground in Würzburg slept much of the time in contrast to a well-watered potted plant kept indoors (see n. 3, above). See letter from Francis Darwin, [12 July 1878]. Gossypium is the genus of cotton in the family Malvaceae (mallows). CD was interested in fresh families because he and Francis had already studied several genera within the Leguminosae (a synonym of Fabaceae, the family of peas and beans). Francis had mentioned that Carl Gottfried Semper wanted to buy a typewriter like the one CD owned (letter from Francis Darwin, [12 July 1878]). Horace Darwin had been so enthusiastic about the typewriter when it was first purchased that he considered getting one for himself (letter from Horace Darwin to G. H. Darwin, 1 May 1876 (DAR 258: 860)).

To G. H. Darwin   14 [ July 1878] 1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. 14th. My dear George I write to say that the chief point in the drawings in which I thought that you were mistaken proves that I had not seen properly a very important point.2 Very slight alteration wd make the drawings perfect, & they must have been awfully difficult to do, especially the spiral pistil. I have had a grand morning’s work, & now venture to say that I understand the mechanism completely & it is as wonderful a case as Catasetum.3 Much which I said in former note to you proves to be erroneous.4 I have prepared some other specimens, namely a flower split open & pinned to cork—& another flower for outlines as seen from vertically above, which has caught a bristle firmly; & I hope these will keep in spirits till you come home. With your aid I shall make a good paper.— Ever yours | C. Darwin DAR 210.1: 72 1 2

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The month and year are established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from G. H. Darwin, 12 July 1878. George had sent CD drawings of Thalia dealbata (powdery alligator-flag), but CD had not thought them accurate in all respects (see letter to G. H. Darwin, 13 [ July 1878]). For the drawings and CD’s annotations on them, see the enclosure to the letter from G. H. Darwin, 12 July 1878. The means by which Thalia dealbata ensured cross-fertilisation is described more fully by CD in his letter to Francis Darwin, 14 July [1878]; for CD’s remarks on the orchid genus Catasetum (subtribe Catasetinae), see Orchids 2d ed., pp. 178–208. CD had described what he thought were two stigmas at the summit of the pistil in his letter to George of 10 [ July 1878], but corrected this impression in his letter of 11 [ July 1878], where he noted that pollen tubes were only present in the cavity (the true stigma), while pollen that adhered to the receptacle above it had not exserted any tubes.

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To O. C. Marsh   14 July [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. July 14th Dear Dr. Marsh I send the two Photographs, & feel honoured by your wish to have them.2 I enjoyed most thoroughily your short visit here.3 Long life to you, & if possible greater success than before in your splendid scientific work.— Yours very sincerely | Charles Darwin Charles Darwin | Charles Darwin | Charles Darwin | Charles Darwin | Charles Darwin4 Yale University Library: Manuscripts and Archives (O. C. Marsh Papers (MS 343) Series 1, Box 8, folder 327) 1 2 3 4

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from W. E. Darwin, 10 July [1878]. William Erasmus Darwin had sent two photographs of CD that Marsh wished to have, and requested that they be sent to Marsh after CD had signed them (see letter from W. E. Darwin 10 July [1878]). Marsh had visited Down on 9 July 1878 (letter to O. C. Marsh, 5 July [1878]). Three additional signatures are on the back of the letter and two are on a separate sheet; CD possibly sent them as autographs for Marsh.

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   14 July [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. July 14th My dear Dyer Thalia dealbata was sent me from Kew— it has flowered & after looking casually at the flowers, they have driven me almost mad & I have worked at them for a week:— it is as grand a case as that of Catasetum.2 Pistil vigorously motile, (so that whole flower shakes when pistil suddenly coils up.) when excited by a touch the two filaments produced laterally & transversely across the flower (just over the nectar) from one of the petals or modified stamens. It is splendid to watch the phenomenon under a weak power when a bristle is inserted into a young flower which no insect has visited. As far as I know Stylidium is sole case of sensitive pistil & here it is the pistil & stamens.3 In Thalia cross-fertilisation is ensured by the wonderful movement, if bees visit several flowers. I have now relieved my mind & will tell the purpose of this note—viz if any other species of Thalia besides T. dealbata shd. flower with you, for the love of Heaven & all the Saints, send me a few in tin-box with damp moss,4 Your insane friend | Ch. Darwin Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Thiselton-Dyer, W. T., Letters from Charles Darwin 1873–81: 135–6)

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July 1878

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 16 July 1878. A plant of Thalia dealbata (powdery alligator-flag) had been sent to CD from the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, on 3 July 1877 (Outwards book, Archives, Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew). On 7 July 1878, CD began to investigate the mechanism developed by the flower to ensure cross-fertilisation (see letter to Francis Darwin, 7 [ July 1878]. For CD’s remarks on the similar mechanism in plants in the orchid genus Casasetum, see Orchids 2d ed., p. 179. Stylidium is the genus of trigger plants; the column (fused male and female organs) is elongated and bent, with a trigger-like action when touched. Thalia species are native to the Americas and Africa; no other species of the genus was recorded as being sent from Kew.

From Francis Darwin   [after 14 July 1878]1 My dear Father, I think it would be an excellent thing to give the machine to Semper.2 I will give him the address but ask him not to order one till I or he hear from you again.3 I needn’t say you want to give it—he may imagine that there is another better kind you are inquiring about or anything— A letter from you would present it so much better than anything I could say— I must rush to catch post— | Yrs affec | F. D. his address is Ludwigstrasse DAR 274.1: 48 1 2 3

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to Francis Darwin, 14 July [1878]. CD wished to give his typewriter to Carl Gottfried Semper (see letter to Francis Darwin, 14 July [1878] and n. 11). Francis had initially asked CD for the address of the typewriter suppliers so that Semper could order a machine for himself (see letter from Francis Darwin, [12 July 1878]).

To Francis Darwin   15 [ July 1878]1 M. Marc Micheli has sent you a nor of Bib. Univ. Archives Sc. Phy & Nat. containing long report of Phys. Bot. for 1877.— seems very good & full, with report of your work.— I will keep it for a week to read & then send it you.2 I send Nature see to Thompson on strains & sent last week.3 15th— AL incomplete? DAR 211: 24 1

The month and year are established by the reference to the Nature article on strains (see n. 3, below).

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Micheli’s article, ‘Revue des principales publications de physiologie végétale en 1877’ (Review of the principal publications on plant physiology in 1877; Micheli 1878), was published in Archives des sciences physiques et naturelles, 15 April 1878. Micheli referred to F. Darwin 1878a and 1877b (see Micheli 1878, pp. 41–2, 44–5). An abstract of a paper by George Howard Darwin (G. H. Darwin 1878b) in which George referred to William Thomson’s investigation of the bodily tides of an elastic sphere appeared in Nature, 4 July 1878, pp. 265–6. George’s work focused on calculations of the strains of an elastic solid and the flow of a viscous fluid.

From Thomas Whitelegge   15 July 1878 58 Hillgate St | Hurst Brook | Ashton. u. Lyne July 15/78 Dear Sir I enclose with this note Speciemens of Stachys Germanica. Linn.  with small female flowers and ordinary Hermaphrodite ones.1 I have examined some of the flowers and I find that the stamens are very much reduced appearing like small scale like processes. I am not aware that this species has been described in this condition. They have been grown in our little Botanic Garden, seed came from Kew2 Since I sent you Ranunculus repens, I have found R. bulbosus in a Gynodioecious condition at Millers Dale Derbyshire on the 8th of June3 Just one word about R. acris4 While staying at Cleethorpes in Lincolnshire I saw the plant in abundance but failed to find any with small flowers which struck me as being very remarkable as they are so very abundant about our district. Hoping I am not tresspassing to much on your valueable time, I remain | Dear Sir Yours Truly | Thomas Whitelegge DAR 181: 95 1 2 3 4

CD listed Stachys germanica (downy woundwort) as a gynodioecious plant on Whitelegge’s authority in Forms of flowers 2d ed., p. xvii. Whitelegge was president of the Ashton-under-Lyne Linnean Botanical Society, which had been founded by working men (R. Desmond 1994). The garden probably belonged to the society. See letter from Thomas Whitelegge, 27 May 1878. Ranunculus repens is the creeping buttercup; R. bulbosus is the bulbous buttercup. Whitelegge had sent CD gynodioecious specimens of Ranunculus acris (meadow buttercup) from Northenden, near Manchester, in May (letter from Thomas Whitelegge, 16 May 1878). He later reported on ‘small flowered females’ of R. acris from Derbyshire (letter from Thomas Whitelegge, 21 May 1878).

To F. G. Stokes   16 July [1878] Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. July 16th. Dear Sir Through reflexion & by reading what little has been written on subject, I do not doubt but that you will find interesting points to observe.—1 I can think of only one point, & the possibility of attending to this will depend on your possessing an accurate musical ear, namely the various intonations, which young children utter, before

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July 1878

they can speak, & just after they have learned to do so.— Many of their sounds in different notes are highly expressive. Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin Postmark: JY 16 | 78 American Philosophical Society (541) 1

Stokes’s letter to CD has not been found.

From W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   16 July 1878 Royal Gardens Kew July 16. 1878 Dear Mr Darwin I was just on the point of writing to you to send inclosed seeds of Glossostigma just recd. from New Zealand. You may remember the account of the sensitive stigma of the plant in Nature.1 Diplacus glutinosus a near ally of Mimulus 〈has a〉 most splendidly sensitive stigma.2 My friend Prof. Church finds that it does not respond to a drop of water.3 He is working here in the laboratory on variegated leaves. He finds some extraordinary differences in the chemical constitution of the green and etiolated portions. The most singular is 〈the〉 high percentage of water in the living state. I inclose you some of his figures.4 We have no Thalia in flower just now but I have told Mr Lynch to look out.5 Most of the Marantaceæ seem to do something of the kind, and Mr Nicholson our Curator’s clerk has published some observations on Calathea in Gard. Chron. July 22, 76 p. 1126   There is also a paper which I daresay you know in the Botanische Zeitung for 1870 on Calathea7 Have you noticed in Gard. Chron. June 29. 78 p. 826 that Dr Masters mentions the revolving movement of the leading shoot of Abies Nordmanniana8 My conscience pricked me for having behaved rather churlishly but AL incomplete DAR 178: 103 CD annotations 4.5 on Calathea] after ‘p. 617’ interl pencil 5.1 Have … Nordmanniana 5.2] scored pencil; ‘611, 620 | 679’ added pencil, del pencil 6.1 My … but] crossed pencil Top of letter: ‘See to Hermann Müller’ ink; ‘for any other References’9 pencil 1

2

Thomas Frederick Cheeseman had sent an account of the irritability of the stigma of the New Zealand aquatic plant Glossostigma elatinoides to CD in October 1877; CD had forwarded the letter to Nature for publication (see Correspondence vol. 25, letter from T. F. Cheeseman, 23 October 1877; Nature, 27 December 1877, pp. 163–4). Diplacus glutinosus is a synonym of Diplacus aurantiacus ssp. aurantiacus (orange bush monkey-flower); its two stigma lobes close rapidly in response to touch. Mimulus is the genus of monkey-flowers.

July 1878 3 4

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Arthur Herbert Church was professor of chemistry at the Royal Agricultural College, Cirencester. Church carried out his research in the Jodrell Physiological Laboratory in the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, and presented the initial results of his work in a paper titled ‘A chemical study of vegetable albinism’ at the Chemical Society on 21 November 1878; the first part was published in 1879 (Nature, 28 November 1878, p. 90; Church 1879–86). The enclosure containing Church’s percentages of water in white and green leaves of the same age and grown in the same conditions has not been found, but his figures showing that white leaves contained more water than green ones were published in Church 1879–86, part 1, pp. 33–4. CD had requested that he be sent any species of Thalia in flower at Kew (see letter to W. T. ThiseltonDyer, 14 July [1878]). Richard Irwin Lynch was the foreman of the Kew propagation department. George Nicholson was clerk to the curator at Kew, John Smith. Nicholson’s paper in the Gardeners’ Chronicle, 22 July 1876, p. 112, was titled ‘On the fertilisation of the flowers of some Marantaceous plants’. Calathea is a genus of plants in the family Marantaceae. Friedrich Hildebrand had described his own detailed observations of the structure of the reproductive organs of Maranta zebrina (a synonym of Calathea zebrina, zebra-plant) in a review of the first part of Federico Delpino’s work on dichogamy (Delpino 1868–75; see Hildebrand 1870, pp. 617–19 and table 10, figs. 2–9). The Gardeners’ Chronicle, 29 June 1878, p. 826, reported that the movements of the leading shoot of the conifer Abies nordmanniana (Caucasian fir) were as vigorous in June 1878 as they had been when noticed the previous year: CD had asked whether Thiselton-Dyer could lend or give him any fir tree in a pot in his letter to Thiselton-Dyer of 18 June [1878]. Maxwell Tylden Masters was the editor of the Gardeners’ Chronicle. Hermann Müller discussed Maranta zebrina in H. Müller 1873, pp. 86–7, and referred to Hildebrand 1870.

To Thomas Whitelegge   16 July 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. July 16— 1878. Dear Sir It is very kind of you to take so much trouble; but I beg you not to take any more, as I do not think it likely that there will be a new edition of my Forms of Flowers, & unless there be one, I shall not be able to use all the information which you have been so good as to send me.—1 The Stachys seems a very fine case of what I have called gyno-diœciousness.—2 Your activity & powers of observation seem very great.— Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin Mitchell Library, Sydney (MLMSS 5833) 1

2

Whitelegge had been sending examples of gynodioecious plants; he later published his observations in Nature, 3 October 1878, p. 588. This note was cited by CD when a second edition of Forms of flowers was published in 1880 (Forms of flowers 2d ed., p. xvii). See letter from Thomas Whitelegge, 15 July 1878.

From Francis Darwin   [before 17 July 1878]1 Botanisches Institut | Würzburg My dear Father Here are some more sleepers2 Oxalis latifolia like Acetisella

Diagram of a klinostat. Journal of the Linnean Society (Botany) 18 (1881): 450. By permission of the Syndics of Cambridge University Library.

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O. variabilis— ditto but has 4 leaflets Lotus Gebelia sleeps like a Lotus Erythrina spathacea— an end leaflet & 2 lateral ones which all drop vertically E. princeps— ditto Albizzia Zulu brizzia, like A lopantha Bauhinia discolor; the leaf is not quite divided into two leaflets but is so but shuts upwards lik B. Richardiana. This plant looks very sick & shuts up very badly, but B. forficata has similar leaves & shuts up well. Cassia glauca— {like a Cassia outside in Uraria lagopus (Leguminosæ) end & 2 lateral leaflets drop down vertically not outside-in, but simply   Leaflets grow so close together & are so thick that they looked asleep but are not altered by day Coesalpina echinata shuts upwards 3 Sachs idea about climbing plants is something like this. He thinks one ought to distinguish clearly between the revolving nutation (which is only in order to find a support as you say) & the growth which goes on when the shoot has once caught a support.4 With a tendril the difference is quite clear, the tendril swings round till it finds a support & then all the growth (or alteration in length from altered tension) is concentrated on one side & the tendril curls up. When a twining shoot has wound round a support as far as it can, it would be much more economical of it to confine the most rapid growth to the outside only. Both cases seem to me capable of fitting in with your theory of circumnutation ceasing when the plant wants to bend in a special direction   I can’t find in your book an experiment in which the nutation ceased when a plant was turned up side down, I thought that nutation ceased in order to let all the growth to turn into geotropism.5 Your theory ought to be called the conservation of energy—I believe it will be splendid. I should like to know if you made many observations as to whether tendrils are geotropic or not, most seem not to be much so. Perhaps I havn’t read your book carefully enough, you often say that the circumnutation is in order to find a support, but you dont distinguish the growth afterwards I think. There is one machine we must have. A strong horizontal axis about 2 feet long which goes round by clock work slowly so that geotropism is quite excluded. We will get Jemmy to design one, the one here is far from well made.6 I am rather surprised at the results of my experiments on bendibility of grass stalks. If you take the cylindrical flowering stalk of grass while still green & keep it 2 or 3 days till the protoplasm in it is certainly dead, then if you test its bending strength as it is & then when it is saturated with water, it is always stronger in the wet state   But ripe white stalks which have been in the laboratory for years are always stronger dry   The same thing seems to hold with wood freshly cut sticks are stronger wet, old dry sticks are stronger dry.7 There have been several days heavy rain & now the Porliera in the flower bed is as open as the one in the pot. I will get the pot one in & keep it dry & see. I will have a look at the stomata, only I don’t know quite whether you mean the number of them or what. I cut some sections & the cuticle is decidely thick I should say—8

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I find that if an already twined plant is turned upside down the last turn unwinds itself—did you ever see this. I forgot to say how glad I am the maize act so well— I like hearing about yr work v much—9 Yr affec son | Francis Darwin Please remember the printing machine— Tho’ I have no doubt that you have an enormous pincers with a small bit of paper & ‘printing machine’ written in red pencil10 DAR 209.1: 155; DAR 274.1: 50, 52 CD annotations 1.1 Here are … a Lotus 4.1] crossed pencil 3.1 O. … leaflets] scored red crayon 5.1 Erythrina … ditto 6.1] crossed pencil 9.1 Cassia glauca … in] crossed pencil 11.1 shuts upwards] ‘Porliera in open ground after several days of rain as open or awake as the plant in pot.—’ ink crossed pencil 12.1 Sachs … grass stalks. 13.2] crossed blue crayon; opening square bracket red crayon 12.1 Sachs … support. 12.4] crossed pencil 17.1 Please … red pencil 17.2] crossed red crayon and pencil Top of letter: ‘Received July 17th’ ink circled ink 1 2 3

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The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to Francis Darwin, 17 July [1878]. Francis had recently sent CD a list of plants that slept (letter from Francis Darwin, [12 July 1878]). Oxalis latifolia (broadleaf wood sorrel), O. acetosella (a synonym of O. montana, mountain wood sorrel; Acetisella is a misspelling), and O. variabilis (a synonym of O. purpurea, purple wood sorrel) are in the family Oxalidaceae. Lotus gebelia, Erythrina spathacea (a synonym of E. variegata, tiger’s claw), E. princeps (a synonym of E. humeana, dwarf erythrina), Albizia julibrissin (silktree; Zulubrizzia is a misspelling or incorrect epithet), A. lopantha (a synonym of Paraserianthes lophantha, plume albizia), Bauhinia discolor (an unknown combination, but may refer to B. pauletia, whose bat pollinator is Phyllostomus discolor), B. richardiana, B. forficata (Brazilian orchid tree), Cassia glauca (a synonym of Senna surattensis ssp. sulfurea, smooth senna), Uraria lagopus, and Caesalpinia echinata (Brazilwood) are in the family Leguminosae (a synonym of Fabaceae, peas and beans). Julius Sachs had asked Francis to determine whether tendril-bearers and twiners behaved in the same way (letter from Francis Darwin, [12 July 1878]). In Climbing plants 2d ed., p. 98, CD noted that in Bignonia capreolata a slow inclination from light to dark occurred at the same time as the tendrils revolved; after the revolving movement had ceased, successively formed tendrils continued to bend in the direction of shade regardless of where the plants were positioned. Geotropism is tropic or directional movement in response to gravity. The klinostat, a rotating plant-holder used to test the influence of gravity, was invented by Sachs (Pringsheim 1932, p. 225); the version developed by Horace Darwin ( Jemmy) is described in detail and with several diagrams in F. Darwin 1880, pp. 449–55 (see plate on p. 296). The purpose of these experiments was to determine the extent to which the stiffness of a stem was due to the tension of the cell walls (letter from Francis Darwin, [22 June 1878]). Francis had observed that a Porlieria twig in water kept its leaves open, while a plant growing in dry conditions had shut leaves (see letter from Francis Darwin, [29 June] 1878 and n. 3). He later noticed morphological differences between the Würzburg plants and a twig from one sent from Kew, as well as differences in their responses to moisture and light (see letter from Francis Darwin, [after 7 July 1878] and n. 3). CD found the difference in behaviour odd and told Francis he hoped to look at the stomata of his specimen (letter to Francis Darwin, 7 [ July 1878]). CD had reported his success in testing the sensitivity of the tips of maize radicals (letter to Francis Darwin, 7 [ July 1878] and n. 3).

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CD had suggested giving his typewriter to Carl Gottfried Semper but wanted the machine to be cleaned and packed by the makers (letter to Francis Darwin, 14 July [1878]). Francis wrote the comment at the top of the first page of the letter.

From R. A. Blair   17 July 1878 Sedalia Mo. July 17. 1878. Dr. Cha.s Darwin: Dear Sir, I have sent to Prof. Flower as you directed—a package inclosing in alcohol—one pair of wings say 10 mos old, one pair young say, 10 days—one gander’s wing 3 mos old. and the old gander’s wing that received the injury.1 My delay answering your sincere favor of 14 Apl. will not seem neglectful when I say it comes out of waiting for wings.2 During Holidays some of the geese were sold. And the day after your letter was received four having malformed wings were stolen—leaving but one goose & one gander having such wings. Wishing to preserve the feature the owner would not consent to disposing of the young birds of this only goose; moreover I could not select those affected. I noticed them from a few days after birth almost every day. (as they frequent a small creek along my route home) and I could notice nothing indicating the peculiarity to about the fifth week I should think— At that time my walk was changed for perhaps ten days when you may imagine the surprised pleasure I had seeing their young lively primary feathers extended in their angular fashion. Now I do not say the muscular affection existed or did not exist unseen previously by me, only it was not apparent only it was not apparent upon repeated attentions. Now about this time a goose having normal wings had two young and a special angular character of the tip of the wing was noticed by the owner who sent for me to witness it. two or 3 days after birth. They died soon after and I procured the wings of one of them which I send— I could not find the other—and I do not know if these will prove interesting or not. A few days since the cars ran over six of the flock and fortunately one of this season’s birth. They did not report it to me until yesterday when I found the wing quite decomposed but perhaps not enough to destroy all purposes of dissection— Fortunately also the old gander has been neither killed, sold or stolen but is saved for your most complimentary honors to him, and his injured wing goes along. I haven’t “very good eyes” but I would wager a Kingdom he is the special authority of the first malformed young. The other pair of wings I send were from a goose killed Christmas perhaps 10 months old. They were dried but will be softened likely upon their arrival. In this case both wings were malformed. I will now answer your questions.3 The owner of these geese bought the eggs producing the old gander & goose from another party in whose flock no peculiarity of wing or leg or of any kind existed previously or since— His injury was in the

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september following his birth   The first young were born of his mate the following spring. The owner distinctly remembers the circumstance of his injury and feels very sure there was no blood attending it— she says “it wasn’t sore, just the bone broken no suppuration nothing, only like it is now only more so”. I have thought that the long repeated efforts of arighting the position of the wing may account for this partial recovery. The wing upon dissection may reveal a compound fracture—or may be only dislocation I could not tell— She says it is not so “plain” as it was for some time after the injury, but whether this concerns bone or muscle report sayeth not. Anyway she seems certain no blood attended it. I would say that the young of this year—those whose parent was malformed were only half malformed—three out of six. & they only in one wing. I am sorry the depletion of the flock made it impossible to procure you young birds, as nothing would have given me more pleasure than sending them to you, as the special inquiry seems left unanswered as to the time of appearance of the feature. There is no doubt I “guess” that it was there before I saw it, as it was decided as ever afterwards at that time. Perhaps the absence of the primary feathers concealed its nature to me—& perhaps all this is gratuitous— I hope what I send will prove of enough interest to repay you for the care you took in so kindly prosecuting the case. I felt it warranted an accurate analysis and this meant reporting it to you. I need not say what pleasure your communications give us, nor with what interest we will await your final relation of the case & its bearings. Respectfully | R. A. Blair. American Philosophical Society (542) 1

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See letter from R. A. Blair to the Smithsonian Institution, 10 July 1878 and n. 1. William Henry Flower had investigated a malformed goose wing originally sent to CD by Blair; in order to determine whether the effects of an injury might be inherited, Flower had asked for more wings, especially from young birds (see letter from W. H. Flower, 12 April 1878). See letter to R. A. Blair, 14 April 1878. CD had asked Blair to find out whether when the gander’s wing was broken it discharged blood, if so, whether it later suppurated, and how quickly it healed (letter to R. A. Blair, 14 April 1878).

To Francis Darwin   17 July [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. July 17th My dearest F. Before answering your long letter, there are a few miscellaneous points to touch on.—2 You audacious dog I have answered about Printing machine without the aid of red-pencil &c.— I rather hope you will feel inclined to give it to Semper.3 I have got branch of Porliera with Quick-lime, & fancy it has produced very slight effect. Your rain-case with Porliera is capital: when leaflets are asleep about 23 of under surface is protected or covered by next leaflet behind, & I imagined that perhaps there wd be very few or no stomata in the unprotected part.—4

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In the proceeding of K.  Akad.  d. Wissenschaften in Wien. In No XVI just received there is long abstract of great Paper or book by Wiesner on Heliotropism & Geotropism: it seems very important, but I cannot understand it; do get it at Wurzburg & read it; my puzzle is at p.  139, what on earth he means by “Induction”.— Perhaps Sachs will have read it— After you have read it; if you do not understand talk to him about “Induction”.—5 I have nearly finished with Thalia— it is a wonderful case, but not worth the time which I have spent on it; as I now find through Dyer that Delpino has described an allied genus, but seems to have entirely missed the interesting point of sensitiveness.—6 I partially agree with what Sachs says about the distinction between the circumnutation of free twiners, & the subsequent growth on one side after they have twined round a support; that the growth then is almost exclusively on one side alone is, I think, shown by their clasping the stems very closely; but they slide a little up the support in their coiled state which seems to show that there must be a little growth on all sides.— Nor can I see why the part beyond point of contact shd at once stop circumnutating. This seems well worth investigating.— There is nothing about this, I believe, in my book, except the fact of sliding up, & I had not thought of it in relation to our general view of modified circumnutation.— At p. 131 of 2d Edit there is the passage about circumnutation of tendrils stopping when apogeotropism comes into action; but you must remember that I there speak only of conspicuous circumnutation.7 Lately I have observed several plants; laid on one side for apogeotropism to act carefully by tracing, & the line is sometimes quite straight, but more commonly slightly zig-zag, showing a vestige of circumnutation, just as with Heliotropism. At—p. 129 of Climbing book there is fine case of modified circumnutation in order for tendril to pass over terminal shoot.8 I never tried turning a twined plant upside down; so your fact new to me.—9 I told De Vries the case about tips of tendrils (p. 132) was well worth investigating in relation to growth, & he seemed to agree.—10 The contraction of tendril into spire, which is so important for the plant, seems another case of modified circumnutation or rather, I suppose, of growth prolonged on one side alone after it has ceased on all other sides.— I cannot believe that a tendril curling when touched in less than 1m. is due to growth; & De Vries seemed in a letter to me staggered by my arguments.11 You must remember when I wrote the 1st Edit. of Climbers, I knew very little about growth or cause of circumnutation. I do not know whether I have answered what you want to know, & whether this note will be intelligible. You have given me fine list of Sleepers.12 It is very odd about wet & dry culms of grass & sticks: does Sachs understand it.—13 Something made me think the other day that aggregation in roots from C. of Ammonia, wd be in your line & wd. be fine subject: a little wild Euphorbia showed it plainest, & a wonderful phenomenon it was.—14 I wonder no one has taken it up.

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Bernard gets more & more charming: he rebuked me sternly yesterday, because I said he was going in a booboo, whereas I ought to have said a gee-gee.—15 Dearest old Backy | C. D.— I fear this letter will bother you to read. DAR 211: 37 CD annotations 3.3 do get it … earth 3.4] scored red crayon 3.4 “Induction”.— 3.5] underl red crayon 5.4 but they … support 5.5] underl red crayon 5.5 coiled state] underl red crayon 1 2 3

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The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 16 July 1878 (see n. 6, below). Letter from Francis Darwin, [before 17 July 1878]. See letter from Francis Darwin, [before 17 July 1878] and n. 10. CD’s letter, in which he suggested that his typewriter be sent to Carl Gottfried Semper as a gift, had evidently crossed in the post (letter to Francis Darwin, 14 July [1878]). Quick-lime or calcium oxide is a drying agent. CD’s specimen of Porlieria hygrometrica moved differently from plants in Würzburg (see letter to Francis Darwin, 14 July [1878] and n. 3). Francis had reported that the P. hygrometrica specimen in the Würzburg garden had slept during the day, but had opened after heavy rain. He further noted, having compared the Würzburg plants with a twig sent by CD, differences in the arrangement of leaflets, leading him to question whether they were observing the same species (see letter from Francis Darwin, [after 7 July 1878]). Francis had been unsure of what CD wanted him to observe with respect to the stomata (see letter from Francis Darwin, [before 17 July 1878] and n. 8). The first part of Julius Wiesner’s monograph on heliotropic phenomena in the plant world (Wiesner 1878–80) was presented on 4 July 1878 at the Imperial Academy of Sciences in Vienna; an abstract appeared in Anzeiger der Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien 15 (1878): 137–40. Wiesner called heliotropism (and gravitropism) induction phenomena because the response to a directional light source continued for a time even after the source was removed, in the absence of any counteracting force. The abstract stated that Wiesner had demonstrated that heliotropism was an induction phenomenon and that the effects induced were determinate and not additive (i.e. each stimulus resulted in a specific response). Francis was working in Julius Sachs’s laboratory in Würzburg. See letter from W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 16 July 1878 and n. 7. Federico Delpino had described the floral morphology of another genus of the family Marantaceae, Maranta, in Delpino 1869; CD had been instrumental in getting this article translated into English and published in Scientific opinion (Correspondence vol. 18, letter from Federico Delpino, 28 February 1870; Delpino 1870). Delpino discussed Thalia dealbata (powdery alligator-flag) in Delpino 1870, pp. 135–7. For CD’s observations on the sensitivity of the pistil in T. dealbata, see the letter to Francis Darwin, 7 [July 1878], the letters to G. H. Darwin, 10 [July 1878] and 11 [July 1878], and the letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 14 July [1878]. Francis had reported Sachs’s views on movement in climbing plants in his letter of [before 17 July 1878]. CD refers to Climbing plants 2d ed., p. 131. Apogeotropism is directional movement away from the ground, in opposition to gravity. Climbing plants 2d ed., p. 129; the terminal shoot is the main branch. Francis had observed that the last turn of a twining plant would unwind if the plant were turned upside down (letter from Francis Darwin, [before 17 July 1878]). Climbing plants 2d ed., p. 132. For Hugo de Vries’s response to CD’s observations on tendrils, see Correspondence vol. 23, letter from Hugo de Vries, 7 November 1875 and n. 6. See Correspondence vol. 23, letter from Hugo de Vries, 7 November 1875. The first edition of Climbing plants was published in 1865. For the lists of sleeping plants, see the letters from Francis Darwin, [12 July 1878] and [before 17 July 1878].

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See letter from Francis Darwin, [before 17 July 1878]. CD had described the effect of carbonate of ammonia on Euphorbia in Insectivorous plants, pp. 63–4. He later discussed the possible cause of the phenomenon in the letter to F. J. Cohn, 2 September 1875 (Correspondence vol. 23). Bernard Darwin had earlier used the word ‘booboo’ for a vehicle of any sort (see letter to G. J. Romanes, 16 June [1878]). A gee-gee may have been Bernard’s word for a horse-drawn vehicle.

To E. F. Lubbock   18 July [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. July 18th My dear Lady Lubbock Your account of what I have done in natural history is full & accurate, really to a quite wonderful degree.2 It could not have been better done, & I do not think that I could myself have remembered all the points to which you refer, or have selected better ones.— I shd. be the most greedy man alive for praise, if I were not very much more than contented with what you have so kindly said of me.— Pray believe me | Yours very truly obliged | Charles Darwin P.S | Instead of giving at end references to my papers, I have added the titles of my later books.—3 I have also added name of my maternal grandfather, of whom I am proud.—4 Dr N. Hammond (private collection) 1 2 3 4

The year is established by the date of Lubbock’s account of CD (see n. 2, below). Lubbock’s article about CD was published in the University Magazine in August 1878 ([E. F. Lubbock] 1878). She evidently sent a draft to CD for his approval. The bibliography contains a selection of CD’s articles and books ([E. F. Lubbock] 1878, pp. 162–3). The article mentions that CD’s paternal grandfather was the ‘celebrated’ Erasmus Darwin; CD presumably added the phrase ‘and his maternal grandfather was Josiah Wedgwood, the well-known potter’ ([E. F. Lubbock] 1878, p. 154).

To C. G. Semper   19 July 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. July 19th. 78 My dear Sir I have heard from my son, that you have been enquiring about a Printing Machine.1 Now I have one, which is of no use to me, & under these circumstances, I trust that you will permit me to have the real pleasure of giving it to you. It is in good order, but requires cleaning. As soon as I hear from you, I will send it to the Makers to be cleaned, packed in case & despatched; but please inform me, as soon as you can (as I leave home before very long)2 which will be best manner of sending it, as it is heavy.— Would it be possible to send it by steam-boat some way up the Rhine, or all the way by Railway by luggage-train?

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I earnestly hope that you will grant my request & accept the machine.— Believe me with the highest respect, My dear Sir, | Yours sincerely | Charles Darwin Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek Düsseldorf (slg 60/Dok/57) 1

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See letter from Francis Darwin, [12 July 1878]; in reply, CD suggested that the typewriter he had purchased in 1876 be given away to Semper (letter to Francis Darwin, 14 July [1878]; Correspondence vol. 24, letter from Francis Darwin, [1 May 1876] and n. 4). CD left Down on 7 August 1878 for a holiday visiting family (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)).

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   19 July [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. July 19th My dear Dyer You have done me the greatest service which one man can do another, viz saved me from perhaps making a fool of myself; for I thought of sending a note or short paper on Thalia to Linn. Soc.— But now after reading Delpino’s admirable account of Maranta (I will hereafter look to Mr Nicholsons, for I have ceased to keep copies of Gardeners’ Chronicle) I am afraid to publish until examining more flowers & all mine are withered; so I must wait till next year, for Thalia-flowers could not be sent by post.2 Reading Delpino & examining the beautiful supply of flowers of Maranta & Calathea received this morning quite fresh (pray thank Mr Lynch)3 shows me that I must be very cautious, though I still believe that sensitiveness has here been added to Thalia. I have wasted a good deal of time, but have seldom enjoyed anything more than making out the action of every detail of structure. I shall not want any more flowers of Thalia or maranta, for as I said in the case of Thalia it wd. be necessary to have the plant on the spot. There are many other interesting things in your letters; how very odd about the water in variegated leaves.—4 I have carefully tried seedlings of Quercus pannonica with glass filament in front of vertical glass & can see no signs of any conspicuous movement in the leaves.—5 I shd be the most unreasonable man in the whole universe, if I had dreamed of your getting me a young Pinus in a pot: I have sent my gardener to one large nursery-garden near here, but he did not succeed, but I shall try elsewhere.—6 Good Heavens what a bother it must be looking over many examination papers, if they are at all like the ones sent!7 I rejoice to hear at last a good account of Mrs. Dyer.—8 I do not doubt that you underrate greatly your Geograph-Distrib: Lecture.9 I think one always does so at first, & then afterwards one can see the merits of one’s own work. With very many thanks | Farewell | C. Darwin

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P.S. Since the above was written I have worked again at the maranta flowers & the liberation of the pistil is certainly, as Delpino says, purely mechanical. To my surprise 4 more Thalia flowers have opened, & I still think that here we have irritability; but I do not see yet how I can decide.— My Arachis hypogea plant is dying & I have extreme wish to observe flowerpeduncle (this, I know is not right name) burying the pod.—10 If you can aid me in this pray do. I so much wish to observe & compare all sorts of movements. But alas I want rest, & on Aug 7th my wife is going to take me for 17 days holidays: oh Lord how I wish that they were over.11 I have not succeeded in getting any stems which are negatively heliotropic; but I am now observing the tendrils of Bignonia capreolata from Kew, & these are finely negatively heliotropic. I think that you told me once that some roots are positively or negatively heliotropic: can you aid me with such.?12 Heaven forgive me for being so troublesome. When I began I had no intention to write so unconsciably long a letter Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Thiselton-Dyer, W. T., Letters from Charles Darwin 1873–81: 137–40) 1 2

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The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 16 July 1878. Having closely observed flowers of Thalia dealbata (powdery alligator-flag), CD suggested that the pistil appeared to be sensitive to touch (letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 14 July [1878]). In his reply, Thiselton-Dyer had suggested that CD look at work by Federico Delpino and George Nicholson (see letter from W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 16 July 1878 and nn. 6 and 7). In descriptions of species of the family Marantaceae (arrowroot) and other species similar to Thalia dealbata, both Delpino and Nicholson described the hooded staminode rather than the pistil as the sensitive organ and the subsequent movement of the style as an effect of the release of the staminode. CD had originally intended to send a paper on the subject to the Linnean Society. Richard Irwin Lynch. See letter from W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 16 July 1878 and n. 4. Quercus pannonica is a synonym of Q. frainetto (Hungarian oak). CD had asked whether Thiselton-Dyer could lend or give him a small fir tree in a pot, noting that his own specimen of Pinus pinaster (maritime pine) was too small (see letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 18 June [1878]). Thiselton-Dyer had evidently offered to source a specimen of Pinus, since he could not supply one from Kew. CD’s gardener was Henry Lettington. CD must have seen some of the examination papers written by students taking the botany classes taught by Thiselton-Dyer as part of Thomas Henry Huxley’s practical biology course at the Department of Science and Art in South Kensington (see Green 1914, pp. 528–37). Harriet Anne Thiselton-Dyer had been unwell following the birth of her first child on 9 April 1878 (see letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 19 [May 1878] and n. 9). Thiselton-Dyer had delivered a lecture titled ‘Plant-distribution as a field for geographical research’ at the Royal Geographical Society on 24 June 1878; he was revising it for publication (Thiselton-Dyer 1878). There is an offprint in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. CD had received Arachis hypogaea (peanut) from Kew in July 1877 (see Correspondence vol. 25, letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 9 July [1877], n. 2). The plant did not flourish, and CD had already asked for a replacement in order to observe the elongation of the gynophore, the stalk that supports the ovary, after fertilisation, allowing seeds to be buried in the ground (see letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 20 [May 1878] and n. 11).

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Emma Darwin and CD were on holiday visiting family from 7 to 22 August 1878 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). In Climbing plants 2d ed., p. 99, CD had noted that the tendrils of Bignonia capreolata (crossvine) avoided light. He later replaced the term ‘negative heliotropism’ with ‘apheliotropism’, which had been coined by Henry Jackson in 1877 (see Correspondence vol. 25, letter from Henry Jackson to Francis Darwin, 18 November 1877; Movement in plants, p. 5).

To Francis Darwin   20 [ July 1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. 20th My dear F. By same post, I wrote to Semper & offered machine.—2 Is this “rendered account” right; if so return it, & I will pay.—3 I have been speculating roughly & trying to get a heap of cases under one sort of rule, but it is horrid not having you to discuss it with.— Partly from the necessity of the case on evolution principles—I am coming to some such conclusion as follows. Firstly In all growing parts there is an emptying of the cells of water on one side & turgescence on the other; the turgescent cells being in most cases retained in enlarged condition by interception of matter or growth: but there may be the emptying of water without subsequent growth, & that this take place, when movement is required for a long period. Secondly, that light, gravity, or contact with a solid body produces some effect on side illuminated, acted on by gravity or touched; but that it depends on the good of the plant whether there shall be or shall not be increased turgescence & growth on this side.— The plant merely perceives (so to speak) the light, gravity or touch (on a certain part or place, in its circumnutation, as in case of tendril of Ehinocystis which straightens itself in passing over the terminal shoot) & then turgescence & growth is either increased or eliminated through natural selection on this side according to requirements of the species.—4 But I daresay there are weighty objections to any such generalised view. You might ask Sachs why roots shd be affected by light as they are not naturally exposed to it.—5 Do you know (or could you turn conversation with Sachs) whether most or many true subterranean turn either to or from light, if exposed to it; if they all turn to or from it, as this could be no benefit to root, it wd be a serious objection to above view. One can see why some aerial roots shd be anheliotropic— Again why does mould turn to light: is light of any use to mould, & does it not properly grow exclusively in dark.6 So many organs of the same kind are geotropic & apo-geotropic, that I cannot believe that gravity in itself tends to increase or decrease growth on one side. It is just possible with radicles as contact makes them bend from an object; so light may act on them in some manner indirectly, though of not slightest use or importance to them. Yours affect | C. Darwin Give me any information which you can—

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The month and year are established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to C. G. Semper, 19 July 1878. CD wanted to give his typewriter to Carl Gottfried Semper; Francis had suggested that CD should write to Semper to make the offer (see letter from Francis Darwin, [after 14 July 1878]). A rendered account is a bill that has been sent but not yet paid. An entry in CD’s Account books– banking account (Down House MS), records a payment of £2 10s. on 22 July 1878 under the heading ‘Morris furniture’, but the entry is clearly in Francis’s hand and out of sequence with other entries, so was probably made retrospectively. The movement of Echinocystis lobata (wild mock-cucumber) was later described in Movement in plants, pp. 266 and 510. Francis was working in Julius Sachs’s laboratory in Würzburg. Although it was clear that light was essential for photosynthesis in green plants, its benefit for moulds was uncertain. Sydney Howard Vines’s research on the movement of moulds (Vines 1878) suggested that heliotropism might have other functions (see letter from W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 11 May 1878 and n. 3).

From Thomas Druitt   20 July 1878 Union Bank of London, | Charing Cross Branch, | London | S. W. 20 July 1878 C R Darwin Esq | Down | Beckenham, Kent Dear Sir In reply to your favor of yesterday I beg to inform you Income Tax is not deducted from the United States Funded Loan, or the Pennsylvania Ry Coupons, which are sold, or from the Boston & Albany Ry Dividends, which are paid in America.1 I am Dear Sir, | Yours faithfully | Tho Druitt | manager DAR 262.11: 9 (EH 88206061) 1

CD’s letter concerning income tax on his US investments has not been found. A funded loan makes certain debts or stocks part of the permanent debt of the state, with provision for the regular payment of interest; a coupon is one of a set of certificates attached to a bond running for a term of years, to be detached and presented as successive payments of interest become due to the holder (OED). In 1877–8, the United States converted 6 and 5 per cent bonds into a funded loan for $739,000,000 (Palgrave ed. 1915, 1: 406). On 4 July 1878, CD recorded the receipt of £60 9s. 4d. from ‘Pensylvania R.’, presumably from the sale of the coupons; he had first purchased bonds in the Pennsylvania Central Railway in 1852 (CD’s Account books–cash account; CD’s Investment book (Down House MSS)). On 20 August, CD recorded the receipt of £94 12s. 6d. from the Boston and Albany Railway, which had been called the Western Railroad of Massachusetts when CD bought shares in it in 1852 (ibid.).

From Francis Darwin   [21 July 1878]1 Bot Institut | Würzburg Sunday My dear Father, Many thanks for your long letter which is very interesting & told me all I wanted.2 I have been going on a twiners a bit, & I think the movement is certainly

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worth carefully working at. I believe you are right that nutation goes on in the free tip. I have been tracing it, like this,

putting a bell glass with cylindrical sides over the shoot, & tracing the course by Pouters3 dodge of a square edge, the curve is not a simple spiral, but

something like this, going on the whole spirally up but with distinct backward & downward moves, showing that all sides must be growing; I made a curve on a bell glass of a Cobaea tendril which was nutating & making one circle in an hour & it showed fine modified nutation; when it was at one end of its big circle it made 3 little clear circles each in 14 hr & then swept across in a continuous line to make a big one again.4 I have read Wiesner’s thing & should not have had a glimmer of an idea of what it meant. Sachs says induction is the same as Nachwirkung or after effect.5 As far as I can make out he means that if a straight shoot is exposed to light on one side for a time it will bend to AC, then if the light is removed D it will go on curving as AD, then if the light is brought back B E C it will not curve more like AE but go on in the old direction— Sachs thinks very little of it he says Wiesner writes over again with much parade what is quite well known already; but Sachs is certainly severe. I must read de Vries on Epinastie & A Hyponastie & I will see what Sachs says.6 I am afraid Gossypium does not sleep or any how very slightly.7 I made a mistake about Bauhinia Richardeana it has only a much divided leaf like the other species.

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Also I gave a name wrong it is Albizzia Zulibrissin.8 Here are a few more Leguminosæ Pterolobia abyssinica shuts upwards Cassia suffruticosa & tomentosa Poinciana gillesia   upwards Prosopis juliflora   upwards Coulteria pertinata   upwards Adenanthera pavonina— slight sideways twisting of leaves The Adenantheras seem the only slightly new movement, Albizzia Lebek9 It seems to me also that it cannot be growth or increased tension on the outer side. of a tendril, but that shortening of the inner side is the primary cause & the outer side lengthens to allow the tendril to curl up— When a tendril finds it cannot catch anything it curls up, but it would never be such an idiot as to grow violently on one side when it has no object to gain; but supposing that while it keeps itself straight it is doing work, as it were against a spring, then it would be quite natural that it should allow the spring to do what it liked when there was no object to be gained by keeping the spring stretched. I don’t see how they can distinguish between the stretching of the outer convex side & its growth. I kept Porliera in the pot for 3 or 4 days without water & the leaves were then certainly slightly shut in the morning, I then watered it & the next morning they were wide open   I will water the bed plant well.10 I will look out for some other sleepers. Semper said he should not order the machine yet as it was a large sum for him; he showed me all over his laboratory & was very pleasant & awfully civil11   He has lots of living creatures & a corresponding smell, young alligators & prairie dogs, & birds—& a fine aquarium with lots of axollotls & menobranchus & blind things from Carniola &c.12 He doesn’t think much of Weismann’s experiments it seems to me that no German thinks much of other scientific men.13 Semper has a fine case of changed conditions producing an effect a Menobranchus? can be made to lay eggs just like a machine, if kept for some months in a small aquarium with few plants & then put into a large one with plenty of plants, though fed well in both cases. He has several of those great spiders (Mygales?) which seem well, he says they eat mice.14 I shall leave here about Aug 8th I expect & I shall be awfully glad to get back Your affec son | Frank Darwin. Sachs has just shown me the fruit of Helvingia ruscifolia nearly related to Ivy, the petals are fleshy, purple, & full of juice like a mahonia berry, & close over the carpels so that the thing looks like a berry, it has a most beautiful bloom, it seems to me a fine case of bloom appearing on petals when they act the part of fruit. I will clean some & see if they burst in water15 DAR 162: 59, DAR 209.8: 151

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CD annotations 0.2 Sunday] crossed ink; ‘July 21— 1878’ ink 1.1 Many thanks … wanted. 1.2] crossed ink 1.9 it showed … again. 1.12] double scored pencil 2.1 I am … Leguminosæ 2.4] crossed pencil; opening square bracket pencil 4.1 Cassia suffruticosa & tomentosa] circled pencil; ‘[let]’ added pencil 11.6 quite natural … other sleepers. 12.1] crossed blue crayon 11.9 Porliera … well. 11.12] opening square bracket pencil, closing square bracket blue crayon 13.1 Semper … to get back 14.1] crossed pencil 13.1 Semper … for him;] scored blue crayon; ‘Bloom’ added blue crayon 16.1 Sachs … in water 16.5] double scored pencil Top of letter: ‘Sleeping Plants | Porliera | Helvingia, thick petals with bloom. | Wiesner on Light’ ink End of letter: ‘Bloom’ red crayon underl red crayon 1 2 3 4 5

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The date is established by CD having crossed out ‘Sunday’ and written in ‘July 21— 1878’ (see CD annotations). See letter to Francis Darwin, 17 July [1878]. Pouter was Leonard Darwin’s nickname. Cobaea is a subtropical genus of the family Polemoniaceae (phlox). CD had discussed Cobaea scandens (cup and saucer vine) in Climbing plants 2d ed., pp. 106–11. CD had been puzzled by Julius Wiesner’s description of heliotropism and gravitropism as ‘induction phenomena’ and had asked Francis to see whether Julius Sachs could explain his meaning (see letter to Francis Darwin, 17 July [1878] and n. 5). Hugo de Vries used the terms hyponasty and epinasty to denote the greater longitudinal growth along the lower or upper side of a plant part that caused upward or downward bending respectively (Vries 1872, pp. 252–3); CD had asked Francis to discuss these movements with Sachs (see letter to Francis Darwin, 14 July [1878]). Francis had initially thought that Gossypium (cotton) might sleep; CD considered this would be valuable if true (see letter from Francis Darwin, [12 July 1878], and letter to Francis Darwin, 14 July [1878]). Francis had described Bauhinia richardiana as having two large leaflets (letter from Francis Darwin, [12 July 1878]) and had referred to Albizia julibrissin as Albizia Zulu brizzia (letter from Francis Darwin, [before 17 July 1878]). Pterolobium abyssinicum is an unresolved name; Pterolobium is the genus of redwing. Cassia suffruticosa is a synonym of Senna surattensis ssp. surattensis; C. tomentosa L. is a synonym of Senna multiglandulosa. Poinciana gilliesii is a synonym of Caesalpinia gilliesii (bird-of-paradise shrub). Prosopis juliflora is a species of mesquite. Coulteria pertinata is an unknown combination; Francis may have intended Caesalpinia pectinata, a synonym of Coulteria tinctoria and Caesalpinia spinosa (tara). Adenanthera pavonina is the red beadtree. Albizia lebbeck is the woman’s tongue or siris tree. See letter to Francis Darwin, 17 July [1878] and n. 4. In the Würzburg garden the Porlieria specimen planted in the ground typically slept during the day, but had opened after heavy rain; the potted specimen, always well-watered, kept its leaves open (see letter from Francis Darwin, [after 7 July 1878] and n. 3). Carl Gottfried Semper had received information about where to buy a typewriter like CD’s, but had not yet received CD’s offer of his own machine as a gift (letter to C. G. Semper, 19 July 1878). Semper was professor of zoology in Würzburg. The axolotl is Ambystoma mexicanum. Menobranchus is a former genus roughly equivalent to Necturus (mudpuppies and waterdogs). Both are within the order Caudata, salamanders. CD mentioned the caves of Carniola in Origin 3d ed., p. 154. Andrew Murray had provided CD with information and references on the Carniola caves (see Correspondence vol. 8, letter from Andrew Murray, 3 May 1860, and Origin 3d ed., p. 156). August Weismann was professor of zoology at Freiburg im Breisgau. In his essay ‘Ueber die Umwandlung des mexicanischen Axolotl in ein Amblystoma’ (On the transformation of the Mexican axolotl into an Amblystoma; Weismann 1875b), Weismann argued that the apparent metamorphosis of some axolotls (which were then classified as Siredon mexicanus) into the salamander Amblystoma (a synonym of Ambystoma)

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was due to reversion caused by adaptation to conditions different from their normal high-altitude, deep-water environment. Weismann stressed that all evidence showed that axolotls never transformed in their natural environment (Weismann 1875b, pp. 303–4). Mygale is a former genus that included most mygalomorph spiders; some of the larger mygalomorph spiders such as Theraphosa blondi (Goliath birdeater) eat mice. Francis and CD had been investigating the function of bloom on leaves for much of the year (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). Helvingia rusciflora is a synonym of Helwingia japonica; the flowers are epiphyllous, growing from the midrib of the leaf blade. The genus of ivy is Hedera; both Helwingia and Hedera were placed in the family Araliaceae (see Bentham and Hooker 1862–83, 1: 931–47); for modern systematics of Helwingia, see Ao and Tobe 2015. Mahonia is the genus of Oregon-grape, now often placed in synonymy with the closely related genus Berberis.

To Eugène Dupuy   21 July 1878 Down,| Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. July 21st. 1878 Dear Sir I am much obliged for your interesting letter.1 I have always thought that Brown-Sequard’s discovery of the inherited effects of injury to certain nerves the most important observation ever made on inheritance; & I read your confirmation & extension of his conclusions with extreme interest.2 I have no suggestions to offer, but will remark on the importance of attending to the circumstance whether a mutilation (which yields inherited effects) was attended with morbid action.— I have been struck with the circumstance that in most of the cases with the lower animals, in which some injury has been said to be inherited, (for instance the loss of a horn,) it is generally stated that suppuration followed the injury.3 The law of inheritance at corresponding ages, with deviations towards an earlier age in the offspring is one of the highest importance, as it seems to me, in throwing light on evolution & embryology.—4 I heartily wish you success in your observations.— Pray excuse this untidy note, as I am not well today.— I remain | Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin Ernst Mayr Library of the Museum of Comparative Zoology, Harvard University (bMs 7.10.3 (4)) 1 2

3

No letter from Dupuy has been found, but CD later mentioned receiving unpublished information from him (see n. 2, below). Charles Édouard Brown-Séquard had published his findings in the Lancet (Brown-Séquard 1875). Dupuy’s research on the inherited effects of lesions of the sympathetic nerve and corpora restiformia on the eye had been published in 1877 (Dupuy 1877). There are two copies of this paper in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL; both have been annotated. In a letter to Nature, 21 July 1881, p. 257 (see also letter to Nature, 13 July [1881], Calendar no. 13245), CD mentioned that Dupuy had sent him unpublished observations confirming Brown-Séquard’s experimental results. CD suggested that mutilations associated with morbid action were more likely to be inherited, giving as evidence the case of a cow that lost a horn by suppuration, and later produced three calves with a bony lump instead of a horn on the same side of their heads (Variation 2d ed. 1: 457). CD explained

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this form of inheritance by his pangenesis hypothesis: the gemmules with the potential to repair the injured part would be attracted to the site of the injury, but destroyed by any morbid action, making it impossible for anything but the injured part to be reproduced in the offspring (ibid. 2: 392). Dupuy suggested, following Brown-Séquard, that inheritance of injury occurred because of the transmission of ‘a morbid state of the nervous system’, which caused alterations in utero that resulted in the offspring bearing injuries identical to those in their parents (Dupuy 1877, p. 255). This section of Dupuy’s paper is scored in both copies in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL; in one, the quotation is underlined in pencil.

From Fritz Müller1   21 July 1878 Blumenau, Sa. Catharina, Brazil, 21. Juli 1878. Verehrter Herr! Ich schicke Ihnen einige Samen einer schönen Cassia, die ich grade von einem Freund bekommen habe, dem ich vor einigen Monaten die unreifen Früchte gezeigt hatte.2 Diese Art ist in der Provinz Sa. Catharina sehr selten, und ich kenne nur eine einzige Pflanze davon, welche etwa 50 km von meiner Wohnung wächst. Es war ein grosser Baum (ungefähr 12 m dick), der vor vielen Jahren geschlagen wurde, und aus dessen Wurzeln zahlreiche junge Schösslinge sich gebildet haben. Diese haben in diesem Jahre zum ersten mal geblüht. Seit vielen Jahren, so oft ich jenen Weg entlang kam, traf ich mehr oder weniger zahlreiche Stücke eines unserer grössten und schönsten Schmetterlinge, nemlich Callidryas Menippe, dicht bei dieser Cassia, auf der ich letzthin auch die Raupen fand.3 Man sieht nur äusserst selten sonst irgendwo ein einzelnes Stück von Callidryas Menippe, welche hier beinah ausschliesslich auf die unmittelbare Nachbarschaft jener einzigen Cassia-Pflanze beschränkt ist. Obwohl ja natürlich die Verbreitung der Schmetterlinge durch diejenige der Futterpflanzen ihrer Raupen bestimmt wird, so ist es doch recht merkwürdig, dass in einem grossen Gebiet eine Art auf einen einzigen Baum beschränkt sein sollte … Incomplete Möller ed. 1915–21, 2: 382 1

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3

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. According to Alfred Möller, all Fritz Müller’s letters to CD were written in English (see Möller ed. 1915–21, 2: 72 n.); most of them have not been found. Many of the letters were later sent by Francis Darwin to Möller, who translated them into German for his Fritz Müller: Werke, Briefe und Leben (Möller ed. 1915–21). Möller also found final drafts of some Müller letters among the Fritz Müller papers and included these in their original English form (ibid. 2: 72 n). Where the original English versions are missing, the published version, usually appearing in German translation, has been used. CD had already received seeds of two other species of Cassia sent by Müller (see letter to Fritz Müller, 16 May 1878 and nn. 3 and 4), and possibly some sent by Hermann Müller (see letter from Hermann Müller, 5 July 1878 and n. 1). On 9 August 1878, CD sent some of these seeds to Kew, and on 26 August sent seeds from the Cassia mentioned in this letter (Inwards book, Archives, Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew). Callidryas menippe is a synonym of Anteos menippe, the orangetip angled-sulphur; its principal host plant is Cassia ferruginea, a leguminous tree native to north-east Brazil, which can grow to a height of fifteen metres and has bright yellow flowers (Born and Lima 2005, p. 522). Müller lived in the south-eastern province (now state) of Santa Catarina.

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From W. D. Fox   22 July [1878]1 Broadlands | Sandown | I. Wight July 22 My dear Darwin I am deeply obliged to you for so kindly writing to me upon our very sad loss.2 She was a very dear and good child, and very much beloved by us. But all this ought to do away our sorrow— I cannot say it does so. Your handwriting is so exactly as of old, that I cannot help hoping you are in tolerable health. I have been looking over many of your old, old letters of late. They have recalled days, seldom long out of memory— I always love to dwell upon Shrewsbury in those times. Your good Father hangs up in my little study—reminding me of his great kindnesses to me; and at the same time of 〈Ca〉roline who made the likeness— of Susan full of goodness &c.3 Those were gold letter days indeed. We have both had many happy days since—but they want the joyousness—the overflowingness of youth, and youths friendship. Some six weeks since I attended the Funeral of my oldest Naturalist Friend Hewitson.4 I knew him when we were both very young, & afterwards we were intimate friends thro a very chequered life on his part. He spent much of his time, and the Income of a large fortune, upon his favorite pursuit—Lepidopte〈ra.〉 Having lost his wife5 & without family he could afford to keep Naturalists in Africa and South America—and for very many years has published a beautiful work which he drew and coloured all the plates for at a loss of 30£ per month.6 He has left a splendid collection to the British Museum.7 I shall miss him very much. Owing to our childs long illness, we have not yet made the acquaintance of your daughter at Basset.8 I hope we shall now do so, and get them to pay us a visit. He kindly wrote to me lately. Mrs Fox9 sends her kindest regards to Mrs Darwin— Excuse this stupid 〈note〉 〈Yours〉 always | W. D. Fox DAR 164: 203 1 2 3 4 5 6

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The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to W. D. Fox, 10 July 1878. CD had sent condolences on the death of Fox’s daughter Theodora (letter to W. D. Fox, 10 July 1878). Robert Waring Darwin, Caroline Sarah Darwin, and Susan Elizabeth Darwin all lived at The Mount, Shrewsbury, during the time that CD and Fox were students. William Chapman Hewitson died on 28 May 1878 and was buried at Walton-on-Thames (ODNB). Hannah Hewitson. At the time of his death, Hewitson had not quite finished the ninth and final part of his work Illustrations of diurnal Lepidoptera; it was completed by Robert Henry Fernando Rippon and William Forsell Kirby (Hewitson 1862–78, 1: [vii]). A catalogue of this bequest was published by Kirby (Kirby 1879). CD’s daughter-in-law Sara, who was married to William Erasmus Darwin, lived in Bassett, Hampshire. Fox’s daughter Theodora had been ill since the summer of 1877 (see letter from W. D. Fox, 12 February [1878]).

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Ellen Sophia Fox.

From C. G. Semper   22 July 1878 Würzburg 22 July 1878. Dear Sir Your kind letter has given me the greatest pleasure, although it put me into some confusion too.1 For I must avow that I do not know how I should deserve such a kindness from your part, as you showed me by offering me your writing machine. My first impulse was to write you immediately and to beg your pardon for not being able to accept your very kind offer. Yet upon considering it once more, I now think I might not only but I ought to accept the present. It seems to me to be the best proof of the gratitude, I owe you for all I have learned from you, that I should once forget my pride and accept the present as candidly as you offered it to me. Moreover I hope to be justified in viewing this machine as a token that you do not consider my scientific work as altogether valueless; and I can assure you, that in writing with it, it will make me proof against all attacks of discouragement, casually now and then produced by want of success here in Germany. I can assure you that you have given me greater pleasure by your letter, than I would have from being made a member of our highest learned Societies. But I earnestly hope you will not take all the trouble of sending the instrument directly to Würzburg; it will be more convenient for you to send it to my Bankers in London “Messrs. Parr, Herrmann & Co.” City Bank Chambers, Thread-needle street, City who will forward it to me. My brother-in law, Mr. Herrmann, is one of the owner’s of this house and just now in London; he or Mr. Parr will be very glad if you allow them to take the trouble of sending the box off your hands.2 Permit me, dear Sir to express you once more the gratitude I feel towards you. for your present kindness as well as for the impulse you have given to Zoology and believe me to be | Your most devoted | C. Semper DAR 177: 137 1 2

See letter to C. G. Semper, 19 July 1878, in which CD proposed to give his typewriter to Semper. Edward Parr and Moritz August Herrmann were East India merchants; Semper’s wife, Anna Sophia Semper, was Moritz Herrmann’s sister.

From Francis Darwin   24 and 25 July 1878

Botanisches Institut | Würzburg July 24/78

My dear father, I have tried watering Porliera out of doors, I gave four small cans full in the day & next morning it was wide open though for several days before it had been shut. The pot-plant is very unhealthy I am afraid as its leaves are dropping off at the stalk.1

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I had a little talk to Sachs about heliotropism & he thinks it is no good to moulds to be heliotropic, he says that moulds which you find inside wallnuts or apples are highly heliotropic. He does not remember ever having seen a mould heliotropic in a state of nature but only when you bring them into unnatural conditions: he says potato underground stems are sensitive to light so that they won’t grow or hardly at all in light, but he doesn’t know whether they are heliotropic or not.2 I don’t quite know what part he means I will talk some more. He says he agrees with Nägeli to a large extent in thinking that certain facts cannot be explained by saying that they are useful or not useful, but he thinks they exist as properties of plants like the power of assuming a certain form is of a crystal.3 If all plants were heliotropic & none apheliotropic, one might believe this. Stahl is working at the effects of light on the movements of swarm-spores, & he says he can make them heliotropic or apheliotropic as he likes, if puts some in bright sun & others in darkness & then put them both in diffused light, the sun-ones go to the darkest side & the dark ones to the lighter side.4 July 25th Something or other stopped me finishing. I was rather seedy last night & didn’t appear at the laboratory & this morning Sachs came all the way to see how I was, & drove me to the Labor in his drosky, & was very kind wanting to send me books & red-wine which is here the cure for all evils. I am all square this afternoon though rather too floppy to work. I will talk to Sachs about roots & geotropism. I was very glad to find that Sachs is dead against all the people that find the Descendenz theory in Ray Lamarck, Goethe &c.5 Sachs says that he believes some ferns of the family Marratiaceæ sleep, & some plants of the family in which Canna is. I think in my list I told you that Guiacum officinale looks as if it ought to sleep but seemed to be ill, I thought it was a Leguminosæ, but it is a Zygophyllaceæ & in a lecture Sachs said it slept.6 He says the pale joint in the leaf sheath of grasses is analogous with the movement organs of mimosa &c but he doesn’t know whether they move7   He thinks that we have worked at bloom to some extent from a wrong point of view & he believes that leaves want to keep dry in order that they may keep their stomata open to breathe But why are they so idiotic as to have stomata which shut when they are wet. Perhaps they do that in order to keep their intercellular spaces from being water logged & then found they were stifling themselves & found it a better plan to keep the water off altogether. Or perhaps those leaves produced bloom whose stomata did not shut well in wet. He says that nerves have no bloom & also no stomata. He can give me two references to papers where the number of stomata on the upper & under side of lots of leaves is given, & by seeing about the bloom in these one might make out something.8 T. resupinatum ought to help us, where the stomata differ on the two sides.9 The result: AL incomplete DAR 162: 60, DAR 209.6: 198 CD annotations 1.1 I have … the stalk. 1.3] crossed pencil 1.2 next morning … shut.] scored red crayon; ‘Porliera’ red crayon

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2.1 I had … heliotropism] ‘Heliotropism’ blue crayon 2.2 he says … heliotropic. 2.3] double scored red crayon, ‘Theory’ red crayon 2.5 they won’t grow … crystal. 2.10] crossed pencil 2.11 Stahl … lighter side. 2.14] scored red crayon 3.1 Something … said it slept. 3.11] crossed blue crayon 3.8 I think] opening square bracket pencil 3.8 I think … to be ill, 3.10] ‘& Bloom’ red crayon 3.10 Zygophyllaceæ … it slept. 3.11] double scored blue crayon 3.11 leaf sheath of grasses] ‘Bloom’ red crayon circled red crayon 3.13 He thinks … to breathe 3.15] ‘Bloom’ blue crayon 3.15 But why … altogether. 3.18] double scored blue crayon 3.18 Or perhaps … something. 3.22] ‘M. Mer experiments about keeping leaves closed for week under wet’10 pencil 3.22 T. resupinatum … sides. 3.23] double scored red crayon Top of letter: ‘Bloom & General Theory’ pencil 1

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The garden at Würzburg had two Porlieria plants, one planted in the ground and one in a pot; the former usually kept its leaves shut, even in daylight (see letter from Francis Darwin, [after 7 July 1878] and n. 3). CD suggested it should be watered copiously to see whether it then stayed awake (letter to Francis Darwin, 14 July [1878]). CD had asked Francis to put some of these questions about heliotropism to Julius Sachs (see letter to Francis Darwin, 20 [ July 1878]). Carl Wilhelm von Nägeli had opposed what he termed the theory of ‘usefulness’ (‘Nützlichkeitstheorie’, that is, CD’s transmutation theory) to his own theory of perfectibility (‘Vervollkommnung’), which posited an inner tendency towards a more complex organisation (Nägeli 1865, p. 29). He argued that CD’s theory could only account for development in functional features whereas his own theory explained changes in what he termed purely morphological characteristics, that is, features with no functional advantage. For more on Nägeli’s theory, see Correspondence vol. 16, letter to J. D. Hooker, 25 December [1868]. Ernst Stahl was Julius Sachs’s assistant. Sachs had directed him to study the effect of light on plants; swarm-spores (also known as zoospores) are the motile, swimming spores in non-vascular plants. CD cited Stahl’s short work (Stahl 1878) on the influence of light on swarm-spores in Movement in plants, p. 488 n. CD had acknowledged Jean-Baptiste de Lamarck and Johann Wolfgang von Goethe as advocates of the theory of common descent, although his understanding of Goethe was based on his reading of Isidore Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire (Origin 3d ed., pp. xiii–xiv). John Ray had defined species based on the concept of genealogical lineages (Ray 1686–1704, 1: 40), but CD recognised that Ray was not a transmutationist. ‘Descendenz-theorie’ was the German term most frequently used at this time to refer to evolution, and by some authors, like August Weismann, specifically to refer to Darwinian theory (Weismann 1875a, 1876). Francis evidently intended Marantaceae (the family of arrowroot). In older taxonomic systems, the genus Canna (canna lilies) belonged to the family Marantaceae (Lindley 1853, p. 169); it now belongs to the related family Cannaceae. Francis had, in fact, referred to Ligophyllum Guaiacum, an unknown combination, and noted that while the plant ought to shut, the specimen he observed was very unhealthy (letter from Francis Darwin, [12 July 1878]). Guaiacum officinale is lignum vitae; Zygophyllaceae is the family of caltrop. Sachs was evidently referring to pulvini in festucoid grasses, where the pulvinus consists of a band of cells encircling the leaf sheath, at the apex of the point where the sheath attaches to the node. Pulvini of Mimosa (the genus of sensitive plants) and similar genera are at the base of leaf-stalks or petioles (of leaf, leaflet, and pinna). Throughout 1878, CD and Francis had been investigating the function of bloom on leaves (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). Sachs probably mentioned Czech 1865 and Weiss 1865, as these contain lists of plants with the location and number of their stomata; they were among papers mentioned in Francis’s later publication on the relation between bloom and the distribution of stomata (F. Darwin 1886, p. 102).

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Trifolium resupinatum is Persian clover. Émile Mer had studied the effects of submersion in water on leaves of various species of plants (Mer 1876; CD’s annotated copy is in DAR 136: 12); he noted that submerged leaves did not produce amylase, but that periodic movements persisted, although less pronounced than usual (ibid., p. 256).

To Raphael Meldola   24 July [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. July 24th My dear Sir I do not think that the Petunia is anything very remarkable; but thank you for your kindness.—2 I received Weismann all right.—3 You may perhaps like to keep enclosed, just received—4 In Haste | Yours very faithfully | Ch. Darwin Oxford University Museum of Natural History (Hope Entomological Collections 1350: Hope/Westwood Archive, Darwin folder) 1 2 3 4

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from Raphael Meldola, 13 June 1878. Meldola’s letter enclosing or accompanying the petunia has not been found. Meldola evidently had returned the copy of August Weismann’s third essay on sexual selection in Daphnidae that CD had lent him (Weismann 1876–80; see letter from Raphael Meldola, 13 June 1878). The enclosure has not been found, but it was probably the ‘curious Lepidoptera case’ mentioned in the letter to Fritz Müller, 24 July 1878 and n. 4.

To Fritz Müller   24 July 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. July 24. 1878 My dear Sir Many thanks for the 5 kinds of seeds: all have germinated, & the Cassia seedlings have interested me much, & I daresay that I shall find something curious in the other plants.—1 Nor have I alone profited, for Sir J. Hooker who was here on Sunday was very glad of some of the seeds for Kew.—2 I am particularly obliged for the information about the earth-worms. I suppose that the soil in your forests is very loose; for in ground which has lately been dug in England, the worms do not come to the surface, but deposit their castings in the midst of the loose soil.— I have some grand plants (& I formerly sent seeds to Kew) of the cleistogamic grass; but they show no signs of producing flowers of any kind as yet.— Your case of the panicle with open flowers being sterile is parallel to that of Leersia oryzoides: I have always fancied that cross-fertilisation would perhaps make such panicles fertile.—3 I am working away as hard as I can at all the multifarious kinds of movements of plants, & am trying to reduce them to some simple rules; but whether I shall succeed I do not know. With many thanks & sincere respect— | Yours very truly | Ch. Darwin.

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I have sent the curious Lepidoptera case to Mr Meldola.—4 The British Library (Loan 10:47) 1

2 3

4

The seeds have not been identified. The latest extant letter from Müller that CD would have received by this date is the letter from Fritz Müller, 5 April 1878, but the seeds mentioned may have been sent by Hermann Müller (see letter from Hermann Müller, 5 July 1878). Müller had sent seeds of Cassia neglecta (a synonym of Senna neglecta) with his April letter, but many of these had been destroyed (see letter to Fritz Müller, 16 May 1878 and n. 3). In a letter to Müller of 13 November 1877 (Correspondence vol. 25), CD had asked for more seeds of a species of the leguminous genus Cassia; seedlings of these were later identified in Movement in plants, p. 34, as Cassia tora (a synonym of Senna tora). It is unlikely that the identification was correct since Cassia tora is not native to the Americas; the specimens were probably seedlings of Senna obtusifolia, a South American species often confused with C. tora. Joseph Dalton Hooker visited CD from 20 to 22 July 1878 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). CD evidently refers to a now missing letter, probably written in June 1878 (see n. 4, below). CD sent seeds of the Brazilian grass to Kew on 31 January 1878 (Inwards book, Archives, Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew). CD had studied cleistogamic flowers in the grass Leersia oryzoides (rice cutgrass) in 1864 (his notes are in DAR 111: A39, A40); he published these observations in ‘Three forms of Lythrum salicaria’, pp. 191–2 n. (Collected papers 2: 131). CD also observed Leersia oryzoides in later years (his notes are in DAR 111: A37–8, A58, and DAR 111: B15), and concluded that it appeared to be one of the few species that was perpetually self-fertilised (see Variation 2: 91 and Forms of flowers, pp. 333–5). No letter to Raphael Meldola mentioning a Lepidoptera case has been found, but CD may have enclosed the case in his letter to Meldola of 24 July [1878]. In a letter from Fritz Müller to his brother Hermann Müller of 25 June 1878, Müller mentioned observing a caterpillar that rolled a leaf of a pepper bush (family Piperaceae) around itself to form a case; the butterfly that emerged was a species of Anaea (Möller ed. 1915–21, 2: 381–2). Anaea fabius (a synonym of Consul fabius, the tiger leafwing) behaves as Fritz Müller described from the fourth instar larval stage until pupation (for a detailed description, see Muyshondt 1974, pp. 85–6).

To C. G. Semper   24 July [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) July 24th My dear Sir I am uncommonly pleased that you will accept the machine, & I heartily thank you for your too kind letter.2 Some persons in England & America have got quite accustomed to its use (I found that I was too old to learn)  & regularly employ it for their correspondence.3 If it should aid you in writing out your most valuable researches, it will be a very great satisfaction to me. It shall be sent tomorrow morning to the Makers to be cleaned & packed, & I will tell them to forward it to Mr. Hermann.4 It would be advisable for you to write to him, as they may be surprised at the Bank & refuse to receive a large & heavy case.— I have urged the makers to have it packed & sent off immediately. Believe me, my dear Sir | Yours very truly | Charles Darwin Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek Düsseldorf (slg 60/Dok/58) 1

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from C. G. Semper, 22 July 1878.

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See letter from C. G. Semper, 22 July 1878. CD had purchased his typewriter in May 1876 (see Correspondence vol. 24, letter from Francis Darwin, [1 May 1876] and n. 4). Moritz August Herrmann was Semper’s brother-in-law (see letter from C. G. Semper, 22 July 1878).

From A. D. Austin   25 July 1878 Invercargill N.Z. July 25th. 1878.

C. Darwin Esqr. Dear Sir, An idea struck me the other day which although in all probability disposed of long ago as I have not seen the matter mentioned, I have thought it worth while to drop you a line on the subject— If it is of no value consign it to the flames— if there is anything in it, or likely to come of it, you will doubtless reply to me to that effect— Please do not publish this letter. If the idea is of any value it is at your service, please do not mention my name without my consent is given. The idea is this: that the rapid changes during growth in some plants and the metamorphoses in insects &c may be found to bear analogies with the presumed slower changes resulting in the formation of new varieties & species. When the startling & sudden transitions from one form to another in the insect world is considered & the remarkable changes undergone by many plants during various stages of their growth is taken into account the slower changes that are presumed to have resulted in new species does not seem to be so far-fetched as your opponents endeavour to represent, indeed the slower changes would seem to me to be less marvellous than the rapid ones— I have never seen this argument brought forward. I cannot but think that the changes & metamorphoses now going on in many forms of animal & vegitable life should bear analogies to the slower changes, in the rapid changes we should find an index to the slower, and if powerful analogies can be discovered between the two the Developement theory would I think receive considerable confirmation   There is a tree in N.Z. called the Umbrellar tree (I do not know the Botanical name)1 As you are doubtless aware this plant undergoes most remarkable changes and my constantly noticing this plant first suggested to my mind that careful observation of these rapid changes would be found to be a condensed history of the formation of new

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species and that similar results would be obtained in the animal world   I indicate in margin appearance of the Umbrellar tree at one stage of its growth, it afterwards changes into a small shrubby tree with a common shaped foliage2   I have neither time or knowledge of natural history sufficient to prosecute research myself but throw out the idea for what it may be worth. | Yours very truly | A. D. Austin, | C.E. F.R.A.S. DAR 159: 129 1 2

Based on the distinctive foliage of the juvenile form figured by Austin, the species was probably Pseudopanax crassifolius (horoeka or lancewood). The letter is slightly damaged; the dotted lines on the image indicate a hole in the paper.

To Francis Darwin   25 July [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. July 25 My dear F. Semper seems much pleased about the machine & has written me an uncommonly nice letter.2 The machine has just started for London to be cleaned, packed, & despatched to Würzburg.— Thanks for your last long letter, all of which I have enjoyed much, but you must not waste time by writing again—3 I am glad to hear about the sleep of the Leguminosæ, but you seem to find little else in any other Families.— My Porliera has never been watered & the earth seems as dry as dust, but the leaves are still awake in the day.4 It rejoices me to hear that you are working at my old friends the twiners: how I did enjoy the work, but how much better I shd. have done it now; for I rarely then made tracings.—5 It is quite new to me about the supplementary little circles of Cobæa, & it throws light on what I have often noticed of late in the circumnutation of non-climbing plants.6 I think that De Vries has proved that there is increased growth along one side of tendril where it curls up spirally.—7 The Helvingia is a most curious case, & I am particularly glad that you will observe it, & you are a good fellow, for I know that you hate bloom.8 I am sorry Sachs is so severe on men, as that is a character which I dislike: by Jove the Moscow man (Mery……?) returned the compliment in his last paper.9 Since I wrote last I found old note by Dyer about mould turning to light, & I must modify the rough notion which I wrote to you; but I think that I can “wriggle” out.—10 If you possibly can find out from Sachs whether any moulds are apheliotropic, & whether any roots are apheliotropic or are they all heliotropic. Subterranean roots are the most perplexing.— Hooker is going to hunt up & send me heliotropic aërial roots.— Hooker was very nice when here, though hot about Turkey.11

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I am working hard at peduncles of Trifolium subterraneum, which buries its flowerhead, after flowers are fertilised; there seems much odd about whole case.12 Yours affecty. C. Darwin (I do not understand movements of Adenanthera)13 Say to Sachs how proud I shd be to see him at Down, if he can spare time & if we are at home. DAR 211: 40 CD annotation 7.3 If … heliotropic. 7.4] scored red crayon 1 2 3 4

5

6

7

8

9

10

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from C. G. Semper, 22 July 1878. See letter from C. G. Semper, 22 July 1878. CD was giving his typewriter to Carl Gottfried Semper. Francis planned to return home on 8 August 1878 (see letter from Francis Darwin, [21 July 1878]). Francis had reported that the leaves of a Porlieria planted in the ground in the Würzburg garden were tightly closed (see letter from Francis Darwin, [21 July 1878] and n. 10). CD’s observations were made on a plant he had borrowed from Kew (see letter to Francis Darwin, 6 [July 1878]). Leguminosae (a synonym of Fabaceae) is the family of peas and beans; CD wanted to find sleeping plants from other families (see letter to Francis Darwin, 14 July [1878] and n. 2). CD carried out numerous experiments on climbing plants in 1863 and 1864. His paper, ‘Climbing plants’, was read before the Linnean Society on 2 February 1865 and appeared in book form (Climbing plants) in the same year; a second edition was published in 1875 (Climbing plants 2d ed). CD had been tracing the movement of plants on glass to show that sleep movement was modified circumnutation (see letter to Francis Darwin, 14 July [1878]). Francis had made tracings showing the circumnutation of a tendril of an unnamed species of Cobaea; the tendril made both a broad sweeping movement and several small spiral movements within a given time period (see letter from Francis Darwin, [21 July 1878] and n. 4). CD concluded that the great sweeps made by twining stems or tendrils were a modified form of ordinary circumnutation but with greatly increased amplitude (Movement in plants, p. 3). Francis mentioned he wanted to read Hugo de Vries’s work on the mechanics of bending in climbing plants (see letter from Francis Darwin, [21 July 1878] and n. 6). De Vries had studied the relation between between growth and bending (Vries 1873a and 1873b); he later showed that growth was a secondary effect, and that the curvature was produced by increased turgescence of the cells on the convex side (Movement in plants, p. 2). Julius Sachs had shown Francis fruits of Helvingia rusciflora (a synonym of Helwingia japonica). Francis noted that flowers were full of juice and covered with bloom and planned to investigate whether the bloom served to protect the petals from moisture (see letter from Francis Darwin, [21 July 1878]). Kliment Arkady Timiryazev of Moscow, in his paper ‘Sur la décomposition de l’acide carbonique dans le spectre solaire, par les parties vertes des végétaux’ (On the decomposition of carbonic acid in the solar spectrum, by the green parts of plants; Timiriazeff 1877, pp. 382, 395), suggested that Sachs’s belief that the light rays that produced the maximum decomposition could be determined was based on Sachs’s ignorance of the conditions related to the problem; he also strongly criticised Sachs’s view that the fact that both animal eyes and plants exhibited a proportional response to light intensity was purely accidental. He concluded that Sach’s opinion was repugnant to the scientific spirit, to logic, and to the facts. Three offprints of Timiriazeff 1877, one inscribed by the author, are in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. For more on CD’s interest in proportional responses to light intensity, see the letter from G. H. Darwin, 10 October 1878. See the letter to Francis Darwin, 20 [July 1878], in which CD wondered why moulds would turn towards light if it was of no use to them. William Turner Thiselton-Dyer had expressed his views on heliotropism in moulds in his letter of 11 May 1878.

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12

13

July 1878

Joseph Dalton Hooker had visited Down from 20 to 22 July 1878 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). On 13 July 1878, the major European powers had replaced the Treaty of San Stefano, which had been signed by Russia and Turkey at the end of the Russo-Turkish War in March 1878, with the Treaty of Berlin. The Treaty of Berlin revised the peace settlement to serve the interests of Great Britain and Austria-Hungary by re-establishing Turkish rule and maintaining the Ottoman Empire as a European power, despite widespread condemnation of the Turks for atrocities in Bulgaria in 1876. (Medlicott 1963, pp. 6–7.) CD later discussed Trifolium subterraneum (subterranean clover) in Movement in plants, pp. 513–17, explaining that it was the motion of continued circumnutation after the flower heads had reached the ground that enabled them to be buried. In his letter of [21 July 1878], Francis Darwin had referred to the slight sideways twisting of leaves of Adenanthera pavonina (red beadtree), and added that this seemed to be the ‘only slightly new movement’.

From Franz Ritter von Kobell1    25 July 1878 Königlich Bayerische | Akademie der Wissenschaften | München, den 25ten Juli 1878. Euer Hochwohlgeboren erhalten in der Beilage das Diplom mit welchem die königliche Akademie der Wissenschaften Sie zum auswärtigen Mitgliede ihrer mathematisch–physikalischen Classe ernennt.2 Es gereicht dem Unterzeichneten zu besonderer Ehre, Ihnen eine Urkunde zuzustellen, durch welche die kgl: Akademie ihre Achtung und Annerkennung bezeugt für die Verdienste, welche Sie sich durch Ihre Forschungen und Schriften um Ihre Fachwissenschaft erworben haben. Mit der Versicherung ausgezeichneter Hochachtung | Euer Hochwohlgeboren | ergebenster | v Kobell | Classensecretär.3 Sr. Hochwohlgeboren | Charles Darwin | zu | Down bei Beckenham | bei London. LS DAR 230: 62 1 2 3

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. For a transcription and translation of the diploma sent by the Royal Bavarian Academy of Sciences, see Appendix III. Kobell was secretary of the mathematical–physical section of the Royal Bavarian Academy of Sciences.

From J. A. Allen   29 July 1878 Alwington, Kingston, Ontario, Canada; July 29. 1878. My dear Sir: I feel deeply indebted to you for your kindness in writing to me.1 I, however, did not send you the article referred to. One of my sons, Grant Allen, had written to me repeatedly to send him some numbers of the “Canadian Monthly” containing

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articles of mine, which I at length did; and by a letter of his which reached me only by the Post before yours, I learned that he had re-sent one of the〈m〉 to you. The occasion of my writing that article was this: Professor Watson, a very able Scotchman here had written a paper, which he seemed to think totally annihilatory of the Darwinian hypothesis of the genesis of morality, but which I believed to abound in loose, unguarded statements, and to contain a false, because a garbled and inadequate, statement of your views.2 I was honestly charged with indignation on your account—owing you so much—and my article was the result of the explosion   And here let me say, that you have many warm friends in Canada of whom you have never heard and are never likely to hear anything; for the true man is ever dear to the true of heart and sound of head. And now let me ask one favour from you. My son, Grant Allen, will be in London probably in a few days; and if you would allow him the privilige of just calling to see you for half an hour, you would, I think, confer a great pleasure on him—for he esteems you very highly—and a great obligation on me.3 He is a young man of some ability and full of enthusiasm for whatever is true and strong and beautiful. He has one of the finest tempers and is the most free of any I have ever met, from the jealousy and envy which disfigure the characters of so many literary men, so that I often wish I knew less of their personality than I do. I think you would like him. I must here tell you that many years ago I was on the very threshold of your great discovery. It was thus: I was about to write a lecture on the appearances of design in the world, and amongst other things I was drawing attention to the fuchsia with its long pistil & drooping head—just the position to ensure its fecundation—when all at once it struck me, what if thousands of other flowers had been accidentally—natura naturans—produced with a similar structure but had perished, owing to the circumstance of their standing erect whilst their neighbours survived. Still I should have been wholly incapable of making good and fortifying my position by that wealth of illustration and proof which your vast knowledge enabled you to furnish    Many a one, I dare say, before Columbus (or Harvey) had entertained, in a shadowy, indolent way, his thought, but lacked the fiery soul, the adequate knowledge, and the resolute purpose to carry it to its final, fruitful issue—victoriously.4 I again thank you for your kind approval of my paper, & especially for writing to me to say so. Your’s faithfully | and with great respect, | J. A. Allen Charles Darwin Esq P.S. My son is the author of “Physiological Æsthetics”, &c.5 DAR 159: 50 1 2

CD’s letter has not been found. John Watson had published an article on Darwinism and morality in the Canadian Monthly and National Review in October 1876; J. A. Allen replied to it in the same journal in May 1877 (Watson 1876 and

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J. A. Allen 1877). CD’s lightly annotated copy of J. A. Allen 1877 is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. There is no evidence that Grant Allen visited CD at Down; CD was away from home visiting relatives between 7 and 22 August (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). Christopher Columbus was widely credited with discovering the New World in 1492. William Harvey had established the circulation of the blood in 1628. CD considered Grant Allen’s book Physiological aesthetics (G. Allen 1877) to be ‘clever’ but ‘rather too much in the deductive strain’ for him (see Correspondence vol. 25, letter to G. J. Romanes, 27 May [1877]).

To Franz Ritter von Kobell   29 July 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. July 29th 1878 Sir I beg permission to return my most sincere thanks to the R. Bavarian Academy for the great honour which has been conferred on me by my election as one of the Foreign Members.—1 I feel this distinguished honour all the more as Munich has produced so many magnificent contributions to Science.— I further thank you for your extremely kind letter, & remain with the highest respect | Sir | Your much obliged & obedient servant | Charles Darwin Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften 1

See letter from Franz Ritter von Kobell, 25 July 1878.

To Francis Darwin   30 July [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. July 30th My dear old Backy I am very sorry you have been again “slack”. Your 2 last letters very interesting & valuable, & you have got a fine lot of knowledge out of Sachs. But you are an impudent dog, as the beginning of your last note shows.—2 I shd. be very glad to see De Vries here, but we leave home on the 7th. & shall be away about 3  weeks; though if Fanny Hensleigh shd. come here soon, we may, I suppose have to alter our plans. about returning.— Tell Vries this if you see him.3 Observe, if you can, whether the water obtains anything from the bloomless or cleaned petals of Helvingia.4 If you have any flowers, you might hang up a few cleaned & uncleaned about relative shrivelling or drying.— Sachs remark about the stomata seems very important; yet I can hardly understand how with M. Mer the leaves of so many plants kept alive for many days or even weeks when fairly immersed in water. I thought that each leaf chiefly depended on its own power of breathing & nourishing itself. I wonder what Sachs wd. say to Mer’s statements.—5 I quite agree with what Sachs says that certain actions of plants or effects on them are neither advantageous or disadvantageous: unless, for instance, light produced

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some tendency to move or some effect, there could have been no beginning to acquiring perfect heliotropism or apheliotropism.—6 My Porliera was last watered on July  6th & yesterday it seemed dying; but the leaves have never slept during the day, even not those on twig in bottle with quicklime. It did not even sleep last night from “dry rigidity”, but recovered when watered with wonderful quickness.— My notion now is that agitation from wind & dryness is cause of the diurnal sleep.—7 Your affect Father | C. Darwin Your observations on manner of growth of free & coiled twiners seems eminently well worth investigation.—8 I wrote on double paper by mistake9 DAR 211: 41 1 2

3

4

5

6 7

8 9

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from Francis Darwin, 24 and 25 July 1878. See the letter from Francis Darwin, 24 and 25 July 1878, reporting being unwell and also his conversations with Julius Sachs. The second letter from Francis, with the impudent beginning, has not been found. Hugo de Vries was working in Sachs’s laboratory in Würzburg. The Darwins visited family in Surrey and Staffordshire between 7 and 22 August 1878 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). The only mention of Frances Emma Elizabeth Wedgwood in Emma Darwin’s diary for August 1878 is a note on 23 August recording ‘Fanny H. v. poorly’ (DAR 242). In the event, De Vries visited CD at the home of Thomas Henry Farrer in Abinger, Surrey (see letter to Hugo de Vries, [15] August [1878]). Sachs had shown Francis the fruit of Helvingia rusciflora (a synonym of Helwingia japonica); Francis had suggested that the petals, which closed over the carpel, might be covered with bloom because they acted like a part of the fruit (see letter from Francis Darwin, [21 July 1878]). Sachs suggested that leaves wanted to keep dry in order to keep their stomata open to breathe (see letter from Francis Darwin, 24 and 25 July 1878). Émile Mer had suggested that submerged leaves could survive as long as they continued to produce starch, and that various factors such as species, age, temperature, etc., affected this ability (Mer 1876, pp. 257–8). See letter from Francis Darwin, 24 and 25 July 1878. Plants of Porlieria in Würzburg were observed to sleep even during the day, while the plant CD borrowed from Kew did not. At first CD had assumed daytime sleep was caused by dry conditions, but his observations on the Kew plant did not support this view (see letter from Francis Darwin, 24 and 25 July 1878 and n. 1). Francis, having seen a twig sent by CD, suspected the plants in Würzburg were not the same species as the one from Kew (see letter from Francis Darwin, [after 7 July 1878] and n. 3). This may be a reference to the missing letter from Francis Darwin (see n. 2, above). CD did not realise that two sheets were stuck together when he turned over the paper to write on what he thought was the verso of the first page. He then used the verso of the first two pages to write the remainder of his letter.

From J. D. Hooker   31 July 1878 Royal Gardens Kew July 31/78 Dear Darwin The Trifolium is T. striatum— the Amphicarpea A. monoica, the common U. States one—1

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Dyer took the other queries to answer, &, he tells me has answered them—2 the above should have gone with them. My wife left to day for Pendock, & I follow this day week & after a few days visit in N. Wales we go on to Dublin.3 Huxley tells me he will give no address to his section & I applaud his resolution—4 I think that even he soon will find that the power of giving addresses is exhaustible & that he will be reduced to a state of nudity— the address becoming no dress. I am at my wit’s end for a subject for the Anniveray of Royal.5 Ever affy Yrs | J D Hooker DAR 104: 114 1 2

3

4

5

Trifolium striatum is knotted clover; Amphicarpea monoica is a synonym of A. bracteata (American hog peanut). CD may have given Hooker a list of queries during Hooker’s visit to Down from 20 to 22 July 1878 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). The letter from William Turner Thiselton-Dyer has not been found, but see the letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 2 August [1878]. Hyacinth Hooker was visiting her father, William Samuel Symonds, who was the rector of Pendock, Worcestershire, before she and Hooker travelled to the British Association for the Advancement of Science meeting held in Dublin from 14 to 21 August 1878. Thomas Henry Huxley was chairman of the department of anthropology in section D (Biology) at the British Association meeting in Dublin; in the event, he did give an address on 16 August 1878, though he began it by stating that he had not intended to do so (Report of the 48th Meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science; held at Dublin (1878), Transactions of the sections, pp. 573–8). Hooker, as president, had to give an address at the anniversary meeting of the Royal Society of London on 30 November 1878 (Hooker 1878b).

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   2 August [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. August 2d My dear Dyer I thank you for a heap of things. The Arachis arrived in admirable condition, & I have been observing it ever since. I have no doubt the pointed gynophores cd. penetrate the ground without any aid; but they seem to be always in movement: I cd not resist dissecting one & what a curious structure it is!2 I also received a fine Pinus which has likewise been under observation: I have written to Messrs Barron to know what I am indebted to them.3 Pray thank Mr Smith for trouble he has kindly taken about the Pinus.—4 I had forgotten about Tropæolum & will raise some plants. Many thanks for Oxalis seeds; they are treasures to me.—5 Please tell Sir Joseph that I am particularly obliged for name of Trifolium, which by accident was sent me from Kew as T. resupinatum: it has removed a load off my mind, for I thought I must have been mad last year, the two Trifoliums behaved so differently.— If at end of month or later in autumn I could any how get seeds of true T. resupinatum, they wd be of great value to us, for Sachs has been suggesting a

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notion about bloom to Frank, which the leaves of T. resupinatum & of no other plant in world would perhaps solve.—6 This is my sole request at present. Yours very truly | Ch. Darwin I remember the roots, which you showed me at Kew, but forget whether they were positively or negatively heliotropic & what kind of plant it was.—7 Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Thiselton-Dyer, W. T., Letters from Charles Darwin 1873–81: 141–3) 1 2

3

4 5

6

7

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from J. D. Hooker, 31 July 1878. CD had asked Thiselton-Dyer for a new plant of Arachis hypogaea (peanut) in order to observe the action of the gynophore, an elongated tube developed from the ovary after fertilisation (see letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 19 July [1878]). The firm of William Barron & Son had nurseries at Borrowash, Derbyshire; conifers were a specialty of theirs (Elliott et al. 2007, p. 137). CD’s letter to the firm has not been found. CD had asked Thiselton-Dyer for a larger specimen of a fir tree, noting that he had made observations on a small plant of Pinus pinaster (maritime pine; see letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 19 July [1878] and n. 6). John Smith was the curator of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew. Tropaeolum is the genus of nasturtiums. CD had described the sleep of Oxalis valdiviana (a synonym of O. valdiviensis, Chilean yellow-sorrel), O. rosea (pink sorrel), and O. floribunda (abundant flowering wood sorrel) in his letter to Thiselton-Dyer of 18 June [1878] and asked for seeds of other species of Oxalis. Joseph Dalton Hooker had identified the plant as Trifolium striatum (knotted clover; letter from J. D. Hooker, 31 July 1878). Trifolium resupinatum is Persian clover. Julius Sachs had suggested that one function of bloom was to protect the leaf stomata (breathing pores) from water (see letter from Francis Darwin, 24 and 25 July 1878; see also F. Darwin 1886, p. 99). In observations made the previous summer, CD had noted that half the lateral leaflets had no bloom on their abaxial (lower) surface (see Correspondence vol. 25, letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, [20–4 August 1877] and n. 4). See letter from W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 11 May 1878 and n. 5. CD had visited Kew on 22 January 1878 (letter to Asa Gray, 21 [and 22] January 1878). CD had been shown the positively heliotropic aerial roots of an orchid collected in the Admiralty Islands.

From Francis Darwin   [before 3 August 1878]1 Botanisches Institut | Würzburg My dear Father, Sachs doesn’t know of any negative heliotropic mould; in the Texbook (English) p 677 he says marchantia root hairs & roots of Brassica & Sinapis are negatively heliotropic2   Sachs came in much delighted the day before yesterday having found a number of shoots of Menispermum which had contracted into beautiful corkscrews without having had any sticks given them just as if they were tendrils— he seems to me to jump to conclusions rather; he seems to think now it will be perfectly easy to make out a good case for the similarity of tendrils & twiners. He also found Akebia which had grown down a stick twining round it.3 I have made out clearly that the number of windings increase in the part of the stem that is already wound round the support; that is to say it is not merely the growth of the free end of the shoot, but the growth of the part already touching the support that comes into play. I expect I shall have to come back here to work it out next summer. Sachs promises me a whole

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greenhouse full of all the plants I want if I can come, but shall certainly go on with it at Down. It is Sachs idea so that if it is to be any good it ought to be done here. Sachs observed last night a plant of Anagallis pratensis which sends out leafy stems over the ground like Lysimachia, & he said that it was so

night

day

at night with the bud at the end bent right over.4 I have found a malvaceous plant which sleeps.5

night

day

The stalk does not alter but the leaf is 50o below Horizon at night & 10o above in the day; the leaf stalk is a little thickened close to the leaf   Gossypium has a gland on midrib underneath which secretes & is much visited by ants here in the houses.6 I hope you are not bang dead with work dear father | Your affec son | Frank Darwin See also p. 757  note on Rhizomorphs or root like mycelium of true funguses    There is more about it in 4th Edit   There seems a doubt whether they are apheliotropic after all7 DAR 209.8: 152 CD annotations 1.1 Sachs … mould;] underl blue crayon 1.3 Sachs came] opening square bracket blue crayon 1.3 Sachs came in … summer. 1.12] crossed red crayon 1.12 Sachs … done here. 1.14] crossed blue crayon First diagram: ‘Upturning of Leaflet of Leguminosæ see Pfeffer & Wiesner’8 pencil Second diagram: ‘Sleep | get name | Anoda’9 blue crayon 3.2 Gossypium … dear father 4.1] crossed red crayon 5.1 See also … after all 5.3] double scored red crayon Top of letter: ‘p 17 Akebia’ pencil 1 2

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to Francis Darwin, 3 August [1878]. Francis was working in the laboratory of Julius Sachs at Würzburg; the laboratory was a centre of research in plant physiology. For his earlier discussion of heliotropism in mould, see the letter from Francis Darwin, 24 and 25 July 1878. Sachs’s Lehrbuch der Botanik (Sachs 1868a) had been translated

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5 6

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8

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into English in 1875 (Sachs 1875). Sachs described negative heliotropism in root-hairs (rhizoids) of Marchantia, a genus of liverworts, and in rootlets of Brassica napus (rape) and Sinapis alba (white mustard; Sachs 1875, p. 677). Menispermum is the genus of moonseed; Akebia is the genus of chocolate vines. Anagallis pratensis is an unknown combination; Francis probably intended Anagallis arvensis (scarlet pimpernel). Both Anagallis and Lysimachia (loosestrife) are genera in the family Primulaceae (primroses). The diagram is reproduced at 93 per cent of its original size. Malvaceae is the family of mallows. Gossypium is the genus of cotton, a member of the Malvaceae family. The glands on the lower midrib of leaves are leaf nectaries; these are found on most species of cotton except G. tomentosum (C. W. Smith and Cothren eds. 1999, p. 336). The English translation of Sachs’s textbook was made from the third German edition (Sachs 1873), although some of the material from the fourth German edition (Sachs 1874) was added to the notes (Sachs 1875, p. [vii]). For the additional material casting doubt on the negative heliotropism of rhizomorphs, see Sachs 1874, pp. 812–13. Wilhelm Pfeffer had discussed the upward movement of leaflets of pinnate leaves in Leguminosae (a synonym of Fabaceae, the family of peas and beans) under direct sun, and noted that the movement was referred to by some authors as noonday sleep (Pfeffer 1875, pp. 62–3 and n. 2). Julius Wiesner had referred to Pfeffer’s observations and reported his own observations of movement in leaflets of Robinia (Wiesner 1876, pp. 45–6). An abstract of Wiesner 1876 appeared in Der Naturforscher, 26 August 1876, pp. 327–9; CD’s heavily annotated copy of this abstract is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. Anoda is a genus of plants in the family Malvaceae; CD evidently added the name when Francis supplied it, but no letter from Francis referring to it has been found. Notes on the movement of the petiole in leaves of Anoda wrightii (a synonym of A. lanceolata, lanceleaf anoda), written by Francis, dated 30 July to 2 August 1878, are in DAR 209.14: 6–7.

To Francis Darwin   3 August [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Aug. 3d My dear F. Having an idle 14 of hour, I will write.— I am delighted that your climbing work seems so interesting. At p. 17 (2d Edit.)) of my Climbers I mention the spiral shoots of Akebia & Stauntonia (both memispermeæ); but with one the spirality was clearly connected with very slow growth or ill-health— the poorer the shoot the more spiral it became.2 Very many thanks about Heliotropism.— I hope that you gave my invitation to Sachs, whether or no he accepts it.3 Get name of malvaceous plant which sleep, though I have one good case with Sida, & here leaves turn vertically up at night.—4 The Anagallis seem very odd.—5 I have just succeeded in showing tips of radicles of Tropæolum majus are sensitive to square of card; but failed signally with those of Vegetable marrow, yet with some indication that they are really sensitive.— We must try Horse & Spanish Chesnut.—6 Yours affect | C. Darwin William has sent me your letter to him, & we had a jolly laugh over the difficulty of finding a present for a Professor 5ft. 8 inches high &c. &c7

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Your present ought to be something handsome, & I pity you in having to solve such a problem.— “Oh no” is Bernard’s8 favourite expression now, & he brings it in delightfully, reproving us for our nonsense.— DAR 211: 42 1 2

3

4 5 6

7 8

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letters from Francis Darwin, 24 and 25 July 1878 and [before 3 August 1878]. Francis had described his own and Julius Sachs’s observations on spiral shoots of Menispermum (the genus of moonseed) and Akebia (the genus of chocolate vines) in his letter of [before 3 August 1878]. Stauntonia and Akebia are now placed in the family Lardizabalaceae, which was formerly a division of the Menispermaceae. CD refers to Climbing plants 2d ed. For more on Sachs’s views on climbing plants, see the letter from Francis Darwin, [before 17 July 1878]. See letter from Francis Darwin, [before 3 August 1878]. CD had asked about heliotropism in moulds and roots in his letter to Francis of 25 July [1878]; he also extended an invitation for Sachs to visit him at Down. See letter from Francis Darwin, [before 3 August 1878] and nn. 5 and 9. CD described sleep movements in Sida rhombifolia (arrowleaf sida) in Movement in plants, pp. 322–3. In his letter of [before 3 August 1878], Francis had drawn a sketch of the unusual sleep movements of Anagallis arvensis (scarlet pimpernel). CD described his experiments on the sensitivity of the tip of the radicle or embryonic root of Tropaeolum majus (nasturtium) in Movement in plants, pp. 167–8. He described similar sensitivity in Aesculus hippocastanum (horse chestnut) in ibid., pp. 172–4, but did not discuss the Spanish chestnut (Castanea sativa). William Erasmus Darwin. The letter has not been found. Bernard Darwin was Francis’s son.

To R. A. Blair   4 [August] 18781 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) July 4th 1878 Dear Sir I write one line to acknowledge your letter & to thank you for all your extraordinary kindness.—2 I have written to Prof. Flower with all particulars, & urged him to examine carefully the wings.—3 I suspect that it is near his holidays, when he leaves London, so there may be some delay in the investigation.— You shall hear hereafter. In Haste | Dear Sir | yours faithfully & obliged | Ch. Darwin American Philosophical Society (540) 1 2 3

CD misdated his letter 4 July instead of 4 August 1878. This letter is a reply to the letter from R. A. Blair, 17 July 1878, which arrived on 4 August (see n. 3, below). See letter from R. A. Blair, 17 July 1878. See letter to W. H. Flower, 4 [August] 1878 and n. 1.

From Francis Darwin   [4–7 August 1878]1 Botanisches Institut | Würzburg My dear Father, I ought to have seen the place about Akebia & Stauntonia, also I should think your explanation is quite as good as Sachs, or rather better as it explains the appearance without assuming any new cause.2 I had so few Helvingia to work with I couldn’t try

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whether anything comes out of them.3 Sachs gave me all the berries on the bush but it was too late. The difference in rate of drying is very well marked. Also 3 of the cleaned ones which I have wetted by squirting water over them have mould growing on them. Sachs said they tried some experiments about the growth of mould on fruit, by sowing mould spores on fruit & they found that the mould grow far better on the fruit grapes & apples which has been wiped. He seems to think it very important to make out whether water dissolves anything out of leaves, but he thinks the way of weighing would be no good, as not being delicate enough— He says that if you water a plant with lithium solution & then put the leaves in water the lithium comes out. I have tried here with a tobacco plant & it is quite easy to do & lots of lithium came out.4 He thinks it would be a good way of trying cleaned & bloom leaves, though not absolutely convincing as you don’t know whether the lithium is in a natural state in the cell sap. He says he has found dew alkaline which he supposes is from the potash coming out, & thinks that also worth trying. I had thought of the lithium way with bloom & cleaned, but thought it too imaginary a way. He suggests a a way of testing whether nitrogenous stuff comes out, to infect the water in which cleaned & bloom leaves have soaked with a drop or two of bacterial fluid.5 I wish I had thought of this before, as I have had very little to do for the last 10 days & I might have tried it. There is a wild Lactuca here that has leaves which slew so that the edges are up & down a vertical as they grow up, I find it has nearly as many stomata on the upper as on the lower side like an Australian tree.6 It has bloom on both sides. I will bring some seed as it might do for comparison somehow with sleepers as its leaves are vertical. I think one might test the nitrogen in water from cleaned leaves with Drosera7   I have given your message to Sachs & he seemed much pleased & said that he was much obliged, & that Down was the first place he would wish to go to, if he manages to come through London8 I suppose you have got my letter saying I shall be at Leith Hill Thursday afternoon—9 Yr affec. | F. D. DAR 162: 57 CD annotations 1.1 I … cause. 1.3 crossed blue crayon 1.3 I had … marked. 1.5] ‘Bloom Helvingia.’ blue crayon 1.9 He … sap 1.16.] ‘Frankland wd test for nitrogenous matter’10 blue crayon 2.3 He suggests … Drosera 2.11] ‘There is some way of testing for ammonia’ blue crayon 2.12 I have … afternoon— 3.2] crossed blue crayon 1

2

The date range is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to Francis Darwin, 3 August [1878], and by the reference to Francis’s planned arrival at Leith Hill Place (see n. 9, below). In 1878, the Thursday following 3 August was 8 August. Akebia (the genus of chocolate vine) and Stauntonia are in the family Lardizabalaceae, formerly a division of the Menispermaceae. Julius Sachs, having observed corkscrew-like contraction of shoots of Menispermum (the genus of moonseed), had suggested that it would be easy to show the similarity of twining and tendril-bearing climbers (letter from Francis Darwin, [before 3 August 1878]). CD

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suggested that the contraction was more likely to be connected to slow growth or ill health (see letter to Francis Darwin, 3 August [1878] and n. 2). Francis was conducting experiments on Helvingia rusciflora (a synonym of Helwingia japonica); he was evidently attempting to determine whether any substance might be exuded from the petals (see letter from Francis Darwin, [21 July 1878]). Francis was trying to work out the function of bloom, the waxy or pruinose coating on some leaves and fruit, and was experimenting with the berry-like drupes of Helwingia. Sachs had developed the lithium method for determining rates of transpiration in plants (see Sachs 1878, pp. 163–6). In 1872, Ferdinand Julius Cohn had described the role of bacteria in putrefaction; he had determined that bacteria split up albuminous compounds into ammonia or nitric acid and other products, and assimilated the ammonia. Water with a nitrogeneous solute to which a few drops of bacterial fluid had been added would become cloudy and later form a bacterial precipitate (Cohn 1872, pp. 45–6). Sachs evidently assumed that bacteria would multiply in the presence of nitrogenous compounds in the water in which the leaves had been soaked. Lactuca is the genus of lettuces. Francis evidently refers to Lactuca serriola (prickly lettuce or compass plant); the upper leaves twist round to hold their edges upright in sun. Australian tree genera such as Eucalyptus and Acacia typically have stomata on both upper and lower leaf surfaces. Drosera is the genus of sundews. CD had extended an invitation to Sachs to visit him at Down (see letter to Francis Darwin, 25 July [1878]). The letter has not been found. Leith Hill Place was the home of CD’s sister, Caroline Sarah Wedgwood, and her family; the Darwins visited there from 7 to 12 August 1878. Francis planned to join them on Thursday 8 August; he returned to Down on 12 August (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). Edward Frankland often assisted CD with chemical aspects of his research; he had perfomed several experiments on CD’s behalf when CD was working on Insectivorous plants (see Correspondence vols. 21 and 22).

To W. H. Flower   4 [August] 18781 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. July 4th. 1878 My dear Flower You will remember the dried wings of the goose & your wish for other wings in spirits. I have this day heard from Mr R. A. Blair of Sedalia, Missouri that he has sent to the C.  of Surgeons several specimens,—the nature of which is explained in enclosed letter.2 I hope that you will think the case worth investigation; as since Brown-Sequards observations all cases of inheritance from injury seem to me well worthy of study.—3 I enclose Mr Blairs three letters to me, numbered in order. The second corrects some errors in the first. I also return your note to me, as it may serve to refresh your mind on subject.—4 Whenever you have arrived at any conclusion, I hope that you will kindly inform me, so that I may write to Mr. Blair, who has been extraordinarily kind.— Believe me | Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin P.S. A man at Leeds offered to send me a living pigeon born without eyes, & as he says without sockets in the skull: I asked him to send it to you, dead, as I thought that the skull might be curious: whether he has done so or will do so, I do not of course know.—5

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American Philosophical Society (543) 1 2 3 4

5

The month is established by the date of the enclosure (see n. 2, below). CD evidently wrote ‘July’ in error. CD enclosed the letter from R. A. Blair, 17 July 1878. Flower was curator of the Hunterian Museum of the Royal College of Surgeons of England. For more on the work of Charles Édouard Brown-Séquard, see the letter to W. H. Flower, 25 February 1878 and n. 2. Blair’s letters, other than the one of 17 July 1878, have not been found. CD responded to the first two in his letters of 27 December 1877 (Correspondence vol. 25) and 14 April 1878 (this volume). Flower’s letter of 12 April 1878 was returned to him as well. No letter to CD mentioning the pigeon without eyes has been found.

From Paul Broca1   5 August 1878 Exposition des Sciences Anthropologiques | Paris, le 5 août 1878 Cher et illustre Collègue, Un congrès international des sciences anthropologiques aura lieu à Paris du 16 au 21 de ce mois. Il sera suivi immédiatement de la 7ème. session de l’association française pour l’avancement des sciences qui siègera du 22 au 29 août. Vous avez dû recevoir il y a quelques jours le programme du congrès anthropologique; je vous en envoie un nouveau par le courrier de ce jour.2 Mais je tiens à vous exprimer, en mon nom, et au nom de toute la commission d’organisation, toute la joie et tous l’orgueuil que nous éprouverions si vous nous fairiéz l’honneur d’assister à notre congrès. Personellement, je pousse plus loin l’ambition et j’espère que vous voudrez bien accepter l’hospitalité dans ma maison. Vous y serez au centre de Paris, sur la Seine, à deux pas de l’Institut (qui s’est enfin décidé à vous élire!!!).3 Ma femme4 joint ses instances aux miennes, pour avoir le bonheur de posséder sous notre toit un hôte tel que vous, et elle espère, comme moi, que madame Darwin voudra bien vous accompagner Si vous avoir l’habitude d’amener avec vous un domestique dans vos voyages, nous mettrons aisément une chambre de domestique à votre disposition Veuillez agréer, cher et illustre collègue, l’expression de mon dèvouement respectueux. | P Broca DAR 160: 314 1 2 3

4

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. The programme sent to CD has not been found. A report of the proceedings was published (Congrès international des sciences anthropologiques 1878). CD had recently been elected a corresponding member in the botanical section of the Académie des sciences (Academy of Sciences of the Institute of France); he had been nominated on six previous occasions in the zoological section (see letter from J.-B. Dumas and Joseph Bertrand, 5 August 1878 and n. 2). Adèle-Augustine Broca.

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From J.-B. Dumas and Joseph Bertrand1   5 August 1878 Institut de France. | Académie des Sciences. | Paris, le 5 Aout 1878 Les Secrétaires perpétuels de l’Académie. à Monsieur Ch. Darwin, Correspondant de l’Académie des Sciences de l’Institut de France Monsieur, Nous avons l’honneur de vous adresser l’extrait du Procès Verbal de la Séance dans laquelle l’Académie vous a nommé l’un de Ses Correspondants pour remplir la place vacante dans la Section de Botanique, par suite du déces de M. Weddell,3 de Poitiers En vous offrant ce titre, comme un témoignage de son estime, l’Académie espère, Monsieur, que vous voudrez bien lui faire part du fruit de vos recherches dans les Sciences dont elle s’occupe. Agréez, Monsieur, avec nos félicitations personelles, l’assurance de notre considération la plus distinguée. | J Dumas J Bertrand LS DAR 230: 63 1 2

3

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. CD was nominated six times between 1870 and 1878 for membership of the zoological section of the Académie (Corsi and Weindling 1985, p. 699; see also Correspondence vols. 18, 20, and 21). For more on the controversy surrounding the nominations, see Stebbins 1988, pp. 147–9. For a transcription and translation of the diploma, see Appendix III. Hugh Algernon Weddell.

From A. S. Wilson   6 August 1878 124 Bothwell Street. | Glasgow. 6th Aug. 1878. Charles Darwin Esq. Dear Sir, A fortnight or three weeks ago I found while in the island of Arran, the flowers of Erythraea Centaurium, in tolerable abundance.1 They had styles shorter than the stamens, and at first this seemed to be universal, but on examining one of the specimens I had lifted I found it was different from the rest, the style being much longer than the stamens so that the stigma was a good way above them, just as happens in Menyanthes trifoliata.—2 On reaching home I placed the pollen grains from the two forms under the microscope, and found that exactly as in the case of the bog-bean, whose pollen grains I had examined previously, the two forms were perfectly distinct. The pollen-grains from the anthers of the long styled form were smaller, in size and more spherical than those of the short styled form, which were, elliptical or Cassava seed-shaped,— I have not yet had an opportunity of repeating the observations on other specimens— there seems however, little doubt—that the plant is truly dimorphic.3 Since I have troubled

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you with the above, I may at the same time mention, having found this summer on the top of Ben Lawers three forms of Silene Acaulis,—male, female and perfect hermaphrodite flowers on distinct plants.4 The female flowers resembled those of the female form of the gynodioecious Thymus Serpillum in that the corolla was small, pale, and without markings.—5 According to Axell, Silene Inflata is trimorphic or rather polygamous, but Herman Muller makes no mention of S. acaulis which is described as ‘subdioecious’ in Hooker.—6 Nor is Erythraea, described in Müller’s ‘Befruchtung’, as dimorphic and therefore I have taken the liberty of writing you.7 Perhaps you will pardon me if I refer to one other observation I made, on Saturday last,—in reference to the fertilisation of Schrofularia Nodosa.—8 For a long time I have been trying to find an explanation of the fact that in insect-fertilized flowers,—we usually have proterogynous dichogamy associated with an inconspicuous corolla,— It is difficult to see in what way an inconspicous corolla can be advantageous to a plant dependent on insect visits, for cross fertilisation; And more over another difficulty presents itself, As is well known a bee visiting a plant usually begins with the lower flowers, and goes regularly up, in proterandrous flowers where the infloresence is basifugal were the bee to reverse its course the whole elaborate arrangement for cross fertilisation would be upset for the insect would simply bring pollen from the upper younger, male flowers and deposit it on the stigmas of the older ones low-down—and would finally leave the plant carrying off very little, pollen. In like manner in a proterogynous plant with basifugal developing inflorescence were an insect to begin at the older, lower flowers, which are in the second or male stage, it would simply take the pollen to the younger female flowers higher up the stem, and would finally leave the plant with little or no pollen. In this way the chances of crossing would be greatly lessened. Now what I noticed was this that a wasp visiting Scrofularia Nodosa, alighted on the top flower and went from flower to flower somewhat irregularly, but after completing a downward spiral or two left the plant from the oldest and lowest flower!— It would appear from this that such plants are adapted for fertilization by insects having a different habit, from the bees.— But about the obscurity of the flowers—animals of prey, being possessed of keener powers of vision scent &c. it seems only fair to suppose that wasps, whose food, consists partly of smaller insects, will haver sharper eyes than a purely vegetable feeding insect like the bee.— Consequently the materials necessary to produce a large coloured corolla, may be more profitably empoyed otherwise in the economy of the plant just as in the case of Cleistogamic flowers.9 I must beg you to excuse me thus trespassing on your time, but my having been led to take an interest in this subject through your labours must be my apology for troubling you with these imperfect & crude observations. | Believe me | Yours Very Respectfully | Alex. S. Wilson.

DAR 86: B19–20

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CD annotations 1.1 A fortnight … dimorphic. 1.12] crossed blue crayon 1.7 and found … seed-shaped,— 1.10] scored ink 1.12 Since … markings.— 1.17] scored red crayon; ‘?’ red crayon 2.1 Perhaps … up, 2.8] crossed blue crayon Top of letter: ‘Keep’ pencil; ‘for Cross Fertilisation’ blue crayon 1

2 3 4 5 6

7 8 9

Arran is an island in south-west Scotland in the Firth of Clyde. Erythraea is a synonym of Centaurium (the genus of centaury). Erythraea centaurium is a synonym of Centaurium erythraea (common centaury). Its flowers are herkogamic (anthers and stigmas are spatially segregated) and protogynous (female parts mature first) but not heterostyled (Brys and Jacquemyn 2011, p. 922). Menyanthes trifoliata is common bog-bean. CD added Wilson’s information on Erythraea centaurium to the preface of Forms of flowers 2d ed., p. vi. Ben Lawers is a mountain in the southern Highlands of Scotland. Silene acaulis is cushion-pink or moss campion. Thymus serpyllum is Breckland thyme; CD had described the differences in the corollas of hermaphrodite and female plants of this species in Forms of flowers, pp. 299–300. Johann Severin Axell had described and figured the three forms of Silene inflata (a synonym of S. vulgaris, bladder campion) in Axell 1869, p. 46. Hermann Müller had, in fact, briefly mentioned Silene acaulis, noting that it was sometimes dioecious, sometimes hermaphrodite and protandrous, that is, with male sexual parts maturing before female ones (H. Müller 1873, p. 190). For Joseph Dalton Hooker’s description of the species as subdioecious, see Hooker 1870, p. 51. For Müller’s description of flowers of Erythraea centaurium, see H. Müller 1873, p. 333. Scrophularia nodosa is woodland figwort. CD had discussed the reduction in the size of the corolla in female plants of gynodioecious species in Forms of flowers, pp. 7, 304–9.

To Thomas Woolner   6 August [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Aug. 6th My dear Mr Woolner Your account of the Ourang is very curious. I had not heard even of its existence.2 Whenever I go to London, I hope to see him or her; but this will not be soon & indeed tomorrow morning we leave home for a three weeks visit.—3 Pray remember us to Mrs Woolner4 | & believe me | Yours very faithfully | Ch. Darwin Stephan Loewentheil and The 19th Century Shop, Baltimore, Maryland (dealer) (1990) 1 2 3 4

The year is established by the mention of the visit starting on 7 August (see n. 3, below), and by the mention of the orang-utan (see n. 2, below). Woolner’s account has not been found. A young female orang-utan had arrived at the Zoological Gardens of London on 27 July 1878 (Proceedings of the Zoological Society of London (1878): 789). The Darwins visited family in Surrey and Staffordshire between 7 and 22 August 1878 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). Alice Gertrude Woolner.

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From George Bentham   7 August 1878 25, Wilton Place. | S.W. Aug 7/78 My dear Mr Darwin I see by the Times that the French Academy of Sciences has at last elected you a Corresponding Member1 I do not write to congratulate you because you have only now got what had been so long your due and they have not yet placed you where you ought to have been long since in the higher rank of their Foreign Associates but yet I cannot help rejoicing that the irresistible strength of your theories has prevailed over the violent perhaps rather national than religious prejudices which have hitherto opposed their progress in France. They felt galled that you an Englishman by the sound basis upon which you had founded your conclusions should have succeeded where all the speculations of their own Lamarck had failed and the Académie gladly availed themselves of the exclamation attributed to Quatrefages Comment voulez vous que nous choisisions un homme qui dit que nous sommes descendus des singes!2 and without enquiring whether you ever said any such thing they at once voted against you— Perhaps also they felt hurt at the prevailing idea that we believed that they inherited too much of the characteristics of these their supposed ancestors. However they seem now to have come to their senses and the only nation where (since the death of Agassiz)3 really scientific naturalists opposed themselves to your views has now succumbed and I cannot help congratulating you on what may more fairly be called their universal adoption Yours very sincerely | George Bentham DAR 160: 170 1 2

3

A brief notice of CD’s election by the Académie des sciences appeared in The Times, 7 August 1878, p. 5. See letter from J.-B. Dumas and Joseph Bertrand, 5 August 1878. The most detailed exposition of the transmutation theory of Jean Baptiste de Lamarck is in his Philosophie zoologique (Lamarck 1809). Armand de Quatrefages had supported CD’s earlier nominations to the Académie des sciences (see, for example, Correspondence vol. 18, letter from Armand de Quatrefages, 30 March 1870). It is unlikely that the quotation, which translates as ‘How would you like it if we chose a man who says that we are descended from apes’, originated with Quatrefages. Louis Agassiz had died in 1873. On his opposition to CD’s theory of descent, see Correspondence vols. 8 and 11 and Dupree 1959, pp. 216–32.

To L. A. Errera   8 August [1878] Leith Hill Place | Dorking Aug 8th. Dear Sir I regret extremely that you should have had the trouble of going to Down for nothing.— I left home before the Post arrived yesterday; otherwise I shd. have written before.—1

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I hope that your interesting researches on cross-fertilisation progress favourably2 & I remain | Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin Postmark: AU 8 78 American Philosophical Society (544) 1 2

CD had left Down on 7 August 1878 and was away until 22 August (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). The cover of the letter indicates that it was sent to London, but forwarded to Belgium. Errera and Gustave Gevaert had published a summary of Cross and self fertilisation. Errera, who was a doctoral candidate at the Free University of Brussels, had told CD that he wanted to study the fertilisation of inconspicuous flowers (see Correspondence vol. 25, letter from L. A. Errera, 10 October 1877).

To J. F. Fisher   8 August [1878]1 at. J. Wedgwoods. Esqre. | Leith Hill Place, Dorking | (address till Augt 11th.)  at T. H. Farrer Esqre. | Abinger Hall. Dorking. | (address till Augt 16th. Aug.t 8th Dear Sir I do not consider your letter any intrusion, & your cause is an excellent one—2 My health is always weak, & it has lately been worse and I have left home for 3 weeks complete rest at the houses of my near relations.3 Therefore I am therefore unwilling to undertake any thing laborious & reading a long M.S. always fatigues me much. But if your M.S. is short or if you think it worth while to give me an abstract of your views I shall be happy to express my opinion whatever that may be worth.— I really cannot undertake to read a long M.S. & on my return home,—I must go on with a long & difficult investigation.—4 I remain | Dear Sir. | Yours faithfully. Ch. Darwin. Copy DAR 144: 106 1 2 3

4

The year is established by the address (see n. 3, below). The letter has not been found. The Darwins left Down on 7 August 1878 and visited Leith Hill Place, Surrey, the home of CD’s sister, Caroline Sarah Wedgwood, and her family. From 12 to 15 August, they stayed at Abinger, Surrey, the home of Thomas Henry and Katherine Euphemia Farrer, who was Emma Darwin’s niece. Lastly, they travelled to Barlaston, Staffordshire, the home of Emma’s brother Frank Wedgwood and his family, and returned home on 22 August (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). No separate manuscript has been found, but see the letter from J. F. Fisher, 13 August 1878. CD was investigating movement in plants and the function of bloom, the waxy or powdery coating on leaves and fruit.

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To Hugo de Vries   8 August [1878]1 Leith Hill Place | Dorking August 8th

My dear Sir I regret extremely that I left home yesterday before the arrival of your note (which was forwarded to me here) & that I do not return home for 3 weeks.2 On some future occasion, I hope to have the pleasure of seeing you at Down,3 & with all good wishes & much respect, I remain | My dear Sir, Yours very faithfully | Charles Darwin Artis Library (De Vries 3) 1 2 3

The year is established by the address (see n. 2, below). The Darwins visited family in Surrey and Staffordshire between 7 and 22 August 1878 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). In the event, De Vries visited CD on 14 August 1878, while CD was staying at Abinger, Surrey (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)).

From Gaston de Saporta1   9 August 1878 Fonscolombe | par le Puy— Ste Réparade | (B. du Rhône) le 9 aout 78 Monsieur et honoré confrère, J’apprends aujourdhui par les journaux que vous avez été élu lundi dernier correspondant de la section de botanique à l’Académie des Sciences—2 Je suis trop heureux de cet événement et trop flatté de voir mon nom inscrit près du votre pour ne pas venir vous témoigner ma vive satisfaction— Je vois aussi qu’on ne m’avait pas trompé en m’annoncant les dispositions de l’Académie à votre égard— Je crois fermement que vos idées font un chemin immense et qu’elles triompheront bientôt dans la science à mesure que les traditions de l’Ecole de Cuvier achèveront de séffacer.3 Je crois aussi que les decouvertes et les observations iront en se multipliant d’année en années soit par l’étude de la nature vivante, soit par celle de la paléontologie— Mais dans le second de ces domaines, il faut ne pas vouloir de hâter et cheminer pas à pas. Je continue dans ce moment l’examen des plus anciennes productions végétales à partir du silurien inférieur et j’acquiers la conviction que la vie organique était des lors ancienne et relativement complexe. Il devient visible de plus en plus que la végétation carbonifère et même précabonifère était divisée en deux portions presque égales de cryptogames vasculaires et de phanérogames gymnospermes— Ces Gymnospermes étaient même généralement plus élevées en structure que les survivantes de leur classe: les conifères et les Cycadées, et d’une façon générale lorsque un groupe ou une classe à décliné, les êtres de cette classe qui ont echappé, après qu’elle a eu perdu la préponderance, se rattachent à des rameaux inférieurs qui ont trouvé moyen de survivre en se soustrayant à la concurrence vitale.

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La Souche gymnospermique d’où les Dicotylédones sont sorties, par suite d’une serie de combinaisons, a bien pu originairement se trouver inférieure aux autres types de gymnospermes— mais ceux-ci à raison même de leur perfection hâtiv ont dû succumber dans le combat pour la vie, lorsque les circonstances qui avaient favorisé leur estoc n’ont plus été les mêmes. J’ai développé ce point de vue dans un ouvrage sur le monde des plantes avant l’homme, actuellement sous presse et qui résume tout ce que j’ai écrit précédemment sur la marche de l’ancienne végétation conçue au point de vue de l’évolution. J’aurai l’honneur de vous offrir cet ouvrage dans peu de mois.4 Je vous prie d’agréer, Monsieur et honoré confrère, l’expression de mes sentiments | affectionants et devoués | Cte G. de Saporta Je vais être à Paris pour un mois d’aout et septembre | Hôtel et quai Voltaire DAR 177: 36 1 2 3

4

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. CD was elected a corresponding member of the botanical section of the Académie des sciences on 5 August 1878 (see letter from J.-B. Dumas and Joseph Bertrand, 5 August 1878 and n. 2). In December 1877, Saporta had alerted CD to the fact that CD’s name was going to be proposed for membership in the botanical section of the Académie des sciences, and that CD’s election was very likely (see Correspondence vol. 25, letter from Gaston de Saporta, 16 December 1877). Saporta had been a corresponding member of the botanical section of the academy since 1876 (Comptes rendus hebdomadaires des séances de l’Académie des sciences 83 (1876): 43). For more on Georges Cuvier’s influence on French science in the nineteenth century, see Appel 1987. Saporta’s book, Le monde des plantes avant l’apparition de l’homme (The world of plants before the appearance of man; Saporta 1879), was published in December 1878 (see letter to Gaston de Saporta, 22 December 1878). CD’s copy, inscribed, ‘A Monsieur Charles Darwin | Comme un hommage respectueux’, is in the Darwin Library–CUL.

To A. S. Wilson   9 August [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. [Leith Hill Place, Surrey.] Aug. 9th Dear Sir Your observations seem to me very interesting.— I remember many years ago being perplexed by Erythræa, but I do not think that I compared the pollen.—2 I wd. suggest to you to compare many specimens next year, & if you have any opportunity transplant the plants into a garden & experimentise on them & publish the results.— Your remarks on the Wasps alighting on summit of the stems of the Scrophularia are very curious & good; but, as it seems to me, many more observations are requisite before you could safely make any generalisation on relation of colours of flowers & visits of wasps. I remember, however, speculating on the subject, but wasps visiting Tritoma upset my notions.3 I am writing away from home & am not well,4 so excuse brevity, & with hearty

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wishes for the success & continuation of your observations, I remain Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin Cambridge University Library (MS Add. 7339: 57) 1 2

3

4

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from A.  S.  Wilson, 6 August 1878. See letter from A. S. Wilson, 6 August 1878 and nn. 1 and 3. Erythraea is a synonym of Centaurium (the genus of centaury). For CD’s earlier questions about the forms of Erythraea centaurium, see Correspondence vol. 10, letter to W. E. Darwin, [24 July 1862]. In his letter of 6 August 1878, Wilson noted that he had observed wasps visiting the highest flowers first on stems of Scrophularia nodosa (woodland figwort). He pointed out that bees generally visited the lowest flowers of a plant first and speculated that this difference might explain protogyny (female sexual parts maturing before male) in flowers that were adapted for cross-fertilisation by wasps. The former plant genus name Tritoma is a synonym of Kniphofia (red-hot poker or torch lily); individual flowers of the cone-shaped inflorescences bloom in sequence from the base up. The Darwins visited family in Surrey and Staffordshire between 7 and 22 August 1878 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). This letter was written from Leith Hill Place, the home of CD’s sister, Caroline Sarah Wedgwood, and her family.

To George Bentham   10 August [1878]1 r

Leith Hill Place | Dorking Aug 10th

My dear M. Bentham I thank you cordially for your most kind letter, & I can say with entire truth that it has given me many times more pleasure than my election as member of the Institut.2 Believe me with the highest respect. | Yours sincerely & gratefully | Charles Darwin.— Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Bentham Correspondence, Vol. 3, Daintree–Dyer, 1830–1884, GEB/1/3: f. 718) 1 2

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from George Bentham, 7 August 1878. See letter from George Bentham, 7 August 1878. CD was elected a corresponding member of the botanical section of the Académie des sciences of the Institut de France on 5 August 1878 (see letter from J.-B. Dumas and Joseph Bertrand, 5 August 1878 and n. 2).

From Alphonse de Candolle1   10 August 1878

Samaden (Engadine) 10 aout 1878

Mon cher Monsieur Les nouvelles arrivent tard et incompletement dans l’extrémité orientale de la Suisse et à 1724mets. d’élévation, à douze heures des chemins de fer; cependant un journal m’a appris votre nomination par l’Académie des Sciences de l’Institut, comme correspondant.2 Permettez moi de vous dire à quel degré j’en ai été satisfait. Chose singulière! dans le cas actuel ce n’est pas lélu qu’il faut le plus féliciter—car votre position est si élevée dans la science qu’un titre de plus est assez indifférent— Mais c’est l’Académie à la quelle je m’interesse et qui tardait beaucoup trop à reconnaître vos mérites. Le systeme de presentation par sections vous a nui parcequ’on vous renvoyait de la

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zoologie à la botanique ou vice versa.3 Malheureusement il y avait aussi des preventions ridicules par des motifs non scientifiques. J’ai craint quelquefois qu’on ne vous traitat comme jadis le Dr Priestley qui avait découvert l’oxygène—c’est vrai—mais qui était républicain, de sorte que les Académies royales de Paris et de Berlin ne le voulaient pas sur leurs listes.4 Enfin vous avez survécu aux objections fausses et hors de place qu’on suscitait contre vous! Elles ne venaient pas des membres de l’Académie que je connais le plus et auxquels je parlais souvent de vous, mais plutot de mathématiciens, physiciens etc, avec lesquels j’ai moins de rapports. Même Mr de Quatrefages, qui combat vos opinions en histoire naturelle, m’a dit avoir voté pour vous dans une autre occasion où la discussion sur votre compte fut très vive.5 La jeunesse francaise vous est plus favorable, surtout en provinces, et la renouvellement du personnel de l’Académie vous aurait fait nommer tot ou tard, mais il vaut mieux que cela soit arrivé maintenant. Vous aurez recu le 1er volume de nos Monographiæ Phanerogamarum que j’ai dit au libraire de vous envoyer.6 C’est un livre à consulter dans l’occasion, voila tout. A peine une page ou deux dans les généralitées sur les Smilax valent-elles la peine d’attirer votre regard.7 Par parenthese en comparent les Smilax fossiles avec les vivants j’ai pris une triste opinion des prétendues espèces végétales fossiles. Les charactères génériques ne peuvent pas du tout être devinés par les feuilles, qui sont ici la seule chose connue, et encore les feuilles sont reduites à des limbes sans petioles qui ne permettent pas de distinguer des espèces. Je n’ai jamais vu une donnée paléontologique aussi vague. Mes compliments à Messieurs vos fils.8 Je voudrais les rencontrer une fois dans cette curieuse vallée de l’Engadine où les courses de montagne ont un attrait tout particulier, surtout pour la jeunesse. Agréez, je vous prie, mon cher Monsieur, l’assurance de me mes sentiments les plus dévoués | Alph. de Candolle DAR 161: 24 1 2

3

4 5

6 7

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. Candolle was at the Swiss health resort Samaden (Samedan is the usual English spelling of the name) in the upper Engadine. CD was elected a corresponding member of the botanical section of the Académie des sciences of the Institut de France on 5 August 1878 (see letter from J.-B. Dumas and Joseph Bertrand, 5 August 1878 and n. 2). CD was nominated six times between 1870 and 1878 for membership of the zoological section of the Académie (Corsi and Weindling 1985, p. 699; see also Correspondence vols. 18, 20, and 21). For more on the controversy surrounding the nominations, see Stebbins 1988, pp. 147–9. Joseph Priestley, a polemical republican and Unitarian, became a foreign member of the Académie royale des sciences on 26 February 1784 (Schofield 2004, p. 151). Armand de Quatrefages had promoted CD’s nomination for membership of the zoological section of the Académie des sciences in July 1870; some of the attacks against CD at this time were reported at length in Revue des cours scientifiques (see, for example, Correspondence vol. 18, letter from Armand de Quatrefages, 18 July 1870 and n. 6). A. de Candolle and Candolle eds. 1878–96. The first three volumes of this work are in the Darwin Library–Down. Candolle worked on the publication with his son Casimir de Candolle. Smilax is the genus of greenbrier; for more of Candolle’s observations on fertilisation in Smilax, see Correspondence vol. 25, letter from Alphonse de Candolle, 31 July 1877. See also A. de Candolle and Candolle eds. 1878–96, 1: 26–7.

August 1878 8

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It is not known which of CD’s sons are referred to, but Candolle mentioned Francis Darwin by name in his letter of January 1877 (Correspondence vol. 25), and Francis and Casimir de Candolle shared some of the same research interests.

To Hugo de Vries   [10 or 11 August 1878]1 Leith Hill Place | Dorking My dear Sir, I am much pleased that you should think it worth while to see me.2 We leave this place early on Monday morning, but go to the house of another relation which is near a station & therefore more convenient to you. From being out of health, my drive will tire me on Monday; but Tuesday, Wednesday or Thursday, or even Friday will suit me, & I shall be extremely glad to make your personal acquaintance.3 Your best plan will be to leave Charing Cross at 11 am & you will reach Gomshall Station (the next one beyond Dorking) at 12.pm41, & a walk (or you can take a cab) will bring you to Abinger Hall in 20 minutes. You can return by the train that leaves Gomshall at 4.35. Will you kindly send me line at T. H. Farrer Esq Abinger Hall Dorking telling me the day, so that I may be at home on your arrival. My dear Sir | Yours sincerely | Charles Darwin LS Artis Library (De Vries 4a) 1

2 3

The date range is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to Hugo de Vries, 8 August [1878], and by the date of CD’s departure from Leith Hill Place, 12 August 1878 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). De Vries evidently replied to CD’s letter of 8 August [1878] in a now missing letter. The Darwins left Down on 7 August 1878 and visited Leith Hill Place, Surrey, the home of CD’s sister, Caroline Sarah Wedgwood, and her family. From 12 to 15 August, they stayed at Abinger Hall, Abinger, Surrey, the home of Thomas Henry and Katherine Euphemia Farrer, who was Emma Darwin’s niece. De Vries visited CD on Wednesday 14 August 1878 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)).

To T. H. Huxley   11 August [1878]1 Leith Hill Place | Dorking Aug. 11th. My dear Huxley I cannot tell you how sorry we are to hear about Marian, for we had thought that by this time she must have been quite well. Thank God that the paralysis after diptheria is not, as you say, permanent.—2 What an extraordinary physiological fact it is that the poison should so long afterwards bring on such serious evil consequences.— It seems in this respect like scarlet fever; & we know how serious are the secondary symptoms of this accursed fever.—3

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Very many & true thanks for your congratulations: I cannot say that I care sixpence for my election, but the sympathy of a few friends on the occasion has been very dear to me.—4 It is funny the Academy having elected a man as Corr: member in Botany, who does not know the characters of a single natural order!5 We are out for holidays, which to me is very serious work, for 3 weeks at the Houses of several relations; & tomorrow we go to Abinger & on the 27th, thank Heaven back to Down & work.6 Ever my dear Huxley | Yours very truly | Charles Darwin I need not say how deeply interested Emma has been about Marian.— Imperial College of Science, Technology and Medicine Archives (Huxley 5: 326) 1 2 3 4

5 6

The year is established by the address; CD stayed at Leith Hill Place, Surrey, the home of his sister, Caroline Sarah Wedgwood, and her family from 7 to 12 August (see also n. 6, below). Huxley’s daughter Marian had been dangeously ill with diphtheria and suffered from paralysis related to the disease for several weeks (see A. Desmond 1994–7, 2: 113–14). Huxley’s first son, Noel, had died of scarlet fever in 1860 at the age of 3 (see A. Desmond 1994–7, 1: 286–7). No letter from Huxley congratulating CD on his recent election as a corresponding member of the botanical section of the Académie des sciences of the Institut de France has been found. CD was elected on 5 August 1878 (see letter from J.-B. Dumas and Joseph Bertrand, 5 August 1878 and n. 2). CD alludes to the fact that he had never worked on taxonomy in a botanical context; all of his botanical research was on various aspects of plant physiology. From 12 to 15 August, the Darwins stayed at Abinger Hall, Abinger, Surrey, the home of Thomas Henry and Katherine Euphemia Farrer, who was Emma Darwin’s niece. Then they travelled to Barlaston, Staffordshire, the home of Emma’s brother Frank Wedgwood and his family, and returned home on 22 August (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)).

To J.-B. Dumas and Joseph Bertrand   12 August [1878]1 [Abinger Hall, Surrey.] Gentlemen I acknowledge & thank you for the honour of your letter of Augt 5th in which you inform me that the Academy of Sciences has been pleased to elect me one of the corresponding members.2 I request that you will be so good as express to the Academy my acknowledgement of the honour thus conferred on me & I remain | Gentlemen | Your obliged & obedient Servt | Charles Darwin Aug 12th ADraftS DAR 202: 21 1 2

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from J.-B. Dumas and Joseph Bertrand, 5 August 1878. Letter from J.-B. Dumas and Joseph Bertrand, 5 August 1878. A note on the back of the draft in CD’s hand reads in part: ‘Member of most of the scientific societies of Europe: Knight of the Prussian

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order “Pour le merite”’; the note includes basic biographical information. It is not known whether the information was added to the letter that was sent.

From L. A. Errera   12 August 1878 BKbrgh 12/8/781 Dear Sir I thank you very much for your kind letter.2 I regret extremely not to have found you at home & hope to be more fortunate another time.3 If ever you should come on the continent, I should be most thankful to you to let me know it, so that I might try to have the honour of making your personal acquaintance. Allow me to profit by this letter to congratulate you very sincerely on your recent election as an Associate of the French Acad. of Sc4 I remain, Dear Sir | Yours most respectfully Draft (A?) American Philosophical Society (545) 1 2 3 4

The place and date were added to the draft in a contemporary hand, probably Errera’s; the rest of the draft is not in his handwriting. Letter to Leo Errera, 8 August [1878]. The surviving envelope indicates that CD’s letter was posted to London, but forwarded to Blankenberghe (now Blankenberge), a seaside resort in Belgium. The Darwins visited family in Surrey and Staffordshire between 7 and 22 August 1878 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). CD was elected a corresponding member of the botanical section of the Académie des sciences of the Institut de France on 5 August 1878 (see letter from J.-B. Dumas and Joseph Bertrand, 5 August 1878).

From Hermenegildo Giner de los Ríos1   12 August 1878 Madrid | (Esparteros, 9, prãl.) Institucion Libre de Enseñanza | Comision de Propaganda | Particular le 12 Août 1878— Très respectable Monsieur J’ai l’honneur de vous prier l’envoi, tantôt que possible, “d’une indication bibliographique fort complète de toutes vos œuvres publiées”.2 En vous remerciant d’avance, j’ai le plaisir de me signer votre très humble serviteur | H. Giner de los Ríos | Sécrétaire A Ch. Darwin Esqr. DAR 271.2: 4 1 2

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. CD had been made an honorary professor of the Institución Libre de Enseñanza in 1877 (Boletín de la Institución Libre de Enseñanza 1 (1877): 123). See letter from Eugenio Montero Ríos and Jacinto Mesía, 16 January 1878.

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From J. F. Fisher   13 August 1878 Liverpool August 13th 1878 Dear Sir I fear the intrusion, which I must be permitted still to regard it, of inviting your attention to a theory so crude and so antagonistic to both the interests and the prejudices of the age, as this of mine will appear, is but an illustration of the completeness of the one to which your name has been appended, embodied or, I ought to say immortalized, in the works to which I before alluded.1 Surrounded by an atmosphere of strife, and commotion, and competition or, by the abscence of sympathetic or refining influences the action of environment upon an organism thus posited upon the earth’s surface, has resulted in a being developing that want of consideration which went the length of inflicting upon a fellow creature (that fellow creature being a kind and courteous gentleman) a long, and as it would doubtless appear to many, uninteresting manuscript.2 Thoughtlessness in combination with ignorance of the state of your health, which, from your own description of it, I do sincerely regret, must be my apology for this apparent heartlessness. With your very kind permission, I will endeavour to give you a synopsis of my theory, or rather the manuscript of the materials of which it is composed, with its grasp and general tendency. First assuming that no act can be performed without the expenditure of a certain amount of Force; no matter how small or trivial the act done or performed or, whether for the advancement of virtue, or the glorification of vice, as those terms are generally understood, a certain amount of energy is dissipated; but never lost, wasted or destroyed in the operation. Hence it follows that whatever the act which called forth this dissipation of energy, in fulfilment of the doctrine of its “Conservation” it will be followed by its “equivalent consequent” or, as “Draper” puts it, “human affairs present an unbroken chain, in which each fact is the offspring of some preceding fact, and the parent of some subsequent fact.”3 The inference derived from this hypothesis or I might say, fact—bearing in mind also, that “action and reaction are always equal”—is, that every action performed, whether for good or evil, using those terms only as they apply to their effects upon animal life, reacts, upon the actor; for good when the action has a beneficent influence upon animal existence; for evil when injury or mischief to any living organism is the result, and in the exact ratio to the good or evil acted or performed. This assumption is contained in a short Introduction and Preface, wherein reasons are likewise given for the causes which led to this theory, and the employment of a rather unusual kind of literary machinery, namely, the very great difficulty of putting a subject, so uninteresting as that of our treatment of the inferior races of animals is, to the general, into a readable form. I have embodied my whole argument for and against this treatment in an Imaginary Lawsuit. It is brought by the Plaintiffs Fera Naturæ against the Defendants Homogenus and others to recover

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certain “right of common” in one of the planets called Earth, from which they have been wrongfully evicted. Each is assisted by counsel and I give a list of witnesses who are examined, with the nature of the Evidence it is the object to elicit. Names of Witnesses and the nature of their Evidence4 1st 2 

Chaos. Eozoon Canadensæ)5

3  4 

Silurian Trilobite Devonian Brachiapod

5 

Permian Palm

and some of the lowest forms

6  7  8  9 

Plæocene Astrolepis  Wealden Batrachian Plæsio Saurius 

of Life.6 connecting Past and Present. 

10 

M〈eg〉atherium Cuvieri

11  12  13  14  15 

Si〈ber〉ian Mastoden Hyæna Crocuti Canis Lupus7 Symiæ Satyrus Mumbo Jumbo. Marquis de Retz … … 

16 

John Newton … … …

17 

Adonibezec … … …

18  19  20  21  22  23  24  25 

Alfred Wallace … Ernest Smith Edward Hitchcock … .  J. W Draper ……. Balfour Stewart Charles Darwin Jos. le Compte Mr. Bond14

To throw light on First beginnings. 

}

Fossils representing the earliest

} … coeval with supposed  Miocene Man

} }

} ⎫ ⎪ ⎪

… probably the earliest disputants with man, for possession of this common … a scarcely perceptible inequality of instincts & intelligence burned for the torture and murder in cold blood of many hundreds of children.8 The incarnation of Cruelty  A Slave merchant, and subsequent “Minister of the Christian Religion”9 An historical illustration of the doctrine of reciprocal “action & reaction”10 Depose to the frequent presence of invisible and inexplicable “Forces”11 on the “Religion of Geology”12 on the “conflict of Religion with Science”13 … on the production of animal

⎬ life by Evolution, consequently  ⎪ ⎪ the relationship of all forms of Life. ⎭

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which if established, raises doubts as to the justice of our present courses in relation to our treatment of animals. No witnesses are examined for the defence, but with a view to impartiality I have imported into it, by putting in the mouth of counsel all that I can collect in justification or support of the present system. In the Reply, on the part of the Plaintiffs, and as further corroborated in the summing up of the Judge, is contained the pith and marrow of the theory, in which my aim is, to show that from our treatment of the inferior animal world, effects are produced which may, and as I believe do exert a wonderfully active and powerful force on the well being of the human race. In fact that through this force or I may call it, agency, for all we can tell to the contrary, and for the lack of “a better reason” the catalogue of innumerable evils, troubles and afflictions, believed by most to be inseparable from human existence, is, to a very great extent referrable. As a recognition of the equal right of animals to existence on the same terms as the lord of the manor or creation, would be too revolutionary for the present age or standard of “education”, and knowing what would be, under the circumstances, the line of procedure of modern juries composed of human beings, I have made them give this as their excuse for “finding for the Defendants”. I am | Dear Sir | Your much obliged & humble Servant | J. F. Fisher Charles Darwin Esqr. DAR 164: 121 1 2 3

Fisher’s earlier letter to CD has not been found, but see the letter to J. F. Fisher, 8 August [1878]. The manuscript was evidently an early version of Fisher’s The future of the human race: some of the latest fruits of Darwinism (Fisher 1880). The quotation is from John William Draper’s History of the conflict between religion and science (Draper 1875, p. xi). The phrase is part of a longer sentence that reads, The latter [mode of historical composition], insisting that human affairs present an unbroken chain, in which each fact is the offspring of some preceding fact, and the parent of some subsequent fact, declares that men do not control events, but that events control men.

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In his published work, Fisher imagines a ‘Congress of Animals’ and uses this motif rather than that of a lawsuit by animals to make a case for animal rights. A central idea in the work is the consideration of animals as relatives of humans, based on CD’s theory of common descent. In 1864, John William Dawson identified samples taken from pre-Silurian strata in eastern Canada as fossilised Foraminifera, single-celled protists with shells; he named the species Eozoon canadense (Dawn animal from Canada; Dawson 1864). Further samples were sent to William Benjamin Carpenter, an expert on Foraminifera, who confirmed Dawson’s interpretation (Carpenter 1864). CD added information on the discovery of Eozoon canadense to Origin 4th ed., p. 371, as substantiating his claim, made in Origin, p.  307, that life existed before the Silurian period. The interpretation of the samples as pre-Silurian fossils remained controversial, however (see, for example, Carpenter 1866, and King and Rowney 1866), and by the end of the century, comparisons with similar, more recent, formations indicated that the samples were mineral in origin (see Schopf 2000). The Silurian, Devonian, and Permian are geological periods; the Pliocene is a geological epoch within the Neogene period. Trilobites were marine arthropods (class Trilobita) that lived between the Cambrian and Permian periods. Brachiopods (now in their own phylum Brachiopoda, but formerly classed

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as molluscs) first appeared in the Cambrian period and continue to exist today. Palm trees date back only to the Cretaceous period, but superficially resemble cycads, which originated in the Permian. Astrolepis (the genus of cloakferns) probably arose in the late Devonian. Batrachia is a former order of amphibians, roughly equivalent to the present order Anura (frogs and toads). The Weald is an area of south-east England between the North and South Downs (ranges of chalk hills). Plesiosaurus is a genus of extinct marine reptiles of the Jurassic period. Megatherium, named by Georges Cuvier, is a genus of extinct ground sloths that lived from the early Pliocene to the end of the Pleistocene. The Miocene epoch preceded the Pliocene; mastodons (family Mammutidae) first appeared in the Miocene. The cave hyena (an extinct relative of the spotted hyena, Crocuta crocuta), ranged from the middle to late Pleistocene. Canis lupus is the wolf. Simia satyrus was the original Linnaean name for the orang-utan (Pongo pygmaeus). Mumbo Jumbo was a god or spirit said to have been worshipped by certain West African peoples (OED). Gilles de Rais (Retz is an alternative form of his name) was hanged and his body burned afterwards (Bossard 1886, p. 337). Newton had a conversion experience after almost dying in a storm, but continued to work in the slave trade, only leaving due to illness. He later became an evangelical priest in the Church of England and eventually a supporter of abolition (ODNB). Adonibezek was a Caananite king referred to in Judges 1:4–7. When he was captured, his big toes and thumbs were cut off, a punishment he had earlier inflicted on his defeated enemies. Alfred Russel Wallace publicly promoted spiritualism; see, for example, ‘A defence of modern spiritualism’ (Wallace 1874a). Ernest Smith has not been identified. Hitchcock was both a clergyman and a geologist. Draper 1875; see n. 3, above. Alphonse Joseph Lecomte was a Belgian cleric who had written a critique of Descent and Expression (Lecomte 1872). Mr Bond has not been identified.

To Édouard Heckel   13 August 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) [Abinger Hall, Surrey.] Aug. 13th. 1878 My dear Sir I must write one line to thank you very sincerely for your kind note, & to say that I am well aware how greatly the knowledge of my works in France is due to you.1 With much respect, pray believe me, | Yours faithfully & obliged | Charles Darwin Barbara and Robert Pincus (private collection) 1

Heckel’s note has not been found, but was probably sent to congratulate CD on becoming a corresponding member of the botanical section of the Académie des sciences of the Institut de France (see letter from J.-B. Dumas and Joseph Bertrand, 5 August 1878 and n. 2). Heckel had translated Cross and self fertilisation and Forms of flowers into French (Heckel trans. 1877 and 1878).

To ?   13 August 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) [Abinger Hall, Surrey.] Aug. 13th 1878 Dear Sir The subject which you have taken up seems to me an extremely interesting, but I fear difficult one.— I am sorry to say that I can give you no aid whatever, for my

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ear is singularly deficient in any power of distinguishing musical sounds; so much so that it is a mystery to me how I can take any pleasure in Music.— I presume that you have of course studied Helmholtz’s works.—1 I remember that the musical notation of the song of a Hesperomys or mouse was given in the American Naturalist, a few years ago.—2 Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin Houghton Library, Harvard University (Autograph File, D) 1

2

The letter to which this is a reply has not been found. Hermann von Helmholtz had written on musical perception in Die Lehre von den Tonempfindungen als physiologische Grundlage für die Theorie der Musik (The science of sound perception as the physiological basis for a theory of music; Helmholtz 1863). CD had cited the French translation of this work (Helmholtz 1868) in Descent, Expression, and Descent 2d ed. Hesperomys is a former genus of American mice roughly equivalent to the genus Calomys (vesper mice). An article, ‘A singing Hesperomys’, published in American Naturalist in December 1871, described the musical ability of Hesperomys cognatus (a synonym of Peromyscus gossypinus, cotton mouse) and included the musical notation for two of its common songs (Lockwood 1871, p. 764).

To Francis Darwin   14 [August 1878]1 [Abinger Hall, Surrey.] 14th. My dear F. On my study table there are 2 old Boxes with seeds— Please get out packet of Oxalis Valdiviana (not the seeds in white paper from Kew, as they are all bad) O. rosea, O floribunda & O. corniculata (which latter Lettington has) & have one pot of each sown, for I want to trace movement of an old Cotyledon, after its growth has ceased if it ever does cease.—2 Also I want you to examine & compare carefully the pulvinuses of a species which raises & depresses its cotyledons greatly at night, & of O. corniculata which raises them only moderately.—3 I have, however, some in spirits of Wine which will now be beautifully white on shelf by microscope Table.— I will write to day to Veitch for plant of Bignonia capreolata— read what I say about its Tendrils.— If any Tendrils are ready (& they are ready for Heliotropism before fully expanded).  before we return try tips painted with Indian Ink.—4 I use the solution thickened by rubbing.— I shall have to work you like a Horse when we come back.— De Vries comes here to day for 3 Hours—5 the Lord have mercy on me— Goodbye dear old Backy C. D. DAR 211: 43 1 2

The month and year are established by the reference to the visit of Hugo de Vries (see n. 5, below). Oxalis valdiviana is a synonym of O. valdiviensis (Chilean yellow-sorrel); O. rosea is pink sorrel; O. floribunda is abundant flowering wood sorrel; O. corniculata is creeping wood sorrel. Henry Lettington was CD’s gardener.

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The pulvinus is the swelling at the base of the petiole or leaf stalk in some plants; it acts like a joint to allow leaf movement. Veitch & Sons was a firm of nurserymen. CD had written about the tendrils of Bignonia capreolata (crossvine) in Climbing plants 2d ed., pp. 97–103. CD had noted that the tendrils avoided light (ibid., p. 99). The Darwins visited family in Surrey and Staffordshire between 7 and 22 August 1878; they were at Abinger Hall, Surrey, when this letter was written (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). De Vries visited CD on 14 August 1878 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)).

From W. J. L. Wharton   14 August 1878 H.M.S. “Fawn” | At Sea off Zanzibar Aug 14th 1878 Dear Sir With reference to your Coral Reefs 2nd Ed. Page 243. 244. I am in a position to inform you as to the true facts regarding the Nature of the Farquhar Is (Juan de Nova) Cosmoledo, & Aldabra having just completed a survey of those islands.1 They are all true atolls elevated from 10  to 20  feet Aldabra the most; hence I imagine the shallowness of their lagoons none of which are navigable. Farquhar has had its upraised coral nearly entirely washed away, but it remains it places still to prove its existence. The islands of this small group are all low & covered with blown sand and are reduced nearly to a condition which will not alter. Cosmoledo Islands are still in many places faced by coral cliffs about 10 ft high, washing away. When these have disappeared the islands are also sand covered. Isolated and undermined rocks & islets of coral connect the main islands on the ring and mark the line of original upheaved reef very distinctly Aldabra presents externally a uniform face of coral cliff to the sea of course undermined and in process of destruction by the waves. Inside the mangrove is destroying the coral even more rapidly and reducing it to that white mud which is so familiar to me on the East Coast of Africa. I could not level from the highest part to the sea but it must be at least 20 feet above low water.2 The entire ring is perfect with the exception of three breaks, two apparently original, and one recently formed by the disintegration of the coral, for it is quite shallow. There is little or no sand on this island. It is covered with a stiff & tangled brush. The coast on the North part of Madagascar is faced with upraised coral about 15 feet high. Behind is basalt. Apparently the upheaval in this part of the world has had a tilting motion, as the coast of Africa is raised in places to over 100 feet. While mentioning Aldabra it may interest you to know that the tortoises are now very scarce.3 Fishing parties from Seychelles have nearly exterminated them but we got one after much search & trouble. We found a little water in this the dry season in the cavities of the rocks and doubtless there is more at other seasons. There is a succulent aloe on which the reptiles probably feed, but the life of a tortoise or any thing else in Aldabra is not enviable for the surface of the island is rock, rough & jagged to a degree, so that it puzzles me how they get about. Our searchers were

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simply torn to pieces, boots, clothes & bodies. I think I am safe in saying that no one will inhabit Aldabra for thousands of years. Believe me Sir | Yours truly | W J L Wharton | Commander R.N. C. Darwin Esq. | L.L.D. FRS. DAR 69: A76–7 1

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In Coral reefs 2d ed., pp. 243–4, CD noted that Juan de Nova (renamed Farquhar Islands) was an atoll according to some plans but not others; Cosmoledo was described as an atoll as was Aldabra, although in this case, CD speculated that it might be the crater of a volcano. All the islands mentioned are part of the Seychelles, an island group in the Indian Ocean north of Madagascar. Wharton uses the term ‘level’ in a surveying context; that is, ascertaining the differences of level in a piece of land. Wharton was commander of HMS Fawn, which surveyed the east coast of Africa from 1876 to 1880 (ODNB). In his monograph of 1877, Albert Günther described four species of giant tortoises in the Aldabra group of islands (Günther 1877, pp. 18–40). For more on the history of the giant tortoise population in the area, see Gerlach et al. 2013.

To Alphonse de Candolle   15 August 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) [Abinger Hall, Surrey/Barlaston Hall, Staffordshire.] August 15/1878 My dear Sir I thank you cordially for your most kind letter, which has told me much that was new & has interested me much.1 I cannot pretend that I care greatly about my election to the Institut, but I do care very greatly for the kind sympathy of my friends, & for none more than for yours.2 I have been away from home for a fortnight & shall not return for another week; & when there I shall no doubt find the book which you have been so kind as to order to be sent me, & will look to Smilax & any other generalities.3 I am always sorry to hear about the insecurity of the identification of fossil leaves; but Hooker has frequently made with vehemence nearly the same remarks as yours.4 With the greatest respect, believe me | Yours truly obliged | Ch. Darwin P.S. | If your son is with you pray tell him that I hear that De Barry has cultivated Utricularia with & without acquatic animals, & that the former or fed plant have flourished in a stupendous manner.—5 Archives de la famille de Candolle (private collection) 1 2

3

Letter from Alphonse de Candolle, 10 August 1878. See letter from Alphonse de Candolle, 10 August 1878 and n. 3. CD had been elected a corresponding member of the botanical section of the Académie des sciences of the Institut de France on 5 August 1878 (see letter from J.-B. Dumas and Joseph Bertrand, 5 August 1878 and n. 2). The Darwins visited family in Surrey and Staffordshire between 7 and 22 August 1878 (CD’s ‘Journal’

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(Appendix II)). Candolle had sent CD the first volume of Monographiæ phanerogamarum (A. de Candolle and Candolle eds. 1878–96) and mentioned that CD might be interested in the section on Smilax (the genus of greenbrier; see letter from Alphonse de Candolle, 10 August 1878 and n. 7). Joseph Dalton Hooker, having seen Oswald Heer’s collections of fossil plants from the Jura, remarked, ‘He has a wonderful collection of fossil insects & crustacea from the same, beside which the fossil plants are as nothing, in point of absolute value of characters for systematic determination—’ (Correspondence vol. 10, letter from J. D. Hooker, 10 July 1862). Casimir de Candolle had worked on determining the effect of animal nutrition on the fertility of the insectivorous plant Dionaea muscipula (Venus fly trap) but had inconclusive results (C. de Candolle 1876). Anton de Bary experimented on Utricularia vulgaris (common bladderwort); he later informed CD that his experiments were not sufficiently exact and complete for publication but that they indicated the high efficacy of animal food (Correspondence vol. 27, letter from Anton de Bary, 9 August 1879).

To Asa Gray   15 August 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. [Abinger Hall, Surrey/ Barlaston Hall, Staffordshire.] Aug. 15th. 78 My dear Gray. Dr. Hugo de Vries, who has done such excellent work on climbing plants & at my suggestion wishes to make some observations on the tendrils of Echinocystis lobata (I think this is the right name, but I am writing away from home) of which you formerly sent me seeds.—1 He has tried everywhere to get seeds & I have offered to write to you.— If you can I beg you to send him seeds addressed to Prof. Hugo de Vries Amsterdam He is Prof. of Botany there. I see that we are both elected Com: Members of the Institut. It is rather a good joke that I shd be elected in the Botanical section, as the extent of my knowledge is little more than that a daisy is a compositous plant & a pea a leguminous one.—2 Ever yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin I am very anxious for De Vries to test one of my observations on Echinocystis.—3 Archives of the Gray Herbarium, Harvard University (124) 1

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CD met De Vries on 14 August 1878 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). In 1862, CD had obtained seeds of Echinocystis lobata (wild cucumber), a plant native to North America, from Gray (see Correspondence vol. 10, letter from Asa Gray, 24 November 1862 and n. 11). CD’s notes on his experiments with this species, dated 16 June to 29 July 1863, are in DAR 157.2: 29–51. CD had been elected a corresponding member of the botanical section of the Académie des sciences of the Institut de France on 5 August 1878 (see letter from J.-B. Dumas and Joseph Bertrand, 5 August 1878 and n. 2). Daisies are in the family Compositae (a synonym of Asteraceae) and peas are in the family Leguminosae (a synonym of Fabaceae); CD alludes to the fact that he had never worked on botanical taxonomy. In Climbing plants 2d ed., pp. 180–1, CD described an experiment he performed on a twining tendril of Echinocystis lobata that showed that the convex side of the tendril did not increase in length as the tendril coiled around a stick, and concluded that the curvature resulted from contraction of the cells

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on the concave side. De Vries had written articles in which he suggested that curvature in tendrils of Cucurbita pepo (field pumpkin) was caused by differential growth in the tendrils (Vries 1873a and 1873b).

From Kasimir Ledeganck and Jean Crocq1   15 August 1878 Société Royale | des | Sciences médicales et naturelles | de Bruxelles. | Bruxelles, le 15 Août 1878 Monsieur et très-honoré Confrère, Nous avons l’honneur de vous informer que, dans sa séance du 12 Août dernier, la Société royale des Sciences médicales et naturelles de Bruxelles, voulant vous donner un témoignage de sa reconnaissance pour les remarquables travaux dont vous êtes l’auteur et les services signalés que vous avez rendus à la Science, vous a décerné à l’unanimité, le titre de Membre Honoraire.2 Nous sommes heureux, Monsieur, de vous adresser nos félicitations pour cette nouvelle distinction que vous ont méritée si justement vos talents, et nous espérons que vous voudrez bien entretenir avec la Société des relations scientifiques suivies, en lui faisant part de vos travaux auxquels elle attache le plus grand prix. Veuillez, Monsieur et très-honoré Collègue, agréer l’assurance de notre profonde estime. | Le Secrétaire | Dr. K. Ledeganck. | Le Président | J Crocq à Monsieur Ch.s Darwin à Londres. LS DAR 230: 65 1 2

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. For a transcription and translation of the diploma, see Appendix III.

To Gaston de Saporta   15 August 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) [Abinger Hall, Surrey/Barlaston Hall, Staffordshire.] August 15. 1878. My dear Sir I thank you very sincerely for your kind & interesting letter.1 It would be false in me to pretend that I care very much about my election to the Institut, but the sympathy of some few of my friends has gratified me deeply.—2 I am extremely glad to hear that you are going to publish a work on the more ancient fossil plants; & I thank you before-hand for the volume which you kindly say that you will send me.—3 I earnestly hope that you will give, at least incidentally, the results at which you have arrived with respect to the more recent Tertiary plants; for the close gradation of such forms seems to me a fact of paramount importance for the principle of evolution. Your cases are like those on the gradation in the genus Equus, recently discovered by Marsh in North America.—4 With the highest respect | I remain | Yours faithfully & obliged | Charles Darwin A. de Saporta (private collection)

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Letter from Gaston de Saporta, 9 August 1878. CD was elected a corresponding member of the botanical section of the Académie des sciences on 5 August 1878 (see letter from J.-B. Dumas and Joseph Bertrand, 5 August 1878 and n. 2). Saporta had written to congratulate him. Le monde des plantes avant l’apparition de l’homme (The world of plants before the appearance of man; Saporta 1879). See letter from Gaston de Saporta, 9 August 1878 and n. 4. Othniel Charles Marsh had discovered a complete sequence of fossil horses, ancestors of the modern Equus (the genus of horses, asses, and zebras; Marsh 1874).

To Hugo de Vries   [15] August [1878]1 Abinger Hall Aug. 16th My dear Sir How easy it is to see a thing when it has once been pointed out! I pulled up some wild parsnips & the upper part of the primary root was finely corrugated with transverse folds.— The one sent grew on edge of little cliff, & the upper part must have been kept very dry, & it was much more corrugated than the roots of these plants.2 I daresay you have thought of exposing plant, so that upper part of root might be kept very dry or damp.— I will mention one other point: farmers say that young wheat (Triticum) plants are easily ejected by frosts out of the ground, so that they profit by the ground being trampled or rolled. Therefore I pulled up some plants of wheat & with a pocket lens could see no corrugation. Can this have any connection with the abortion of the primary root in the Gramineæ?3 Forgive me for scribbling thus & amusing myself.— I much enjoyed seeing you yesterday & remain | Yours very faithfully | Ch. Darwin I have written to Asa Gray Artis Library (De Vries 4b) 1 2

3

The date is established by the reference to De Vries’s visit (see n. 2, below). CD wrote 16 in error; the letter was written the day after De Vries’s visit on 14 August. De Vries visited CD at Abinger on 14 August 1878 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). De Vries had discussed the contraction and folds of roots of Trifolium pratense (red clover) in an article on the stages of growth of the plant (Vries 1877c, pp. 927–30). The phenomenon of frost uplifting soil is referred to as frost heaving. It occurs in soils with a pore structure that allows capillary flow for the formation of ice lenses. For more on the mechanics of the phenomenon, see Taber 1930. Plants of the family Gramineae (a synonym of Poaceae, grasses), such as Triticum (the genus of wheat), have a network of seminal roots, rather than a single primary root.

From George Rolleston   16 August 1878 Oxford. Friday. | Aug. 16. 1878.

Dear Mr Darwin. The enclosed account of the transmission to me of a wattle bearing Pig’s head all the way from Illinois U.S.A. may amuse you— Do not return it, I have had it copied.

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The head arrived all safe. I had an instructive comment on the transaction furnished me by the sight of some 6–10 pens filled with the Best improved Berkshire-Breed Pigs being shipped for this very Illinois, in Bristol a few days ago. The Greyhound Pig will soon be a Pig of the Past in Illinois—1 “The history of the Castle Martin Breed of Bos in Pembrokeshire is very interesting being closely parallel to yours of the Himalayan Rabbit: Black parents often have White Calves with Black Ears Muzzles udders and Stockings.2 Lord Cawdor3 who takes an active share in Breeding animals of the useful sorts will, I hope, enable me to send you some precise facts about this matter. In the meanwhile I am securing skulls & skeletons for myself! You will not trouble yourself to answer this— Yours vy Truly | George Rolleston [Enclosure] Ridott Stephenson Co. Illinois. U.S. June 28. 1878. Professor Rolleston. Dear Sir, The beginning of May last, I had a letter from our mutual friend, Alfred Hill Esq. asking me to procure a Pig’s head having wattles on, as he saw one in my in my hog-yard when here. The year before he was here, Mr. Hunt4 & myself had used a male hog having wattles, not because he had wattles but because we thought he had a very vigorous constitution: about 5 pigs of his had wattles more or less uniform, & those Mr. Hill noticed (not much escaped his notice.) After receipt of his letter, I at once began to look for a hog with wattles & only found one hog & he had one wattle & a small lump where the other ought to be. I drove about my neighbourhood, say, a circle of 7 miles one day, & that was all I found. I then ceased till after corn planting & last week made a business of it: the weather is hot & salt wd. not preserve unless the brains were taken out & the note said, “cut off a hog’s head—” so I found a jar of alcohol to put it in. I found 3 little pigs in the country south of me. I spent 3 days before I succeeded but when I try to do a thing, I do not like to fail. I enclose the receipt of the American Express Company: they thought the charges wd. be about 14/ your money to Liverpool. I am aware it will be costly, but then a few years from now, there will not be a specimen left. There is no such thing as a breed of them in existence, an occasional “Sport” is all, & farmers do not use them to breed from because they are of a wild nature, and difficult to father young. The head I have sent you I consider an excellent specimen, as I saw them 30 years ago, Except two small dark spots on the head, probably a cross from “Poland Chinas”5 our favourite hog. I have done my best, & hope it will arrive safely & answer your expectations. Of course had the hog been older, the wattles wd. be larger, but I cd. not find a larger with any. These wattles are well developed for the age of the hog.— I have expended for the Pig, alcohol, tin case one sovereign, & if it arrives safely you can allow me one sovereign for my time & use of my Horse & Buggy & making the wooden case. & please send a P.O. Order for £2.0.0. to

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Charles Blakeway Dorhill Near Kidderminster Worcestershire England If it shd. not be satisfactory, send only one pound, and I will lose my time & trouble, for I cd. not do it again for that pay, & shall be vexed if the specimen does not please you. 90° in shade. Indian corn growing 3″ a day, but hot for Cereals. Now Sir, if this is a failure from any cause, let me know, for you must have one of them in any way. I did not put any water to the alcohol, & that I packed it in was not what I first used. I think if I had to get another I wd. advertize in the county south of this. Still they are so rare that a man who had one, might not notice it. I have written Mr. Hill by this mail, but he put no address on his letter, so I only know, Birmingham England. I directed Alfred Hill. J.P. As you correspond, if he does not receive it, tell him, I wrote. I remain | Yours respectfully | Herbert Blakeway | address as headed. DAR 176: 215 1

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Rolleston referred to CD’s discussion of the Irish greyhound pig in Variation 2d ed. 1: 79 in his paper ‘On the domestic pig of prehistoric times in Britain, and on the mutual relations of this variety of pig and Sus scrofa ferus, Sus cristatus, Sus andamanensis, and Sus barbatus’ (Rolleston 1876, pp. 266–8). CD briefly referred to the Berkshire pig in Variation 2d ed. 1: 74, 82. Castlemartin, an area in Pembrokeshire, Wales, was noted for the development of a strain of cattle that together with other subvarieties became amalgamated in the Welsh Black breed; a herd-book was opened in 1874 (Colyer 1974). CD had described how Himalayan rabbits were sometimes produced from silver-grey and chinchilla parents in Variation 2d ed. 1: 113–14. John Frederick Vaughan Campbell, second Earl Cawdor of Castlemartin. Thomas Marshall Hunt. The Poland China breed of pig was developed between 1835 and 1870 in Butler and Warren counties, Ohio (Encyclopaedia Britannica, britannica.com, accessed 31 January 2017).

To Francis Darwin   [17 August 1878]1 Barlaston. Saturday, My dearest F, Have these precious seeds, sent by Dyer, sown in 3 Pots.2 Would it not be worth while to clean with tepid sponge 12 small cabbage or seakale leaf—leave for 2 or 3 days—then cut leaf off & gently submerge for some hours in water & compare stomata,, whether open or shut, on the 2 halves?3 I enclose letter from George; he sent a card this morning (which in your mothers hands disappeared like a flash of lightning, never to be found again) saying that

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Routh says George is all right in his mathematical view.—4 You are a wicked man never to have told us a word about yourself or Bernard.—5 I like De Vries very much— I hardly ever saw so modest a man.—6 Ever yours | C. D. DAR 211: 44 1

2 3

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The date is established by the address. The Darwins visited Barlaston, Staffordshire, the home of Emma Darwin’s brother Frank Wedgwood and his family, from 15 to 22 August 1878 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)); the only Saturday during this period was 17 August. William Turner Thiselton-Dyer had sent seeds of Trifolium resupinatum (Persian clover; see letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 24 August [1878]). CD and Francis had been investigating the function of bloom, a waxy or powdery coating on leaves and other parts of plants. Francis later noted that he had been asked to investigate the relation between bloom and the location of stomata, or breathing pores, of leaves (F. Darwin 1886, p. 99). CD’s suggestion evidently relates to this work. The letter from George Howard Darwin has not been found, but see the letter to G. H. Darwin, 17 [August 1878]. Edward John Routh was a well-known mathematics coach at the University of Cambridge. Francis had joined the Darwins at Leith Hill Place, Surrey, on 8 August 1878 (letter from Francis Darwin, [4–7 August 1878]); he and his son Bernard Darwin returned to Down on 12 August (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). Francis had been away from 3 June 1878, when he had travelled to Würzburg to work in the laboratory of Julius Sachs (letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 2 June 1878). Hugo de Vries visited CD at Abinger on 14 August 1878 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)).

To G. H. Darwin   17 [August 1878]1 Barlaston 17th My dear G.— I send a note which you can forward to Mr Paul. & so save you all trouble: Also what he wants & which I hope will do, for I do not know what else I can do.—2 I cannot tell you how I & your mother rejoice that your mathematical troubles are come to an end.3 It sounds like a miracle that you shd. unconsciously followed the right course in so awfully complex an affair. I shd. as soon have expected that a man shd have composed a sonata by a fluke— Please send another card or note with your address, for I gave that received this morning to your mother, & it disappeared for ever like a flash of lightning!!!4 I am tired so no more.— I wonder whether I could solve a mathematical problem unconsciously.— Yours | C. D. DAR 210.1: 73 1

The month and year are established by the address. The Darwins visited Barlaston, Staffordshire, the home of Emma Darwin’s brother Frank Wedgwood and his family, from 15 to 22 August 1878 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)).

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CD’s note to Mr Paul has not been found; Mr Paul has not been identified. George evidently described his mathematical success in a letter that CD forwarded to Francis and that is now missing (see letter to Francis Darwin, [17 August 1878]). George’s mathematical troubles probably related to his work on the precession of a viscous spheroid and its relation to determining the age of the earth. George presented his preliminary results to the Dublin meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science on 20 August 1878 (G. H. Darwin 1878c). His more detailed paper on the topic was later communicated to the Royal Society of London and was published in full in 1879 (G. H. Darwin 1878d). George evidently sent a postcard with his address in Dublin during the meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science from 14 to 21 August 1878.

From F. B. Goodacre   17 August 1878 Wilby Rectory | Attlebro’ | Norfolk Aug 17/78 Dear Sir, In case it may interest you, I venture to trouble you with a brief account of some experiments in cross breeding between Chinese & Common geese; should you feel inclined to make any similar ones yourself you are quite welcome to my half bred gander, & I have little doubt but what I could obtain one or two 34 common goslings on easy terms;1 It was chiefly in consequence of a passage in your Origin of Species that the idea was suggested to my mind to make these particular experiments2 I asked many naturalists last year to join me, but found only one man Dr. Meadows3 of 5 George S.t London both willing & able to do so; a brother in law of mine in this county & a small farmer near here, have also by accident assisted through having had birds from me in exchange: I shall be very happy to give you any further information in my power I have observed a few curious things about these crossbred birds & have some still more curious thoughts on the subject but I will not now trouble you with more minute particulars With kind regards | Believe me | Yrs. truly | F B Goodacre [Enclosure] Wilby Rectry. | Norfolk 1877 6 goslings hatched here Father a colored Chinese Mother a grey & white small com: goose. 1878 Dr. Meadows had one of above goslings ♂ which he kept at his country place at Maidenhead4 with a gosling ♀ no relation which I bought judging (from appearance alone) it to be a similarly bred bird   Result several goslings this spring   About same time this spring I had one gosling hatched from egg of one of last years 6 goslings

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A Chinese gander (not very nearly related) or else her own brother of the same nest the father I suspect the latter On Jly 6th. another very similar gosling hatched the undoubted offspring of 2 of /77 goslings Chinese gander (No II) having died much diseased (as No I died in /77). The common goose (mother of 6 /77 goslings) has hatched several goslings this year the father of which is my crossbred bird of /77 one of the gander goslings I sent away & he paired with a Chinese goose; result several goslings I have not yet seen 3♂ & 1♀ of the goslings of /77 mentioned in events of this year the other two killed for table   I have skull & windpipe of ♂   The goslings of this year of cross bred birds are I believe mostly within my reach but will be killed for the table when ready if I cannot get them put out for experiments it seems a pity to miss such an opportunity with such variety of mixture of blood crossbred 1st. generation ____ ____ 2nd. ________ 3 ____ ____ 4 Common 2nd. gen ____ ____ ___ Chinese ___ ___ Dr. Meadows & myself purpose keeping a pair each for stock DAR 165: 63–4 CD annotation Top of letter: ‘Geese | Hybrids’ red crayon 1 2 3 4

The Chinese goose is a domestic variety of the wild swan goose (Anser cygnoides). The common European domestic goose is a variety of the wild greylag goose (Anser anser). In Origin, p. 253, CD had discussed hybrid fertility in crosses between Chinese and common geese, noting that not only were the two types fertile, but also that their hybrid offspring were fertile inter se. Alfred Meadows. Meadows owned Poyle Manor, near Colnbrook, Buckinghamshire (ODNB).

To William Ogle   17 August 1878 [Barlaston Hall, Staffordshire] My dear Dr. Ogle,— I am extremely glad to hear that you have undertaken to edit Kerner’s work on Flowers and their Unbidden Guests; for it opens out a highly original and curious field of research.1 It is possible that some of Kerner’s generalisations may hereafter require to be slightly modified; but I feel sure that every remark which he has made well deserves careful consideration.2 The beauty and poetry of flowers will not be at all lessened to the general observer, by his being led through Kerner’s investigation to notice various small, and apparently quite unimportant, details of structure,—such as the presence of differently directed hairs, viscid glands, etc., which prevent the access of certain insects, and not of others. He will, I believe, come to the conclusion that flowers are not only delightful from their beauty and fragrance, but display

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most wonderful adaptations for various purposes. I cordially wish that your translation may find many readers, not so much for your sake as for theirs. Believe me very faithfully yours | Charles Darwin. Down, Beckenham, Kent, | August 17, 1878. Ogle trans. 1878, pp. v–vi 1

2

The translation of Anton Kerner’s work ‘Die Schutzmittel der Blüthen gegen unberufene Gäste’ (The protective measures of flowers against uninvited guests; Kerner 1876) appeared as Flowers and their unbidden guests; the translation was revised and edited by Ogle (Ogle trans. 1878). A draft of this letter in DAR 202: 74 contains the following additional sentence at this point: ‘As you have attended to the allied subject of the fertilisation of flowers through the agency of insects, I hope that you may induced to append some notes to this fine work’.

From G. J. Romanes   17 August 1878 The Palace, Dublin: August 17, 1878. Your letter and enclosure about the geese arrived the day after I left Dunskaith, but have been forwarded here, which accounts for my delay in answering, for I only arrived in Dublin a few days ago.1 I am sorry to hear about the onions, and can only quote the beatitude which is particularly applicable to a worker in science, Blessed is he that expecteth nothing, for he shall not be disappointed.2 But I am still more sorry to hear of your feeling knocked up. I meet your son here, who tells me about you.3 Yesterday was the evening of my big lecture, and I send you a copy as well as a newspaper account.4 (The latter was in type before delivery, and so no ‘applauses,’ &c. are put in.) The thing was a most enormous success, far surpassing my utmost expectations. I had a number of jokes which do not appear in the printed lecture, and I never saw an audience laugh so much. The applause also was really extraordinary, especially at some places, and most of all at the mention of your name at the grand finale. In fact, it was here tremendous, and a most impressive sight to see such a multitude of people so enthusiastic. I expected an outburst, but the loud and long-continued cheering beat anything that ever I heard before. I do not know whether your son was there, but if so he will tell you. Hooker, Huxley, Allen, and Sir W.  Thomson, Flower, D.  Galton, and a lot of other good men were present, and had nothing but praise to give, Captain Galton going so far as to say that it was the most successful lecture he had ever heard.5 So I am quite conceited. Ever your devoted worshipper, | Geo. J. Romanes. E. D. Romanes 1896, p. 73

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CD’s letter to Romanes has not been found, and the enclosure has not been identified. CD had planted onions for some of Romanes’s graft-hybrid experiments, but CD reported losing several to wet weather in June (see letter to G. J. Romanes, 16 June [1878] and n. 4). The Darwins visited family in Surrey and Staffordshire between 7 and 22 August 1878 so that CD could have a complete rest for his health (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II); see letter to J. F. Fisher, 8 August [1878]). George Howard Darwin was also in Dublin; he presented a paper at the meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science on 20 August 1878 (G. H. Darwin 1878c). Romanes’s evening lecture ‘Animal intelligence’ was delivered to the British Association meeting at Dublin on 16 August 1878 (Report of the British Association for the Advancement of Science (1878): lxxv). CD’s copy of the printed version of the lecture is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL (G. J. Romanes 1878b). The newspaper account has not been found in the Darwin Archive, but Romanes may have sent an article, ‘Lecture in the Exhibition Palace’, from the Irish Times, 17 August 1878, p. 10. The article quoted extensively from Romanes’s talk and described the favourable audience reaction, but did not include any specific interjected audience response. Joseph Dalton Hooker, Thomas Henry Huxley, Grant Allen, William Thomson, William Henry Flower, and Douglas Strutt Galton.

From Hugo de Vries   17 August 1878 Buecker’s Hotel | G. Hohly, | Proprietor. | 1, 2, 3, 4, Christopher Street, Finsbury Square, | London, | E.C. Aug 17 1878 My dear Sir! I am very much pleased that you have thought it worth while to controll my little communication, and to examine yourself some roots of plants to see their folds.1 The root you sent me shows the phenomenon very clearly. I have not yet experienced on the influence of dryness or humidity, but I have found that cut roots contract also (in 24 hours) if lying wholly in water. However I observed with Carum Carvi2 that roots of plants, growing in fissures of the earth showed more folds than those of plants of the same field, that had grown in compact earth. Should it not be possible, that specimens growing in loose earth or in fissures contract more because they are not hindered in doing so, whilst plants in compact soil have to surmount a great resistance, and become therefore less shorter, than they would do otherwise? I am much obliged for your notice on Triticum roots, I have not yet paid attention to them and am therefore not able to answer your questions, but will examine it directly after my returning to Amsterdam.3 I am also much obliged for the kindness you had in writing for me to Prof. Asa Gray, and beg you to accept my sincere thanks for the benevolence you showed me in receiving me so very kindly at Abinger Hall.4 I remain | My dear Sir | Yours very truly | Hugo de Vries DAR 180: 21 1

During his visit to CD on 14 August 1878, De Vries had pointed out the transverse folds in the roots of many different plants; CD had communicated his own observations of the phenomenon in his letter to De Vries of [15] August [1878]).

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Carum carvi is wild caraway. For CD’s observations on the lack of folds in the roots of wheat (Triticum), see the letter to Hugo de Vries, [15] August [1878] and n. 3. De Vries was professor extraordinarius at the University of Amsterdam (DSB); he continued to work on the phenomenon of contractility in roots and later sent CD his paper on the subject, ‘Ueber die Kontraktion der Wurzeln’ (On the contraction of roots; Vries 1880). See letter to Asa Gray, 15 August 1878.

To Francis Darwin   [19 August 1878]1 My dear F.— Will you answer this for me at once, saying that I was away from home & cd. not do so myself.—2 In table-drawer in middle of study, there is old copy of Nature with list of my books, which can be sent, but you must add (as far as I can remember) “Cross-Fertilization”— “Insectivorous Plants” & “Different Forms of Flowers” with dates.—3 Thank Heaven we shall be at home on Thursday by a little after 3: but you will have received card about carriages.—4 Yours affecty | C. Darwin Monday | Barlaston. DAR 271.2: 4v 1

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The date is established by the address. The Darwins visited Barlaston, Staffordshire, the home of Emma Darwin’s brother Frank Wedgwood and his family, from 15 to 22 August 1878 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)); the only Monday during this period was 19 August. CD’s letter was written on the verso of the letter from Hermenegildo Giner de los Ríos, 12 August 1878; CD had been asked to provide a complete bibliography of his published works. CD’s publisher, John Murray, frequently advertised new works by CD in Nature, often including a list of earlier works. Cross and self fertilisation was published in 1876, Insectivorous plants in 1875, and Forms of flowers in 1877. The card (postcard) has not been found; 22 August 1878 fell on Thursday.

To F. B. Goodacre   20 August [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. Aug. 20th Dear Sir I am very much obliged for your letter & kind offer.2 The subject well deserves further investigation, but I am growing old & have much work on hand & cannot undertake anything new.— If you yourself with the aid of any friends would go on crossing half–bred birds, bred in distinct places & as little related as possible, for a few generations & publish the results, it would be a very valuable contribution to science.3 No one has made a trial systematically, & the fertility of hybrid offspring from undoubtedly distinct species is wonderfully rare. I think it would be

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strongly advisable to breed exclusively from half-bred parents of well ascertained origin.— I am writing this away from home & am not well, so pray excuse the bad hand-writing.— Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin Copy DAR 221.4: 203 1 2 3

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from F. B. Goodacre, 17 August 1878. In his letter of 17 August 1878, Goodacre had offered to provide CD with geese for testing the fertility of crosses between Chinese and common geese (Anser cygnoides and Anser anser). Goodacre and his friend Alfred Meadows continued crossbreeding geese; Goodacre’s paper ‘On the question of the identity of species of the common domestic and the Chinese goose’ was published in 1879 (Goodacre 1879).

To G. J. Romanes   20 August 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. [Barlaston Hall, Staffordshire.] Aug. 20th/78 My dear Romanes I am most heartily glad that your Lecture (just received & read) has been so eminently successful.— You have indeed passed a most magnificent eulogium on me, & I wonder that you were not afraid of hearing “oh, oh”, or some other sign of disapprobation.1 Many persons think that what I have done in science has been much overrated, & I very often think so myself; but my comfort is that I have never consciously done anything to gain applause.— Enough & too much about my dear self.— The sole fault which I find with your Lecture is that it is too short, & this is a rare fault— It strikes me as admirably clear & interesting. I meant to have remonstrated that you had not discussed sufficiently, the necessity of signs for the formation of abstract ideas of any complexity, & then I came on the discussion on deaf-mutes.—2 This latter seems to me one of the richest of all the mines, & is worth working carefully for years & very deeply. I shd. like to read whole chapters on this one head, & others on the minds of the higher idiots.—3 Nothing can be better, as it seems to me, than your several lines or sources of evidence, & the manner in which you have arranged the whole subject. Your book will assuredly be worth years of hard labour, & stick to your subject.— By the way I was pleased at your discussing the selection of varying instincts or mental tendencies, for I have often been disappointed by no one ever having noticed this notion.—4 I have just finished “La Psychologie son present et son avenir” 1876 by Delbœuf (a mathematician & physicist of Belgium) in about 100 pages: it has interested me

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a good deal, but why I hardly know; it is rather like Herbert Spencer: if you do not know it, & wd care to see it, send me a Post-card.—5 Thank Heaven we return home on Thursday, & I shall be able to go on with my hum-drum work & that makes me forget my daily discomfort.—6 Have you ever thought of keeping a young monkey, so as to observe its mind: at a house where we have been staying there were Sir A. & Lady Hobhouse, not long ago returned from India, & she (& he) kept these young monkeys & told me some curious particulars.7 One was that her monkey was very fond of looking through her eyeglass at objects & moved the glass nearer & further so as to vary the focus: this struck me, as Frank’s son,8 nearly 2 years old (& we think much of his intellect!!) is very fond of looking through my pocket lens, & I have quite in vain endeavoured to teach him not to put the glass close down on the object, but he will always do so. Therefore I conclude that a child—just under 2 years is inferior in intellect to a monkey. Once again I heartily congratulate you on your well earned present, & I feel assured grand future success. | Yours very truly | Ch. Darwin American Philosophical Society (546) 1 2

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See letter from G. J. Romanes, 17 August 1878 and n. 4. Romanes had mentioned CD throughout his lecture and concluded by saying that no single name was worthy of a veneration more profound. Near the end of his lecture, Romanes discussed the abilities of uneducated deaf-mutes to form higher abstract concepts, and concluded that in the absence of language, human and animal minds were almost on a level (G. J. Romanes 1878b, p. 21). Romanes had referred to ‘higher idiots’ with excellent powers of memory and computational ability who were nevertheless unable to form simple inferences (G. J. Romanes 1878b, pp. 18–19). Romanes had given the ability of many animals to ‘sham dead’ as an example of selection of instincts (G. J. Romanes 1878b, pp. 6–7). Joseph Delboeuf had referred favourably to CD’s theory of natural selection in his book La psychologie comme science naturelle, son présent et son avenir (Psychology as natural science, its present and future; Delboeuf 1876, p. 7). CD made the analogy with Herbert Spencer because Delboeuf ’s arguments were mostly speculative rather than based on experimental investigation. The Darwins were visiting the home of Emma’s brother Frank Wedgwood and his family at Barlaston, Staffordshire; they returned home on 22 August 1878 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). Arthur and Mary Hobhouse. Hobhouse had been knighted in 1877 on his return from India, where he had served for five years as law member of the council of the viceroy of India (ODNB). Mary Hobhouse was Thomas Henry Farrer’s sister (ODNB s.v. Hobhouse, Arthur). The Darwins stayed at Farrer’s house, Abinger Hall, from 12 to 15 August 1878 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). Bernard Darwin.

From Francis Darwin to ?   23 August 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Aug 23. 78 Dear Sir, My father begs me to express his thanks to you for your letter containing the curious case of inheritance.1 He regrets that being engaged in other directions the fact cannot be made use of by him. As you are no doubt aware, some similar cases are recorded in Animals & Plants 2nd Edit II p 319.2

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My father can form no opinion as to the nature of the bough of the laburnum. If however the flowers were purple & not yellow, it is probable that your tree is Cytisus Adami & the variation is a case of reversion   You will find this case described Animals & Plants 2nd edit I p 4133 Yours faithfully | Francis Darwin Yale University: Beinicke Rare Book and Manuscript Library (GEN MSS MISC Group 104 F-1) 1 2 3

The letter has not been found; the correspondent has not been identified. In Variation 2d ed. 2: 319ff., CD had discussed cases in which inherited baldness was associated with an inherited deficiency in teeth, as well as other cases of correlated variation. Cytisus adami (a synonym of +Laburnocytisus adamii) was a graft hybrid of the common yellow laburnum, C. laburnum (a synonym of Laburnum anagyroides), and C. purpureus, a dwarf purple broom (Bean 1970–88, 2: 510–11). Cytisus adami was noted for its red, sterile flowers, but frequently some branches would revert to either parent form, bearing yellow or purple flowers. For CD’s discussion of the case, see Variation 2d ed. 1: 413–17.

To F. B. Goodacre   23 August [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. August 23d Dear Sir, I fear that you will think me very capricious, but ever since writing to you my conscience has been uneasy that I ought not to have refused your generous offer, & thus have lost the chance of perhaps recording the fertility of hybrids raised from two un         & very distinct species.—2 If, therefore, you have not already disposed of the birds & unless you are willing to do the experiment yourself, I should be very glad of a male & female brother & sister hybrid;— that is if you can positively state that they are half-bred.3 If you are so kind as to send them, they had better be addressed, simply thus “Ch. Darwin “Orpington St. “South E. Raily “Live birds to be “forwarded by special “messenger— I suppose that they will travel without suffering with some food.— Pray forgive me for being so bothersome & believe me | Dear sir, yours faithfully & obliged | Ch. Darwin Copy DAR 221.4: 204 1 2

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from F. B. Goodacre, 17 August 1878. In his letter of 20 August [1878], CD had refused Goodacre’s offer to provide him with geese for testing

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the fertility of crosses between Chinese and common geese (Anser cygnoides and Anser anser). The copyist evidently could not decipher the word beginning ‘un’. CD received the geese from Goodacre and reported the results of his breeding experiment in a letter published in Nature, 1 January 1880, p. 207 (Correspondence vol. 27, letter to Nature, 15 December [1879]).

From Richard Randolph   23 August 1878 Atlantic City, New Jersey, | U.S— 23d 8th Mo. 1878. Friend Darwin. I am too grateful for thy cordial condescension to my overture of six months ago, to be willing to experiment largely on thy patience now, especially in view of thy intimated want of health, which I can only hope has been very transient.1 But it seems allowable and right, to send a fresh pamphlet, in the Appendix of which, I trust, some advance may have been made in precision of statement respecting a disputed realm of thought.2 Hoping thou mayst long live to contribute to the element of human salvation which lies in the advance of intelligence, I remain | Sincerely thy friend | Richd. Randolph— DAR 201: 32 1 2

CD’s reply to the letter from Richard Randolph, 19 and 20 February 1878, has not been found. The pamphlet has not been identified; Randolph had sent CD his most recent article with his letter of 19 and 20 February 1878 (Randolph 1877).

To E. Vignes   23 August 1878 Down, Beckenham, Kent. Aug. 23 1878. Dear sir, Pray accept my thanks for your spirited and able defence contained in the article of the journal la France you are so good as to send me.1 Your essay is not only very gratifying to me, but is written in a manner which reflects much credit on its author. I beg leave to remain yours faithfully and obliged | charles darwin La France, 1 May 1882 1

Vignes had evidently sent CD a copy of his article ‘Le nouveau membre correspondant de l’Institut’, in which he described CD’s recent election as a corresponding member of the Académie des sciences of the Institut de France as a triumph over the systematic opposition of certain naturalists, ‘the enemies of great ideas’ (Vignes 1878; a clipping of the article is in DAR 226.1: 226). The letter and a translation of it into French later appeared in La France, 1 May 1882, as part of an article by Vignes on CD and the Académie des sciences; there is a clipping of the article in DAR 216: 576. La France was a financial newspaper.

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To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   24 August [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Aug. 24th. My dear Dyer Many thanks for seeds of Trifolium resupinatum which are invaluable to us.—2 I enclose seeds of a Cassia, from Fritz Muller, & they are well worth your cultivation; for he says they come from a unique, large & beautiful tree, in the interior, & though looking out for years, he has never seen another specimen. One of the most splendid, largest & rarest butterflies in S. Brazil, he has never seen except near this one tree & he has just discovered that its caterpillars feed on its leaves.—3 I have just been looking at fine young pods beneath the ground of Arachis: I suppose that the pods are not withdrawn when ripe from ground; but shd. this be the case kindly inform me; if I do not hear I shall understand that pods ripen & are left permanently beneath the ground.—4 If you ever come across heliotropic or apheliotropic aerial roots on a plant, not valuable (but which shd. be returned) I shd like to observe them. Bignonia capreolata, with its strongly apheliotropic tendrils, (which I had from Kew) is now interesting me greatly: Veitch tells me it is not on sale in any London nursery, as I applied to him for some additional plants—5 So much for business.— I have received from G.  Soc.  your lecture & read it with great interest. But it ought not merely to be read; it requires study.— The sole criticism which I have to make is that parts are too much condensed; but good Lord how rare a fault is this.—6 You do not quote Saporta, I think; & some of his work on the Tertiary plants wd. have been useful to you.— In a former note you spoke contemptuously of your lecture: all I can say is that I never heard anyone speak more unjustly & shamefully of another than you have done of yourself !7 Ever yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Thiselton-Dyer, W. T., Letters from Charles Darwin 1873–81: 144–5) 1 2

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The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 2 August [1878]. CD had asked Thiselton-Dyer for seeds of Trifolium resupinatum (Persian clover), to be sent at the end of August. The plant was required for Francis Darwin’s research on bloom (see letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 2 August [1878] and n. 6). See letter from Fritz Müller, 21 July 1878. Müller had seen caterpillars of Callidryas menippe (a synonym of Anteos menippe, the orangetip angled-sulphur) on the leaves of this Cassia. The species was probably Cassia ferruginea, the principal host plant of Callidryas menippe (Born and Lima 2005, p. 522). See letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 2 August [1878] and n. 2. CD was making observations on Arachis hypogaea (peanut). See letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 19 July [1878]. In his letter to Francis Darwin of 14 [August 1878], CD mentioned that he planned to write to the nurserymen Veitch & Sons for a plant of Bignonia capreolata (crossvine). Thiselton-Dyer sent CD an offprint of his lecture ‘Plant-distribution as a field for geographical

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research’, delivered on 24 June 1878 at the Royal Geographical Society (Thiselton-Dyer 1878). CD’s annotated offprint is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. Thiselton-Dyer probably referred to his lecture in his now incomplete letter of 16 July 1878; see the letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 19 July [1878] and n. 9. See also letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 23 June [1878]. CD refers to Gaston de Saporta; see Saporta 1862–5.

To Octavius Pickard-Cambridge   26 August [1878] Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railroad Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Aug 26 My dear Sir. Fritz Müller (whose name no doubt you know) resides in S.  Brazil— He is, I believe, about the most acute observer in the world, & I have always found him most kind & obliging.— His address is “Blumenau St. Catharina Brazil” (Postage 6d stamps) If you write, I hope that you will not object to quote from me, that I sent the specimens to you “as knowing far more about Spiders than any other man in Britain”. He might be surprised at my at once sending them away.—1 Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin. Endorsement: ‘Rec’d 26 Aug /78’ Gallery of History (dealers) (15 January 1997) 1

No letter from Müller mentioning spiders has been found, but the letter from Fritz Müller, 21 July 1878, is incomplete and the spiders may have been mentioned in a now missing section. In a letter to his brother Hermann dated 28 July 1878, Müller mentioned his observations on spiders that constructed small dwellings from the leaves of a species of Zollernia and sent specimens of the leaves (Möller ed. 1915–21, 2: 383). Müller may have sent some of the spiders to CD for identification.

From A. L. Adams   29 August [1878]1 18 Clarendon Gardens | Maida Vale W | London 29 August My dear Sir Accept my best thanks for your kind letter of the 27th. Inst. referring to my qualifications for the vacant chair in Natural History in Queens College Cork2 I dont know if the condition I am about to refer to is known to you but it appears to me worth noting: Just lately when engaged in working up the comparative anatomy of antlered deer especially Cervus megaceros—a monograph on which species I am now engaged— it was brought to my notice by Mr. Davies of the British Museum that the left Antler is very generally larger than the right, either with reference to the size of the snags or the horn generally & this I find very general indeed unexceptional as far as the above species is concerned, by the examination of several hundred heads.3 I [believe] it is the case very generally in the Red Deer Fallow Deer & the Eastern Rusæ.4 On the left side the protection of the heart would be a consideration & the mode of attack. I have seen the Red Deer fighting in Cashmere5

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& noticed that the charge was not as in the goats & sheep downwards or directly forwards but directed towards the flanks. At all events the point is noteworthy Wishing you many years of health & happiness to labour in the field you have so nobly worn| I remain your’s | very faithfully | A Leith Adams C. Darwin Esq LLD | &c &c DAR 159: A8 1 2 3

4 5

The year is established by the year of Adams’s appointment as professor of natural history at Queen’s College (see n. 2, below). CD’s letter has not been found. Adams was appointed professor of natural history at Queen’s College, Cork, Ireland, in 1878 (ODNB). Cervus megaceros is a synonym of Megaloceros giganteus, a giant deer commonly known as the Irish elk, that became extinct about ten thousand years ago (see Lister 1994). No monograph on deer by Adams has been identified. William Davies was an assistant at the British Museum, responsible for the fossil vertebrate collection (ODNB). The red deer is Cervus elaphus; the fallow deer is Dama dama; the rusa deer is Rusa timorensis. Cashmere (now Kashmir) is a region and former princely state in northern India and north-eastern Pakistan (Columbia gazetteer of the world).

To Wilhelm Behrens   29 August [1878]1 Down. | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Aug. 29th Dear Sir I am very much obliged to you for having sent me your “Geschichte der Bestäubungstheorie”, which has interested me much.2 It has put some things in a new light, & has told me other things which I did not know.— I heartily agree with you in your high appreciation of poor old C. Sprengel’s work; & one regrets bitterly that he did not live to see his labours thus valued.3 It rejoices me also to notice how highly you appreciate H.  Müller, who has always seemed to me an admirable observer & reasoner.4 I am at present endeavouring to persuade an English publisher to bring out a Translation of his Befruchtung &c.5 Lastly permit me to thank you for your very generous remarks on my works.— By placing what I have been able to do on this subject in systematic order, you have made me think more highly of my own work, than I ever did before!6 Nevertheless, I fear, that you have done me more than justice. I remain Dear Sir | Yours faithfully & obliged | Charles Darwin. Niedersächsisches Landesarchiv – Standort Wolfenbüttel (VI Hs 11 nr. 12) 1 2 3

The year is established by the date of Behrens’s publication (see n. 2, below). CD’s annotated copy of Behrens’s Beiträge zur Geschichte der Bestäubungstheorie (Contributions to the history of pollination theory; Behrens 1878) is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. Behrens discussed the work of Christian Konrad Sprengel and his observations of flower morphology and the action of insects in Behrens 1878, pp. 16–29.

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Behrens had judged the work of Hermann Müller, Die Befruchtung der Blumen durch Insekten (The fertilisation of flowers by means of insects; H. Müller 1873) to be the first true extension of pollination theory, in that Müller was the first researcher to concentrate on the adaptations of insects as well as those of flowers (Behrens 1878, pp. 39–40). An English translation of H. Müller 1873, with a preface by CD, was published in 1883 (H. Müller 1883). Behrens had discussed the importance of Darwinian evolution as the basis for advances in pollination theory, as well as enumerating specific contributions CD had made to the study of pollination (Behrens 1878, pp. 30–8).

From G. J. Romanes   29 August 1878 Dunskaith, Ross-shire: August 29, 1878. My dear Mr. Darwin,— I only returned here yesterday and found your letter awaiting me.1 Your letter has made me as proud as Punch, and as you have such a good opinion of the line of work, I think I shall adopt your plan of working up the subject well before I publish the book.2 The greatest difficulty I had in writing the lecture was to make it short enough, but it will be splendid to be able to spread oneself over the whole subject in a book. I was at one time in doubt whether it would be better to spend time over this subject or over something more purely physiological, but of late I had begun to incline towards the former, and your opinion has now settled mine. I have not previously heard of the book by the Belgian physicist, and should much like to read it.3 I have already such a number of your books that I fear you must sometimes miss them; but I can return any of them at a minute’s notice. I had thought of keeping a monkey and teaching its young ideas how to shoot, and wrote to Frank Buckland for his advice as to the best kind to get, but he has never answered my letter. The case about the lens is a capital one.4 I have such a host of letters to answer, which have accumulated during my absence, that I must make this a short one. Your ‘congratulations’ are of more value to me than any of the others, and I thank you for them much. Ever your devoted disciple, | Geo. J. Romanes. P.S.— Science is not a world where a man need trouble himself about getting more credit than is due. E. D. Romanes 1896, p. 77 1 2

3

Letter to G. J.. Romanes, 20 August 1878. See letter to G. J. Romanes, 20 August 1878. Romanes had sent CD a copy of his lecture on animal intelligence, which he presented at the British Association for the Advancement of Science meeting in Dublin earlier in August. His book Animal intelligence was published in 1882 (G. J. Romanes 1882). CD had mentioned having read Joseph Delboeuf ’s book on psychology as a natural science (Delboeuf 1876; see letter to G. J. Romanes, 20 August 1878 and n. 5).

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See letter to G. J. Romanes, 20 August 1878. CD had described how a monkey moved the lens of an eyeglass to different distances from an object to alter the focus, a feat which was beyond his grandson’s abilities. Bernard Darwin was about 23 months old when the observation was made.

From Marinko Radovanović    30 August 1878 Belgrad, Augst. 30, 1878. Dear Sir, You were so extremely kind as to authorize my son Milan M.  Radovanovitch to translate your “Origin of the Species”, and now it becomes my painful duty to apprise you the heavy blow I have experienced by his death.1 He expired on 2 june last, in his 29th. year. What a subject for tears, and what a loss my heart mourns over, good God! The last moments of my son were consecrated to the correction of the last proofs of the Serbian edition of your work. As you have been pleased to take interest into his translation, I take the liberty of sending you a copie of it. Please to accept the hommage of the profound respect with which I have the honour to be, Sir, | Yours most respectfully, | Marinko Radovanovitch DAR 176: 1 1

CD’s copy of the Serbian translation of Origin 6th ed. (Radovanović trans. 1878) is in the Darwin Library–Down. CD had authorised the translation in 1876 (see Correspondence vol. 24, letter to Milan Radovanović, 25 August [1876]).

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   30 August [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Aug. 30th (noon) My dear Dyer It is extraordinarily kind in you & all at Kew to be willing to entrust so precious a plant with us. But I fear to handle it & therefore telegraphed to you too late.—2 For tracing exact course which a root follows in moving to light, I do not see how we could possibly manage it, as it seems that the plant wd. have to be kept hot & damp & near the light to continue healthy. Therefore I will despatch it, without moving it in its case, this day about 2o, marking it to be forwarded immediately by rail. Once again I thank you most heartily. (We have damped a bundle of moss & fastened within case to keep in dampish.) The Bignonias also are very valuable & shall hereafter be returned.3 My one plant behaved very badly yesterday, & perhaps I shall prove altogether wrong; but is is a greater advantage to prove oneself wrong even than to find out a new fact. Good Heavens what pit-falls & traps there are in experimental work.— A few days ago I shd have thought the Atriplex a curious little case, but now it may prove invaluable, as Frank is working on relation of stomata to bloom, & it was for

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this very purpose that we wanted so badly Trifolium resupinatum, the seeds of which I think are now germinating—4 Yours gratefully | C. Darwin Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Thiselton-Dyer, W. T., Letters from Charles Darwin 1873–81: 146–7) 1 2 3

4

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 24 August [1878]. The plant has not been identified, but was evidently a species of orchid (see letter to W. T. ThiseltonDyer, 31 August [1878]). CD had received plants of Bignonia capreolata (crossvine) from Kew and had tried to obtain more from the Veitch nursery, but they were unable to supply any (see letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 24 August [1878] and n. 5). Joseph Dalton Hooker sent CD plants of Atriplex (the genus of saltbush) in 1877 (Correspondence vol. 25, letter from J. D. Hooker, 31 May 1877). CD had received seeds of Trifolium resupinatum (Persian clover) from Kew (see letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 24 August [1878]). CD and Francis Darwin had been investigating the function of bloom on leaves (see letter to Francis Darwin, [17 August 1878]). Francis later noted that he had been asked to investigate the relation between bloom and the location of stomata, or breathing pores, of leaves (F. Darwin 1886, p. 99).

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   31 August [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Aug. 31st My dear Dyer I made a great number of observations on the curious movements of the flowerpeduncles of Oxalis carnosa, after they have set their seeds, but I unfortunately & stupidly overlooked one very simple point of supreme importance to me. I returned both plants in good state: now will you lend me one again, if still in flower or coming into flower again—or if any flower-head has only just gone out of flower.—2 Whoever packs the flowers for me will hate me.— Is it any one or two or three men: if so, I wish you would give them from me a sovereign— Do oblige me in this, if not against strict rules, & I can repay you.— I hope to Heavens the precious orchid was not injured & does not hate my very name.3 Ever yours | C. Darwin I am now observing the movemt. of a single flower of Trifolium repens from before expansion to setting & this has shown me my oversight in Oxalis carnosa.—4 Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Thiselton-Dyer, W. T., Letters from Charles Darwin 1873–81: 148–9) 1 2

3

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 30 August [1878]. CD had received Oxalis carnosa (fleshy sorrel) from Kew in February 1878 (see letter to J. D. Hooker, 15 February 1878 and n. 2). A plant of this species was sent to CD on 4 September 1878 (Outwards book, p. 470, Archives, Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew). See letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 30 August [1878]. CD had returned the plant as he was afraid of damaging it in experiments.

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In Movement in plants, pp. 277–9, CD noted that in both Trifolium repens (white clover) and Oxalis carnosa the subpeduncles of the individual flowers circumnutated as well as moving downwards as the flower withered.

From F. B. Goodacre   2 September 1878 Wilby Rectory | Attlebro | Norfolk Sep.t 2/78 Dear Sir, I have forwarded the geese this morning addressed according to your instructions1 & trust they may reach you in safety, though they have bred together I am not yet convinced that hybrids will breed inter se, for I doubt whether they be really anything more than mongrels, in other words whether the Chinese & Common goose be only Eastern & Western forms of the self same species, similar to the Eastern & Western types of Cattle & pigs; this is an idea of my own I have never seen even hinted at in books, & would probably be regarded by most naturalists, at present, as a wild fancy, but should it so happen to be the true explanation why these reputed hybrids will breed inter se, we seem to have a clue given to conflicting statements of authors about the China Goose & also of certain modifications in the common bird that have hitherto been regarded correlative variations:—2 When first hatched the beaks & legs of the birds I have sent you were black, but then parts were colored in two goslings of the same brood that had much white in their plumage. I purpose asking Dr. Meadows3 to cross the offspring of the birds I send with some similar 1st. cousins he has reared, & myself intend keeping a pair of 34 bred birds (i.e. 34 Chinese & 34 Common) which also are 1st. cousins to one another, we can only manage one experiment each at a time   I hope I may get someone else to join in such like experiments for they appear highly desirable to be made, they may by their results give us some information concerning the identity of species or otherwise of the Chinese & Common Goose, all books I have seen treat them as distinct species but it may be an error for all that: I have had many 12 bred birds between Common & Musk Duck4 & always found them most infertile. Should you have any goslings not pied with white I should much like to know the color of their beaks & legs when first hatched; wishing you success | Believe me | yrs truly | F B Goodacre DAR 165: 65 CD annotation Top of letter: ‘Hybrid Geese | Look at Beaks & legs of Goslings’ red crayon 1 2

CD had asked for two geese, crosses between the Chinese goose (Anser cygnoides) and the common goose (A. anser), so that he could test their fertility; see letter to F. B. Goodacre, 23 August [1878]. Goodacre published a short paper reiterating his belief that the Chinese and the common goose were varieties of the same species in the Proceedings of the Zoological Society of London (Goodacre 1879). The

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‘correlative variations’ were white feathers at the base of the bill, and a swelled and flattened trachea (Goodacre 1879, p. 711). Alfred Meadows (see letter from F. B. Goodacre, 17 August 1878). The musk or muscovy duck is Cairina moschata.

To G. J. Romanes   2 September [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Sept. 2d My dear Romanes Many thanks for your letter.2 I am delighted to hear that you mean to work the comparative psychology well.— I thought your letter to the Times very good indeed.—3 Bartlett at the Zoolog Gardens, I feel sure, wd advise you infinitely better about hardiness, intellect price, &c of monkeys than F. Buckland; but with him it must be vivâ voce.—4 Frank5 says you ought to keep an idiot, a deaf-mute, a monkey & a baby in your house! I shd guess that Lady Hobhouse was fairly trustworthy.—6 I send by this post Delboeuf.—7 The enclosed wd. be worth your getting.— I think that I mentioned the first edit. to you. It is a smallish book— He is a Spencerian to the back-bone.—8 Ever yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin American Philosophical Society (547) 1 2 3

4

5 6 7 8

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from G. J. Romanes, 29 August 1878. Letter from G. J. Romanes, 29 August 1878. Romanes had written a letter published in The Times, 28 August 1878, p. 6, responding to comments in an editorial of 23 August 1878, p. 9, on his lecture on animal intelligence given at the meeting of British Association for the Advancement of Science (G. J. Romanes 1878b). The editorial argued that the difference between human and animal (and male and female) intelligence, or more precisely their ability to govern their own impulses and thought processes, was due to ‘bulk of brain’. Romanes replied that the human faculty of deliberation depended on abstract thought, which in turn depended on language, and that humans inherited the ‘constructive effects of language or intelligence’ that had accumulated in their ancestors. See also letter to G. J. Romanes, 20 August 1878. In his letter of 29 August 1878, Romanes said that he had written to Frank Buckland to ask what sort of monkey to get for psychological observations, but Buckland had not replied. Abraham Dee Bartlett was superintendent of the Zoological Gardens, Regent’s Park, London. Francis Darwin. Mary Hobhouse kept monkeys (letter to G. J. Romanes, 20 August 1878). Joseph Delboeuf, La psychologie comme science naturelle, son présent et son avenir (Psychology as natural science, its present and future; Delboeuf 1876). See letter to G. J. Romanes, 20 August 1878. The enclosure has not been found, but was probably a reference to Alfred Espinas’s Des sociétés animales: étude de psychologie comparée (Animal societies: a study in comparative psychology; Espinas 1877); see letter from G. J. Romanes, 10 September 1878. Espinas co-translated Herbert Spencer’s Principles of psychology (Espinas and Ribot trans. 1874–5); see also Correspondence vol. 25, letter from Alfred Espinas, 1 July 1877.

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To F. B. Goodacre   3 September [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. Sept. 3d. Dear Sir, The geese arrived late last night in excellent condition.2 They were very clamorous when turned out into a loose box & ate a good supper. This morning they seem as vigorous & hearty as any geese in the world.— I do not think your view of the two forms being domestic varieties will hold good— Not only many ornithologists put them in distinct genera, but the wild type of each is known.3 If they are called wild varieties of the same species, the terms “varieties” & “species” become utterly vague & useless.— It was the fact that the two forms must be considered, in my opinion, as good species as any in the world, which makes it so important to ascertain the fertility of the hybrids. A very few such cases (mentioned in my Origin of Species &     ) are on record, & these perhaps are not fully established.—4 I thank you very sincerely for your great kindness & remain, Dear Sir, | yours faithfully, | Ch. Darwin Copy DAR 221.4: 205 1 2 3

4

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from F. B. Goodacre, 2 September 1878. See letter from F. B. Goodacre, 2 September 1878. CD had asked for two geese, crosses between the Chinese goose and the common goose, so that he could test their fertility. See letter from F. B. Goodacre, 2 September 1878 and n. 2. The Chinese goose is a domestic variety of the wild swan goose (Anser cygnoides). The common European domestic goose is a variety of the wild greylag goose (A. anser). The Chinese goose was sometimes assigned to the genus Cygnopsis (see, for example, G. R. Gray 1869–71, 3: 75). See Origin 6th ed., chapter 9, especially pp. 240–1, where CD mentioned fertile hybrids of distinct species of muntjac deer, pheasants, moths, and the hare and rabbit, as well as the common and the Chinese goose. CD wrote that in Britain, hybrids of the common and Chinese goose had been bred successfully with the parent species; there had been only one reported example of hybrids breeding successfully among themselves, but he had been assured that whole flocks of hybrid geese were maintained in India. See also Descent 2: 114, and Correspondence vol. 6, letter to T. C. Eyton, 2 November [1857]. The copyist left a large gap after ‘Origin of Species &’, presumably being unable to read CD’s handwriting.

From G. J. Romanes   10 September 1878 Dunskaith, Ross-shire, N.B.: Sept. 10, 1878. My dear Mr. Darwin,— Having been away for a week’s deer-stalking in the hills, I have only to-day received your letter together with the book. Thank you very much for both, and also

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for the hints about Espinas and Bartlett.1 I am glad you thought well of the letter to the ‘Times.’ In a book I shall be able to make more evident what I mean.2 Frank’s idea of ‘a happy family’ is a very good one; but I think my mother would begin to wish that my scientific inquiries had taken some other direction.3 The baby too, I fear, would stand a poor chance of showing itself the fittest in the struggle for existence. I am now going to write my concluding paper on Medusæ, also to try some experiments on luminosity of marine animals.4 Ever sincerely and most respectfully yours, | Geo. J. Romanes. E. D. Romanes 1896, p. 79 1

2 3

4

See letter to G. J. Romanes, 2 September [1878]. CD had sent a copy of Joseph Delboeuf ’s La psychologie comme science naturelle, son présent et son avenir (Psychology as natural science, its present and future; Delboeuf 1876), a reference probably to Alfred Espinas’s Des sociétés animales: étude de psychologie comparée (Animal societies: a study in comparative psychology; Espinas 1877), and advice to contact Abraham Dee Bartlett about keeping monkeys. See letter to G. J. Romanes, 2 September [1878] and n. 3. Romanes’s book on animal intelligence was published in 1882. See letter to G. J. Romanes, 2 September [1878]. Francis Darwin had suggested Romanes should keep ‘an idiot, a deaf-mute, a monkey & a baby’ in order to compare their respective intelligences. Romanes’s mother was Isabella Gair Rose Romanes. ‘Concluding observations on the locomotor system of Medusae’ (G. J. Romanes 1879). Romanes did not publish on his experiments on luminosity.

From Édouard van Beneden1   11 September 1878 Liège 11/9 78. Monsieur et illustre Maître, Je vous remercie cordialement pour le sympatique concours que vous voulez bien nous accorder en vous associant doublement à la manifestation que nous organisons en l’honneur de Schwann. Votre nom parmi les souscripteurs pour le buste donnera à cette œuvre une valeur inestimable.2 Je saisis cette occasion pour vous réitérer, Monsieur et illustre Maître, l’expression de mes sentiments d’admiration et de profond respect | Votre tout dévoué | Edouard Van Beneden. DAR 160: 136 1 2

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. No letter from CD on this subject has been found, but see the letter from Edouard van Beneden, 29 April 1878. On his retirement from his post as professor of anatomy and physiology at Liège in June 1878, Theodor Schwann received an album of autographed portraits of his colleagues, and a marble bust of him was placed in the academic hall (Ljunggren and Bruyn 2002, p. 164).

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From Francis Darwin   [12 September 1878]1 6 Queen Anne St My dear Father, Here are some tubes Hawksley sent to see whether they wd do, they look pretty good tho’ the walls are thick. They draw them out over flame & have to guess the right moment to stop pulling so it is impossible to get any size accurately except by making a lot & picking some out. The sample quills are strung on a bit of red strap with the tubes2 I have had 2 days hard work at Kew, very successfully, Lynch the head foreman gathers the leaves & brings them in to me all with the names marked.3 It would be an endless job for me to hunt out where each plant is & I should think he is trustworthy   I have impressed on him the awful consequences of mistakes   I frightened him so by asking whether he was sure that 2 plants were rightly named that he took them to the Herbarium & they were right. I have been rather horrified at finding out mistakes in the number of stomata given in my books, I was led to look at the stomata myself by seeing how badly they suited Sachs theory.4 One Broussonettia was given as having all its stomata above & I found it was an ordinary tree-leaf wetting perfectly above & hairy underneath, & I found very few st above & lots on the undersurface.5 Vicia sativa was given as no stomata above, & as the bloom is only on the upper side I looked at stomata & found far more above than below.6 I sent the plant to the Herbarium to make sure. Some mistake may be misprints such as the under side stoma being put in upper side column, or wrong figure &c. Or the Germans & I may be looking at different plants. I have done 3 or 4 sp of primula & they suit Sachs theory well P. marginata has most bloom above & stomata 16 above 1 below P.  capitata exactly vice versâ in both bloom & stomata. The meal of primulæ must be very bad protection as it washes off on dipping the leaf in water.7 I am not sure it wouldn’t pay better to only count stomata myself but it is so awfully slow compared to using other peoples observations. Horace was here to dinner on Tuesday & went on to Cambr same night & comes he tomorrow to see Wm off   H. seemed very well & jolly. Uncle Ras is pretty well.8 I dont see much of him, I leave here 7·45 am & get back 6·45 pm. Hooker was away when I called. Dyers have gone9 I am glad to here ubbadubba10 is jolly | Yrs affec | F D After all I will send glass tubes separate from this letter DAR 274.1: 44 1

2

The day and month are established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to Francis Darwin, 12 September [1878], and by the reference to the departure of the Thiselton-Dyers (see n. 9, below); the year is established by F. Darwin 1886, p. 99, where Francis wrote that he did the work described in this letter in 1878. CD and Francis used clear and blackened glass tubes, and quills, to enclose the tips of cotyledons of plants while observing the effects of light on the lower parts; see Movement in plants, pp. 470 and 478.

September 1878

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4 5

6

7 8

9

10

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Hawksley: possibly Thomas Paton Hawksley, a surgical-instrument maker in London who patented clinical thermometers in 1870 (Woodcroft 1871, p. 450). Richard Irwin Lynch was helping Francis with his work at the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, on stomata on leaves, which was part of his and CD’s investigations of bloom on plants; CD did not publish on bloom, but see F. Darwin 1886. Julius von Sachs thought that bloom protected the stomata of plants from water (Sachs 1868b, p. 178; F. Darwin 1886, p. 99). Broussonetia is the genus of paper mulberries. Francis listed Broussonettia (sic) papyrifera as having no bloom on its leaves and stomata only on the undersides in F. Darwin 1886, p. 104; for his source, see Weiss 1865, p. 133. Vicia sativa is common vetch. Francis listed it as having more stomata on the undersides than the upper sides of its leaves, and bloom only on the upper surface, in F. Darwin 1886, p. 109. Francis listed four sources for his original determination of the number and position of stomata in F. Darwin 1886, p. 102: Czech 1865, Kareltschikoff 1866, Morren 1863, and Weiss 1865. Czech 1865, Morren 1863, and Weiss 1865 did not mention Vicia, while Kareltschikoff 1866, p. 272, said it had more stomata on the undersides than the upper sides of its leaves. See F. Darwin 1886, p. 114. Primula marginata is the silver-edged primrose; P. capitata is the round-headed Himalayan primrose. Francis was staying with his uncle Erasmus Alvey Darwin in London, where his brothers Horace and William Erasmus Darwin had visited him. William and his wife Sara were on their way to visit Sara’s relatives in Boston, Massachussetts (letter from Emma Darwin to W. E. Darwin, 17 September [1878] (DAR 219.1: 115)); they sailed on 14 September (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). Joseph Dalton Hooker was director of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew; William Turner ThiseltonDyer was the assistant director. Thistleton-Dyer’s wife, Harriet Anne, was Hooker’s daughter. The Thiselton-Dyers left for a month-long tour of Switzerland on 12 September 1878 at 6:45 in the morning (William Turner Thiselton-Dyer’s diary, Archives, Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew). Bernard Darwin, Francis’s son.

To Francis Darwin   12 September [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Sept 12th. My dear F. I have been very glad to hear how you are getting on. It really seems that you must trust to your own observations alone on stomata.2 May not the stomata be variable even in the same species. Such variation may be expected in all characters which differ much in allied species of the same genus;3 & if I remember right the stomata do differ in the species of the same genus.— It certainly looks as if Sachs’ view was largely right,4 (surely some of your former cases were opposed to his view) but I cannot understand the length of time which Mer found that leaves could exist in water, especially with Ivy.5 How are stomata in Ivy?— I found also that leaves of Mimosa & Trifolium resupinatum lived long submerged.—6 I think that you will come to some interesting results.— Yesterday I made a little observation which interested me: I put Drosera under the compound microscope, fastening back of old leaf with shell-lac to stick, & a tentacle did not circumnutate in the least during 712 hours.; nor was it in the least heliotropic. I then touched secretion with atom of raw meat, not leaving any meat on gland, & in 23 seconds tentacle began to curve!7 I think we have observed enough to affirm that

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growth is always accompanied by circumnutation, & as the tentacle though so sensitive to animal matter did not circumnutate we may conclude that it was not growing; so Batalin must be wrong that the movement is partly due to growth.8 We see, also, how different such movements are to growth movements.— I wish you wd. make a note & enquire whether any Barbery bush in a pot is in flower in Kew; for I shd like to secure old flower to stick, & observe whether the sensitive stamens circumnutate.9 Lotus Jacobæus, I have just thought will be good to observe about pulvinus; for the cotyledon for first 4 or 5 days do not go to sleep, but do afterwards.10 Is pulvinus developed at first? We are all well & fairly jolly, & all the jollier as Snow11 has gone.— Bernard12 is as sweet as sugar, but very contradictory. It grew wonderfully dark about half an hour ago; so I said “how dark it is”; so he shouted out “oh no”.— I then added I think it will soon rain, & he again shouted out “oh dear no” “oh dear no”. I suppose the glass tubes will come tomorrow; but I won’t use them till your return.13 GoodBye dear old fellow |C. Darwin DAR 211: 45 1 2 3 4 5 6

7 8 9 10 11 12 13

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from Francis Darwin, [12 September 1878]. See letter from Francis Darwin, [12 September 1878]. See Origin 6th ed., pp. 119–20 (‘A Part developed in any Species in an extraordinary degree or manner, in comparison with the same Part in allied Species, tends to be highly variable.’ Julius von Sachs thought that bloom protected the stomata of plants from water (Sachs 1868b, p. 178; F. Darwin 1886, p. 99). Émile Mer found that ivy leaves could survive several months under water, depending on conditions (see Mer 1876, pp. 243, 245, 247–52, 254, 255). Trifolium resupinatum is Persian clover. CD’s son William had made some observations on submerged leaves; see Correspondence vol. 21, letter from W. E. Darwin, 30 August – 14 September [1873], Correspondence vol. 25, letter from W. E. Darwin, [12 or 19 July 1877]. See Movement in plants, p. 261. Alexander Feodorowicz Batalin. See Batalin 1877; see also letter from Francis Darwin, [29 June] 1878. Barberry bush, or Berberis; see Movement in plants, p. 132. Lotus jacobaeus is the black-flowered lotus. See Movement in plants, p. 313. Frances Julia Wedgwood, CD’s niece. Bernard Darwin, Francis’s son. See letter from Francis Darwin, [12 September 1878] and n. 2. Francis had sent glass tubes to be used in plant experiments.

From James Torbitt   12 September 1878 James Torbitt, | 58 North Street. | Belfast, 12 Septr 1878 Charles Darwin Esqr. | Down. My dear Sir, Your kind letter of 28th. June last I propose to reply to later on, meantime I have

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forwarded to your address a specimen of what I suspect to be a new species of the genus solanum and would ask you to kindly say would you or Sir J. Hooker care to have a plant of it growing?1 I am my dear Sir | most respectfully yours | James Torbitt DAR 178: 146 1

See letter to James Torbitt, 28 June 1878. Torbitt sent a specimen of Solanum dulcamara, woody nightshade or bittersweet (see letter from James Torbitt, 16 September 1878). Torbitt was principally interested in potatoes, which are also members of the genus Solanum. Joseph Dalton Hooker was the director of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew.

To Francis Darwin   13 [September 1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. 13th My dear F. Glass Tubes come & I think will do very well.—2 Will you ask at Kew to look at soon any plants of Oxalis carnosa, for chance of old flower-peduncles being still on. With upright main flower-peduncle (see fig. 2. in diagram), the sub-peduncles bearing young pods assume the position there shown,. (Afterwards they bend up to scatter seed).— Now if main flower peduncle were placed horizontally would sub-peduncles assume position of (3) or (4)? Perhaps there may be a naturally somewhat inclined old flower-peduncle, which would partially answer this question, which is important for me, as it would show whether movement of sub-peduncle is governed by geotropism or epinasty.— I stupidly did not ascertain this, though I made many tracings of movements of sub-peduncles.3 Also keep your eyes open for any plant not a climber in pot with tip of shoot bowed downwards or hooked, or even forming a rectangle.— I am much perplexed about this, & when you come back, I must get you to read up De Vries on Epinasty. With Smithia Pfundii, which always has end of shoot forming a rectangle, this position seems governed by geotropism, (& not as I had supposed by epinasty) & so I believe it is with Ampelopsis.— Some growing lilies, if my memory is right, grow with tips hooked.— I know Epipactis does so.— I want much to trace an Epinastic or Hyponastic movement—4 If you could find any one or two such plants at Kew, I could probably borrow them. Have you any Tracing paper up stairs????— I am running rather short— I am working at Heliotropism, with subdued light, & at ApoGeotropism.5 Yours affect C. Darwin

382

September 1878 Oxalis carnosa

Flower peduncle in full flower

—

Main flower peduncle

(1) Upright flower-peduncle with flowers withered & fertilized in normal position.—

—

(2)

Main flower-peduncle

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(3)

Flower-peduncle tied in Horizontal position with withered flowers. (4)

Do the sub-peduncles assume approximately position in (3) or (4) DAR 211: 46 1 2 3

4

5

The month and year are established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to Francis Darwin, 12 September [1878]. See letter from Francis Darwin, [12 September 1878] and n. 2. CD later concluded that the movement of the peduncle after the flower withered was due to epinasty (the downward movement of an organ due to greater longitudinal growth on its upper side); see Movement in plants, pp. 503–6. Oxalis carnosa is fleshy sorrel. One of the tracings is in DAR 209.11: 73 (see Movement in plants, p. 505). Hugo de Vries discussed hyponasty (the upward movement of an organ due to great longitudinal growth on its lower side) and epinasty in Vries 1872, p. 252. See also letter from Francis Darwin, [21 July 1878] and n. 6, and Movement in plants, pp. 267–8. Smithia pfundii is a synonym of Aeschynomene pfundii. See Movement in plants, pp. 274–6. CD discussed the movements of Ampelopsis tricuspidata (a synonym of Parthenocissus tricuspidata, Boston ivy) in Movement in plants, pp. 272–5. Epipactis is helleborine; CD did not discuss it in Movement in plants, but he had described two species in the genus in Orchids 2d ed., pp. 93–103. CD described the effects of low light-levels on plants in Movement in plants, pp. 420–32, and apogeotropism (bending against the direction of gravity) throughout.

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From C. E. Fry   13 September 1878 Baker St No. 55 Sept 13. 78. Sir By book post I send you a little packet containing a series of seven photographs of a little boy: they are curious & may be interesting to you showing change of expression The photographs were taken one after the other in sequence as numbered. The child is a singularly simple minded and unaffected little boy. & the pictures show curiously how the little chap is striving in his mind to keep still & yet not to be so grave as in the last1 I beg Sir that you will retain & accept them if the photos are of any interest to you I am Sir | Yours truly | Clarence E. Fry | Elliott & Fry2 Charles Darwin Esq DAR 164: 218 CD annotation Verso: ‘Elliott & Fry | 6 Plates | Transition from | grave to gay’ pencil 1 2

The photographs are in DAR 164: 218, but the first photograph is missing: for the other six, see the plate on p. 385. The boy may have been Fry’s son, Clarence Edmund Fry Jr (Clare Fry). Elliott & Fry were London photographers.

To G. J. Romanes   14 September [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Sep 14th My dear Romanes Thanks for note just received.2 I have dreadful news about the onions. I am nearly sure there is not a single union! Most have died: Many consist of two quite distinct perfect bulbs, in close contact, but each with its proper character.—3 Many have formed only a single bulb, & this seems to be all red or all white. They are not yet ready to be dug up, but I base hardly a ghost of a hope.— The two kinds look so different that I cannot avoid suspecting that they are distinct species; & this wd explain failure. If you are not wholly sick of whole job; I shd. think that white, red & black Radishes wd be good to try— or white & red carrots or beet.— I believe these kinds come true by seed.— I am heartily sorry at the loss of so much of your valuable time.— Do not answer, this, unless you have something special to say.— Yours sincerely, | Ch. Darwin University of Exeter Library Special Collections (EUL MS 31a/404)

Six photographs of a boy sent to CD by C. E. Fry. DAR 164: 218. By permission of the Syndics of Cambridge University Library.

386 1 2 3

September 1878

The year is established by the reference to CD’s growing onions for Romanes at Down; see letters to G. J. Romanes, 7 March 1878 and 13 May [1878]. See also letter to G. J. Romanes, 16 June [1878]. The letter from Romanes has not been found. CD had agreed to grow red and white onions at Down for Romanes’s grafting experiments, which were designed to throw light on CD’s hypothesis about inheritance, pangenesis; see n. 1, above. For pangenesis, see Variation 2d ed. 2: 349–99.

From A. R. Wallace   14 September 1878 Waldron Edge, Duppas Hill, | Croydon. Septr. 14th. 1878 Dear Darwin An appointment is soon to be made of some one to have the superintendence of Epping Forest under the new Act, and as it is a post which of all others I should like I am trying very hard to get up interest enough to secure it.1 One of the means is the enclosed memorial which has been already signed by Sir J. Hooker & Sir J. Lubbock & to which I feel sure you will add your name, which I expect has weight “even in the City”.2 For want of anything better to do I have been grinding away at a book on geography of Australasia for Stanford for the last 6 months.3 Hoping you are in good health and with my best compliments to Mrs. Darwin & the rest of your family | Believe me | Yours very faithfully | Alfred R. Wallace— C. Darwin Esq. DAR 106: B138–9 1

2 3

The 1878 Epping Forest Act appointed the City of London Corporation as conservators of Epping Forest, an area of woodland to the north of London covering about 6,000 acres. The aim of the act was to keep the forest unenclosed and available for public recreation. See Wallace 1878. The memorial has not been found, but see Raby 2001, pp 219–21. Wallace ed. 1879. Edward Stanford was a London publisher of maps and geographical works.

To B. J. Placzek   15 September 1878 Down. | Beckenham. Kent. Sep: 15. 1878. Dear Sir. I thank you for your extremely courteous letter & for your kind remarks about what I have been able to do in Science—1 The history of every new view is interesting & sometimes highly instructive. & whenever I receive the work; which you are so good as to say that you will send me—I will read it.2 But you are mistaken about my knowledge of German for I read it only with difficulty. As I am at present much engaged on other subjects, I shall probably be unable to read your essay for some little time. I may mention that a learned Jew in Poland (whose name I have at present

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forgotten) has published a small volume in Hebrew, shewing that evolution is an ancient belief & that orthodox Jews may safely accept it—3 Wishing you success in your labours— I remain | Dear Sir. | Yours faithfully | Charles Darwin. Copy DAR 147: 244 1 2

3

Placzek’s letter has not been found. There is a copy of Placzek’s article ‘Die Agada und der Darwinismus / Der Darwinismus in der Agada’ from the Jüdische Literaturblatt for 1878 in DAR 226.2: 5–20 (Placzek 1878). The Agada or Haggadah is ‘the homiletical and illustrative part of the authoritative book of Jewish civil and religious law, the Talmud’ (Chambers). In his article, Placzek pointed out congruences between transmutation theory and Jewish scriptures, and discussed teleology and anthropocentrism. See Correspondence vol. 24, letter from Naphtali Lewy, [26 March – 24 April 1876]. Lewy’s ‘small volume’ was Toldot Adam (Lewy 1874). See also letter from Naphtali Lewy, 14 May 1878.

From James Torbitt   16 September 1878 James Torbitt, | 58 North Street. | Belfast, 16 Septr 1878 Charles Darwin Esq. | Down My dear Sir I am sorry to have troubled you with my stupid mistake regarding the solanum dulcamara.1 Crossing these by seed should have shown me the error little as I know. I am grateful for your good wishes for the success of my experiments—so far as they have gone they lead me towards the belief that by cross fertilization and selection varieties of the potato may be obtained much more prolific and much less subject to the “disease” than the varieties now in cultivation in the North of Ireland, and in a few weeks I hope to furnish full report.2 Most respectfully and faithfully my dear Sir | James Torbitt DAR 178: 147 1

2

See letter from James Torbitt, 12 September 1878. Torbitt had sent CD what he thought was a new species of Solanum. CD’s letter to Torbitt has not been found. Solanum dulcamara is woody nightshade or bittersweet. For Torbitt’s manifesto on breeding blight-resistant potatoes, see the letter from James Torbitt, 24 February 1878; for his brief report on the year’s activities, see the letter from James Torbitt, 12 December 1878.

To A. R. Wallace   16 September 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Sept 16. 1878 My dear Wallace I return the paper signed & most heartily wish that you may be successful, not only for your own sake, but for that of natural science, as you would then have more

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time for new researches.1 I keep moderately well, but always feel half-dead, yet manage to work away on vegetable physiology, as I think that I shd die outright, if I had nothing to do.—2 Believe me | Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin The British Library (Add MS 46434) 1 2

See letter from A. R. Wallace, 14 September 1878. Wallace had asked for CD’s support in his application to become superintendent of Epping Forest. CD was working with his son Francis Darwin on movement in plants; their research was published in 1880 (Movement in plants).

To Hermann Müller   20 September 1878 Down, Beckenham, Kent Sept. 20. 1878 My dear Sir — — — — — I am working away on some points in vegetable physiology; but though they interest me and my son, yet they have none of the fascination which the fertilisation of flowers possesses.1 Nothing in my life has ever interested me more than the fertilisation of such plants as Primula and Lythrum, or again Anacamptis or Listera.2 With the most sincere respect | Yours very faithfully | Charles Darwin Copy incomplete3 DAR 146: 439 1 2

3

CD and Francis Darwin were making observations on movement in plants and bloom (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). CD’s earlier work on the fertilisation of plants had been collected and updated in Forms of flowers, published in 1877; see also Cross and self fertilisation, a second edition of which appeared in 1878, and Orchids, a second edition of which appeared in 1877. Listera and Anacamptis are genera of orchids. Dashes before the first sentence in the copy of the letter suggest that text has been omitted; for an indication of the missing content, see the letter from Hermann Müller, 25 September 1878. The original letter has not been found. This extract was published in ML 2: 419.

From W. C. Williamson   20 September 1878 The Owens College, | Manchester, Septr. 20th 1878 My Dear Darwin You will remember my sending you some very young seedlings of Drosera Spathulata in a state resembling D. rotundifolia—1 The brood of which I sent you samples is now develop〈ed〉 into a group of fine pla〈nts〉 The seed from wh〈ich〉 〈    〉 them

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was sown 〈    〉 as gathered— But 〈    〉 up a small portion of it in a glass tube and sowed it early in the present spring— I have never disturbed the plants, hence they are now densely crowded together in their seed pan. I send you three of them from which you will see two things—first that they are leaving the rotundifolian type— Secondly that owing to their being crowded together they have 〈    〉 somewhat of the 〈  〉t form of Drosera Capensis.2 Though you may already be familiar with all this I thought it worth while sending you the illustrative specimens— By the way if you or your sons3 want any more matured specimens of D. Spathulata I can send you any number. & shall have the greatest pleasure in doing so— I am ever y〈ours〉 | W. C. W〈illiamson〉 DAR 181: 106 1 2 3

See letter from W. C. Williamson, 19 January 1878 and n. 1. Drosera spatulata is the spoon-leaved sundew (spathulata is a common misspelling); D. rotundifolia is the common or round-leaved sundew. Drosera capensis (Cape sundew) has strap-like leaves. Francis Darwin was CD’s secretary and assistant; William Erasmus Darwin also sometimes helped with botanical observations.

From J. V. Carus   21 September 1878 Leipzig Sept 21st 1878. My dear Sir, Herr Koch writes me, that there is a rumour going about that you are preparing a new book on the Power of Inheritance. Although we have now completed our edition of your “Collected Works”, we should be most happy, if we could bring out this new one in German.1 Herr Koch wants me particularly to tell you, that in the case, your Son Mr Francis Darwin was the author, he would be equally happy to get it for publication in Germany. From the 1st. of July I am publishing a small zoological periodical, the Zoologische Anzeiger, of which I beg to send you two proof-numbers. My object is, to give a view of the current litterature and every sort of new important notices. I am happy to say that I found everywhere amongst the fellow-Zoologists a most hearty welcome, and although I have a good deal of work with it, yet I found very kind help from all sides. I intend to publish short original notes, which the colleagues will kindly entrust to me, besides in German, also in the other three principal European languages, French, English and Italian. So, if you should have a few lines, I should be proud of bringing them out.2 I hope your health is satisfactory. A kind answer would oblige me exceedingly | Believe me| Yours ever most sincerely | J. Victor Carus DAR 161: 112

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September 1878

Eduard Koch was the director of Carus’s publisher, E. Schweizerbart’sche Verlagshandlung. The complete collected German translation of CD’s works was Carus trans. 1875–87. The proof copies of Zoologische Anzeiger have not been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL. The first two issues of Zoologische Anzeiger are dated 1 and 15 July 1878. CD did not contribute any notes.

To Frederick Howlett   21 September [1878] Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Sept. 21st Dear Sir I am sorry to say that I cannot throw a gleam of the obscurest light on your difficult problem, which has sometimes occurred to me as a most perplexing one.— But in fact we do not know enough of the meaning of the shape or size of the blood corpuscles or of scarcely any histological characters, for anyone to speculate on the subject.1 I shd. doubt about the peculiar shape of the corpuscles in the Camelidæ being due to inheritance from a remote progenitor; & most of the points which you specify as being alike in camels & ostriches could be accounted for, as it appears to me, more probably by adaption to similar conditions, rather than to inheritance from a, common ancestor, extremely remote in time.2 Thanking you for your very courteous expressions | I remain, Dear Sir | yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin Postmark: SP 21 78 Niklas Gyllensporre (private collection) 1 2

Howlett’s letter to CD has not been found. Howlett, a clergyman, was interested in microscopy. The red blood cells of camelids and ostriches are oval; the shape is unusual for mammals, but not for birds (see Gulliver 1875).

To G. J. Romanes   21 September [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Sept 21st My dear Romanes. If you do not take in the Spiritualist, order the copy published last Thursday.— It contains a splendid exposure of your friend (is this not unkind?) Williams.— H.  Wedgwood brought it here: he admits that Williams is proved a rogue, but declares that he is a medium, & that he (H. Wedgwood) has himself seen John King, notwithstanding the old beard & old dirty ghost-clothes! Is this not a psychological curiosity?2 Ever yours | C. Darwin American Philosophical Society (548)

September 1878 1 2

391

The year is established by the reference to the exposure of the medium Charles E. Williams as a fraud in the Spiritualist newspaper (see n. 2, below). A letter in the Spiritualist, Friday 20 September 1878, p. 133, described the finding of false beards, muslin, ribbons, phosphoric acid, and an instrument for writing on sealed slates on the persons of Williams and another medium, Mr A. Rita, at a séance in Amsterdam. For Hensleigh Wedgwood’s interest in spiritualism, see Correspondence vol. 23, letter to G. H. Darwin, 2 [April 1875] and n. 2. John King was Williams’s spirit guide. For Romanes’s interest, see E. D. Romanes 1896, pp. 48–9, and Correspondence vol. 24, letter from G. J. Romanes, [after 23 September 1876]. See also Oppenheim 1985, pp. 281–2.

To W. C. Williamson   21 September [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Sept. 21st My dear Professor Williamson The specimens arrived dried up & shrivelled, but I have put them to soak, & I daresay that I shall be able to see their structure tomorrow, sufficiently to gratify my idle curiosity, for I am at work on other subjects.2 Many thanks for your kind offer of the plants: if you have any few seeds left & could spare them, I shd. like to see how the embryo breaks through the ground. In this case please inform me how you sow them, as I have hitherto failed in raising seedling Droseras.3 Yours very faithfully | Ch. Darwin If I do not hear I shall understand you have no seed.— American Philosophical Society (B/D25.289) 1 2 3

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from W. C. Williamson, 20 September 1878. See letter from W. C. Williamson, 20 September 1878. Williamson had sent specimens of Drosera spatula (spoon-leaved sundew). CD was continuing to experiment on movement in plants. No reply to this letter has been found, but Williamson described how he sowed seed of Drosera capensis (Cape sundew) in his letter to CD of 13 January 1880 (Calendar no. 12423). See also Movement in plants, p. 414.

From E. A. Floyer   22 September 1878 Abou Aziz | R. Nile 25o 15 north1 Sept 22. 78 Professor Darwin FRS etc. Sir I do not know whether I am giving you useless trouble But I today found quantities of the fruit of the female palm (Phœnix Dactylifera) which has not been impregnated by pollen from a male.2 And it has more astonished me that even after ten

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years experience in Baluchistan3 as a a gardener date grower etc I had never even heard of it. I will not give many details now for fear the subject may after all be familiar to you. But I will just mention that I think It wrong to talk of Phœnix sylvestris   There is no such thing as a wild date palm any more than a wild camel.4 For where either the one or the other could live the natives of their country could live and subsist upon the one and domesticate the other. A date palm cannot be fertilized without the aid of man who cuts up the flower of a male palm into little bunches and puts a little bunch into the middle of each bunch of flowers of the female palm.5 What is called a wild palm is simply one sprung from a seed or datestone which never grows higher than 15 feet and never bears fruit.6 The seed is generally carried in the excrement of jackals or dogs. I send specimens of three kinds of dates. The number of kinds is of course infinite. The chief points about them are the fruit of the unfertilized palm. (1) Has no vestige of a stone or seed (2) Never looses its astringent or sloe like taste (3) Grows in clusters of 3. 4 5 or 6 like bananas   not a long a stick as the fertilized one does Should it seem strange to you my writing, I might explain that my brother of King’s, Cambridge paid me a visit last Long vacation, and “sowed the good seed” by leaving me “The origin of species” which I am ashamed to say being so constantly abroad I had never read.7 I am so constantly solitary in deserts that but for insects plants birds etc I should have died of ennui but that book put every thing straight. Previously I was bored by genera species that seemed to go so entirely by rule of thumb. There are millions of pigeons here as in Persia.8 They are mostly the blue rock9 but much smaller and with glossy necks. There are many of all colours but the blue rock seems most appreciated by the females and is most common. I am Sir yours truly E. A. Floyer The post hence is very uncertain if you would kindly say the box has arrived please address E A Floyer | Board of Railway Administn | Cairo.10 DAR 205.2: 231 CD annotation 2.8 The seed … dogs. 2.9] double scored red crayon; scored blue crayon; ‘Distribution’ blue crayon 1 2

3 4 5 6

Abu Aziz is in Egypt, on the river Nile; Floyer was inspector-general of Egyptian telegraphs. The date palm, Phoenix dactylifera, is dioecious, having male and female plants. Parthenocarpy, the production of fruit without fertilisation of ovules, sometimes occurs; the fruit is seedless (Bonavia 1885, p. 89). Baluchistan: now Balochistan, in south-west Pakistan. Phoenix sylvestris (wild date palm) was believed to be the wild ancestor of the cultivated P. dactylifera (Bonavia 1885, p. 10; EB s.v. date palm). In the wild, dates are wind pollinated (Popenoe 1973). Phoenix dactylifera does bear fruit when grown from seed, although there are commercial disadvantages to allowing it to do so (Popenoe 1973, pp. 56–8).

September 1878 7

8 9 10

393

Frederick Anthony Floyer was an undergraduate at King’s College, Cambridge. The long vacation is in the summer. Origin was first published in 1859; Floyer had been working abroad since 1869, when he was 17 years old. The first chapter of Origin deals, amongst other subjects, with variation in domestic pigeons. The rock pigeon or blue rock dove is Columba livia. CD’s reply has not been found, but see also the letter from E. A. Floyer, [after 22 September 1878].

From E. A. Floyer   [after 22 September 1878?]1 Translation2 Waterbuffalo eating indian corn drowned by inundation   nose below water to within an inch of his eye. Consecutive seconds Underwater above 10 15 15 17 20 15 15 10 60 Men went away 57 In 1 min 57 sec he was 1 min under water. corn is under water two months3 That which shews above the surface is eagerly eaten by the cows and donkeys. The land shelves down gradually so that the Buffalo who had the longest nose or who could hold his breath longest would get most food. In a time of starvation, as when all their land is under water this would be all important [Ennery Esq] [Enclosure]4 ‫ ﴍق‬/ ‫ر س ﻃﻠﻊ‬ ٠١ ‫ ﻃﻠﻊ‬/ ‫ ﴍق‬/ ‫ ﻃﻠﻊ‬/ ‫ ﴍق‬/ ‫ﻃﻠﻊ‬ ‫ ﻃﻠﻊ‬/ ‫ ﴍق‬/ ‫ ﻃﻠﻊ‬/ ‫ﴍق‬ ‫ﴍ ﻃﻠﻊ‬ ٠٢ ٤٣ ٣ DAR 194: 41 1

The date is conjectured from the relationship between this letter and the letter from E. A. Floyer, 22 September 1878, which seems to have been Floyer’s first letter to CD. The attribution to Floyer is based on the handwriting.

394 2 3 4

September 1878

The source of the text is unknown. Before the opening of the Aswan dam in 1902, the lower Nile used to flood for as much as three months from late summer (EB s.v. Nile). For a translation of this enclosure, see Appendix I.

From E. B. Aveling   23 September 1878 Patron | H.R.H. The Prince of Wales. | Royal Polytechnic Institution Limited, 309, Regent Street, London, W. | Scientific Department. | Laboratory. 23. ix. 78. Edward B. Aveling ventures to forward herewith a copy of the Student’s Magazine for October wherein is the first of a series of articles on Dr Darwin’s works, intended to make the general public more familiar and the students more deeply acquainted with them. If he attain his end he trusts he may be forgiven his presumption.1 DAR 202: 9 1

Aveling’s first article in the series ‘Darwin and his work’, in fact appeared on 1 September 1879; it has not been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL. There is a clipping of Aveling’s second article, ‘The naturalist’s voyage around the world’, 1 October 1878, in DAR 226.1: 169–70. The series continued until September 1879 (Aveling 1878–9).

To G. D. Campbell   23 September 1878 Down, Beckenham, September 23, 1878. Dear Duke of Argyll,— The problem which you state so clearly is a very interesting one, on which I have often speculated.1 As far as I can judge, the improbability is extreme that the same well-characterized species should be produced in two distinct countries, or at two distinct times. It is certain that the same variation may arise in two distinct places, as with albinism or with the nectarine or peach-trees.2 But the evidence seems to me overwhelming that a well-marked species is the product, not of a single or of a few variations, but of a long series of modifications, each modification resulting chiefly from adaptation to infinitely complex conditions (including the inhabitants of the same country) with more or less inheritance of all the preceding modifications. Moreover, as variability depends more on the nature of the organism than on that of the environment, the variations will tend to differ at each successive stage of descent. Now it seems to me improbable in the highest degree that a species should ever have been exposed in two places to infinitely complex relations of exactly the same nature during a long series of modifications. An illustration will perhaps make what I have said clearer, though it applies only to the less

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important factors of inheritance and variability, and not to adaptation—viz.  the improbability of two men being born in two countries identical in body and mind. If, however, it be assumed that a species at each successive stage of its modification was surrounded in two distinct countries or times by exactly the same assemblage of plants and animals, and by the same physical conditions, then I can see no theoretical difficulty to such a species giving birth to the new form in the two countries. If you will look to the sixth edition of my ‘Origin,’ at p. 100, you will find a somewhat analogous discussion perhaps more intelligible than this letter.3 Yours faithfully, | Charles Darwin. Nature, 5 March 1891, p. 415 1

2 3

Campbell’s letter to CD has not been found, but when Campbell later had this letter published in Nature, he prefaced it by saying that he had ‘put the direct question, why it was that he [CD] did assume the unity of mankind as descended from a single pair?’ (Nature, 5 March 1891, p. 415). On the repeated production of peaches from nectarines (Prunus persica), see Variation 2d ed. 1: 361–3. Origin 6th ed., pp. 100–2, is a discussion of convergence of character.

To J. V. Carus   23 September 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Sep 23. 78 My dear Sir, It is a mistake that either I or my son Francis intends publishing on inheritance.1 We have been at work for more than a year on some physiological work with plants but I daresay shall print nothing for a year to come. Whenever we do begin to print, proof sheets shall be sent, & you can then settle about translation.2 I cannot remember whether I have ever said so before, but assure you that I consider the edition of my collected works in German a very great honour.3 I received sometime ago a number of your new periodical, & I should think that it would be of very great use to all Zoological students. Should anything occur to me I will communicate with you, but this is unlikely as I am solely working at plants.4 This journal must I fear cost you great labour. Believe me my dear Sir | Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin LS Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin – Preußischer Kulturbesitz (Slg. Darmstaedter Lc 1859 Darwin, Charles, Bl. 170-171) 1 2 3 4

See letter from J. V. Carus, 21 September 1878. Movement in plants was published in 1880; Carus’s translation was Carus trans. 1881. The complete collected edition of CD’s works in German, translated by Carus, was published by E. Schweizerbart’sche Verlagshandlung of Stuttgart (Carus trans. 1875–87). Carus’s new periodical was Zoologische Anzeiger; see letter from J. V. Carus, 21 September 1878 and n. 2. CD did not publish in it.

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September 1878

From A. R. Wallace   23 September 1878 Waldron Edge, Duppas Hill, | Croydon. Septr 23rd. 1878 Dear Darwin Many thanks for your signature and good wishes.—1 I have some hopes of success, but am rather doubtful of the Committee of the Corporation who will have the management, for they have just decided after a great struggle in the Court of Common Council, that it is to be a rotatory Committee, every member of the Council (of whom there are 200) coming on it in succession if they please. They evidently look upon it as a Committee which will have great opportunities of excursions picnics, & dinners, at the expense of the Corporation, while the improvement of the Forest will be quite a secondary matter.2 I am very glad to hear you are tolerably well. It is all I can say of myself. Believe me | Yours very faithfully | Alfred R. Wallace Charles Darwin F.R.S. DAR 106: B140–1 1 2

See letter to A. R. Wallace, 16 September 1878. Wallace had asked for CD’s support in his application to become superintendent of Epping Forest. The 1878 Epping Forest Act appointed the City of London Corporation as conservators of Epping Forest. The Court of Common Council consists of the mayor, the aldermen, and council members elected by the city wards (Open Spaces Act 1906: 20. Definitions).

To F. B. White   23 September [1878]1 Down. | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Sept. 23d Dear Sir I have now read your paper, & I hope that you will not think me presumptuous in writing another line to say how excellent it seems to me.— I believe that you have largely solved the problem of the affinities of the inhabitants of this most interesting little island, & this is a delightful triumph.—2 Dear Sir Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin. Perth Museum and Art Gallery, Scotland (205) 1 2

The year is established by the reference to F. B. White 1878 (see n. 2, below). CD’s annotated copy of White’s ‘Contributions to a knowledge of the hemipterous fauna of St. Helena, and speculations on its origin’ (F. B. White 1878), in the Proceedings of the Zoological Society of London, is in the unbound journal collection in the Darwin Archive–CUL. White argued that fauna colonised the extremely isolated Atlantic island of St Helena from the north along a now submerged

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chain of island ‘stepping stones’, taking advantage of ocean currents and winds that had since then reversed direction owing to the end of a glacial period (F. B. White 1878, pp. 454–5).

To E. B. Aveling   [after 23 September 1878]1 Dear Sir I am much obl. to you for having sent me the nos of the S. Mag..— I fear that you esteem my works & honour me very much more highly than I deserve. If it is not asking too great a favour, I shd. like to see any other numbers, in connection with the pres one2 I remain | Sir, | Yours f & obliged | C. D. ADraftS DAR 202: 9v 1 2

The date is established by the relationship between this draft and the letter from E. B. Aveling, 23 September 1878, on the back of which it is written. Only one article from Aveling’s series in the Student’s Magazine and Science and Art, ‘Darwin and his work’, has been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL; see letter from E. B. Aveling, 23 September 1878 and n. 1.

From W. C. Marshall   25 September [1878]1 Derwent Island | Keswick Sep.t 25th. Dear Mr. Darwin I am sending you with this a plant which I suspect of being insectivorous, you will perhaps remember that I sent Horace a specimen of this; last year, wh. reached him so withered as not to be recognisable.2 I find that the flower, wh. was common in one or two beds in this garden last year, has hardly appeared at all this year; and the plant wh. accompanies this is the only one I can find at this time. I have been unable to make any further observations & can only state that at times great numbers of minute insects adhere to the plant; in most cases to the under side of the leaves, & that the leaves sometimes show discoloured spots where the insects rest. I hope this plant may at any rate enable you to determine the species & get more specimens if you think the case worth observing. (There are insects on the plant sent.) I can probably send you more next year if you want them, as I have told the gardener to preserve the plant if he finds it. I noticed some very fine & greedy pinguiculas this year, I was astonished by the numbers of flies they had caught & send you the butchers list of two fine plants I gathered at the end of July on Sty Head Pass.3

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September 1878

leaf

Plant A

1 2 3

}

4 5 6 7 8 9 10

34 26 40 16 12 9 2 175

36

withered but many flies

leaf 1 2 3

Plant B

}

withered & remains of flies numerous but not distinct enough to count

4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12

22 57 7 21 22 19 11 5 & 2 seeds 0 164 Allowing for the old leaves on wh. the remains of the flies were so decayed as to be un-countable & for the 2 or 3 un-expanded leaves on each plant, I am sure it is well within the mark to say that they must devour 200 flies a piece during the season. These were plants selected as being fine, but I am certain I could have found hundreds like them, the weather had been very fine. If you wish to send me any message about these plants I shall be at 122 Mount t S. next week. yrs. very truly | W. C. Marshall DAR 86: B1–2 1 2

3

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to W. C. Marshall, 27 September [1878]. Marshall and Horace Darwin had been students together at Trinity College, Cambridge, and Marshall had previously made observations on insectivorous plants at CD’s request (see Correspondence vol. 22, letter to W. C. Marshall, 8 June [1874], and letter from W. C. Marshall, 5 September [1874]; see also Insectivorous plants, pp. 369–70). The plant sent to Horace Darwin has not been identified; see also letter to W. C. Marshall, 27 September [1878]. Pinguicula: butterwort. Sty Head Pass is a mountain pass above Seathwaite in the Lake District.

From Hermann Müller   25 September 1878 Lippstadt, Sept 25, 1878 My dear Sir, I must write a few lines to thank you for your kind letter which has very much rejoiced myself, and for your efforts to effect the translation of my book: “Die Befruchtung etc.”1

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The last five years I have been occupied collecting observations on Alpine flowers and their fertilisation by insects. But now unfortunately our vacancies have been altered in such a manner (beginning not before the midst of August) that I must renounce on further successful excursions into the Alps.2 My this year excursion, from August 14 to Sept. 12 has had but very poor results. I have therefore resolved now to work up the observations hitherto collected and then to publish my work on Alpine flowers and their fertilisation by insects.3 Having finished this work I will return to biological observations of Insects and then I will take all possible pains in order to repeat and complete your admirable observations on the regular travels of humble bees which you have communicated with me some years ago.4 With the most sincere respect | Yours | very faithfully | Hermann Müller. DAR 171: 311 1

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Müller refers to missing parts of CD’s letter to him of 20 September 1878. Müller’s Die Befruchtung der Blumen (H. Müller 1873) was translated by D’Arcy Wentworth Thompson with a preface by CD under the title Fertilisation of flowers (H. Müller 1883). Müller taught natural sciences at a school in Lippstadt, Germany. For Müller's previous alpine trips, see Correspondence vol. 23, letter from Hermann Müller, 7 August 1875, and Correspondence vol. 24, letter from Hermann Müller, 4 September 1876. Alpenblumen, ihre Befruchtung durch Insekten: und ihre Anpassungen an dieselben (Alpine flowers, their fertilisation by means of insects: and their adaptations to the same; H. Müller 1881) See Correspondence vol. 20, letter to Hermann Müller, [before 5 May 1872]; see also Correspondence vol. 24, letter from Hermann Müller, 4 October 1876. Müller did not publish further on this subject.

To W. C. Marshall   27 September [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Sept. 27th My dear Marshall I send a line to thank you very much for remembering about the plant, which is now planted & I hope will flourish, & it shall then be observed.— Whenever any systematic botanist is here I hope to get name.— Pinguicola is a fine case.2 I am writing this in your new room, which makes a most splendid study & is the comfort of my life.—3 Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin American Philosophical Society (B/D25.282) 1 2 3

The year is established by the reference to building work at Down House (see n. 3 below). See letter from W. C. Marshall, 25 September [1878]; the plant has not been identified. Pinguicula: butterwort. Marshall had designed and superintended the building of an extension at Down House, including a room originally intended as a billiard room, but later adapted for use as a study (see Correspondence vol. 24, letter to W. C. Marshall, 19 September 1876). CD’s Classed account books (Down House MS) record payments for the ‘new room’ to Marshall and others from 3 March to 27 December 1877, and payments for the study in May and July 1878.

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September 1878

To ?   28 September 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Sept. 28th 1878 Private Sir I enclose a copy of the “Medium” with an account of the detection of Williams the Spiritualist. I am in hopes that you may think it worth while to publish the exposure of a person who has imposed on the public with such success for so many years—1 Sir. Your obedient servant | Charles Darwin LS(A) American Philosophical Society (549) 1

See letter to G. J. Romanes, 21 September [1878]. A letter in the Spiritualist, 20 September 1878, p. 133, described the finding of false beards, muslin, ribbons, phosphoric acid, and an instrument for writing on sealed slates on the persons of the mediums Charles E. Williams and Mr A. Rita at a séance in Amsterdam. CD presumably reversed the words ‘Medium’ and ‘Spiritualist’ in his first sentence in error. The Medium and Daybreak, another spiritualist newspaper, ran a story about the affair on 27 September 1878, but they supported Williams and Rita and included statements from the two men claiming that they had been entrapped.

To John Murray   1 October [1878]1 Down, Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station, Orpington | S.E.R. Oct. 1st My dear Sir I enclose a cheque for 11£.. 19s.. 9d and will transmit 7£. " 9s. " 4d to Fritz Müller.2 Thanks for the account of the sale of my books, which appear to be in a lamentable state.3 Yours very faithfully| Ch. Darwin Copy DAR 147: 176 1 2

3

The year is established by the reference to the cheques (see n. 2, below). On 1 October 1878, CD recorded in his Account books–banking account (Down House MS) the payment of cheques for £11 19s. 9d. to John Murray under the heading ‘Class as 19. 9. 1 for presentation copies’ (i.e. the sum of the payments to Murray and Müller), and £7 9s. 4d. to H. Müller under the heading ‘For Fritz Müller’. Hermann Müller was Fritz Müller’s brother; the money was for sales of Dallas trans. 1869 (the English translation of F. Müller 1864). An account of sales of Dallas trans. 1869 as well as CD’s own books to June 1878 is in DAR 210.11: 13. The amount owing for sales of Dallas trans. 1869 is given as £7 9s. 4d. CD evidently paid Fritz Müller and deducted the sum from what he owed Murray for presentation copies. CD had arranged to have the translation made and published (see Correspondence vol. 16).

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To G. J. Romanes   1 October [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Oct 1st My dear Romanes I have just read your article in the Fortnightly.2 It seems to me capitally done, & I honour you for taking so much trouble pro bono publico3 of the mass of readers. Good Lord, what nonsense the article in the Edinburgh must be. It is a bad look out that the Editor, whoever he may be, should be so ignorant & so wanting in judgment as to have admitted such an article.4 But the poor old Edinburgh seems to have played out its part & is ready for extinction. Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin American Philosophical Society (550) 1 2

3 4

The year is established by the reference to the article by Romanes (see n. 2, below). Romanes’s article ‘The beginning of nerves in the animal kingdom’ was published in the Fortnightly Review, October 1878 (G. J. Romanes 1878a). The article gave a non-technical summary of Romanes’s research on the nervous system of the medusa form of the common jellyfish, Aurelia aurita (see G. J. Romanes 1876, 1877a, and 1877b). Pro bono publico: for the public good (Latin). An unsigned article in the October Edinburgh Review, ‘The Copyright Commission’, was highly critical of Thomas Henry Farrer’s ideas for changes in copyright law with regard to the book trade; it was written by James Anthony Froude ([Froude] 1878; see Wellesley index for the attribution to Froude). Farrer, who participated in the 1875–8 Royal Commission on Copyright, had asked CD for his views on aspects of the copyright question (see Correspondence vol. 24, letter from T. H. Farrer, 7 December 1876). Farrer’s views on the topic were summarised in his article in the December Fortnightly Review (Farrer 1878). Henry Reeve was the editor of the Edinburgh Review.

To J. D. Hooker   3 October [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Oct. 3d My dear Hooker Will you get some one at Kew to write name of enclosed Oxalis on enclosed card.— It grows out of doors & propagates itself in garden in Surrey.2 I have seeds, & want much to know name, as the movements of the Cotyledons in genus Oxalis are marvellous.—3 I heartily hope the difficulty of your address to Royal is over, & that you are all flourishing.4 Ever yours | C. Darwin DAR 95: 474 1 2

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from J. D. Hooker, 4 October 1878. The enclosure has not been found, but the name ‘O. Valdiviensis’ has been added to the top of the letter, probably in Hooker’s hand. In August 1878, CD had stayed at Leith Hill Place, Surrey, the home

402

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of his sister, Caroline Sarah Wedgwood, and her family, and at Abinger, Surrey, the home of Thomas Henry and Katherine Euphemia Farrer (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)); he probably observed plants of Oxalis valdiviensis (Chilean yellow-sorrel) in Farrer’s garden. CD observed movement of the cotyledons in several species of Oxalis (the genus of wood sorrels; see Movement in plants, pp. 23–7 et passim). CD’s notes on movement in cotyledons of Oxalis valdiviensis (referred to by CD as O. valdiviana), dated between 19 June and 13 November 1878, are in DAR 209.6: 154–6. Hooker had struggled to find a subject for his presidential address at the anniversary meeting of the Royal Society of London, held on 30 November 1878 (Hooker 1878b; see letter from J. D. Hooker, 31 July 1878).

From J. D. Hooker   4 October 1878 Royal Gardens Kew Oct 4/78 Dear Old Darwin Your Oxalis is O. Valdiviensis, Gay. of Chili—1 I am glad you are getting on with your movement of Cotyledon’s researches—2 My Address for Royal is nowhere   I have not thought of a word for it, & every time I try it makes my head & heart ache— One’s last address ought to be good.3 I have this last 12 hour (moved thereto by your letter) maundered over the matter & written to De La Rue for some information relative to Electric discharges apropos of Spottiswoodes researches.4 Hitherto I have not, (like my predecessors) sponged on my Fellows for matter for my addresses   Now I must, if, as I am advised, I am to give a resumè of some of the advances in Physical & Biological Sciences that have rendered the Societys labors noteworthy during my Presidentship.5 Would Frank give me some crude data in reference to your & his labors? & as to what they point to? I would work them up.6 Pray do not allude to it to him if you think better not. I should like to give a short analysis of the question of biogenesis—& so forth, but it makes me giddy to think of it. I shall consult the Godlike Huxley on this.7 I must keep off controversial questions. I am very busy at Grays & my joint paper on the Botany of Colorado in relation to the rest of America & the Universe I suppose. It has I find curious relations with Altai which I hope to shew are not shared by the Floras of either Eastern or Western America. but these comparisons are very laborious.8 Balls & my Marocco Journals are nearly out, they await a brief Essay from me on the comparison of the Floras of Maroccoo & the Canaries— the differences are marvellous & quite unexpected.9 There are no Islands in the world so near the main land with such a difference in their vegetation— they beat the Galapagos in certain respects, but then the separate Islands do not differ much. I must clear the American & Marocco works off before I begin my Address: happily the matter of these is in my head— then I must go to Paris on the 18th. to be present at the Prize Giving of the Exhibition—which is to be my only duty as a

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Royal Commissioner!10 I have shirked every other without exception & cannot have the impudence to decline this—though I do hate it.— I am still looking out for a country cottage within easy distance of Kew to retire to on Sundays & perhaps in the end for weeks—months—years of Sundays;11 for between you & me I am getting giddy with Science in all shapes—& with the worry of Social, Scientific & official life, & I long for rest & nothing but the Library & Herbarium to busy myself with— This is the best & most sensible growl you have had from me for a long time— Ever yrs affec | J. D. Hooker. DAR 104: 115–17 1 2 3 4 5 6

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9

10

11

See letter to J. D. Hooker, 3 October [1878] and n. 2. Oxalis valdiviensis is Chilean yellow-sorrel. Throughout Movement in plants, CD referred to the species as Oxalis valdiviana. See letter to J. D. Hooker, 3 October [1878] and n. 3. CD began to study movement in cotyledons or seed-leaves in the late summer of 1877 (see Correspondence vol. 25, Appendix II). See letter to J. D. Hooker, 3 October [1878] and n. 4. Hooker was preparing his final presidential address to the Royal Society of London; he was president of the society from 1873 to 1878 (ODNB). In his presidential address, Hooker referred to the experimental work of Warren De la Rue, Hugo Müller, and William Spottiswoode on electrical discharge in a gas (Hooker 1878b, p. 49–50). See Hooker 1878b, pp. 48–63. In his presidential address, Hooker mentioned Francis Darwin’s work on the protoplasmic filaments in teasel and nutrition in Drosera (sundew) (Hooker 1878b, p. 58; see also F. Darwin 1877b and 1878a). CD’s work on botanical topics is summarised in Hooker 1878b, pp. 58–9. No correspondence between Hooker and Thomas Henry Huxley on the subject of spontaneous generation has been identified. Hooker wrote that the discovery of bacteria afforded a morphological argument against the doctrine of spontaneous generation (Hooker 1878b, p. 61). Hooker and Asa Gray’s paper, ‘The vegetation of the Rocky Mountain region and a comparison with that of other parts of the world’, was published in 1880 (Hooker and Gray 1880). The Altai is a mountain range in central Asia, largely in Russia and Kazakhstan, extending into Mongolia. Hooker’s essay comparing the floras of Marocco (Morocco) and the Canary Islands is Appendix E in Journal of a tour in Marocco and the Great Atlas (Hooker and Ball 1878). The book was based on the journals kept by Hooker and John Ball during their 1871 trip (ibid., p. vi). Hooker was a Royal Commissioner of the British section of the Paris Universal International Exhibition of 1878 (Paris Exhibition 1878, British section 1: vi). The exhibition was held from 20 May until 1 November 1878. A partial list of prizes awarded appeared in The Times, 19 October 1878, p. 10. Hooker bought land in Sunningdale, Berkshire, in 1881; he built a house, later known as ‘The Camp’, in 1882 (Allan 1967, p. 238).

To Eduard Strasburger   4 October 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Oct. 4th. 1878 Dear Sir I must have the pleasure of thanking you for your kindness in having sent me your essay “on swarm-spores &c”, which I have just finished reading with great interest & admiration.1

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October 1878

I have been all the more interested as I have lately been making a few observations on ordinary heliotropic plants, although (as you remark) your case is very different.—2 With great respect, I remain | Dear Sir | Yours faithfully & obliged | Charles Darwin Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek Bonn, Handschriftenabteilung (NL Strasburger 1) 1

2

CD’s heavily annotated offprint of Strasburger’s paper ‘Wirkung des Lichtes und der Wärme auf Schwärmsporen’ (The effect of light and heat on swarm spores; Strasburger 1878a) is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. Strasburger had studied how changes in light intensity and temperature affected heliotropism in algal swarm spores (zoospores; see Strasburger 1878a, pp. 566–602). The species of algae studied by Strasburger were all classified within the kingdom Plantae (plants); one species (Botrydium granulatum) is now placed within the kingdom Chromista (brown, yellow-green, and golden-brown algae, and dinoflagellates).

To J. D. Hooker   5 October [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Oct 5th My dear Hooker I have been particularly glad to get some news of you & your doings. What an awful lot of work you have on your hands, & I am not in the least surprised at your howling. It is really enough to do you permanent injury. If I were Lady Hooker I would howl to some purpose, & stop you working so hard.—2 If you have to discuss flora of Canary Isld. I advise you to read F.  Buchanan Whites paper, which I send by this Post.3 I think he throws great light on the stocking of all the Atlantic isld, through changed currents during the northern Glacial period.4 But unless you are inclined to believe in Croll, it will appear nothing to you.—5 Need not be returned— I have copied my scrawl6 I pity you with all my heart about your address to R. Socy. It must be a devil of a job.— Frank will do what you want as far as he can; but I can see nothing for him to do, except to give a list of what we have published during last 5 years, just indicating by single words what seems to us the more important points.7 But an author can never judge well on this head, & you can select any point which you may think worthy of notice. But I presume that you can afford very little space to any one subject or division of science.— Thanks about the Oxalis: ill-luck to it  I have examined this species, but did not recognise the plants when grown out of doors.8 I do long my dear old friend to know that you have some rest & quietude Ever yours | C. Darwin DAR 95: 475–6

October 1878 1 2 3

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405

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from J. D. Hooker, 4 October 1878. See letter from J. D. Hooker, 4 October 1878. Hooker’s wife was Hyacinth Hooker. See letter from J. D. Hooker, 4 October 1878 and n. 9, and letter to F. B. White, 23 September [1878] and n. 2. Francis Buchanan White had evidently sent CD an offprint of his paper, ‘Contributions to a knowledge of the hemipterous fauna of St. Helena, and speculations on its origin’ (F. B. White 1878). White had suggested that during one of the northern glacial periods equatorial currents were reversed, and that this accounted for the influx of temperate species of flora and fauna to St Helena (F. B. White 1878, pp. 458–60). James Croll had theorised that glacial periods alternated between hemispheres (Croll 1868; for CD’s discussion with Croll on the topic, see Correspondence vol. 16). CD had used Croll’s theory to account for the survival of tropical species during an ice age (Origin 5th ed., pp. 450–61). CD subscribed to the Proceedings of the Zoological Society of London, so transferred his marginalia from the offprint of F. B. White 1878 that he forwarded to Hooker (see n. 3, above). See letter from J. D. Hooker, 4 October 1878 and n. 3. Hooker was preparing his presidential address to the Royal Society of London (Hooker 1878b). See letter from J. D. Hooker, 4 October 1878 and n. 1. Hooker had identified a specimen of Oxalis valdiviensis (Chilean yellow-sorrel).

From C. G. Semper   5 October 1878 wuerzburg 5. oct. 1878. my dear mr. darwin! you will, i hope, allow me to express once more my gratitude for the splendid present, you made me with the writing machine, which i am using now almost constantly for all my writing work.1 it has, indeed, been rather hard work to get accustomed to it, the more so, be cause the letters are distrributed in such a way, as to render it more difficult to write with it german letters, than english ones. nevertheless, it is great boon to me and i am certain to get used to it in such a way as to make penwriting superfluous. i have been asked several times already, whether your son will soon return to wuerzburg or not.2 he is held in good remembrance amongst us and he may be sure to find on his return everybody well disposed to receive him most cordially. please remember me to him and give my best regards to mrs. darwin and believe me | yours | very truly | C. Semper. TLS DAR 177: 140 1 2

CD had given Semper a typewriter; see letter from C. G. Semper, 22 July 1878. Semper suffered from writer’s palsy (see letter from Francis Darwin, [12 July 1878] and n. 8). Francis Darwin was in Germany, where he worked in the laboratory of Julius Sachs at Würzburg, a centre of research in plant physiology, from 3 June until 8 August 1878 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242), letter from Emma Darwin to W. E. Darwin, [11 August 1878] (DAR 219.1: 114)).

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October 1878

To R. D. Fitzgerald   7 October 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. |(Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Oct. 7th 1878 Dear Sir I write a line to acknowledge safe receipt & to thank you for your great kindness in having sent me Part. 4. of your truly magnificent work on the Australian Orchids.— I hope soon to read it.1 I remain Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | & obliged | Charles Darwin Mitchell Library, Sydney (A 2546) 1

Fitzgerald’s Australian orchids (R. D. Fitzgerald 1875–94) was published in parts, beginning in July 1875. CD had received the first three parts from Fitzgerald between 1875 and 1877 (see Correspondence vol. 23, letter to R. D. Fitzgerald, 16 July 1875, Correspondence vol. 24, letter to R. D. Fitzgerald, 18 August [1876], and Correspondence vol. 25, letter to R. D. Fitzgerald, 6 September 1877). CD’s copies are in the Darwin Library–CUL.

From J. D. Hooker   7 October 1878 Royal Gardens Kew Oct 7/78 Dear Darwin I had already read B. White’s paper, & corresponded with him about his conclusions. Unfortunately the Botany is all dead against him— There is no relationship whatever between the N. Atlantic Island Flora & that of S.t Helena—1 You have marked a passage to the effect that “one or two genera of plants common to St H. & S. Africa are strongly suggestive of a Palæarctic origin, & dispersion by the influence of a glacial epoch in for example Sium, which has an endemic-representative in St Helena & the very characteristic Cape genus Pelargonium, which has a straggler in Syria”.2 Now the Sium, which I first described, I have stated to be clearly allied to the S. Thunbergii of the Cape, which is no Palæarctic form; & how Pelargonium is to be classed as Palæarctic, because one species grows in Syria, whilst hundreds are confined to the Cape, which is its headquarters, passes my comprehension.3 I have come to the conclusion that the Flora of S.t Helena is very S. African & not in the least North Atlantic; & as the plants must have got to S.t Helena before the Insects, these must, if they came from the North, indicate that the Flora has survived the glacial epoch i.e. had come from the Cape before it.— The difficulty of attributing to the Flora a Miocene age or origin is, the absence of any old types, such as Conifers & Cycads or examples of exceedingly limited (ie. dying out) Nat. Ords.4 If I remember aright most or all the plants belong to large & very cosmopolitan orders, well represented in S. Africa. Ascension does not help; it’s only shrubs are of South African affinity & S.t Helena & these are if I remember aright its only flowering plants (except tropical weeds.) S.t Helena has affinities with

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Tristan d’Acunha—5 If we could only make the insects antedate the plants I would understand the arguments Is the Entomology of the S. African mountains known? especially of those Mts of the W. Coast. What Frank will do is just what I want— De La Rue has promised me a note on the subject of Spottiswoode’s researches on Electric currents.6 Ever aff yrs | Jos. D. Hooker. I am working hard at the Rocky Mt Flora, & find that it contains many old world genera & species not found in the equally lofty Sierra Nevada, which runs parallel to it for so many hundred miles.—& I am excessively interested about it.7 One would suppose that the migration along the American meridional ridges from the north southwards & back again was the simplest thing in the world— but it has not been so I am sure. The Rocky Mt Flora will stand a very fair comparison with the Altai,8 which the Sierra Nevada will not DAR 104: 118–20 1

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5 6

7

CD had sent Hooker his offprint of a paper by Francis Buchanan White, ‘Contributions to a knowledge of the hemipterous fauna of St. Helena, and speculations on its origin’ (F. B. White 1878; see letter to J. D. Hooker, 5 October [1878]). St Helena is an island in the mid South Atlantic ocean, over 2000 miles east of the Brazilian coast and over 2000 miles north-west of the Cape of Good Hope. The offprint sent to Hooker has not been found, but CD had transferred his marginalia from the offprint to the relevant issue of the Proceedings of the Zoological Society of London, to which he subscribed (see letter to J. D. Hooker, 5 October [1878] and n. 6). In the issue, now in the unbound journal collection in the Darwin Archive–CUL, CD scored a section of F. B. White 1878, p. 458, from ‘fauna is Palæarctic’ to ‘Syria’, and underlined ‘one or two genera of plants’. The term Palaearctic (referring to temperate parts of Europe and Asia) was coined by Philip Lutley Sclater, as one of his six zoological regions (Sclater 1857). Sium is a genus of water parsnips. Hooker had described Sium helenianum in Hooker ed. 1867–91, 1: 23–4, as endemic to St Helena (the name is unresolved but is probably a synonym of Berula bracteata, jellico). Sium thunbergii is a synonym of Berula erecta (lesser water-parsnip), a species with a wide native distribution in much of the northern hemisphere, as well as East Africa from the Nile Delta south to South Africa. Pelargonium is a genus in the Geraniaceae (geranium) family with native distribution mainly in southern Africa, but with some species in Australia, the East African rift valley, and the Arabian Peninsula, as well as St Helena. The Syrian species P. endlicherianum was featured by William Jackson Hooker in Curtis’s Botanical Magazine 82 (1856): t. 4946. The Miocene is a geological epoch, the earliest of the Neogene period. The family of cycads, formerly Cycadeae, is now known as the Cycadaceae. Conifers, formerly classed as Coniferae, are now in the class Pinopsida. Ascension and Tristan da Cunha are islands in the South Atlantic Ocean. Ascension is 800 miles north-west of St Helena; Tristan da Cunha is over 1500 miles south. See letter from J. D. Hooker, 4 October 1878 and n. 4. Francis Darwin was to provide Hooker with a list of his and CD’s published work (letter to J. D. Hooker, 5 October [1878]). Warren De la Rue and William Spottiswoode were researching phenomena associated with electrical discharge in a gas (see, for example, De la Rue and Müller 1878 and Spottiswoode and Moulton 1879). Hooker was collaborating with Asa Gray on a study of the flora of the Rocky Mountain region in relation to other parts of the world; the work was published in 1880 (Hooker and Gray 1880). The Rocky Mountains extend from central New Mexico north-west to Alaska; the Sierra Nevada range is mostly in eastern California, extending into western Nevada.

408 8

October 1878

The Altai is a mountain range in central Asia, largely in Russia and Kazakhstan, extending into Mongolia.

To Joseph Lister   7 October 1878 down. | beckenham. kent. Oct. 7. 1878. My Dear Sir, As this note requires no answer I will not apologize for making a small suggestion to you. I believe that you are still continuing your most valuable observations on Bacteria and their allies.1 Now it seems to me probable (or at least worth a trial) that Benzoic acid would be a most deadly poison to them.2 I think so because a minute dose of a solution of 1 part of the acid to 437 of water, when absorbed by the glands of Drosera, killed the protoplasm within them in a surprising manner. The glands presented in 12  min.  the same white appearance as if the whole plant had been immersed in boiling water.— This is described in my Insectivorous Plants, p. 195. I have been told that you employ borax as a disinfectant; and if this is so and it depends on the destruction of Bacteria, it is odd that Boracic Acid was not in the least injurious to Drosera.3 Pray forgive me for troubling you, if my suggestion appears to you useless; I remain with the highest respect, | Yours faithfully, | charles darwin. Godlee 1917, p. 387 1

2

3

CD had followed Lister’s research on bacteria and germ theory; Lister was highly critical of the theory of spontaneous generation (see Correspondence vol. 23, letter to J. S. Burdon Sanderson, 16 July 1875 and n. 3). In Insectivorous plants, p. 197, CD noted his surprise that a weak solution of benzoic acid was highly poisonous to Drosera (sundew): ‘for I am informed that it produces no marked effect on the animal economy’. CD concluded that this and other ‘innocuous acids’ must act on elements of the plant that were ‘in no way analogous to the nerve-cells of animals’ (ibid., p. 223). Ernst Salkowski had discovered the antiseptic properties of benzoic acid in experiments performed in 1875; he found bacteria became immobile after coming in contact with the acid and their growth was inhibited (Salkowski 1875, p. 298). CD had found that although a weak solution of boracic (boric) acid caused inflection of the leaves of Drosera, it was not toxic (Insectivorous plants, p. 191). Borax (sodium borate) is the sodium salt of boracic acid (hydrogen borate). Lister had described his use of boracic acid in the treatment of infection and wounds in the Lancet, 1 May 1875, pp. 603–5, and 22 May 1875, pp. 717–19.

From C.-F. Reinwald1   8 October 1878 15, Rue des Saints-Pères | Paris Paris. Oct. 8. 1878 A Charles Darwin Esq | Down. Beckenham | Kent Cher Monsieur Depuis nos lettres du 13 Octobre et du 20 Novembre, et votre honorée réponse du 21 Novembre de l’année dernière nous avons fait traduire et imprimer votre ouvrage “On different Forms of Flowers”. Mr. le Prof. Heckel, fort de votre consentement,

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nous a fait abandonner nos pourparlers avec M Naudin, qui ne s’était pas décidé asez promptement pour le travail de traduction.2 Quoiqu’il en soit, le livre vient d’être achevé et nous vous envoyons aujourdhui un exemplaire par la Poste, en mettant, bien entendu, d’autres exemplaires à votre disposition, si vous croyez en devoir offrir quelques uns à vos amis de France ou de l’étranger. La préface de Mr Coutance,3 que se trouve en tête de l’ouvrage, nous a été fournie par Mr.  Heckel et dans la situation, où nous nous trouvions, a du être acceptée par nous sans difficulté. Nous espérons maintenant que ce volume fera son chemin comme tout ce qui sort de votre plume. Son sujet spécial rendra pourtant la vente plus lente, que celle des autres volumes; nous espérons malgré cela pouvoir vous assurer un percentage proportionné à son prix, lorsque nous aurons réussi à en vendre 700 exemplaires, qui couriront à peu près nos frais de production. Notre édition de la Fertilisation croisée et directe se vend également avec lenteur, car jusqu’ici nous n’avons guère placé plus de 450 à 500 exemplaires. Nous espérons cependant qu’avec la reprise des affaires, nous serons bientot à même de vous faire le versement du percentage promis pour ce volume, ainsi que pour la seconde édition des Emotions, publiée l’année dernière.4 Notre édition de l’Origine des Especes faite avec le concours de M Edmond Barbier se vend toujours assez régulièrement. Lors d’une nouvelle édition, nous croirons devoir en faire un livre plus compacte et partout moins cher, ce qui à notre avis, devrait en accélérer la circulation.5 C’est du reste une question de l’avenir. Veuillez bien agréer, cher Monsieur, avec nos sincères remerciments pour la confiance, dont vous voulez bien continuer à nous honorer, l’expression de nos sentiments les plus distingués | Votre très dévoués serviteurs | C Reinwald & C DAR 176: 108 1 2

3 4

5

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. Heckel trans. 1878. See Correspondence vol. 25, letter from C.-F. Reinwald, 13 October 1877; the other letters have not been found. CD had agreed to a French translation of Forms of flowers in his letter to Édouard Heckel, 20 November 1877 (Correspondence vol. 25). Reinwald had evidently been in negotiation with Charles Victor Naudin. For the preface by Amédée Coutance, see Heckel trans. 1878, pp. ix–xxxvi. The French translation of Cross and self fertilisation was published in 1877 (Heckel trans. 1877); that of Expression had been published in 1874, with a second edition appearing in 1877 (Pozzi and Benoît trans. 1874 and 1877). The most recent French edition of Origin was Barbier trans. 1876. The next edition was published in 1880, and was in a slightly smaller format (Barbier trans. 1880).

From James Torbitt   8 October 1878 Belfast 8 Octr 1878 Charles Darwin Esqr | Down My dear Sir (please do not reply)

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October 1878

Enclosed I have the pleasure to send you Mr Kennedy’s report. The estate is situated on Clew Bay and reaches from the shore four miles inland.1 He has missed the point of my enquiry which was, does or or does not, the potato grow as well on your estate in the West of Ireland as it does here in the East. He has not called today but on his return I shall have his reply. In two weeks I hope to be able to make my own report, and to reply to your kind letter of 28th. June last.2 Meantime in so far as I may presume to form an opinion I think it quite possible that varieties of the potato may be found into the plants of which the parasite will be unable to penetrate so far as the tuber. I am My dear Sir with profound respect faithfully yours J. Torbitt [Enclosure] Clonard House, Belfast. 7 Octr 78 Dear Mr. Torbitt I am sorry I cannot give a very good account of the seed potatoes. I planted one sort in my own land, I think the variety you said wd. be so prolific, they produced a large crop but when I examined them last week at least one fourth were decayed. The other kinds I distributed among about 80 of my tenants, I have not heard the result from all, but several have assured me that they are diseased. So far as I can make out they are not so much diseased as their old seed and the produce from them is larger.3 I am going from home tomorrow for a few weeks but if I can find time will call at yr office and have a chat with you. Yours truly | Victor. C. Kennedy James Torbitt Eqr. DAR 178: 148 1 2 3

Victor Coates Kennedy’s estate was near Newport, a town on Clew Bay, an inlet of the Atlantic Ocean in county Mayo, Ireland. See letter to James Torbitt, 28 June 1878; CD had advised Torbitt on methods for crossing potatoes. This sentence was probably underlined by Torbitt.

From G. H. Darwin   10 October 1878 Trin Coll. Camb. Oct 10. 78 My dear Father, The only experiments on Fechner’s law wh. I have found in Helmholz are experiments on the smallest differences of illumination which are visible.1 He F. found that the smallest perceptible difference was always the same fraction of the intensity. He put two candles before a screen & held a rod in front which cast two shadows. He then withdrew one candle further & further until one could no longer see the

October 1878

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shadow cast by it; the other candle being kept still. This was performed a number of times with the fixed candle at various distances from the screen   He always found that when the moveable candle was about 10 times as far from the screen as the fixed one that the shadow cast by the moveable one was just imperceptible. The illumination due to the moveable one was of course 10 squared or 100 times as small as 1 that of the fixed one.— That is to say a difference of 100 th of the total illumination was just imperceptibly— (The number of course varied for different eyes). From this may be deduced the law as it is usually stated with logarithms but it seems much more intelligible as it stands.2 It is expressly stated that it was no longer exact for very bright lights because of the fatigue or straining of the eyes— Nor for very weak lights probably because of the innate light of the eyes—(which produces that sort “luminous chaos” when you shut your eyes for long eno’). According to this you might make some sort of attempt to prove Fechner’s law by seeing what was the least difference of distance from the lamp which made any perceptible differences in the bending of the seedlings.3 Suppose that there was just a perceptible difference when a pot was 2 ft & 2 ft 6. from the light Then the difference of intensities wd be 1 − 1 = 1− 4 = 9 1 ——————————————————

22

(2 —)2 2

4

25 100

& the intensity of the light in the first position was 1 1 =4 22 9

36

1

Now 100 is 100 of 4 Therefore this experiment would assert that the seedling could perceive a change 36 of 100 of the light which fell on it. 1 Then at 6 feet the light is 36 & if two plants at 6 feet & 7 ft 6 could just perceive the difference Fechner’s law wd. be true—for 1 62

-

1

1

36

when divided by 62 is 100 as in the first supposed experiment. If at any distance from the lamp you can give the greatest amount of change in the position of a pot which just makes no difference—(or just makes a difference which is I suppose the same thing)—then one can give a series of numbers which according to Fechner’s Law ought to express the magnitude of the effects for various stimulants.4 Without such a datum it is not possible. Accordingly it is impossible to give a series of numbers which you could compare with your experiments.— at least so it seems to me. I’m rather seedy this afternoon & can’t write properly. Yours affec | G H Darwin ——————————————————

1 (7 —)2 2

DAR 210.2: 70 1

Fechner’s law was first stated in Gustav Theodor Fechner’s work Elemente der Psychophysik (Elements of psychophysics; Fechner 1860, 2: 13). The law was an attempt to quantify the relationship between a physical stimulus and the perception of the stimulus. For Hermann von Helmholtz’s discussion of Fechner’s law in relation to perception of light intensity, see Helmholtz 1867, pp. 309–16.

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October 1878

Fechner, in studies on differences in light intensity, concluded that the perception of the difference was proportional to the logarithm of the actual measured intensity (Fechner 1860, 2: 13; 31–3 et passim). CD was studying the sensitivity to light of cotyledons in many different plant species (see, for example, Correspondence vol. 27, letter to Francis Darwin, 3 June [1879]). George refers to the discovery by Ernst Heinrich Weber, formalised by Fechner as Weber’s law (Fechner 1860, 1: 134), that two sensations are just noticeably different as long as the ratio between the strengths in each pair of stimuli remains constant. The constant, which is different for different stimuli, is often referred to now as the ‘just noticeable difference’ or ‘Weber fraction’ (Complete dictionary of scientific biography s.v. Weber, Ernst Heinrich).

From Wilhelm Behrens   11 October 1878 Elberfeld. Octbr 11th. 1878. To Dr. Charles Darwin Dear Sir, Having just returned from a journey I find your very kind letter, which I hasten to answer at once.1 I am highly pleased at the consenting remarks upon my: “Geschichte der Bestäubungstheorie,” especially as they are made by you who are the most competent judge, in our particular sphere of science.2 I had made it my task in that essay to point out the merits both of some dead and living botanists from a point of view as objective as possible, and your kind consent is the more satisfactory to me as my critical examination and the results of it differ from the opinions of most of our reasoners. I am very much obliged to you for your great kindness and beg to say, that whenever in time to come I shall produce any new scientific work of this kind, it will be my endeavour to follow your trace, though I know that I shall hardly be able to bring forth anything like you. I shall soon forward to you an ample essay on: “Die Nectarien der Blüthen. Anatomisch-physiologische Untersuchungen”, in which relying upon your theory of natural selection I shall try to illustrate the anatomical structure of the nectaries.3 I hope you will agree with me in this point too. I remain Dear Sir | Your respectfull and | obliged | W. Behrens. DAR 160: 123 1 2

3

See letter to Wilhelm Behrens, 29 August [1878]. In his letter to Behrens of 29 August [1878], CD had discussed Beiträge zur Geschichte der Bestäubungstheorie (Contributions to the history of pollination theory; Behrens 1878), and praised Behrens’s analysis of the contributions of various reseachers. Behrens’s study of the anatomy and physiology of flower nectaries was published in several parts in the journal Flora oder allgemeine botanische Zeitung between January and October 1879 (Behrens 1879). CD’s annotated offprint of the paper is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL.

From James Torbitt   [after 18 October 1878]1 Sent to Counter-balance Mr Kennedy’s unfavourable report.2

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413

I am busy examining varieties of 1875, tuber by tuber, and hope to report in a few days most respectfully | J. Torbitt [Enclosure] Lismoyne, | Dunmurry, | Co. Antrim. 18 October 1878 Sir, I will be obliged if you can give me one puncheon & one cut in two halves similar to the one I have already got from you, of course I mean all to be second hand.3 I am still persevering with the potatoes grown from the seed, the crop has been always large & free from disease4 & each year the shape is better, I of course reject all unshapely ones when planting in Spring. Yours very truly | Geo Callwell DAR 178: 149 1 2 3 4

The date is established by the date of the enclosure. See enclosure to letter from James Torbitt, 8 October 1878. Victor Coates Kennedy had reported little success in growing Torbitt’s potato seedlings. Torbitt was a wine merchant; a puncheon was a large barrel or cask for storing wine (OED). Torbitt deleted this paragraph. Torbitt’s underlining.

To Virginius Dabney   20 October 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent, | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Oct 20th 1878 Dear Sir I thank you for your very kind letter & for all the trouble which you have taken in sending me the supposed hybrid Tomato.—1 I am quite perplexed by the case. If it is really a hybrid it must have been produced by the direct action of the pollen of a distinct species on the mother plant. This seems very improbable considering that they are distinct species. That in the case of varieties pollen may act on the mother plant so as to affect her fruit I believe is demonstrated, though some Botanists will not believe in such cases.—2 Again it may possibly be a bud-variation of the Egg Plant;3 though this is improbable it is perhaps less improbable than that it shd. be a hybrid of the nature indicated. So I do not know what to think, I am so much engaged that I doubt whether I can find time to sow seeds & observe plants, but if I come across anyone who can be trusted to observe I will give him the seeds.—4 I have many letters to write & remain | Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin University of Virginia Library, Special Collections (3082-a)

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October 1878

Dabney’s letter has not been found. The tomato is Solanum lycopersicum. In Variation 1: 397–403, CD had discussed the direct action of foreign pollen on the mother plant in varieties of fruits, but noted that many supposed cases were probably cases of bud variation. The eggplant or aubergine is Solanum melongena. CD sent fruit of the supposed hybrid Solanum to Kew on 27 January 1879 (Inwards book, p. 112, Archives, Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew).

From R. M. Middleton   22 October 1878

Fountain House, | West Hartlepool. 22 Oct:, 1878.

My dear Sir, A scientific friend once remarked to me that he supposed the chief reason why dogs & cats were the principal animals kept in houses was the power they possessed of controlling their evacuations. This led me to say that my favourite South American parrakeet (Conurus guianensis)1 invariably restrained himself in this respect while being handled or when sitting on the head or dress of any person, & that, when being fed on the dining-table, he would always back to the edge of the table, & sometimes almost overbalance himself, in his effort to save the table-cover or cloth from defilement.— This bird has now been in my possession for nearly three years, so that I have had abundant opportunities of observing his habits. Will you kindly pardon me for troubling you with these facts; & may I venture to ask if you are aware of any analogous instance of scrupulous care in the discharge of the fæces on the part of birds,—or of mammals other than those mentioned? I am, Dear Sir, | Faithfully yours, | R. Morton Middleton, | Jr. Charles Darwin, | Esqre. | etc. etc.— DAR 171: 178 1

Conurus guianensis (a synonym of Psittacara leucophthalmus) is the white-eyed parakeet. A bird of the same species was kept as a pet by Henry Walter Bates and described in Bates 1863, 2: 103–4.

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   24 October [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Oct 24th My dear Dyer I do not know whether you have returned, but when you do & when you have got through the first rush of business, will you kindly enquire whether you have seeds or plants of the enclosed 5 names.—2 Pfeffer says that they all move considerably their leaves at night, but I cannot make out from what he says whether the leaves rise so as to stand vertically or almost vertically, at night, in which case they would be said to sleep.3 I want to know about the distribution of sleepers in the general system. Perhaps you could get Mr Lynch to look at any of them which you may possess at night—4 I shd. however like seeds of any if you chance to have such seeds.—

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I hope that you & Mrs. Dyer have returned or will return refreshed & invigorated by your tour.5 I have nothing to say about myself, except that we have almost finished the experimental part of our work, & must now begin modelling an enormous pile of notes into some sort of fashion, & this will be an awful job.6 Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin [Enclosure] Siegesbeckia flexuosa Chenopodium album Amaranthus reflexus Wigandia urens7 Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Thiselton-Dyer, W. T., Letters from Charles Darwin 1873–81: 150–2) 1 2

3

4 5 6 7

The year is established by the reference to the Thiselton-Dyers’ tour (see n. 2, below). Thiselton-Dyer and his wife, Harriet Anne, were away from Kew on a trip to Switzerland from 12 September 1878 until around 18 October (‘Sir William Thiselton-Dyer personal papers. Personal Notes in chronological order recording events in his life and at Kew Gardens’ (Archives, Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew); letters from Joseph Dalton Hooker to Asa Gray, 18 September 1878 and 13 October 1878 (Asa Gray Correspondence 39, Archives of the Gray Herbarium)). CD’s list included only four names (see n. 7, below). Wilhelm Pfeffer had mentioned leaf movements in the species on CD’s list (see n. 7, below) as well as in Nicotiana rustica (Aztec or wild tobacco) and Malva sp. (the genus of mallow); he noted that the movement in these species was analogous to that in Leontodon hastilis (a synonym of Leontodon hispidus, bristly hawkbit), the movements of which he described in greater detail (see Pfeffer 1875, p. 29). Richard Irwin Lynch was foreman of the propagating department at Kew. The precise date of Thiselton-Dyer’s return has not been established, but was probably around 18 October 1878 (see n. 2, above). CD refers to his and Francis Darwin’s work on plant movement; Movement in plants was published in 1880. Siegesbeckia flexuosa is an unknown combination (‘Siegesbeckia’ is a misspelling of ‘Sigesbeckia’), but probably refers to Sigesbeckia jorullensis (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter from Wilhelm Pfeffer, 22 April 1879; see also Movement in plants, p. 385); Chenopodium album is common lambsquarters; Amaranthus reflexus is a misspelling of A. retroflexus, red-root amaranth; Wigandia urens is the Caracus wigandia. Notes on the list in an unknown hand indicate that only C. album and A. retroflexus could be supplied.

From Eduard Strasburger1   26 October 1878

Jena le 26 Octobre | 1878.

Très honoré Monsieur, je Vous suis très obligé des aimables paroles, que contient votre letter.2 Mr. Sachs m’avait déja apris que vous travaillez sur l’héliotropisme et avec l’eminent talent d’observation que vous possédez, vous arriverez, comme toujours, à d’importants résultats. C’est avec impatience que j’attendrai la publication de votre travail.3 Je me suis permis de vous envoyer aujourd’hui encore ma petite publication sur la Polyembryonie—4 C’est une des choses les plus singulières que j’aie jamais trouvée;

416

October 1878

car dans la plupart des cas la Polyembryonie des Angiospermes est due, non à la pluralité des oeufs fécondés, mais bien à la formation de Pseudo-Embryons par les cellules de nucelle.5 Ces Pseudo-Embryons ne diffèrent pourtant en rien des vrais Embryons formés par les oeufs. Veuillez, cher Monsieur, agréer l’assurance de mes plus respectueuse considerations avec laquelle je reste toujours | Votre très dévoué | E. Strasburger DAR 177: 265 1 2 3

4 5

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. See letter to Eduard Strasburger, 4 October 1878. CD had mentioned his own work on heliotropism in his letter to Eduard Strasburger, 4 October 1878; CD’s son Francis Darwin had worked in the laboratory of Julius Sachs at Würzburg, a centre of research in plant physiology, from June until August 1878 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242), and letter from Francis Darwin, [4–7 August 1878]). CD’s offprint of ‘Ueber Polyembryonie’ (On polyembryony; Strasburger 1878b) is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. The nucellus is the layer of cells in the undeveloped ovule in which the embryo sac develops. Nucellar embryony is the formation of additional embryos from the nucellus (see Strasburger 1878b, pp. 656–7).

To G. H. Darwin   29 October [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Oct. 29th My dear old George I have been quite delighted with your letter & read it all with eagerness.—2 You were very good to write it. All of us are delighted, for considering what a man Sir W. T. is it is really grand that you shd. have staggered him so quickly, & that he shd speak of your “discovery &c” & about the moon’s period.—3 I also chuckle greatly about the internal Heat. How this will please the geologists & Evolutionists.4 That does sound awkward about the heat being bottled up in the middle of the earth.— What a lot of swells you have been visiting & it must have been very interesting.5 Hurrah for the bowels of the earth & their viscosity & for the moon & for all the Heavenly bodies & for my son George (F.R.S. very soon)6 Yours affecty | C. Darwin P.S | Proctor has sent me a book just published by him with a wretched title “Pleasant ways of Science”, but several of the essays have proved to me extremely interesting, especially the astronomical ones, & one on Telegraphy.—7 He is a wonderful compiler.— DAR 210.1: 74 1 2 3

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from G. H. Darwin, 7 November 1878. The letter has not been found. William Thomson evidently referred to George’s work determining the orbital period of the moon over time. George had presented a paper with his preliminary results at the meeting of the British

October 1878

4

5 6 7

417

Association for the Advancement of Science (G. H. Darwin 1878c), and was preparing a more detailed paper on the topic (G. H. Darwin 1878d). George proposed that internal tidal friction generated heat within the earth, so that calculations about secular cooling and the age of the earth would have to be revised, leading to an estimate of greater age (see G. H. Darwin 1878d, pp. 494–6). On disputes among geologists and physicists, most notably Thomson, regarding the age of the earth, and on CD’s early reaction to Thomson’s estimate, see Burchfield 1990, pp. 57–86. The individuals alluded to have not been identified. George was elected a fellow of the Royal Society of London on 12 June 1879 (Record of the Royal Society of London). Richard Anthony Proctor’s book Pleasant ways in science, a compilation of articles from literary magazines, was published in October 1878 (Proctor [1878]; Publishers’ Circular, 2 November 1878, p. 841). The first six articles were on astronomy; CD also refers to ‘On some marvels of telegraphy’ (Proctor [1878], pp 232–73). CD’s annotated copy is in the Darwin Library–Down.

From Raphael Meldola   30 October 1878 Entomological Society | London | 21 John Street, | Bedford Row, | London W. C. Oct. 30/78 My dear Sir, Stimulated by your kind encouragement I have made every exertion to find some means of giving an English translation of Weismann’s “Studien zur DescendenzTheorie” to the British Biological public & I have at length succeeded in finding a man who offers to do the translating part of the undertaking at a mere nominal cost so that I propose to take the risk & bring out the work.1 My object in troubling you is to solicit your further support in the matter by asking you to do me the honour of writing a few prefatory remarks—a request which I should not have taken the liberty of making did I not know that the author of the book occupied such an elevated position in biological science.2 Such a preface (however short) would moreover greatly add to the popularity of the work in this country & would serve also to induce any publisher with whom I might enter into negociations to look upon the undertaking more favourably than he might otherwise be disposed to do. There are one or two minor matters connected with this same subject about which I should much like to consult you before actually commencing & I could much better treat of them in a short conversation with you if you would grant me that privilege. I am disengaged on Saturday afternoons & Sundays & if it would put you to no inconvenience I could come down at any time you like to fix. (Orpington Station?)3 Yours respectfully | R. Meldola. P.S. I should wish it to be understood that this undertaking is to be done purely con amore4 & for the sole purpose of making more widely known the existence of another large body of facts which can be explained only by the Descent Theory. DAR 171: 130 1

No letter from CD encouraging Meldola to publish a translation of August Weismann’s Studien zur Descendenz-Theorie (Studies in the theory of descent; Weismann 1875a and 1876) has been found. CD

418

2 3 4

October 1878

had introduced Meldola to Weismann's work and sent some of Weismann’s papers to him; Meldola then proposed the translation (see Correspondence vol. 25, letter to Raphael Meldola, 22 September [1877], and letter from Raphael Meldola, 20 October 1877). Meldola himself was the named translator of the English edition (Weismann 1882). The translation included another of Weismann’s papers as the third part of the work (Weismann 1875b). CD provided a brief prefatory notice to the English translation (Weismann 1882, pp. v–vi). The station nearest to CD’s home, Down House, was at Orpington, on a branch line of the South Eastern Railway. Con amore: with love (Italian; more often used as a tempo instruction in music).

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   30 October [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Oct. 30th My dear Dyer I am heartily glad to hear so good an account of Mrs Dyer, & I trust of yourself, for I heard that you were much worn out when you started.2 Many thanks for seeds now sown, & I want to beg some of Impatiens noli-me-tangere, if you have such.3 There is no peace in this world, & from what Pfeffer says I ought to look to the cotyledons.—4 What you tell me about Lynch is bad news for my precious self & all of you.— The man must be a fool to expect such a rise of salary.5 Ever yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin If I do not receive seed of Impatiens, I shall understand, so do not think of writing.— I have sent to Germany for Siegesbeckia.—6 I wonder when your new Edit. of Sachs’ Translation, will come out.7 I had hoped that it wd. have appeared before this.— I get to detest the German language more & more. What a job it is to read Pfeffer.— Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Thiselton-Dyer, W. T., Letters from Charles Darwin 1873–81: 189–90) 1 2

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6 7

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 24 October [1878]. The letter from Thiselton-Dyer has not been found but see the letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 24 October [1878] and n. 2. Thiselton-Dyer and his wife, Harriet Anne, had recently returned from a monthlong tour of Switzerland. See letter to W.  T.  Thiselton-Dyer, 24  October [1878] and n. 7. CD was sent seeds of Chenopodium album (common lambsquarters) and Amaranthus retroflexus (red-root amaranth). Impatiens noli-me-tangere (a synonym of Impatiens noli-tangere) is western touch-me-not. CD had been reading Wilhelm Pfeffer’s work on the periodic movements of plant organs (Pfeffer 1875). CD may be referring to Pfeffer’s discussion of the observable differences in movement accompanied by growth and purely periodic movement (ibid., pp. 3–13). Richard Irwin Lynch was foreman of the propagating department at Kew. He left Kew in 1879 to become curator of the Cambridge Botanic Garden, where he remained until his retirement in 1919 (see Walters 1981, p. 75). See letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 24 October [1878] and n. 7. In Pfeffer 1875, p. 29, Pfeffer had mentioned movements of a plant he referred to as Siegesbeckia flexuosa. The second English edition of Julius Sachs’s Text-book of botany was published in 1882 (Sachs 1882b); it was based on the fourth German edition (Sachs 1874), but with additional material by the editor, Sydney Howard Vines (see Sachs 1882, p. [vii]).

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To Raphael Meldola   31 October [1878] Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | ჹRailway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Oct 31st My dear Sir As you are inclined to be so very liberal as to have a translation made of Weismann’s Essay, on your own risk, I feel bound to aid you to the small extent of writing a short prefatory notice.1 But this is a kind of job, which I do not feel that I can do at all well & therefore do not like; but I will do my best. It must, however, be short for I am at present working very hard. I do not quite understand whether you intend asking some Publisher to bring out the book on commission at your cost; for if so there will be no difficulty in finding a Publisher. But if you expect any Publisher to publish at his risk & cost, I think from recent experience you will have much difficulty in finding one.— I suppose that you have asked Weismann’s concurrence.2 Down is rather an awkward place to reach, as we are 4 miles from nearest station, Orpington.3 But I shall be in London for a week on Novr. 17th or 18th & could see you there at anytime, & perhaps you, cd. come to luncheon.4 But if you wd prefer to come here, I shall be very happy to see you either Saturday or Sunday, if you cd. let me know hour.— I am, however, bound to tell you that my health is always doubtful, & that my head does not allow me to converse long with anyone. With the most cordial sympathy in your undertaking | I remain My dear Sir | Yours very faithfully | Ch. Darwin Postmark: OC 31 78 Oxford University Museum of Natural History (Hope Entomological Collections 1350: Hope/Westwood Archive, Darwin folder) 1

2 3 4

See letter from Raphael Meldola, 30 October 1878 and n. 1. Meldola wanted to publish a translation of August Weismann’s Studien zur Descendenz-Theorie (Studies in the theory of descent; Weismann 1875a and 1876). Weismann provided notes and additions to the English edition of his work as well as proofreading the translation (see Churchill 2015, p. 162). Meldola had suggested making a visit to Down to discuss the proposed translation (see letter from Raphael Meldola, 30 October 1878 and n. 3). CD was in London from 19 to 27 November 1878 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)) and Meldola evidently visited sometime before 25 November (see letter from Raphael Meldola, 25 November 1878).

From Raphael Meldola   1 November 1878 Offices, | 50, Old Broad Street. | E.C. | Atlas Works, | Hackney Wick, | London, N.E. Nov. 1st. 1878 My dear Sir, I am extremely grateful for your kindness in consenting to write a few prefatory remarks to the English edition of Weismanns essays.1 There is no occasion to put yourself to any inconvenience in the matter as under any circumstances we should

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not be ready for the preface for many months & you can take your leisure, over it. I have not yet obtained the author’s consent but have written to him & am awaiting his reply. I propose to bring out the book by subscription— armed with a good subscription list & your kind offer to give a short preface I can treat with a publisher on any terms that he may propose— if the subscription list is not sufficient to cover expenses of publication & the publisher will not take the balance of risk I will do so myself. Of course I cannot promise that the translating & editing of this book will proceed with great rapidity as I have only my spare time (the evenings after 6) to work at it. I must tell you that professionally I am scientific chemist to the above works.2 Entomology has only been a pastime with me. I will wait till you come to London to avail myself of the privilege of seeing you. If you will kindly let me know when you arrive & where you put up, a time most convenient to you for our meeting can be fixed upon. I am extremely sorry to hear that your health is still doubtful—3 I had been given to understand that you were better. I can however fully sympathise with you as I am myself subject to dyspepsia & the least overexcitement is sure to bring on an attack. Thanking you most warmly for your kind wishes & encouragement, | I am, dear Sir, | Yours very faithfully, | R. Meldola. C. Darwin Esqre. LLD. &c DAR 171: 131 1

2 3

See letter to Raphael Meldola, 31 October [1878]. Meldola had first suggested providing English translations of works by August Weismann in a letter to CD of 20 October 1877 (Correspondence vol. 25). He eventually published translations of five essays by Weismann as Studies in the theory of descent, issued first in three parts (Weismann 1880–2), and reissued as two volumes (Weismann 1882); for CD’s preface see Weismann 1880–2, part 1: v–vi. For Weismann’s involvement in the translation, see Churchill 2015, p. 162. Meldola had been employed in the laboratory of the dye company Brooke, Simpson, and Spiller, at the Atlas Colour Works, since 1877 (DSB). See letter to Raphael Meldola, 31 October [1878].

To G. H. Darwin   2 November [1878]1 If the author has not sent you this you may possibly like to have it.—2 C.D Novr 2d Institute of Astronomy Library, University of Cambridge ( Jules Carret 1878: R.c.1473) 1

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from G.  H.  Darwin, 7 November 1878.

November 1878 2

421

CD’s letter is written on the cover of an offprint of Jules Carret’s paper on the causes of polar displacement (Carret 1878), read at a meeting of the Société Savoisienne d’histoire et d’archéologie on 23 May 1878, and sent to CD by the author; no other communication between CD and Carret has been found. In his paper, Carret referred to calculations of changes in the earth’s axis by George Howard Darwin and others. George was writing a series of papers modelling the possible physical composition of the earth and the effects of gravitational forces over time (G. H. Darwin 1878b, 1878d, and 1878e).

To A. C. Ramsay   3 November 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Nov. 3d. | 1878 My dear Ramsay I am very much obliged to you for having so kindly sent me your Physical Geology &c of Gt. Britain. I am delighted to see that it is now in the 5th Edition, for this proves that there must be a very large body of men in England capable of appreciating sound Geological Science.1 I am heartily glad of the success of this book.— Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin DAR 261.9: 10 (EH 88205983) 1

The fifth edition of Ramsay’s The physical geology and geography of Great Britain: a manual of British geology (Ramsay 1878) is not in either the Darwin Library–CUL or the Darwin Library–Down. The book was based on a series of lectures to working men delivered at the Royal School of Mines in 1863; Ramsay had previously sent CD the second edition (Ramsay 1864; see Correspondence vol. 12, letter from A. C. Ramsay, 10 July 1864), and a copy of the first edition (Ramsay 1863) is in the Darwin Library–CUL.

From B. J. Sulivan   3 November 1878 Bournemouth. Novr. 3 | 78 My dear Darwin I think the enclosed letter will interest you as it tells some particulars of the Fuegian’s progress in more civilised life. Does it not seem strange hearing of their having cattle?1 I have heard from Mr Langton a pretty good account of your health2   I hope Mrs. Darwin and all your party are well. We have been in North of Scotland—“Forres”—during July and August and then went to Dover to my eldest son’s wedding. We like his wife very much   She is a daughter of Mr. Light the Rector of St Jame’s. Dover. and, like my son, is a total abstainer with all his family.3 I have had an unpleasant symptom of right leg getting painful & week. This has happened once in Scotland, & once in Dover, going away again by rest in a week. but since I came home it occurred suddenly again and lasted with much pain from knee downward for a fortnight when it got well again almost suddenly. but the leg does not get as strong as the other.

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Mellersh has been very unwell, and went to Brighton for a change: Usborne very well 4 With our united kind regards to Mrs. Darwin and all your party | Believe me very sincerely yours | B J Sulivan Hamonds only grandchild whose mother is my wifes niece—has died at Gibraltar; to which place Hamond—& his youngest daughter took them in the spring to join her husband5 DAR 177: 306 1

2 3

4 5

The enclosure, which CD returned to Sulivan (see letter to B. J. Sulivan, 5 November [1878]), has not been found, but may have been a letter written by Thomas Bridges in which he reported that eleven natives owned a total of forty-nine to fifty head of cattle (Chapman 2010, p. 475). Bridges ran the Anglican mission station at Ushuaia in Tierra del Fuego, funded by the South American Missionary Society of which Sulivan was a supporter (see letter from B. J. Sulivan, [14–20] April [1878], and nn. 2 and 4). Charles Langton, CD’s brother-in-law, was a neighbour of Sulivan’s in Bournemouth; see also Correspondence vol. 25, letter from B. J. Sulivan, 25 December 1877. James Young Falkland Sulivan married Eleanor Evelyn Light, daughter of William Edward Light, on 30 August 1878 (Foster 1880, p. 693; see also Correspondence vol. 25, letter from B. J. Sulivan, 25 December 1877 and n. 3). Sulivan, Arthur Mellersh, and Alexander Burns Usborne were all members of the crew of HMS Beagle during CD’s time on board. Robert Nicholas Hamond (1809–83), was a former member of the crew of HMS Beagle; his infant grandson was Philip Walpole Hamond, and his youngest daughter was Almeria Blanche Hamond. For the other members of the family, see the letter from B. J. Sulivan, [14–20] April [1878] and n. 5.

To B. J. Sulivan   5 November [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Nov. 5 My dear Sulivan Many thanks for your note & enclosure, herewith returned.— The account of the Fuegians is very interesting & curious,—especially about the conversation of the natives.— Where on earth the cattle can feed passes my comprehension.2 Many thanks, also, for your news about the old Beaglers.3 I have nothing to tell you about myself: I work all day long, as far as my strength will endures, on vegetable physiological questions.—4 My eldest son has gone for a tour to the U. States with his wife & is enjoying himself much.—5 We have just been reading Miss Brasseys voyage in the Sun-Beam,—a light sketchy book,—but I was glad to read the account of the passage up the wonderful channels north of the E. entrance of the St. of Magellan.—6 I most sincerely hope that you may soon recover the use of your leg, which seems a very strange sort of attack. My dear Sulivan | Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin

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I will keep back this note for a day that my sister-in-law7 may read the Fuegian Letter. American Philosophical Society (B/D25.358) 1 2

3 4 5

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7

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from B.  J.  Sulivan, 3 November 1878. See letter from B. J. Sulivan, 3 November 1878 and n. 1. The account of native peoples in Tierra del Fuego, and their ownership of cattle, was probably written by the missionary Thomas Bridges. Bridges was compiling a dictionary of the Yaghan language, which he described as ‘comprehensive and regular’, and thought its speakers engaged in an unusually large amount of conversation (Chapman 2010, p. 479). Sulivan had passed on news of former shipmates from HMS Beagle in his letter of 3 November 1878. CD had been engaged in experiments on aspects of movement in plants since the summer of 1877 (see Correspondence vol. 25). William Erasmus Darwin and his American wife Sara Sedgwick sailed on 14 September 1878 to visit her family in Massachussetts (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242); letter from Emma Darwin to W. E. Darwin, 17 September [1878] (DAR 219.1: 115)). Annie Brassey had recently published an account of a voyage around the world from July 1876 to May 1877 onboard the schooner Sunbeam (Brassey 1878). The account, which went into four editions within a year, included a description of Brassey’s experiences sailing west through the Straits of Magellan from Possession Bay, an area of Patagonia north of Tierra del Fuego that CD had visited between January and May 1834 while on board HMS Beagle (ibid., pp. 114–30; Keynes ed. 1988, pp. 217, 221, and 240). Sarah Elizabeth Wedgwood.

From Albert Gaudry   6 November 18781 Paris 6 Novembre 1878 Monsieur, En revenant à Paris j’ai trouvé votre beau livre sur les différentes formes de fleurs dans les plantes de la même espèce. Je suis très honoré qu’un maître aussi éminent que vous veuille bien m’envoyer toutes ses oeuvres. Il y a dans votre dernier livre une accumulations de recherches ingénieux et originales; mon ami Mr de Saporta qui est un juge bien compétent y attache le plus grand prix.2 Je fais des voeux pour que votre santé se conserve longtemps, car personne mieux que vous ne nous fait sentir les beautés de la Création et nous fait entrer plus profondément dans les secrets de la nature. Je vous remercie pour ma part de toutes les jouissances que m’a données la lecture de vos ouvrages. Veuillez, Monsieur, agréer l’expression de mes sentiments respectueux, | Albert Gaudry DAR 165: 20 1 2

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. Forms of flowers was first published in 1877. Both Gaudry’s name and that of Gaston de Saporta appear on CD’s presentation list to receive copies of the French translation (Heckel trans. 1878; see Correspondence vol. 25, Appendix IV).

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From G. H. Darwin   7 November 1878 Trin Coll Camb. Nov 7. 78 My dear Father, I enclose Sir W. T.’s report on my paper which you might care to see. You will easily be able to skip the technical parts. I found my M.S scrawled about in his untidy hand, but I came to a sheet of paper in ink & I felt as if I knew the hand, but only thought that he wrote very differently with a pen. An hour or two after it suddenly flashed across me that it was Rayleigh’s writing, so I spotted the other referees in that way.1 I’ve had another long letter from Sir W. about lunar gravity & he proposes my going down to Glasgow to see an instrument wh. he is going to have made. He does’nt think that it would be possible to do it in a town & I expect I shall have to build a shed somewhere at Down.2 I fancy I shall have to get money out of the R.S fund3 as I suppose it will be expensive. Sir W. also quite agrees about the obliquity of the Ecliptic, & what I say about it.4 I have been examining into the sea-tidal observations and I really do think they show a primâ facie case for the viscous yielding of the earth. These are observations during 12 different years at various stations & the tides at 8 out of the 12 are too early, which wd. show viscosity & out of the 4 where they are too late two are at a station where they say the observations are not accurate enough to judge safely with regard to the particular tide I care about.5 I received Dr. Carret’s pamphlet both from himself & you, & I don’t think his ideas will work at all—tho’ he must be a cleverish man to get so deep.6 Evans had an old idea of the crust of the Earth moving over the inside & I think I can show it to be impossible—at least from the causes which he refers to.7 I’ve really got nothing on Earth to write about except mathcs. & so that must be my excuse for so much axles.8 Is’nt Frank going to pay a visit here— & Jim?9 I’ve had no dissipations lately & am glad of it for I’ve been a little down hill again. Please return Sir W. T.— Your affec son | G H Darwin [Enclosure] I have read with much interest Mr. George Darwin’s paper “on the bodily tides of viscous and semi-elastic spheroids and on the ocean tides on a yielding nucleus” and I am of opinion that it is suitable for publication in the Transactions. The question raised is undoubtedly a very important one— If what is denoted by A (p 28) have some value intermediate between 3 or 4 hours and 24 or 48h the semi diurnal tides would be nearly the same as if the earth were perfectly elastic and the fortnightly tide and other “long period tides” would be nearly zero (as if the solid mass had scarcely any tidal effective rigidity.) It is just possible that this may be the actual state of the case, and that thus it may be explained how the lunar fortnightly tide is so

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small as it is. Careful analysis of a large number of tide curves from self-registering tide gauges in different parts of the world made within the last ten years by the Tidal committee of the British Association and more lately have failed to actually prove any sensible tide of this denomination; but they have not proved that it is sensibly smaller than the equilibrium value. In this uncertainty is is well to be prepared with theory to account for whatever result may be brought out by more extended observation and more complete analysis of the results. Mr. Darwin in p 62 refers to the determination from observation, of the times of maximum and minimum of the lunar fortnightly—as capable of giving very important information. The determination of the amount was all that I had pointed out as needed because on the perfectly rigid, or perfectly elastic theory the times must be the equilibrium times; & the amounts would show the value of the tidal effective rigidity. Hence we have renewed and augmented interest in prosecuting the analysis of tidal observations— The rate at which viscosity, or breaking down elasticity, in one or other of Mr. Darwin’s theories, estimated somewhat as I estimated the effect of the tidal friction of the semi diurnal lunar tide in reducing the angular velocity of the earth’s rotation, will be interesting in connection with the question raised by Mr. Darwin. Will it not give so rapid a diminution of the obliquity as to give an argument conclusive against, or rendering very improbable, the supposition of any so great influence of imperfect elasticity as to be discoverable in deviations of the lunar fortny. tide from what it would be were the elasticity perfect? If Cap. Clarks results quoted in §797 of Thomson & Tait’s N. P. are valid they would seem absolutely conclusive against any breaking down of resistance to change of shape for deviations of the second order of harmonics (elliptic spheroid deviation from fluid equilibrium)10  The difference of 6378 feet between the greatest and least diameters of the equatorial diameters of the sea level could not possibly I think be explained by greater & less densities in a rigid crust buoyed on liquid, & not resisting such stresses as would give two or three feet of difference of diameter in elliptic deformations such as those of the tide generating influence. I have written on p 57 a pencil remark on a notion which seems to have occurred to many who have thought of the subject, but which I think is fallacious. Still, though I see much reason for believing the supposition of sensible effects of either viscosity or breaking down elasticity to be improbable, (& indeed Mr. Darwin himself expresses a similar opinion on his last two pages, (including however apparently, a supposition of improbability of elastic yielding, in which I cannot agree) there can be no doubt of the importance of the questions raised and of the validity & fertility of the mode of discussion contained in his paper William Thomson P.S. I have also written notes in pencil on pp 42, & 48— DAR 210.2: 71, The Royal Society RR/8/91 1

George Darwin was working on a series of connected papers modelling the effects of lunar gravity on the earth, and investigating the implications for its structure and behaviour (G. H. Darwin 1878b,

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1878d, and 1878e). The referees’ reports by William Thomson and John William Strutt, third Baron Rayleigh, concerned George’s paper ‘On the bodily tides of viscous and semi-elastic spheroids, and on the ocean tides upon a yielding nucleus’ (G. H. Darwin 1878b). The paper had been read at a meeting of the Royal Society of London on 23 May 1878, and was being prepared for publication in the society’s Philosophical Transactions. The referees’ copy of George’s paper was returned to Thomson on 13 December (MSS 421, Register of Papers 1853–1885, Archive, The Royal Society); it has not been found. The published paper included a remark by Rayleigh (G. H. Darwin 1878b, p. 27 n.). See also letter to G. H. Darwin, 17 [August 1878] and n. 3, and letter to G. H. Darwin, 29 October [1878]. For George’s later account of the development of his ideas, see G. H. Darwin 1907–16, 2: v–viii; see also Kushner 1993. Thomson’s letter of 2 November 1878 proposing Down as a possible location for an instrument to measure lunar gravity is in Glasgow University Library (Kelvin papers D6). Thomson described the instrument as a weight supported by a vertical spring. The government grant and donation fund of the Royal Society. The obliquity of the ecliptic is the angle of the earth’s equator to the plane of its orbit around the sun. In his letter, Thomson wrote that on ‘the question of tidal viscosity on the obliquity of the ecliptic’, which the two men had discussed at a recent meeting, he now saw it perfectly and was glad to find George’s result confirmed (D6, Kelvin papers, Glasgow University Library). The subject is not discussed in the main body of G. H. Darwin 1878b, but is worked out at length in G. H. Darwin 1878d, which had been received by the Royal Society on 22 July 1878 but had not yet been read. An appendix ‘On the observed height and phase of the fortnightly oceanic tide’ was added on 7 November 1878 to G. H. Darwin 1878b (pp. 31–6). See letter to G. H. Darwin, 2 November [1878] and n. 2. CD had sent George a copy of Jules Carret’s pamphlet on polar displacement (Carret 1878). Adopting a theory of the composition of the earth suggested by John Evans (see n. 7 below), Carret argued that long-term polar displacement had been caused by unequal movement between the earth’s crust and nucleus. In an attempt to explain the evidence that the climate in some parts of the world had varied between tropical and arctic, Evans had postulated a model of the earth with a thin rigid crust over a molten layer, possibly with a solid core. He suggested that changes in the thickness of parts of the crust through upheaval, denudation, or the accumulation of large bodies of ice, would, through the action of centrifugal force, lead to a change in ‘the relative positions of the solid crust and the fluid nucleus, and in consequence to a change in the axis of rotation, so far as the former is concerned’ (Evans 1866, p. 48). ‘Axles’ was evidently a family word for shoptalk (see also Correspondence vol. 27, letter from Francis Darwin to Emma Darwin, 30 June 1879, and letter to Francis Darwin, [2 August 1879]). No record has been found of a visit at this time to Cambridge by Francis Darwin or by Horace Darwin, whose nickname was Jim. In section 797 of their Treatise of natural philosophy (Thomson and Tait 1867, pp. 646–9), Thomson and Peter Guthrie Tait summarised the conclusions reached by Alexander Ross Clarke, a captain in the Royal Engineers, about the shape of the earth.

From Emil du Bois-Reymond   7 November 1878 Berlin N. W. | 15 Neue Wilhelm Strasse November 7th, 1878 My dear Sir, I have great pleasure in announcing to you that you were to-day elected a foreign associate of the Royal Academy of Sciences. My proposal was seconded by Ewald, Helmholtz, Peters, Pringsheim and Virchow. As the election requires the sanction of

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His Majesty the Emperor and King, a few weeks will elapse before you receive the official notification and diploma.1 I also send you, by this post, a copy of an address of which you are the ‘hero’, and in which I have endeavoured to give expression to my ‘worship’. You told me once that nothing short of dire compulsion could make you read german, and I cannot therefore hope that you will read my paper. A translation of it, however, is about to appear in the New York Periodical, Popular Science Monthly. Though very unsatisfactory, it can at least convey an idea of my strain of thought.2 Believe me, my dear Sir, | Yours, sincerely, | E du Bois Reymond. Charles Darwin, Esqre. DAR 230: 68 1

2

CD received the diploma from the Königliche Preussischer Akademie der Wissenschaften (Royal Prussian Academy of Sciences) in January 1879 (see Correspondence vol. 27, letter to Emil du Bois-Reymond, 23 January 1879); for a transcription and translation, see Appendix III. The seconders were Julius Wilhelm Ewald, Wilhelm Peters, Hermann von Helmholtz, Nathanael Pringsheim, and Rudolf Carl Virchow. The vote was affirmed by Wilhelm I, king of Prussia and emperor of Germany. Du Bois-Reymond’s secretarial address, ‘Darwin versus Galiani’, delivered to the Königliche Preussischer Akademie der Wissenschaften on 6 July 1876 (Du Bois-Reymond 1876) was published in translation in February 1879 (Du Bois-Reymond 1879). No previous correspondence with du Bois-Reymond has been found.

From B. J. Sulivan   7 November 1878 B. Novr. 7.78 My dear Darwin I am glad to hear so good an account of yourself—1 As to the cattle I believe there is grass land here and there, and especially in Navarin Island.2 In some of the coves near E end of Beagle channel good land with some pasture inside has been found. and as guanacoes were always found on that Island I think it would probably feed numbers of cattle. At the Station there is clear feeding land in parts of the small peninsula and at Gable Island—which on the chart is made a peninsula—there is much clear pasture land where natives alone are taking care of mission cattle which will keep a herd up for supplying native wants when Falkland Island Station is given up. This we hope to before long as there is now a better station for communication and supplies at Sandy Point with frequent steam communication to East and west coast. & we look forward to replacing our Jawl with a large Steam launch or small Steam vessel, with a native crew except master & engineer, which would connect Beagle Channel, through Western passages, with Sandy point. and with stations we hope to have opposite near Useless Bay when that fine tribe are made friendly. all that north & NE coast would be a fine Cattle country—3

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Gable Island is the peninsula marked in the chart on the North shore at East entrance to Beagle channel AL incomplete? DAR 177: 307 1 2

3

See letter to B. J. Sulivan, 5 November [1878]. CD had been surprised at accounts of successful cattle-rearing in Tierra del Fuego (see letter from B. J. Sulivan, 3 November 1878, and letter to B. J. Sulivan, 5 November [1878]). Navarino Island (Isla Navarino) is a large island south of the Beagle Channel. Sulivan was a supporter of the Anglican mission station at Ushuaia, Tierra del Fuego, Patagonia (see letter from B. J. Sulivan, 3 November 1878 and n. 1). Gable Island (Isla Gable) is a small island close to the north shore of the Beagle Channel, opposite the east end of Navarino Island. Sandy Point (Punta Arenas) in Patagonia is at the mid-point of the north shore of the Strait of Magellan.

To G. H. Darwin   8 November [1878]1 Nov. 8.— My dear George. I am delighted at the contents of your packet. Though I could understand hardly any of the Report, yet the last sentence is clear enough & delightful.—2 There can be no doubt now about the value of your work— It will be fine, if you have to come here to work astronomically. I shd. think it wd be a very proper object for a R.S. grant; but remember I shall always be too glad to help you with money.—3 I have not been so much pleased for a long time Yours affect   C. Darwin DAR 210.1: 75 1 2

3

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from G. H. Darwin, 7 November 1878. George had sent CD a referee’s report by William Thomson and others on a paper he had submitted to the Royal Society of London (G. H. Darwin 1878b; see letter from G. H. Darwin, 7 November 1878, enclosure and n. 1). Thomson had proposed building a machine to measure lunar gravity at Down; George was considering applying for a Royal Society grant in order to do so (see letter from G. H. Darwin, 7 November 1878 and n. 2).

From J. A. Harker   11 November 1878 17 Southgate Street, | Gloucester 11 Novr. 1878

To Charles Darwin Esq. Dear Sir, For the past four summers I have devoted some time to the examination and study of Ophrys apifera; in part attracted by the phenomena presented by its form and mode of fertilization as described in your “Fertilization of Orchids”.1 In one or two of my observations you may perhaps be interested should they prove new to you.

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In 1877, from a handful of Bee Orchids gathered in a damp plantation near the banks of a brook, I remarked two specimens in which the two lowest flowers were expanded, but the lower lobe of the labellum with the lateral processes was entirely absent; presenting the appearance of being cut clean off by some sharp instrument. The edges of the remaining upper portion of the labellum were not torn or frayed, but were dry and shrivelled looking. The idea at once suggested itself that it was a malformation, but on keeping the plants in water for a few days the remaining buds opened disclosing normal labella. The suggestion then was that the labellum in the lower flowers had been cut off, but by what means? Hesitating to speculate on such small data I waited till 1878, when I renewed with zeal my search for every Bee Orchis to be found. Again and in nearly the same spot I found a plant with one of its flowers similarly treated, this time the 3rd. flower from the lowest. It was thus evident that the phenomenon had not been an isolated one in 1877, though out of more than 1000 plants examined only five instances of its occurrance were noted and of those two occurred on the same plant. The appearances presented by the edges of the remaining portion of the labellum so clearly suggesting a cut, I tried to imitate the act with a pair of sharp-pointed scissors; by holding the points of the scissors in front of a flower, and directing them down & forwards at an angle of 75o or so with the ground, and snipping off the labellum a fair imitation was obtained. No small mammal, bird or reptile, mistaking the labellum for an insect, could have made such a cut, by snapping at the flower, but it suggests itself that it would be just what would result, if a large dragon fly, (of which by the way there are generally several at the spot) had pounced on an imaginary fly, and severed its body from its thorax with its powerful mandibles. I do not know of any other group of British Insect which could effect this. Although O. apifera as pointed out in your book does not resemble any British Hymenopterous insect, yet with its bright purple reflexed sepals, and its labellum pushed out so prominently, it bears a very close resemblance to a flower in front of which a Dipteron of the genus Bombilius is hovering, thus representing both insect visiting & flowers visited.2 Accustomed to collect Diptera I have more than once been for an instant deceived by it. If a large Æschna3 were so striking at the labellum of apifera mistaking it for a Bombilius, I think it would carry away the pollen masses, and if (a large if I know) we are justified in supposing that the two flowers on the plant described had been so visited, it does not seem a greater step to imagine that the most Dipteron-like Bee Orchids may have been or are cross-fertilized in this manner, or to suppose that at a time when dragon flies were certainly more numerous than now, its resemblance to a Bombilius would be highly useful to the plant in tending to favour occasional cross fertilization. Ophrys apifera is mainly self fertilizing, but I believe there is good reason to think that it is a species which is either dying out, or is in process of change to

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something else. For my experience scarcely bears out this extract from “Fertilization of Orchids”— “It is however remarkable on this view that none of the parts in question show any tendency to abortion—the flowers are still conspicuous”—4 On the contrary I have been impressed with the fact that abortion is the rule rather than the exception. On one day in July I examined 150 plants in flower and in quite 60 per cent the labellum was malformed in one way or another—one or other of the lateral lobes was imperfect, or inclined the reverse way   sometimes the whole side aborted, the terminal lobe shrunken or twisted, and in a large proportion the dispersion of the colour and markings was asymetrical. Furthermore a friend brought me a specimen which developed 4  flowers the labellum of all of which were of a pale greenish white without trace of yellow or brown marking; and two other plants precisely similar were gathered in the same spot; that is within a few yards, one of the other. One other fact regarding the habit of A. apifera is not generally noticed in our Floras—it appears to grow most luxuriantly in damp woods. In this part of the Country it is abundant everywhere from the banks of the estuary to the summits of our dry oolitic hills, but the largest specimens with best formed flowers are undoubtedly to be met with in woods & plantations— I have never seen any insect of any kind visiting its flowers, though I have sometimes fancied that bees hung for an instant in their flight when passing it, as if doubtful about it. Thanking that these few observations might perhaps be of interest, in directing the attention of some of your correspondents who may be able to observe the Ophrydeæ in their head quarters, I have ventured to offer them to you. I need hardly say that I shall return to their consideration when the Orchis flowers next year with great attention and shall endeavour to bring home to the Dragon flies the act for which my suspicions have fixed on them as perpetuators. I am, | Your obliged & obedt Sev.t | Allen Harker DAR 166: 101 1 2 3 4

CD discussed the self-fertilising Ophrys apifera (bee orchid) in Orchids 2d ed., pp. 52–9. See Orchids 2d ed., p. 56. Bombylius (bee fly) is a genus in the order Diptera. Aeshna is the genus of hawker or mosaic darner dragonflies in the order Odonata; they are the largest dragonflies in Britain. Orchids 2d ed., p. 58.

From Edouard Bergson   12 November 18781

Varsovie, le 12 Novembre 1878.

Monsieur, Si j’ose Vous importuner cette fois encore, c’est uniquement pour Vous communiquer un fait, depuis longtemps publié par moi et qu’une discussion avec mes collègues a fraîchement évoqué dans ma mémoire.2

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Un soir pour accrocher un tableau, je me suis approché d’un mur et tout occupé de mon travail j’ai tout-à-coup aperçu le ver appelé Cimex lectularius.3 Ne sachant pas, au premier abord, comment m’en débarasser, j’ai saisi une bougie et la plaçant sous le ver, j’attendis que ce dernier tombât. Durant le petit espace de temps qu’a duré cet autodafé, je remarquais avec surprise que le ver changeait de forme, en —du rond, qu’il était auparavant; s’élargissant, à devenir presque oblong, une fois tombé, je ne l’ai plus observé. Voilà le fait; me l’ayant rappelé, je m’empresse de Vous en faire part, dans la supposition qu’il peut Vous être utile à quelque chose. En Vous priant, Monsieur, de vouloir bien me faire connaître Votre opinion là-dessus, je Vous présente mes salutations les plus distinguées. | Edouard Bergson. | (Dzika 5.) DAR 201: 4 1 2

3

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. Bergson had written previously asking for CD’s opinion on whether there was a fundamental difference between plants and animals (see Correspondence vol. 23, letter from Edouard Bergson, 10 October 1875, and letter to Edouard Bergson, 13 October 1875). Cimex lectularius: bed bug.

To Emil du Bois-Reymond   12 November 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Nov 12th. 1878 My dear Sir I thank you sincerely for your most kind letter, in which you announce the great honour conferred on me. The knowledge of the names of the illustrious men, who seconded the proposal, is even a greater pleasure to me than the honour itself.1 I had forgotten that I had audaciously complained to you of the difficulty of reading German, & yet I have to read some every single day of my life, & if I could read it easily, I would never read a word in any other language, so much of extreme value in Natural History is published almost every day in Germany.— Very many thanks for the Address, which you have kindly sent me. I have often met with notices of it, but did not know that it was published separately. I have looked at a few pages in which my name appeared, & I see that you have honoured me greatly, & you have taken, as it seems to me, a very just view on some points.— But I shall wait, till I can procure the translation, for from what little I know of your writings & work, I am naturally very anxious to read the whole.—2 Believe me, my dear Sir, with cordial thanks & respect | Yours sincerely | Charles Darwin Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin – Preußischer Kulturbesitz (Slg. Darmstaedter Lc 1859 Darwin, Charles, Bl. 214-215)

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See letter from Emil du Bois-Reymond, 7 November 1878. CD had been proposed as a foreign associate of the Preussischer Akademie der Wissenschaften. See letter from Emil du Bois-Reymond, 7 November 1878 and n. 2. Du Bois-Reymond had sent CD a copy of his German address Darwin versus Galiani (Du Bois-Reymond 1876); an English translation appeared in February 1879 (Du Bois-Reymond 1879).

From G. A. Gaskell   13 November 1878 S. Wilson Hope Esqre.1 | Petworth | Sussex Nov. 13th. 1878 Charles Darwin Esqre. Sir, You have so often invited correspondence on the subjects treated of in your most valuable books, that I trust you will pardon me this liberty I take as a perfect stranger to you, in offering to your consideration some thoughts mainly originated by your writings. For many years I have been accustomed to think sadly of the present condition and probable future of the human race. The works of Malthus, J.  S.  Mill, your own, and some others have so clearly pointed out the evils under which man strives, and how slow and cruel in their action are various forces that tend to better his condition, that it is with a great feeling of relief I have quite recently been brought to believe that there are forces at work, of which I had previously little conception, which will in a comparatively short time, and in a wholly admirable manner, bring about the state of things which is so earnestly to be desired.2 You say—“It is impossible not to regret bitterly, but whether wisely is another question, the rate at which man tends to increase; &c”, and further, that man “has no right to expect an immunity from the evils consequent on the struggle for existence”.3 In regard to this last, with all respect, I am glad to be able to say I in great part differ from you; I think from the advance of civilization,—which is so much a conquest over nature—, and the growth of altruism, we have reason to hope for this immunity; and as I now think we can have it without deterioration of the race, and decline of virtue I am free to think it wise to regret the continuance of the pressure of population on comfort and subsistence. It is my duty to be concise in what I have to say, in order to take up as little of your time as possible, in case my ideas should be worthless; but I hope in the very short statement of the main results at which I have arrived, I still shall be able to make myself understood. I believe I can point out, as now in action, two important laws of Race to add to the one already so fully displayed by yourself. They are both naturally destructive of the action of the first law, which is “Natural Selection”; and the last law, which is now in the first stages of evolution, annuls as it grows the action of the two preceding ones. They each have existence for the same reason,—that they tend to greater adaptability of race to conditions, or greater strength against the forces which environ.

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I proceed to summarise these laws as follows— The three great Laws of Race Preservation, in their natural order of sequence in evolution. First— The Organological Law, Natural Selection or the Survival of the Fittest.4 Second— The Sociological Law, Sympathetic Selection or Indiscriminate Survival. Third— The Moral Law, Social Selection or the Birth of the Fittest. These three laws arise naturally and gradually out of the conditions that precede each. The first is the Physical Law which governs all organisms in which no form of sympathy is yet developed; it tends to greater strength in the Unit, or more adaptability of the Individual to its conditions. The second is the Psychological Law—which necessarily arises with the growth of Sympathy, and is the natural opponent of the first, which it gradually supercedes. It tends to greater strength and adaptability in the Aggregate, but to less strength and health in the Unit. The third is the Judicial Law evolved as a Rule of Conscience for Well-being. It gradually annuls the preceding laws, while combining their beneficent results,—on the basis of tending to greater strength and health both in the Aggregate and in the Unit. It is the final outcome of Human Evolution in the order of forces governing race propagation. It is necessarily evolved in the mind by the interaction of Reason and Sympathy; and its development proceeds on the fact of artificial birth-control, unopposed to the force of Sexual Passion, which otherwise would, with the weaker individuals, most probably be too powerful to permit its action. Of the first of these laws I need say nothing, except that I have been so bold as to name it “Organological”. Of the second, I may say I have formulated it from a consideration of much in your writings, especially of Chap.s 3, 4 & 5 in “The Descent of Man”;— of portions in the writings of Mr. H. Spencer, Mr. Wallace, Mr. F. Galton, Mr. W. R. Greg, and others.5 Natural Selection was defeated, and yet the species continued to flourish; so it seemed evident to me a new law had been evolved, and this I set myself to discover. The word sympathy I have used in a wide sense, and as the quality meant has, as you point out, been most probably developed through natural selection, it exists in varying degrees of strength.6 Of the reality of the third law there will be most dispute. That its evolution is proceeding, I cannot myself see reason to doubt; and that it is destined to act a most beneficent part in the future of mankind, I firmly believe. As instance of its evolution I may mention the growing opinion that it is wrong for consumptive people, and persons inclined to insanity and epilepsy, to marry. The opinion, becoming more and more prevalent, that it is wrong to have more children than can be brought up well. The opinion, that celibacy is an evil, and that asceticism

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is absurd; that the sexual passion is at the spring of much that is noble in life, and is nothing to be ashamed of but requires only to be regulated. The inference that in no case is it wrong to apply knowledge to guard against natural evils, so long as no injury devolves on others by so doing. The conclusion that the procreation of a child is, perhaps, the most important social action that two private persons can engage in, and therefore there is no action that should more seriously be entered upon, or that is more affected by morality. The opinion that viciousness is hereditary and that it would be best for society if confirmed criminals were put “compendiously under water”.7 And finally, I may refer to the present painful conflict between reason and sympathy relative to the preservation of the weak and incompetent while they propagate their stock to the injury of posterity. I think the extending force of the practice of the arts preventive of conception is in proportion to the capability in these arts of increasing adaptation to conditions within and without the human organism. If it is a fact that they do increase this adaptability, it appears to me certain that their practice will increase to the extent of society. The prejudice against them founds itself on the belief that they are in themselves immoral, or of immoral tendency, because social instinct is against them. But social instinct has, as you justly point out, been developed in favour of the general good of the species;8 it follows, then, that if the general good conflicts eventually with an instinct, instinct will in time have to adjust itself to the new conditions. A physiological fact having relation to man and society is one among other factors in the determination of morals; the concealment of it cannot be defended, and if the knowledge of it is of use, it is hopeless to expect any attempt at concealment to be effectual. If it is true that these arts do not increase adaptability to conditions, I see not how their manifest spread can be accounted for. I think their action is rapidly becoming a sociological fact of the gravest importance, which cannot be left out of consideration in any speculation on social tendencies. I need but refer to France, and its extraordinary statistics of births in relation to marriages.9 I gather that you fear much reduced social pressure would result in indolence.10 I submit that indolence is more a physical weakness than an acquired habit, and cannot, I think, be increased under “Birth of the Fittest”. To those who love children will be left the task of bringing them up. This love is hereditary and will increase by survival, and become a presiding force. It may not be utopian to expect that some day a medical certificate may be required, to define the rectitude of adding a new member to society. The weak in body or mind may be cared for and protected so long as they conform to the social mandate, not to continue their race. They may, to use Professor Mantegazza’s words, love but must not have offspring.11 In conclusion, I submit, “The Birth of the Fittest” offers a much milder solution of the population difficulty than the “Survival of the Fittest” and the Destruction of the Weak.

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I feel I take a liberty in speaking of any subject of which you must know so much better than myself. If I have been so fortunate as to make a true generalization, you will see it as such without many words from me. My present intention is to further develope these ideas so long as I think them true.12 I am, Sir, with much esteem | Yours truly | G. A. Gaskell DAR 165: 12 CD annotations13 9.3 It … Unit. 9.4] scored pencil; ‘(a | I have showed something to this effect’ pencil 13.1 As … marry. 13.2] scored pencil; cross in margin pencil; ‘F. Galton’ pencil 14.1 I … organism. 14.3] cross in margin pencil 15.1 The … them. 15.2] cross in margin pencil 18.5 It … society. 18.7] scored pencil; cross in margin pencil 1 2

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Samuel Wilson Hope. CD wrote about the role of natural selection in human development in Descent, emphasising that, as with all other animals, increases in population led to a struggle for existence, and that the preservation of favourable variations took place at the expense of the suffering and death of the less well adapted. Thomas Robert Malthus discussed the causes and damaging effects of population growth in An essay on the principle of population (Malthus 1798), and John Stuart Mill addressed the obstacles to progress in a number of works, particularly On liberty (Mill 1859). Descent 2d ed., p. 142. The phrasing of this passage in Descent 1: 180 was ‘It is impossible not bitterly to regret’. Herbert Spencer coined the term ‘survival of the fittest’ as an alternative to CD’s ‘natural selection’ (Spencer 1864–7, 1: 444–5). The third, fourth, and fifth chapters of Descent included discussions of the development of the moral sense, social instincts, and social virtues, the rate of increase of human populations, and the role of natural selection in civilised societies. For a discussion of the views of Spencer, Alfred Russel Wallace, Francis Galton, and William Rathbone Greg on the role of natural selection in human development, see Hale 2014. Greg’s writings included a paper on the ‘failure of “natural selection” in the case of man’ ([W. R. Greg] 1868). See also Bashford and Levine eds. 2010. See especially Descent 1: 82. John Tyndall had used this expression in his presidential address to the Birmingham and Midland Institute on 1 October 1877; the address had been published, with additions, in the Fortnightly Review for 1 November 1877 ([Tyndall] 1877). In support of his argument that free will must be subject to the laws of nature, Tyndall quoted a conversation with a prison governor who believed a small number of prisoners were so incorrigible that even an island prison was insufficient and that drowning them would be more beneficial to society (ibid., pp. 609–11). For CD’s conclusions on the social instincts, see Descent 1: 97–8. The falling population and the decline in marital birth rate in France in the second half of the nineteenth century was of sufficient concern that the French government considered a range of fiscal incentives to encourage larger families (Teitelbaum 2006, p. 75). CD had expressed concerns in Descent 2: 403–4 about the consequences for future advancement if humans were no longer subject to a struggle for existence, concluding that although the natural rate of increase in population led to many evils, it should ‘not be greatly diminished by any means’. He added a passage to Descent 2d ed., p. 143, referring to the possible detrimental effects in civilised societies of increased indolence as a result of easier conditions of life. The heroine of Paolo Mantegazza’s romantic novel Un giorno a Madera: una pagina dell’igiene dell’amore (A day in Madeira: a page in the hygiene of love; Mantegazza 1868) was a consumptive woman who swore to her father on his deathbed that she would never have children.

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Gaskell published his ideas in a monograph entitled A new theory of heredity in 1931; no previous published statement of them has been found, but an earlier article had been turned down by both Eugenics Review and Nature (see Gaskell 1931, p. 10). CD’s annotations are for his reply to Gaskell of 15 November 1878.

To Benjamin Disraeli   [15–18 November 1878]1 Your memorialists have heard with alarm that a message has been sent to the Ameer of Afghanistan to which a favourable reply is demanded at an early date— the 20th inst.—on pain of an immediate declaration of war.2 The statements made in explanation of this action have been confused and contradictory, and, with one exception, unofficial. Much excitement, for example, was at first occasioned by a statement, apparently made on authority, that a mission from the Viceroy to the Ameer was turned back by his orders with the utmost discourtesy and with a threat to shoot Major Cavagnari, who had been sent in advance.3 This report has subsequently appeared to be wholly untrue. It has also been said that the Ameer’s reply to a letter from the Viceroy is characterised by unexampled insolence; but there is evidence impugning the accuracy of this statement, and the reply itself has never been published. More recently the one official declaration to which we have referred has been made by the Prime Minister, that the policy of Her Majesty’s Government is to rectify the north-west frontier of India in a scientific manner.4 Any advance of the present frontier has been condemned by a great majority of the highest civil and military authorities of Indian experience, and appears to be inconsistent with the ordinary principles of justice. The Government promised on the 19th of August last that papers explanatory of the Central Asian and Afghan questions should be produced in a few days. These papers have not been published up to the present time. Great expense has already been and is now being incurred, and much greater expense must be incurred if the policy of the Government is further prosecuted. This expenditure, if borne by the United Kingdom, has been and is being made without the consent of Parliament, and if by India without the consent of the Council of the Secretary of State. We protest against any further steps being taken in a course of action that appears at once impolitic and unjust until the fullest information has been given to the nation, and its consent obtained through its representatives, and we therefore ask that Parliament should be summoned without delay. Memorial Manchester Guardian, 19 November 1878, p. 8 1

2

The memorial is described in the Manchester Guardian, 18 November 1878, p. 5, as to ‘Lord Beaconsfield’. The date range is established by the date of the first publication of the text (Manchester Guardian, 15 November 1878, p. 5), and the report that a large number of signatures, including CD’s, had been added (ibid., 19 November 1878, p. 8). For the views of CD’s family on his signing of this and other petitions, see Emma Darwin (1904) 2: 293. The memorial was drawn up by a committee formed by John Lawrence, former viceroy of India, on 15 November, and by 18 November had been signed by ‘a large number of influential persons’, most

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prominently Hugh Lupus Grosvenor, duke of Westminster (Manchester Guardian, 18 November 1878, p. 5. See also letter to R. A. T. Gascoyne-Cecil, [18 May 1878]). Lawrence’s successor as viceroy, Edward Robert Bulwer-Lytton, had sent an ultimatum to Sher Ali Khan, Amir of Afghanistan, on 31 October demanding that he accept a permanent British military presence in Kabul (Robson 1986, p. 52). Sher Ali’s failure to respond in time triggered the start of the second Afghan war in November 1878. For more on the causes of the war, see Robson 1986, especially pp. 48–52 and 99–101. Pierre Louis Napoleon Cavagnari had led an advance party of the proposed mission but had been turned back inside the Afghan border on 21 September 1878 (Robson 1986, p. 50). In a speech at the Guildhall on 8 November 1878, Benjamin Disraeli had declared that the government was taking action on the north-west frontier of the British empire in India because, being ‘a haphazard and not a scientific frontier’, it was expensive to defend (Manchester Guardian, 11 November 1878, p. 8). The redrawing of the border between India and Afghanistan as a ‘scientific frontier’ was achieved by the treaty of Gandamak signed in 1879 (ODNB s.v. Lytton, Edward Robert Bulwer-).

To G. A. Gaskell   15 November 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. Nov. 15th. 1878 Dear Sir. Your letter seems to me very interesting and clearly expressed; and I hope that you are in the right.1 Your second law appears to be largely acted on in all civilised countries, and I just alluded to it in my remarks to the effect (as far as I remember) that the evil which would follow by checking benevolence and sympathy in not fostering the weak and diseased would be greater than by allowing them to survive and then to procreate.2 With regard to your third law, I do not know whether you have read an article (I forget when published) by F. Galton in which he proposes certificates of health &c for marriage and that the best should be matched.3 I have lately been led to reflect a little (for now that I am growing old my work has become [nothing] special) on the artificial checks but doubt greatly, whether such would be advantageous to the world at large at present, however it may be in the distant future.4 Suppose that such checks had been in action during the last 2 or 3 centuries, or even for a shorter time in Britain, what a difference it would have made in the world, when we consider America, Australia New Zealand and S. Africa! No words can exaggerate the importance in my opinion of our colonization for the future history of the world. If it were universally known that the birth of children could be prevented, and this were not thought immoral by married persons would there not be great danger of extreme profligacy amongst unmarried women, and might we not become like the “arreoi” societies in the Pacific.—5 In the course of a century, France will tell us the result in many ways and we can already see that the French nation does not spread or increase much. I am glad that you intend to continue your investigations, and I hope ultimately may publish on the subject.— I beg leave to remain | Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin

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This note is badly expressed and written, but I have not time or strength to rewrite it.— G.A. Gaskell Esqre. Copy DAR 144: 327 1 2 3

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See letter from G. A. Gaskell, 13 November 1878. See Descent 1: 168–9. CD may have in mind Francis Galton’s paper ‘Hereditary improvement’, in which Galton suggested a plan for the improvement of the human race, including a register of the ‘most promising individuals’ and incentives for them to intermarry (F. Galton 1873). When asked to testify in support of the birth-control advocates Charles Bradlaugh and Annie Besant the previous year, CD declined, as he believed such practices would in time spread to unmarried women, and that the consequent weakening of the family bond would be the ‘greatest of all possible evils to mankind’ (Correspondence vol. 25, letter from Charles Bradlaugh, 5 June 1877, and letter to Charles Bradlaugh, 6 June 1877). See also letter to M. H. Truelove, 1 July 1878. The arreoi (eareeoie, arioi, arrioi, or arreyoi) sect of Tahiti was commonly used as an example of a culture practising both promiscuity and infanticide (see for example Malthus 1826, 1: 73–4).

From M. D. Conway   18 November 1878 Hamlet House | Hammersmith | Lond. Nov. 18 ’78 Dear Dr. Darwin, Our Comtee., whose names you will find on another page, has been from the first very desirous of having the honour of your name and sympathy in the work they propose; but they have also felt that before asking for the same they ought to have something more definite and hopeful to submit to you. We have felt that in this first attempt ever made to unite those interested in the moral welfare and religious enlightenment of mankind on a plane above all dogmatic tenets, our main duty was to the representatives of Science who have incurred odium for their pursuit of Truth.1 We have concluded therefore to raise the stone rejected by theological builders into the head of the corner, and I am happy to say that for this we have secured the cordial cooperation of Professors Huxley & Tyndall,2—the former of whom will inaugurate the Assocn. with an address in some public hall early next year. We have elected as Vice Presidents Prof. Tyndall, Prof. Clifford, Dr. Kalisch, Dr. Martineau, G. J. Holyoake,3 and we trust you will allow us to place your name at the head of this list,—of course knowing well that the state of your health forbade us to ask of you any practical service. We have among us Jews, Moslems, Brahmans, Brahmos,4 as well as Christians, and there is fair prospect of establishing a scholarly periodical for the discussion of Comparative Mythology and Religion.5 With cordial remembrances to your family, Ever faithfully yours Moncure D Conway

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Association of Liberal Thinkers. Constitution, as adopted June 14, 1878. 1. This organisation shall be called the Association of Liberal Thinkers. 2. Its objects shall be:—The scientific study of religious phenomena; the collection and diffusion of information concerning religious developments throughout the world; the emancipation of mankind from the spirit of superstition; fellowship among liberal thinkers of all classes; the promotion of the culture, progress, and moral welfare of mankind; and of whatever in any form of religion may tend towards that end. 3. Membership in this Association shall leave each individual responsible for his own opinion alone, and in no degree affect his relations with other Associations.6 Provisional Committee. rev. richard armstrong (Nottingham). rev. goodwyn barmby (Wakefield). rev. william binns (Birkenhead). miss julie braun (Manchester). professor j. estlin carpenter (London). moncure d. conway, Hon. Sec. (London). miss helena downing (London). v. k. dhairyaban (Bombay and London). rev. robert drummond (Edinburgh). a. j. ellis, f.r.s. (London). edwin ellis (Guildford). h. garrod (London). j. s. stuart glennie (London). mrs. harriet law (London). george l. lyon (London). miss sarah marshall (London). k. n. mitra (Calcutta and London). alfred preston (London). h. w. smith (Edinburgh). rev. j. hirst smyth (London). rev. j. c. street (Belfast). rev. frank walters (Glasgow). george j. wild, ll.d. (London). DAR 161: 221 1 2 3 4 5

Conway had founded the Association of Liberal Thinkers in June 1878 following a congress attended by around 400 persons in London (Conway 1904, 2: 352–6). John Tyndall. Thomas Henry Huxley was president of the association (Conway 1904, 2: 353). William Kingdon Clifford, Isidor Kalisch, James Martineau, and George Jacob Holyoake. Brahmoism: a reformed Hinduism of a theistic character founded in 1830 (OED). The periodical was not established. Conway had edited an anthology of religious writings (Conway 1874; see Correspondence vol. 21, letter from M. D. Conway, 10 September [1873]).

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The provisional committee of the association was composed of representatives of different religions, science and free-thought. Four members have not been further identified: V. K. Dhairyaban, H. Garrod, K. N. Mitra, and H. W. Smith. For the others, see the Biographical register.

From A. B. Farn    18 November 1878 The Dartons, Dartford, Kent. 18th. November, 1878. My dear Sir, The belief that I am about to relate something which may be of interest to you, must be my excuse for troubling you with a letter. Perhaps among the whole of the British Lepidoptera, no species varies more, according to the locality in which it is found, than does that Geometer, Gnophos obscurata.1 They are almost black on the New Forest peat; grey on limestone; almost white on the chalk near Lewes;2 and brown on clay, and on the red soil of Herefordshire. Do these variations point to the “survival of the fittest”?3 I think so. It was, therefore, with some surprise that I took specimens as dark as any of those in the New Forest on a chalk slope; and I have pondered for a solution. Can this be it? It is a curious fact, in connexion with these dark specimens, that for the last quarter of a century the chalk slope, on which they occur, has been swept by volumes of black smoke from some lime-kilns situated at the bottom: the herbage, although growing luxuriantly, is blackened by it. I am told, too, that the very light specimens are now much less common at Lewes than formerly, and that, for some few years, lime-kilns have been in use there. These are the facts I desire to bring to your notice. I am, Dear Sir, | Yours very faithfully, | A. B. Farn C. R. Darwin Esq. F.R.S. | 〈&〉c &c &c DAR 164: 26 1

2 3

Gnophos obscurata is a synonym of Charissa obscurata (Scotch annulet), a moth of the family Geometridae. For a discussion of colour polymorphism in the moth, and of this letter in relation to the later literature on industrial melanism in the peppered moth (Biston betularia), see Hart et al. 2010. The New Forest is in Hampshire; Lewes is a town in East Sussex. The expression ‘survival of the fittest’ was introduced by Herbert Spencer in Principles of biology (Spencer 1864–7, 1: 444–5). It was first used by CD in Variation (see Correspondence, vol. 14, letter to A. R. Wallace, 5 July [1866]).

To Raphael Meldola   19 November [1878] 4. Bryanston St | Portman St Nov. 19th My dear Sir We have just arrived at my daughter’s house & shall be happy to see you here any day to luncheon at 1 oclock.1

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Will you be so kind as to let me hear, as soon as you can, what day will suit you, on account of other engagement. My dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin Postmark: NO 19 78 Oxford University Museum of Natural History (Hope Entomological Collections 1350: Hope/Westwood Archive, Darwin folder) 1

In his letter of 1 November 1878, Meldola had suggested meeting next time CD was in London. According to Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242) the Darwins arrived at Bryanston Street, the home of their daughter Henrietta Emma Litchfield, on 19 November 1878; they returned to Down on 27 November (letter to J. B. Innes, 27 November [1878]).

From T. H. Noyes   19 November 1878 85 Gloucester Road NW 19.11.78 Dear Sir Your family I know to be investigators of Wallace & Crookes & Varleys occult philosophy1 & you ought to be if you are not, for were you to become a friend of Celestials disincarned your bodily ailments would vanish like the chaff before the wind and you would be set free to enjoy life once more & utilise your great talents for the good of this woeful world of ignorance prejudice & guile. I am one of those much maligned sinners called Mediums & as I am a graduate in honors of Ch Ch & nephew of an Arch Bishop & a friend of one two Primates & allied to many of our ducal families and heir male of one of the most ancient ducal families in Gt Britain myself,2 if I am not wrongly informed, I think I am entitled to be believed & esteemed a Credible witness when being the author of that logical Theological work ‘Hymns of Modern Man’3 I affirm that I receive direct & conscious inspiration from celestials who seem to be as nearly omniscient as they are supposed to be. I have by their favour the gift of healing all occult diseases in man & Beast & Bird—and if the great Naturalist will only condescend to follow the example of numberless sick bodies unable to find relief at the hands of the Royal College of empirics who claim to be Physicians and are Quacks & ignorami & impostors 9 times out of 10 in all difficult & obscure ailments, Health shall supersede disease, & Platinum 15 grams & Osmium 5 grams & Indium 3 grams sponge Powder given in small doses in guava Jelly: as above notes if taken regularly & daily & every day fasting for 7 weeks will remove all distressing symptoms, & if this Rosicrucean course of Tonic be commenced by a Course of saturated Tincture of Rum Tox, as made by Field & Co of Holborn, with Rum instead of Spirits of Wine, on 4 Teaspoonful doses, given in Port wine negus sweetened with Honey &, before Breakfast, for 7 weeks, without missing a single day, no hale sexagenarian in Europe will enjoy better health than the revived Naturalist C.W D.4 faithfully yours | T H Noyes DAR 201: 28

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Alfred Russel Wallace and Cromwell Fleetwood Varley had a shared interest in spiritualism (see Correspondence vol. 17, letter from A. R. Wallace, 18 April [1869] and n. 6). CD’s cousin Francis Galton had attended séances at the home of William Crookes, who investigated the claims of mediums (see Correspondence vol. 20, letter from Francis Galton, 28 March 1872, and letter from Francis Galton, 19 April 1872); his son George had also attended one (Correspondence vol. 21, letter from G. H. Darwin to Emma Darwin, [before 24 November 1873]). CD had been briefly present at a séance in the home of Erasmus Alvey Darwin in January 1874 (see Correspondence vol. 22, letter to J. D. Hooker, 18 January [1874]). Noyes was a graduate of Christ Church, Oxford; his great-uncle on his mother‘s side was Richard Whately, archbishop of Dublin (T. H. Noyes 1857, p. 31). T. H. Noyes 1872. Noyes presumably meant to give CD’s full initials, ‘CRD’. The Rosicrucians were an esoteric alchemical sect (OED). Field & Co., homoeopathic chemists, had premises at 267 High Holborn (Post Office London directory 1878). Rhus tox. is a homoeopathic remedy.

From G. A. Gaskell   20 November 1878 S. Wilson Hope Esqre. | Petworth | Sussex Nov. 20th. 1878 Dear Sir, I beg to thank you for your most courteous and encouraging letter.1 I shall devote particular attention to the points you raise, which are most important, though extremely difficult to deal with. There is a little book, I do not know whether you have seen it,—“Laws and Customs of Marriage” by R. Harte (Truelove 256 High Holborn) which to my mind deals in a very scientific spirit with much of the ethical part of sexual relationships, and I cannot help agreeing with much that the author says.2 The very strength of the popular fear lest these new checks should lead to immorality, gives me some confidence that the human mind, so long trained in favour of that which tends to social order, will be able to withstand the greater license of new conditions, without relapse. Social change being evolutional is gradual: such disorder as may be prompted must therefore arise in detail, while social order obtains through the mass: disorder is disorganization,—is destruction of itself: I cannot conceive of the present order not being able to withstand the small corroding tendencies of disorder met in detail:— surely it will outlive them. The “arrioi” societies are societies for death not life,— they are social suicides.3 The libertine and selfish natures, in furthering their own ends, will, I trust, further their own destruction, and so be eliminated from society, while order survives. If I could conceive disorder to arise at one time from numerous centres, and grow in corrosive power until the combination of order should be destroyed by it; then would I fear the extinction of the human race: but disorder is of fitful growth and crumbles as it grows. Without, I hope, overlooking the importance of colonization, there is much, I think, in what Mr. R.  Greg says in his essay on “The Obligations of the Soil”.4 Colonization if slower, would have one advantage,—that it would be less painful. There is something about colonization at present, which reminds me of a panic in

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an assembly within a building, where the people get jammed in the doorway. Subsistence is so difficult, that is, food is so dear, that emigrants may often view the fertile land they cannot cultivate for want of capital, or a year’s provisions, and so be forced to turn away and starve. High pressure sometimes defeats its own ends. There is certainly one great danger in lessened fertility of some races,—that the pressure of other races upon them might extinguish them. The lessened fertility commences in the races which are stronger socially,— I trust they will endure. The nations, guided by reason, could not long submit to having their standard of comfort lowered, or their means lessened, by the influx of an inferior race. I trust little to legislation, which usually steps in when the desirable object is already gained, but there are some points of danger which it is usually quick at perceiving; as shown in regard to the recent Chinese exodus; and its most useful action may some day be to preserve a civilized nation against the social encroachments of an uncivilized.5 The social change going on in parts of America at the present time is of great interest. I am seeking for an answer to the question whether the following estimate is or is not a true one:—that the prudent and good, as a rule, love children more than either the pampered and frivolous or the low and vicious. If this estimate is a true one, then under the new conditions, survival will tend as we should desire. It was only that I could not find that what I call the law of sympathetic selection was formulated, that I ventured to draw attention to it. It is, as you point out, alluded to in your writings and I am glad of the confirmation you give me.6 The sympathetic are protective of their kind: the unsocial are left less protected. The law, which might be called the Survival of the Sympathetic (the fittest socially), is a law of protection and survival, conducing to the compactness of the social organism, and therefore to existence. Natural Selection is a law of destruction and survival. I do not remember to have seen the observation, you refer to, by F.  Galton.7 There is a curious pamphlet by J. H. Noyes, the Bible Communist, on what he calls “stirpsiculture”, which is in favour of the birth of the fittest.8 I do not know that there is anything original in what I have said, except, perhaps, it be my insistence on distinct laws of evolution. There is a topic I think deserves more attention than has hitherto been given to it,—viz—the origin and growth of sexual shame; and there are some sexual peculiarities in man which may, I think, in some way be accounted for by sexual selection &c. I am hopeful that dispassionate study may help us to the resolution of several important questions. What I submit to you, I submit with much diffidence. I beg you will not let any feeling of courtesy lead you to reply to this letter; I should be sorry to seem to give you this trouble and much regret the state of your health. I beg to remain, dear Sir, | Yours truly | G. A. Gaskell Charles Darwin Esqre. DAR 165: 13

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November 1878

Letter to G. A. Gaskell, 15 November 1878. Richard Harte read his essay ‘On the laws and customs relating to marriage’ at a meeting of the Dialectical Society (Harte 1870); it was published by Edward Truelove. See letter to G. A. Gaskell, 15 November 1878 and n. 5. William Rathbone Greg; W. R. Greg 1874. Drought in the US had exacerbated racial tensions and the Chinese were excluded from owning land in many areas; in 1877 a lawsuit had been filed on behalf of some Chinese settlers in California who had suffered as a result of this ‘enforced exodus’ (Pfaelzer 2008, p. 81). See letter to G. A. Gaskell, 15 November 1878 and n. 2. See letter to G. A. Gaskell, 15 November 1878. John Humphrey Noyes had established a community in Oneida, New York, in which couples were permitted to have children only with the approval of a ‘stirpiculture committee’; the practice was in place by 1869 and is described in Noyes 1870 (ANB).

To W. K. Parker?   20 November [1878]1 4. Bryanston St | Portman St. Nov. 20th My dear Sir If you feel so inclined & can spare the time, will you give me the pleasure of seeing you here, by coming any one of the next few days (except tomorrow, Thursday) to luncheon at 1 oclock.— I would have called on you, but it is a rather long drive for me, & there would be a good chance of my not finding you at home.—2 If you can come, will you let me hear the day, that I may not fail to be here.— My dear Sir | Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin Alexander Turnbull Library (Letters to Dr William Kitchen Parker and his sons: MS-Papers-1256-2) 1

2

The year is established by the period of CD’s stay at 4 Bryanston Street, London from 19 to 27 November 1878 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). The correspondent is conjectured on the basis of the provenance. CD had called on Parker in January 1878 when Parker was not at home; he hoped to meet Parker when he was next in London (letter to W. K. Parker, 20 January [1878]).

To G. J. Romanes   20 [November 1878]1 at R. B. Litchfield: 4, Bryanston Street, Portman Square, W. I will call tomorrow morning about 10 oclock.— If you know that you will not be at home, please send me a card; otherwise, if I am well, I will come.— C. Darwin Wednesday 20th.— ApcS Postmark: NO 20 78 American Philosophical Society (552) 1

CD visited Romanes on 21 November 1878 (see letter to Francis Darwin, [21 November 1878]).

November 1878 To Francis Darwin   [21 November 1878]1

445 [4 Bryanston Street, London.] Thursday

My dear F. Please look at base of left petiole of Cots of not very young seedlings of Trifolium strictum to see if there is any pulvinus—as whole length of petiole seems to twist when left cotyledon slews round so as to stand almost at right angles to the other & right cotyledon.—2 Please ask Lettington to sow in flower pot the 2  enclosed seeds of Impatiens noli-tangere just received from Dyer.—3 Should any seedlings of Impatiens germinate whilst I am away, see if they sleep— The Concert has given your mother a rather bad headache.—4 I am now off to Romanes5 My dear old fellow | good Bye | C. D I am beginning already to long to be at home.— Litchfield & his Mrs. want tickets for your Lecture.6 Postmark: NO 22 78 DAR 211: 47 1 2

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5 6

The date is established by the postmark. In 1878, the Thursday before 22 November was 21 November. For CD’s interest in the pulvinus, the joint-like thickening at the base of leaves that facilitates movement, allowing them to sleep, see the letter to Francis Darwin, 2 July [1878] and n. 8. CD had asked Francis to observe the pulvinus in species that raised and depressed cotyledons greatly or moderately at night (see letter to Francis Darwin, 14 [August 1878]). For CD’s conclusions on the role of the pulvinus in movement in cotyledons and in nyctitropic movements in leaves, see Movement in plants, pp. 112–13 and 396–7; Trifolium strictum (upright clover) is mentioned on pp. 116 and 118. CD’s notes on T. strictum up to 17 November [1878] are in DAR 209.9: 62–3; Francis’s notes on movement in T. strictum, dated 21 to 25 November, are in DAR 209.9: 64. Henry Lettington was CD’s gardener. CD had requested seed of Impatiens noli-me-tangere (a synonym of Impatiens noli-tangere, western touch-me-not) in his letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 30 October [1878]. See also letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 21 November [1878]. Emma Darwin attended a concert at Bryanston Square in London on 19 November 1878 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)); CD and Emma were staying with Richard Buckley and Henrietta Emma Litchfield at 4 Bryanston Street, London, from 19 to 27 November (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). CD visited George John Romanes (see letter to G. J. Romanes, 20 [November 1878]). On 9 December 1878, Francis Darwin gave a lecture at the London Institution titled ‘Self-defence among plants’; the Litchfields attended (Royal Cornwall Gazette, 20 December 1878, p. 2; Emma Darwin to H. E. Litchfield, [10 December 1878] (DAR 219.9: 185), and Emma Darwin to W. E. Darwin, [10 December 1878] (DAR 219.1: 119)).

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   21 November [1878]1

4. Bryanston St | Portman St. Nov. 21st.

My dear Dyer I must thank you for all the wonderful trouble which you have taken about the seeds of Impatiens & on scores of other occasions.—2 It in truth makes me feel ashamed of myself, & I cannot help thinking “oh Lord when he sees our book he will cry out is this all for which I have helped so much”.—3 In seriousness I hope that

446

November 1878

we have made out some points, but I fear that we have done very little for the labour which we have expended on our work.— We are here for a week for a little rest, which I needed.—4 If I remember right Nov. 30th is the anniversary at the Royal, & I fear Sir Joseph must be almost at the last gasp.— I shall be glad when he is no longer President.5 Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Thiselton-Dyer, W. T., Letters from Charles Darwin 1873–81: 207–8) 1 2

3 4 5

The year is established by the period of CD’s stay at 4 Bryanston Street, London (see n. 4, below). CD had requested seed of Impatiens noli-me-tangere (a synonym of Impatiens noli-tangere, western touchme-not) in his letter to Thiselton-Dyer of 30 October [1878]. See also letter to Francis Darwin, [21 November 1878]. Thistelton-Dyer’s assistance is acknowledged in Movement in plants, p. 9. CD stayed at the home of Richard Buckley and Henrietta Emma Litchfield at 4 Bryanston Street, London, from 19 to 27 November 1878 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). The anniversary meeting of the Royal Society of London was held on 30 November 1878; Hooker delivered the presidential address (see Nature, 5 December 1878, p. 109). He served as president from 1873 to 1878 (ODNB).

From Francis Darwin   [before 22 November 1878]1 Down My dear Father, The beastly horse chestnut roots havn’t acted at all well: most havn’t curved at all & only one or two away from the cuts & one or two in directions having no relation to the cut, i e not away or towards2 There is Oxalis tropœoloides come up—& Trifolium subter which I will observe3 I have had a good case with geranium leaves 5 cut leaves—gave up 703 grain (3 milligrams) while the control water had nothing appreciable. The residue dissolved again was strongly alkaline. The fluid I put the leaves in was 30cc & that was perceptibly alkaline to litmus tho’ faintly so.4 I brought Ubbadubba an apron from Idy, & a noahs ark which he likes very much—when he had played a bit down here he took it up to Nanna in great excitement saying to himself “2 pink piggy & 2 dark tina”5 I hope you are having a good time— I put a pamphlet from Shampton inside Oscar Schmidt—it seems a good example of a devil’s flower garden—6 If you want yr Daily News I would suggest that a straight line drawn between Bryanston & New Quebec St doesn’t pass through Down7 Yr affec | F. D. DAR 274.1: 42 1 2

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to Francis Darwin, [22 November 1878]. CD and Francis were investigating the sensitivity of the tip of the radicle or embryonic root in Aesculus hippocastanum (horse chestnut) and Castanea sativa (Spanish chestnut). See letter to Francis Darwin, 3 August [1878] and n. 6. Francis’s notes on horse chestnut are in DAR 209.5: 112.

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Oxalis tropaeoloides is a synonym of O. corniculata var. atropurpurea (creeping wood sorrel; see Movement in plants pp. 118–20). On Trifolium subterraneum (subterranean clover), see ibid., p. 71 and passim. Francis began recording observations of O. tropaeoloides on 22 November (DAR 209.6: 148; his notes on T. subterraneum are dated from 21 November (DAR 209.6: 66). The experiments with geranium leaves were part of CD’s and Francis’s investigation of bloom in plants (see, for example, letter to Francis Darwin, 12 September [1878]). Francis may have been trying experiments suggested by Julius Sachs to test for dissolved nitrogenous matter from leaves with and without bloom (see letter from Francis Darwin, [4–7 August 1878] and nn. 4 and 8). The common name geranium sometimes refers to species of both Geranium and Pelargonium. Ubbadubba: Bernard Darwin, Francis’s son. Idy: Emma Cecilia (Ida) Farrer. Nanna is probably Mary Anne Westwood, Bernard’s nurse. The German zoologist Oskar Schmidt was a supporter of Darwin; his most recent article (Schmidt 1878) is in Darwin Pamphlet Collection CUL. The other pamphlet has not been identified. There was a newsagent at 10 New Quebec Street, London (Post Office London directory 1878); it was near the home of Richard Buckley and Henrietta Emma Litchfield at 4 Bryanston Street, where CD was staying.

To Francis Darwin   [22 November 1878] [4 Bryanston Street, London.] My dear Backy It is grand about the Pelargonium leaves & seems to me a most curious subject to investigate.1 I think that I will endeavour to see Frankland & see what he can suggest.2 It seems to me that you ought now to ascertain whether any alkali comes from leaves without glands or Hairs, & secondly whether the elimination is connected with the action of light, excluding every ray.3 If you can decide anything before we go let me hear. If I see Frankland, it will be on Monday or Tuesday. Boussingault4 statement that salts pass into leaves has some bearing with your discovery that they pass out of leaves.— With plants not exposed to rain & not syringed out, there ought to be potash on the surface, so that if many leaves were rapidly washed & the water evaporated almost to dryness, these ought to be alkaline. Can the good of syringing be in part to wash off the excreted matter?5 Have another go with radicles of Horse-chesnut— These are far more important than Spanish chesnut for me.—6 In the study there is basket with Horse-chesnuts put all of them to soak for 36o & then put onto tin-boxes in Hot-House for germination.— Tell abbadubba7 that Baba sends him a kiss. yours affect | C. D Postmark: NO 22 78 DAR 211: 48 1 2 3 4

Francis had described experiments with geranium leaves in his letter of [before 22 November 1878]; geranium is sometimes used as a common name for both Geranium and Pelargonium. See letter to Edward Frankland, 22 November [1878]. Leaves of Geranium and Pelargonium have trichomes (hairs); CD may have wanted to eliminate the possibility that the dissolved matter was secreted from the trichomes rather than the pores of the leaf. Jean-Baptiste Boussingault.

448 5

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November 1878

While in Würzburg, Francis had conducted experiments on whether bloom prevented nitrogenous matter in leaves from expiring when the leaf was immersed in water (see letter from Francis Darwin, [4–7 August 1878] and nn. 4 and 8). See letter from Francis Darwin, [before 22 November 1878] and n. 2. Bernard Darwin.

To Edward Frankland   22 November [1878]1 4, Bryanston St | Portman Sqre Nov. 22d My dear Dr. Frankland I think that I have gained by long usage almost a prescriptive right to bother you! I much want to ask you about a chemico-physiological point.2 Might I call on you at any hour, (early would suit me rather the best) on Monday or Tuesday, which are the only two days on which I am disengaged.—3 Ten or fifteen minutes would be ample time for me.— Forgive me & believe me, Yours very sincerely | Charles Darwin The John Rylands Library, The University of Manchester (Frankland Collection 2179) 1 2 3

The year is established by the dates of CD’s stay at 4 Bryanston Street, London (see n. 3, below). See letter to Francis Darwin, [22 November 1878]. CD was staying with Richard Buckley and Henrietta Emma Litchfield at 4 Bryanston Street, London from 19 to 27 November 1878 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)).

From Francis Darwin   [23 November 1878]1 My dear Father Many thanks for your pelargonium letter—2 I am not sure whether I said that the 3 mgrammes was not ash but only dry residue— I have some smooth leaves going on in water. Drops put on cleaned N. glauca & on Eucharis are blued.3 O. tropœoloides doesnt sleep at all to the eye & each cotyl only rose 7° at night.4 I will look for pulvinus. There is nothing like pulvinus at base of petiole of T. strictum. T. resupinatum doesnt sleep5 I have put horse chestnuts to soak. Only 2 Sp chestnuts have roots which I have sliced. Two new horse chestnuts I have causticed6 The lunch is cooling   I will write a longer letter this pm & tell some ubbadubba7 news— I asked him what Baba had sent him & he made a smack. He calls Q piggy because of its tail Yr affec | F D All the strictums yet seen go left DAR 274.1: 43

November 1878 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

449

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to Francis Darwin, [22 November 1878], and by the reference to the preparation of Spanish chestnuts (see n. 6, below). See letter to Francis Darwin, [22 November 1878] and nn. 1 and 3. Nicotiana glauca is tree tobacco. Eucharis is a genus in the family Amaryllidaceae. Oxalis tropaeoloides is a synonym of O. corniculata var. atropurpurea (creeping wood sorrel); see letter from Francis Darwin, [before 22 November 1878] and n. 3. For CD’s interest in the pulvinus and sleep in Trifolium strictum and T. resupinatum (Persian clover), see Movement in plants, pp. 116 and 118, and letter to Francis Darwin, [21 November 1878] and n. 2. See letter from Francis Darwin, [before 22 November 1878] and n. 2. A note by Francis dated 23 November records that two Spanish chestnuts were ‘sliced with razor’ (DAR 209.5: 113). Bernard Darwin. The letter has not been found.

From H. N. Moseley   24 November 1878

Exeter College | Oxford Nov 26. 78

Dear Mr Darwin I hope to publish my Challenger Journal about Christmas  I send you by book post a set of revises of the first 300 pages of the book. My object in doing so is to ask you if you will permit me to dedicate the book to you.1  It would of course be a great pleasure to me to be allowed to do so. I am well aware that the book has many faults and imperfections and that a good deal of it lacks novelty, but there are I think some good points in it. Most of it is printed from a journal sent home in the form of letters from the Challenger. I do not know whether you object to having books dedicated to you and I have some scruple in making my present request because I feel that your kindness might lead you to give me the permission I ask even though such might be to some extent at variance with your inclinations. I trust however that you will have no scruples in refusing my request should you entertain any feelings of doubt in the matter. May I ask you to return my bundle of sheets of proof. I have no other complete set to work with. I hope to be able to send you the complete book in the course of three weeks. Believe me | yours truly | H N Moseley. DAR 171: 256 1

Moseley’s Notes by a naturalist on the ‘Challenger’ (Moseley 1879) was dedicated to CD.

From Francis Darwin   [25–7 November 1878]1 My dear Father, I have had no success with horse or spanish chestnuts. I touched two quite dry with caustic but it spread round. I think the actual cautery would be better.2 Kerner translated by Ogle has come but I kept it for my lecture.3 Also Suburban Sketches by W. D Howells—a set of American things—he gives no address.4 I forward the engraving by Krausse & I wish you joy of correcting the press.5

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November 1878

O. tropoeoloides has begun to sleep a little now.6 I hadn’t anything to say before you went to Frankland so I didn’t say it.7 I have tried almost comple darkness once, but will again Yrs affec | F. D. Ubbadubba8 enjoyed his tea party in my room very much & handed me the crust of his bread & butter with a solemn “For dada” DAR 274.1: 41 1

2 3

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The date range is established by the period of CD’s stay at 4 Bryanston Street, London from 19 to 27 November 1878 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)), and by the reference to CD’s visit with Edward Frankland (see n. 7, below). See letter from Francis Darwin, [before 22 November 1878] and n. 2, and letter to Francis Darwin, [22 November 1878]. William Ogle’s translation of Anton Kerner’s Die Schutzmittel der Blüthen gegen unberufene Gäste (The protective measures of flowers against uninvited guests; Kerner 1876) appeared as Flowers and their unbidden guests (Ogle trans. 1878). See letter to William Ogle, 17 August 1878. Francis gave a lecture on 9 December 1878 at the London Institution titled ‘Self-defence among plants’ (see letter to Francis Darwin, [21 November 1878], n. 6). The American writer William Dean Howells evidently sent CD a copy of Suburban sketches (Howells 1871); no correspondence with Howells has been found. ‘Krausse’ is possibly Ernst Krause. The engraving has not been identified. Krause may have asked CD to check the biographical sketch of CD written by William Preyer for the February 1879 issue of Kosmos, which celebrated CD’s 70th birthday (Preyer 1879). Oxalis tropaeoloides is a synonym of O. corniculata var. atropurpurea (creeping wood sorrel) (see letter from Francis Darwin, [before 22 November 1878] and n. 3.) See also letter from Francis Darwin, [23 November 1878]. CD planned to visit Edward Frankland on 25 or 26 November 1878 (see letter to Francis Darwin, [22 November 1878], and letter to Edward Frankland, 22 November [1878]). Bernard Darwin.

To Raphael Meldola   25 November [1878]1 4. Bryanston St | Portman Sqe Nov. 25 My dear Sir I send my little Preface; which I do not at all like, but which I cannot improve.2 I shd. like hereafter to see it in type.— Mr Bates tells me that Hardwicke & Bohn of Piccadilly intend to go in for publishing solid books, & if your present publisher shd. change his mind Mr Bohn might be worth applying to.—3 yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin Institution of Engineering and Technology Archives (SC MSS 003/B/1/048) 1 2

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from Raphael Meldola, 25 November 1878, acknowledging receipt of CD’s preface (see n. 2, below). See letter to Raphael Meldola, 31 October [1878], and letter from Raphael Meldola, 1 November 1878. CD had agreed to contribute a prefatory note to Meldola’s translation of essays by August Weismann (Weismann 1882). The published note is two pages long (ibid., pp. v–vi).

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Hardwicke & Bogue of 192 Piccadilly, London, were the publishers of Hardwicke’s Science Gossip (Post Office London directory 1878). Either CD or Henry Walter Bates had confused the name with that of Henry George Bohn, who had been well-known as a publisher of several series of cheap format reprints (ODNB).

From Raphael Meldola   25 November 1878 Offices, | 50, Old Broad Street. | E.C. | Atlas Works, | Hackney Wick, | London, N.E. Nov. 25th. 1878 My dear Sir, I am extremely obliged to you for your preface which I received this morning.1 May I be permitted to offer a suggestion?— When the work is completed (i.e. the translation) I shall have made myself perfectly acquainted with all the details of Weismann’s investigations & the exact value (evolutional) of his arguments & I shall then be in a position to point out to you the portions of your “Origin” & other works which have touched upon the same grounds in the abstract as Weismann’s investigations in the concrete form.2 In this manner it will be possible to dovetail (so to speak) Weismann’s observations with your generalizations & so make the book upon which I am engaged a direct outcome of these generalizations. This I am very anxious to do & you will perhaps be so kind as to permit me (when my task is completed) to hand you such a list of references, so that a little expansion of your prefatory notice may be made therefrom. I promise to do this without giving you the least trouble & will wait till you have leisure time to consider the matter. In other words—I am anxious to engraft Weismann’s observations thoroughly upon your Descent Theory. At my fastest possible rate of working however I should not be ready for a great many months to offer you anything for consideration so that you need take no further trouble in the matter for the present. I am obliged for your kind consideration in mentioning another publisher to me— should there be any difficulty with my own publishers I will go to the firm you suggest.3 I take the liberty of enclosing for your inspection (samples not the slightest value) specimens on wool of the colours ‘evolved’ from coal-tar by chemical processes. I hope their “non-æsthetic” qualities will not excite the horror of Miss Darwin. The green on silk is a new colouring matter which I have just discovered.4 When you last permitted me the honour of an interview with you5 I brought away with me a lively recollection of your appreciation of humour— you will therefore see the teleological bearing of this story:— An American gentleman was shown a huge mass of meteoric iron— “Do you mean to tell me” said he “that that chunk fell on to this earth?”— “undoubtedly” replied the exhibitor. “Well” (after reflection) “God is good—but careless!” Yours sincerely, | R. Meldola. DAR 171: 132

452 1 2

3 4

5

November 1878

See letter to Raphael Meldola, 25 November [1878] and n. 2. CD had contributed a short prefatory note for a proposed English translation of essays by August Weismann. In the introduction to his translation of Weismann’s evolutionary essays, Studies in the theory of descent, Meldola noted that the principle of ‘degeneration’ as an element in descent theory proposed in Weismann’s essay ‘The transformation of the Mexican axolotl into Amblystoma’ had been prefigured in Origin (Weismann 1882, p. xii). Meldola added two further notes referring to CD’s work (Weismann 1882, 1: 274–5, and 2: 583). See letter to Raphael Meldola, 25 November [1878] and n. 3. In addition to ‘viridine’, an alkaline-green dye, Meldola had recently developed a blue dye, later known as ‘Meldola’s blue’, from naphthalene, a product of carbolic oil which was derived from coal tar (DSB; Meldola 1882). See also letter from Raphael Meldola, 3 May 1878. Elizabeth Darwin and her parents were visiting Henrietta Emma Litchfield in London (see n. 5, below). The date of Meldola’s visit is not known, but he had been invited to lunch with the Darwins while they were visiting London; they had arrived on 19 November (letter to Raphael Meldola, 19 November [1878] and n. 1).

To Raphael Meldola   26 November [1878] 4. Bryanston St. Nov. 26th My dear Sir I am very sorry to say that I cannot agree to your suggestion.— An author is never a fit judge of his own work, & I should dislike extremely pointing out when & how Weismann’s conclusions & work, agreed with my own.—1 I feel sure that I ought not to do this, & it would be to me an intolerable task. Nor does it seem to me the proper office of the Preface, which is to show what the book contains & that the contents appear to me valuable. But I can see no objection for you, if you think fit, to write an introduction with remarks or criticisms of any kind. Of course I wd. be glad to advise you on any point as far as lay in my power, but as a whole I could have nothing to do with it, on the grounds above specified that an author cannot & ought not to attempt to judge his own works or compare them with others. I am sorry to refuse to do anything which you wish.— We return home early tomorrow morning— Your green silk seems to me a splendid colour, whatever the æsthetics may say—2 My dear Sir | yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin Postmark: NO 27 78 Oxford University Museum of Natural History (Hope Entomological Collections 1350: Hope/Westwood Archive, Darwin folder) 1

See letter from Raphael Meldola, 25 November 1878 and n. 2. Meldola had suggested that CD point out where his own work presaged that of August Weismann in the preface CD was contributing to Meldola’s translation of Weismann’s evolutionary essays (Weismann 1882). In an undated note attached to this letter, Meldola noted that the suggestion had been made because ‘in a great many continental writings upon the theory of descent many of the points which had been clearly foreshadowed & in some cases even explicitly stated by Darwin had been rediscovered & published as though original’.

November 1878 2

453

See letter from Raphael Meldola, 25 November 1878 and n. 4. Meldola had sent CD a sample of silk dyed with a chemical dye, viridine, that he had developed.

To H. N. Moseley   26 November [1878]1 London. Nov. 26th. Dear Moseley, Your proposal to dedicate your book to me, I look at as a great honour.2 Nothing whatever gives me so much pleasure as to think that my work has at all encouraged in others a taste for Natural History, and to believe that this is so in your case is an especial pleasure to me; for you must allow me to say that your several papers and your conversations have led me to believe that you have a grand career before you in Biology.—3 I received your letter late last night, but the proof-sheets had not yesterday arrived at Down, but book-packets often come a day after date.— We return home early tomorrow (27th.) morning and I do not doubt that I shall find there the sheets.—4 They shall be returned, after I have glanced over a few pages, by tomorrows post, as I fear that you will already have been inconvenienced by the delay.— I feel a strong conviction that your book will prove very interesting to all naturalists, and I am very glad that it will soon be published.— Again thanking you. | I remain, | Yours very Sincerely. | Ch. Darwin. Copy DAR 146: 418 1 2 3

4

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from H.  N.  Moseley, 24 November 1878. Moseley 1879. See letter from H. N. Moseley, 24 November 1878. Moseley had sent CD several papers with observations made during the Challenger voyage; he had visited CD at Down House in November 1876 (see Correspondence vol. 24, letter to H. N. Moseley, 5 November [1876]). CD stayed at the home of Richard Buckley and Henrietta Emma Litchfield at 4 Bryanston Street, London, from 19 to 27 November 1878 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)).

To C. G. Semper   26 November [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) [4 Bryanston Street, London] Nov. 26th My dear Professor Semper When I published the 6th. Edit. of the Origin I thought a good deal on the subject to which you refer, & the opinion therein expressed was my deliberate conviction.— I went as far as I could, perhaps too far, in agreement with Wagner.2 Since that

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time I have seen no reason to change my mind, but then I must add that my [every] attention has been absorbed on other subjects.— There are two different classes of cases, as it appears to me, viz those in which a species becomes slowly modified in the same country (of which I cannot doubt there are innumerable instances) & those cases in which a species splits into 2 or 3 or more new species, & in these latter cases, I shd. think nearly perfect separation would greatly aid in their “specification,”—to coin a new word.— I am very glad that you are taking up this subject, for you will be sure to throw much light on it.—3 I remember well long ago oscillating much; when I thought of the Fauna & Flora of the Galapagos Isld, I was all for isolation,— when I thought of S. America I doubted much.—4 Pray believe me | Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin P.S. I hope that this letter will not be quite illegible, but I have no amanuensis at present. Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek Düsseldorf (slg 60/Dok/59) 1 2 3 4

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to C. G. Semper, 30 November 1878. Moritz Wagner had argued that a population had to be isolated geographically in order to form new species (Wagner 1868a, 1868b, and 1870). CD discussed Wagner’s views in Origin 6th ed., pp. 81–2. No previous letter from Semper on the subject of geographical isolation has been found; see, however, the letter from C. G. Semper, 6 December 1878. On CD’s changing views on the role of geographical isolation, see Sulloway 1979.

From R. F. Cooke   27 November 1878 50A, Albemarle Street, London. W. Nov 27 1878 My dear Sir Our report this year is not so satisfactory as we could wish, but I nevertheless send it to you, as you may be interested to know what we sold at our Annual Trade Sale & also the stock remaining.1 We shall have to reprint at once the “Naturalists Journal” & also the “Descent of Man” & we propose to print off 1000 copies of the latter if you have no objection.2 Have you any correction for either work? I trust you are keeping in good health. With kind compliments | Yours faithfully | Rob.t Cooke Cha.s Darwin Esqr DAR 171: 501 1

The report has not been found. There is a printed list of the ‘uniform edition of Mr. Darwin’s works’ in DAR 210.14 annotated by CD with the number of copies sold and on hand in 1878. CD’s

November 1878

2

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publisher, John Murray, held an annual sales dinner each November for the book trade (Murray 1908–9, p. 540). Journal of researches had last been printed in 1876; the fourteenth thousand was issued under the title ‘A naturalists voyage’ in 1879. A ‘revised and augmented’ edition of Descent had been printed in 1877; the thirteenth thousand was issued in 1879. (Freeman 1977.)

To J. B. Innes   27 November [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway station | Orpington, S. E. R. Nov. 27th My dear Innes Many thanks for your most kind letter & for sending me Dr Pusey’s sermon, which I have been glad to see, but I am a little disappointed in it, as I expected more vigour & less verbiage.—2 I hardly see how religion & science can be kept as distinct as he desires, as geology has to to treat of the history of the Earth & Biology that of Man.— But I most wholly agree with you that there is no reason why the disciples of either school should attack each other with bitterness, though each upholding strictly their beliefs. You, I am sure, have always practically acted in this manner in your conduct towards me & I do not doubt to all others. Nor can I remember that I have ever published a word directly against religion or the clergy. But if you were to read a little pamphlet which I received a couple of days ago by a clergyman, you would laugh & admit that I had some excuse for bitterness; after abusing me for 2 or 3 pages in language sufficiently plain & emphatic to have satisfied any reasonable man, he sums up by saying that he has vainly searched the English language to find terms to express his contempt of me & all Darwinians.3 We have just returned from a week in London, where we went as I wanted rest, but I am now tired, so will write no more.4 I suppose that the misery from that wicked Glasgow bank is something inconceivably great in Scotland.5 Believe me | My dear Innes | Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin Cleveland Health Sciences Library (Robert M. Stecher collection) 1

2

3 4 5

The year is established by the date of publication of Edward Bouverie Pusey’s sermon, Un-science, not science, adverse to faith (Pusey 1878). See also letter from H. N. Ridley, [before 28 November 1878], and letter to H. N. Ridley, 28 November 1878. Innes’s letter has not been found. The version of Pusey’s sermon CD received had been printed in the London Guardian, 20 November 1878, pp. 1611–12 (see letter to H. N. Ridley, 28 November 1878); it did not have the extensive notes that were included in the separately published version (Pusey 1878) and which were highly critical of Darwinism. The pamphlet has not been identified. The Darwins returned to Down on 27 November 1878 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). The collapse of the City of Glasgow Bank on 2 October 1878 resulted in heavy losses to a large number of local shareholders, and was widely reported (Collins 1989).

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To William Ogle   [after 27 November 1878]1 Down | Beckenham Dear Dr Ogle, Many thanks for your translation of Kerner which arrived while I was away from Down for a day or two.2 I shall be very glad to read it again in a christian language; I have not yet had time to look at it, as Frank was using it.3 Yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin LS Christie’s, New York (dealers) (October 1996) 1 2

3

The date is established by the reference to Ogle trans. 1878 and by the date of CD’s return to Down (see n. 2, below). Ogle’s translation of Anton Kerner’s Die Schutzmittel der Blüthen gegen unberufene Gäste (The protective measures of flowers against uninvited guests; Kerner 1876) appeared as Flowers and their unbidden guests (Ogle trans. 1878). The book arrived while CD was in London from 19 to 27 November 1878 (letter from Francis Darwin, [25–7 November 1878]; CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). Francis was using the book to prepare for a lecture (see letter from Francis Darwin, [25–7 November 1878]).

From H. N. Ridley   [before 28 November 1878]1 2. Park Street | Oxford. Dear Sir A sermon of Dr. Pusey’s recently published with the addition of certain notes, takes the form of an attack on the Theory of Evolution.2 I have written to Dr. Pusey to inform him of several very important errors he has made in his definition of the theory which he does not appear to understand. But there are several points which I should also like to deny, and on these I have taken the liberty to write to you, especially since the sermon has made a great impression on undergraduates, & must have given them an entirely wrong view of the case. First Dr. Pusey says, that you wrote the “origin of species” ‘with a Quasi Theological not with a scientific object”, namely ‘to overthrow the dogma of separate creations’. Whence he argues that you were biassed when you wrote it & the result is therefore invalid.3 Second That the “transformation theory” is a special object of your interest because it dispenses with the intervention of a personal creator.4 Third, that your object was to establish a First cause introduced “to save us from the conception of eternity of matter, but who, after his creation looks on unconcerned upon the result of his act upon his creatures”, and that this is the essence of Darwinism5 These are the three things I have ventured to ask you about, all the important parts in the rest I have answered to my satisfaction, if not to his. But these I could

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not directly answer as they seem to be based on ideas of your meaning rather than on actual facts. If you should kindly answer this letter, would you say if I might publish in the “Undergraduates journal”, your answer, as I hold it important that erroneous notions of this theory should not be promulgated. Trusting that you will pardon my troubling you with this communication I remain | Yours truly | Henry N. Ridley DAR 202: 119 CD annotation 3.1 ‘with … object”, 3.2] double scored pencil 1 2

3

4 5

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to H. N. Ridley, 28 November 1878. The sermon by Edward Bouverie Pusey was delivered at the University of Oxford on 3 November 1878; it was first published in the Oxford and Cambridge Undergraduate’s Journal, 7 November 1878, pp. 66–8, and republished with notes as Un-science, not science, adverse to faith (Pusey 1878). See Pusey 1878, p. 54. All the direct references to CD are in the notes added for publication rather than in the body of the sermon. Pusey quotes CD in Descent 1: 153: ‘I have at least, as I hope, done good service in aiding to overthrow the dogma of separate creations.’ Pusey 1878, p. 56. Pusey 1878, p. 57.

From Laureano Figuerola Ballester   28 November 18781 El Presidente de la Institucion libre de Enseñanza BLM al Profesor honorario de la misma Ch. Darwin, Esqr.2 y tiene la honra de remitirle adjuntos el discurso pronunciado por el Rector en la apertura del presente curso y un número de La Ilustracion Española y Americana con los retratos de los Sres. que componen la Junta directiva de la Institucion—3 D. Laureano Figuerola aprovecha esta ocasion para reiterar á dicho Senor el testimonio de su consideracion mas distinguida. Madrid 28 de Noviembre de 1878 DAR 230: 69 1 2 3

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. CD had been made an honorary professor of the Institución Libre de Enseñanza in 1877 (see letter from Eugenio Montero Ríos and Jacinto Mesía, 16 January 1878). The rector was Eugenio Montero Ríos (letter from Eugenio Montero Ríos and Jacinto Mesía, 16 January 1878). His speech and the issue of Ilustracion Española y Americana have not been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL. The portraits of the governing board appear in Ilustracion Española y Americana, 22 November 1878, p. 9.

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November 1878

To H. N. Ridley   28 November 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway station | Orpington. S. E. R. Nov 28 78 Dear Sir, I just skimmed through Dr Pusey’s sermon as published in the Guardian, but it did not seem to me worthy of any attention.1 As I have never answered criticisms excepting those made by scientific men I am not willing that this letter should be published; but I have no objection to your saying that you sent me the three questions, & that I answered that Dr Pusey was mistaken in imagining that I wrote the Origin with any relation whatever to Theology. I should have thought that this would have been evident to anyone who has taken the trouble to read the book, more especially as in the opening lines of the Introduction I specify how the subject arose in my mind. This answer disposes of your two other questions; but I may add that many years ago when I was collecting facts for the Origin, my belief in what is called a personal God was as firm as that of Dr Pusey himself, & as to the eternity of matter I have never troubled myself about such insoluble questions.—2 Dr Pusey’s attack will be as powerless to retard by a day a belief in evolution as were the virulent attacks made by divines fifty years ago against Geology, & the still older ones of the Catholic church against Galileo, for the public is wise enough always to follow scientific men when they agree on any subject; & now there is almost complete unanimity amongst Biologists about Evolution, tho’ there is still considerable difference as to the means, such as how far natural selection has acted & how far external conditions, or whether there exists some mysterious innate tendency to perfectibility I remain dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Charles Darwin LS Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (Letters to H. N. Ridley CLE–GUR, 1878–1951, HNR/2/1/2: f. 42) 1

2

See letter from H. N. Ridley, [before 28 November 1878], and n. 2. The text of a sermon by Edward Bouverie Pusey was published in the London Guardian, 20 November 1878, pp. 1161–12. CD received a copy from John Brodie Innes (see letter to J. B. Innes, 27 November [1878]). It was separately published as Un-science, not science, adverse to faith (Pusey 1878) with extensive notes denouncing Darwinism. See letter from H. N. Ridley, [before 28 November 1878]. Ridley quoted the text of CD’s reply from ‘that Dr Pusey was mistaken’ to ‘two other questions’ in a letter to the Oxford and Cambridge Undergraduate’s Journal, 5 December 1878, p. 144.

To C. G. Semper   30 November 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Nov 30. 78 Dear Professor Semper, Since writing I have recalled some of the thoughts & conclusions which have passed through my mind of late years.1 In North America, in going from N to

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S, or from E to W, it is clear that the changed conditions of life have modified the organisms in the different regions, so that they now form distinct races or even species. It is further clear that in isolated districts, however small, the inhabitants almost always get slightly modified; & how far this is due to the nature of the slightly different conditions to which they are exposed, & how far to mere interbreeding in the manner explained by Weismann, I can form no opinion.2 The same difficulty occurred to me (as shown in my Var. of An. & Pl. under Dom) with respect to the aboriginal breeds of cattle, sheep &c in the separated districts of Gt Britain, & indeed throughout Europe.3 As our knowledge advances, very slight differences, considered by systematists as of no importance, in structure are continually found to be functionally important; & I have been especially struck with this fact in the case of plants to which my observations have of late years been confined. Therefore it seems to me rather rash to consider the slight differences between representative species, for instance those inhabiting the different islands of the same archipelago, as of no functional importance & as not in any way due to Natural Selection. With respect to all adapted structures, & these are innumerable, I cannot see how M. Wagner’s view throws any light.4 Nor indeed do I see at all more clearly than I did before from the numerous cases which he has brought forward, how & why it is that a long isolated form should almost always become slightly modified. I do not know whether you will care about hearing my further opinion on the point in question, for as before remarked I have not attended much of late years to such questions thinking it prudent now that I am growing old to work at easier subjects Believe me yours very sincerely | Charles Darwin I hope & trust that you will throw light on these points.— P.S | I will add another remark, which I remember occurred to me when I first read M.  Wagner.— When a species first arrives on a small island; it will probably increase rapidly & unless all the individuals change instantaneously (which is improbable in highest degree) the slowly more or less modifying offspring must intercross one with another & with their unmodified parents & any offspring not as yet modified. The case will then be like that of domesticated animals which have slowly become modified, either by the action of the external conditions, or by the process which I have called the unconscious selection by man.—i.e.  in contrast with methodical Selection.5 LS(A) Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek Düsseldorf (slg 60/Dok/60) 1 2

3

See letter to C. G. Semper, 26 November [1878]. August Weismann had discussed isolation as one among many external conditions that contributed to the development of new species (see Weismann 1872, pp. 39–77, and Correspondence vol. 19, letter to August Weismann, 5 April 1872 and nn. 2, 3, and 5). On domestic breeds peculiar to separate districts in Britain, see Variation 1: 91–3 (cattle), 96–8 (sheep).

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Moritz Wagner (see letter to C. G. Semper, 26 November [1878] and n. 2). On methodical and unconscious selection, see Origin, pp. 29–43, and Variation 2: 423–8.

From J. B. Innes   1 December 1878 Milton Brodie 1st. Decr. 1878 Dear Darwin, I want to thank you for your most kind letter, not to inflict on you the smallest call to reply to what I say, but only to express my own idea on the subject Pusey has spoken of.1 Lately I was at our Church Congress at Dundee,2 where a Bishop and some Parsons were assembled as guests in a hospitable house, and one evening when the subject was introduced I said “I have the pleasure of the intimate friendship of one of the very first Naturalists in Europe. He is a most accurate observer, and never states anything as a fact which he has not most thoroughly investigated. He is a man of the most perfect moral character, and his scrupulous regard for the strictest truth is above that of almost all men I know. I am quite persuaded that if on any morning he met with a fact which would clearly contradict one of his cherished theories he would not let the sun set before he made it known. I never saw a word in his writings which was an attack on Religion. He follows his own course as a Naturalist and leaves Moses to take care of himself ”. This in substance is what I said then and on other occasions and I believe it is both true, and the proper way in which Scientific studies should be pursued.3 I have always (and I must say I am indebted to you for much confirmation of the view) held, as Pusey says now, that Science and Religion should go on separately, and not contest in any way. Those who believe firmly and unhesitatingly, as I hope I do myself, that the teaching of the Church, of which her Book, the Bible, is only a chief part, is infalibly true, need not disturb them selves about any effect which real discoveries in Science may have on Catholic truth. I hold that a Theologian reads the Book of Revelation forward from our Saviour to this time, and a Naturalist the Book of Nature backward from one discovery to another, as would be the case with the same book in Hebrew and in Greek.4 That, whatever may appear at the time, the lines, coming from the same source, can never cross, and will in the end be seen to have been parallel. In something of this way, (though I very feebly express it.) it seems to me that all might go on harmoniously, and to the benefit of all. I have certainly seen some very nasty and needless utterances from Naturalists in England, and much more in Germany; but I must confess with sorrow that most of the unwise and violent attacks have come from the Theological side, to the great injury of the cause they were designed to promote.

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I did not mean to write so much when I began. My design was tell you how I thought the two things could be profitably kept from jostling. It looks as if the abstract of the discourse might be. How nicely things would go on if other folk were like Darwin and Brodie Innes! Very soothing reflection. However it has done me no harm to write and I hope will do you none. Our kindest regards, and we wish you all a happy Christmas Believe me Dear Darwin | Faithfully Yours | J Brodie Innes DAR 167: 34 1

2 3 4

See letter to J. B. Innes, 27 November [1878] and n. 2. Innes had sent CD the published version of a sermon by Edward Bouverie Pusey (Pusey 1878). Pusey described transformist theories as ‘mere imagination’, but added, ‘Theology does not hold them excluded by Holy Scripture’ (ibid., p. 14). The Representative Council of the Episcopal Church of Scotland held a meeting at Dundee in October 1878 (Scotsman, 9 October 1878, pp. 6–7, and 10 October 1878, p. 3). For Innes’s earlier expression of the respect he and CD had for each other in spite of their differences, see Correspondence vol. 19, letter from J. B. Innes, 21 January 1871. Hebrew is conventionally written right to left, with pages in a book turned from left to right; Greek and other European languages are written left to right, with pages turned from right to left.

To Edward Frankland   2 December [1878]1 Down, Beckenham, Kent. | (ჹRailway Station | Orpington S.E.R.) Dec 2d My dear Professor Frankland Very many thanks for the Blue Book.2 I had no idea what a large present you intended to make me, & Good Heavens the amount of work which it includes! When you kindly send the pure water, please address it simply “C. Darwin Orpington Stn. S.E.Ry.”3 We have sent for Wenham ice & are going on with the experiments. I much enjoyed my talk with you4 Yours very sincerely Ch. Darwin The John Rylands Library, The University of Manchester (Frankland Collection 2230) 1 2

3 4

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to Edward Frankland, 22 November [1878]. Government and other official reports were informally known as blue books, as most of them had blue covers; in this case, Frankland evidently sent a report to the Local Government Board on the purity of London water. Frankland had been responsible for reporting on water quality of London until 1871, when the post of water examiner was created under the Metropolis Act (see Hamlin 1990, pp. 193–201). The South Eastern Railway ran a service from Charing Cross station to Orpington, the nearest station to Down House. Wenham ice, known for its purity, was exported by the Wenham Lake Ice Company of Massachusetts, which had an office in the Strand, London (Wynter 1867, pp. 243–53). The water was for experiments on the exudation of alkaline matter from leaves (Correspondence vol. 27, letter to Edward Frankland, 4 January [1879]. CD visited Frankland on 25 or 26 November 1878 (letter to Edward Frankland, 22 November [1878]).

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To John Power   3 December 1878 To the Reverend the Vice-Chancellor,1 and the Council of the Senate, of the University of Cambridge. We, the undersigned,2 Considering the fact that the present regulation, according to which a knowledge of Greek is required from all Candidates for the Previous Examination at Cambridge, has the effect of excluding a large and increasing number of able and deserving students from the benefits of a University Education,3 Respectfully pray that the Authorities of the University will be pleased to take into consideration some means whereby Candidates for an Honour Degree may be relieved from the obligation of passing an Examination in Greek.4 J. J. Hornby, Eton College. G. Ridding, Winchester College. C. B. Scott, Westminster School. F. W. Walker, St Paul’s School. H. M. Butler, Harrow School. T. W. Jex Blake, Rugby School. E. M. Young, Sherborne School. E. A. Abbott, City of London School. S. Dill, Manchester Grammar School. A. S. Wilkins, Owens College. Aberdare.5 Matthew Arnold. T. Carlyle. Frederick Cavendish. B. M. Cowie. C. Darwin. J. Llewelyn Davies. F. Exon.6 F. W. Farrar. W. E. Forster. M. E. Grant Duff. J. L. Hammond. J. D. Hooker. Houghton.7 Lawrence.8 T. H. Huxley. R. C. Jebb. J. Manchester.9 Joseph B. Mayor. H. J. Roby. A. P. Stanley.

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W. Spottiswoode. W. H. Stone. G. O. Trevelyan. J. Tyndall. C. J. Vaughan. H. W. Watson. Cambridge University Reporter, 7 December 1878, pp. 206–7 1 2 3

4

5 6 7 8 9

John Power. The signatories included the headmasters of the major boys’ schools and other educational establishments, as well as well-known public figures. The Previous Examination, colloquially known as the ‘Little-Go’, was a test of Latin, ancient Greek, mathematics, and theology for all second-year undergraduates at Cambridge University (Winstanley 1947, pp. 144–5). In 1868, CD had been concerned that Horace Darwin, who intended to study for a science degree, might not pass the Little-Go as he was ‘backward’ in classics (see Correspondence vol. 16, letter to R. C. M. Rouse, [after 12 March 1868]). In March 1879, the Senate of the University of Cambridge appointed a committee to consider this memorial and the questions arising from it, but the request to remove Greek from the examination was rejected in 1880 (Winstanley 1947, pp. 178–80). Henry Austin Bruce, Baron Aberdare. Frederick Temple, bishop of Exeter. Richard Monckton Milnes, Baron Houghton. John Laird Mair Lawrence, Baron Lawrence. James Fraser, bishop of Manchester.

To R. I. Lynch   4 December [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Dec 4th Dear Sir I fear that the enclosed will be of very little use to me, but I send it with pleasure.—2 You are aware that I know absolutely nothing of your Horticultural skill or of your power to superintend an Establishment, & therefore I could say nothing on this head.—3 Wishing for your success, I remain | Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin American Philosophical Society (B/D25.308) 1 2

3

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to the syndics of the Cambridge Botanic Garden, 4 December 1878. CD enclosed his testimonial on behalf of Lynch, who was applying for the curatorship of the Cambridge Botanic Garden (see letter to the syndics of the Cambridge Botanic Garden, 4 December 1878). Lynch was foreman of the propagating department at the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew; he had provided CD with many specimens as well as making observations and experiments on CD’s behalf (see Correspondence vol. 25 and this volume).

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December 1878

To the syndics of Cambridge Botanic Garden   4 December 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) December 4th 1878 I have read Mr. R. Irwin Lynch’s papers in the Linnean Journal,1 & he has communicated to me other facts; & these together have led me to believe that he possesses acute powers of observation, & further that he is able to describe clearly what he has seen. I may be allowed to add that I have always found Mr. Lynch very obliging in giving me any required assistance.—2 Charles Darwin American Philosophical Society (B/D25.308) 1 2

See Lynch 1877 and 1878. See letter to R. I. Lynch, 4 December [1878] and n. 3. Lynch was applying for the curatorship of the Cambridge Botanic Garden; he was appointed to the position on 14 October 1879 (ODNB).

To John Tyndall   4 December [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Dec. 4th My dear Tyndall I am going to beg a favour of you.— The day before yesterday & today I observed (but perhaps the observation will prove erroneous) that certain sensitive plants were excited into movement, by a prolonged note on the bassoon & apparently more by a high than a low note.2 I want much for several reasons to verify or disprove this.— On asking Litchfield whether he had ever seen a Siren, he said that he had at one of your Lectures, & that he thought it was only a small box.3 If this is the case, (but not otherwise) could you without much trouble bring it here on Saturday, that I & my son Francis might see & hear it, so as to judge whether it wd. do for our plants; for in this case I would buy one, if this is possible. I do not suppose we could test its powers during one day, on Sunday.—4 Please observe if Litchfield is mistaken, & the Siren is a large or delicate instrument, I am not so utterly unreasonable as to ask you to bring it. My dear Tyndall | Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin DAR 261.8: 27 (EH 88205965) 1 2 3

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from John Tyndall, 5 December 1878. Francis Darwin played the bassoon (DNB). CD was evidently studying the sensitivity of plants to sound but no notes on his experiments have been found. CD had stayed at the London home of Richard Buckley and Henrietta Emma Litchfield from 19 to 27 November 1878 (CD’s ‘Journal’ (Appendix II)). Tyndall had used a siren (or syren in Tyndall’s spelling) in one of a series of lectures on sound delivered at the Royal Institution of Great Britain (see Tyndall 1867, pp. 67–78; the apparatus is figured on p. 77).

December 1878 4

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According to Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242),Tyndall visited Down on Saturday 7 December 1878.

To G. J. Romanes   5 December [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Dec. 5th My dear Romanes I am much pleased to send my photograph to the future Mrs. Romanes.—2 I have read your anonymous book,—some parts twice over—with very great interest: it seems admirably & here & there very eloquently written, but from not understanding metaphysical terms I could not always follow you.3 For the sake of outsiders, if there is another edition, could you make it clear, what is the difference between treating a subject, under a “scientific”, “logical”, “symbolical” & “formal” point of view or manner? With respect to your great leading idea, I shd like sometime to hear from you verbally (for the answer wd be too long for letter) what you would say if a Theologian addressed you as follows. “I grant you the attraction of gravity, persistence of force (or conservation of energy) & one kind of matter,—though the latter is an immense admission. But I maintain that God must have given such attributes to this force, independently of its persistence, that under certain conditions it develops or changes into light, heat, electricity, galvanism, perhaps even life. You cannot prove that force (which physicist define as that which causes motion) would inevitably thus change its character under the above conditions. Again I maintain that matter, though it may in the future be eternal, was created by God with the most marvellous affinities, leading to complex definite compounds & with polarities leading to beautiful crystals &c &c. You cannot prove that matter would necessarily possess these attributes. Therefore you have no right to say that you have “demonstrated” that all natural laws necessarily follow from gravity the persistence of force & existence of matter. If you say that nebulous matter existed aboriginally & from eternity with all its present complex powers in a potential state, you seem to me to beg the whole question” Please observe it is not I, but a theologian who has thus addressed you, but I could not answer him.— In your present “ideotic” state of mind, you will wish me at the Devil for bothering you Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin American Philosophical Society (553) 1 2 3

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from G.  J.  Romanes, [8] December 1878. Ethel Duncan married Romanes on 11 February 1879 (ODNB). Romanes’s book A candid examination of theism was published under the pseudonym ‘Physicus’ ([G. J. Romanes] 1878c). CD’s annotated copy is in the Darwin Library–CUL; the annotations were made by Francis Darwin. The book went through several editions, but no revisions were ever made.

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December 1878

From John Tyndall   5 December 1878 Royal Institution of Great Britain 5th. Dec. 1878 My dear Darwin. The syren shall be with you on Sunday.1 The only bulk arises from the bellows necessary to blow it— but that also shall be arranged. Ever faithfully yours | John Tyndall DAR 106: C22 1

CD had asked Tyndall for a siren for use in experiments with sensitive plants; see letter to John Tyndall, 4 December [1878]. According to Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242), Tyndall visited Down on Saturday 7 December 1878.

From W. H. Flower   6 [December] 18781 Royal College of Surgeons of England, | Lincoln’s Inn Fields, | (W.C.) 6th. day of Nov 1878 My dear Mr. Darwin My assistant Dr. Garson has carefully dissected all the wings sent by Mr. Blair and I have examined them also.2 I send you his report, but as perhaps it is too detailed and technical for your purpose, I will give you a summary in a few words. The deformity is the same in all the wings of the young birds sent which were in condition good enough to make it out. It consists of a rotation outwards of the bones of the part of the wing corresponding to the hand of man, the part which carries the great primary feathers— these feathers are consequently thrown out of their natural position, and give the appearance seen in the photograph. The bones, muscles & ligaments seem quite normal except for this twisting on their axis, which exactly corresponds, as I mentioned before, to talipes or club foot in man.3 The wings of the very little goslings being dried and very small could not be examined with any good result—but the most curious and unsatisfactory part of the whole story is that the wing of the old gander, the supposed fons et origo4 of all the mischief is perfectly normal, and presents no trace of ever having been injured in any way, discernible after the closest examination— It has certainly never been broken or dislocated, though of course we can not now be sure whether it may not have had a partial twist from which it has now recovered. The wing was carefully labelled by Mr. Blair, so I suppose that there is no doubt about its identity. On examining the letters carefully you will find no distinct account of the injury; at all events no evidence with with I think you will be satisfied. The conclusion that I have come to is, therefore, that as far as the evidence at present before us, tells, we have a case of a similar malformation occurring in many members of one family of geese. The question arises whether this is a common malformation among these birds. I have not had many opportunities of observing, but as you may remember I told you

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the last time I had the pleasure of seeing you, I noticed one this summer in which the wing presented exactly the appearance shown in Mr. Blair’s photographs.5 I return the letters & remain, with kind regards | your’s very truly | W. H. Flower [Enclosure] Report on the Wings sent by Mr R. Blair of Sedalia Missouri, to the College of Surgeons for Examination Left wing of Goose 10 months old. The feathers arising from the manus were turned outwards in the same manner as those of the goose seen in the Photograph. After removal of the Feathers it was observed that there was a very apparent alteration in the direction of the manus to what is found in the normal wing. The manus was twisted outwards so that the border which lies internally and to which the long terminal feathers are attached was situated externally, consequently the feathers also were directed outwards instead of inwards. A dissection was made of the wing, and afterwards it was carefully compared with a dissected normal wing of a goose. It was found that the whole limb was similar in all respects to that of the normal one, with the exception of the bones of the manus. Immediately below the carpo-metacarpal joint the conjoined metacarpal bones began to be twisted or rotated upon themselves, so that their inner border, which normally is directed inwards & upwards, was directed outwards & upwards, whilst the thumb was directed inwards. The relation of the manus to the radius & ulna, which in the normal is paralell but on a lower level, is in this wing so altered by the rotation outwards, that, at the carpo phalangeal joint, the metacarpal bones lie at more than a right angle outwards from their normal places, and at the phalangeal joint to a still larger angle. The protuberances on the head of the 1st metacarpal bone which in the normal are situated superiorly are in this case situated internally and the other markings in a similar relation. The muscles which in the normal are situated, on the head of the bone at the joint, externally & inferiorly, are situated inferiorly and internally respectively. Old Ganders Wing This was very carefully dissected and examined but no trace of Fracture or dislocation could be found   On comparison with a normal wing not the slightest difference could be detected so that it may be safely pronounced to be quite normal. In Mr. Blairs letter this wing of the old Gander sent was said to be the one that was injured and on arrival here was labeled such. In none of Mr. Blairs letters does he mention which wing was injured.6 American Philosophical Society (551) 1

Flower dated the letter November in error; the month is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to W. H. Flower, 9 December 1878.

468 2

3 4 5

6

December 1878

See letter from R. A. Blair, 17 July 1878 and n. 1, and letter to W. H. Flower, 4 [August] 1878. Flower and John George Garson had been studying goose wings sent by Reuben Almond Blair as possible examples of inherited deformity. See letter from W. H. Flower, 12 April 1878 and n. 3. Club-foot is a congenital deformity in which the affected foot appears to have been rotated inwards at the ankle. Fons et origo (Latin): source and origin. The Darwins had lunch with Flower on 26 November 1878 (Cornish 1904, p. 87; letter to W. H. Flower, 9 December 1878). CD received the photograph of a goose from Blair in February 1878 and had originally intended to show it to Flower on a visit to London between 27 February and 5 March, but in the event they did not meet (letters to W. H. Flower, 26 February [1878] and [4 March 1878]). CD forwarded three letters from Blair to Flower (see letter to W. H. Flower, 4 [August] 1878 and n. 4). See also letter from W. H. Flower, 12 April 1878 and n. 2.

From C. G. Semper   6 December 1878 wuerzburg 6. dec. 1878. my dear mr. darwin! your two so very kind letters have given me the greatest pleasure, and i thank you very much for having taken such a trouble in answering my question. i am glad to see, that i did not misunderstand you in supposing, that mr. wagner had misrepresented your views with respect to his theory.1 the question arises now, what to do? i shall have to refer to wagners views in my work on the influence of external conditions of existence on animals; and i am bound to state, that to my understanding his theory appears to be only an integral part of your more general theory; yet he asserts in the most positive way, that you yourself appear to incline most decidedly in favour of his views.2 not having any right, to use your letters against wagner, i fear, all german readers of my work will say, and mr wagner certainly will do so, that i had no ground for interpreting your unknown words in your letters to wagner in a way different from that, to which wagner thinks himself justified. now if you will entitle me, to make use of your letters in the discussion of these matters, i certainly shall use them in the most discretionary way; if you do not wish to be drawn into the discussion directly, please tell me so candidly and i assure you, that not a single word of what you wrote me, will appear in print. i thank you also for the many valuable remarks, you gave me in your letters on the subject of the influence of isolation and external conditions on animals and i am glad to see, that you do not regard this latter as altogether valueless.3 for i must confess, that i attach greater importance to this agency, than you seem to be inclined to do. supposing then, that selection and external conditions have acted together, it seems to be the principal question, to ask how much of the ultimate effect may have been due to the one or the other. and this question can be answered, as far as i see, only by

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keeping both causes apart in experimental researches. to direct the attention of the speculating zoologists to such experimental work and to induce them, to abstain for some time at least from speculating in such a random way as has been done f. i. by weissmann or by jaeger, to try to do this, is the main object of the work, i am writing now.4 during this time, i fear, i shall not have the time for treating the isolation question as thoroughly, as i would like to do. but after having finished the book in question, i hope to get more leisure, than i have just now and in that case, it is my firm intention to discuss the wagnerian hypothesis to some extent and on the same ground, restricted as it is, which has been taken by wagner for exemplifying. remember me please to your family and believe me to be | yours devotedly | C. Semper5 TLS DAR 202: 120 1

2

3 4

5

See letters to C. G. Semper, 26 November [1878] and 30 November 1878. Semper’s letter concerning the differences between CD’s and Moritz Wagner’s views on the development of new species through geographical isolation has not been found. In his essay ‘Der Naturproceß der Artbildung’ (The natural process of species formation; Wagner 1875), Wagner had frequently referred to examples from CD’s work to support his argument that isolation was necessary in the formation of new species, and intimated that while CD underestimated the importance of isolation, he did not discount it (see ibid., pp. 475, 490–1, and passim). Semper’s work, Die natürlichen Existenzbedingungen der Thiere (The natural conditions of existence of animals; Semper 1880), was published in 1880 and translated into English in 1881 (Semper 1881). Semper discussed geographical isolation and CD’s and Wagner’s views in Semper 1880, 2: 110–13 (see also Semper 1881, pp. 288–93). CD gave his copy of the German edition to the library of the Linnean Society; his annotated copy of the English edition is in the Darwin Library–CUL. In his letter to Semper of 30 November 1878, CD noted that the effect of different conditions in an isolated district could account, at least in part, for modification of species. August Weismann had opposed Wagner’s views on isolation in his work, Ueber den Einfluss der Isolirung auf die Artbildung (On the influence of isolation on the formation of species; Weismann 1872); Gustav Jäger had similarly criticised Wagner (Jäger 1874, pp. 52, 90). Semper wrote this letter using the typewriter that CD had given him, which only had upper-case letters (see letter from C. G. Semper, 5 October 1878 and n. 1). The corrections (in lower-case) and signature were handwritten).

To C. G. Semper   [after 6 December 1878]1 You are perfectly willing for you use my letters in any way you think fit & I am heartily glad you are going to take up the subject whether or not you oppose the conclusion at which I have arrived.—2 I sh like to add a sentence or two to what I remarked about the [extreme caution], as it seems to me, necessary before we say that some [structure] is morphologic (to [use] Nageli [paper]

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We ought surely to bear in mind the indirect consequence of some change or [alt] which is beneficial. For instance the case malformation [locules] of the [Placenta] (which Nägeli admits as a morpholog feat)3 Wonderfully you write with Machine4 Saporta & Neumayr. Huxley [illeg].—5 | I utterly disbelieve in innate tendency to vary & [illeg] ([illeg]) quite independently of conditions, & then [agree] in the [next] [illeg] that every variation whether wholly inherited or not [illeg] is [due] to external conditions.—6 ADraft DAR 202: 120v 1 2

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from C. G. Semper, 6 December 1878. See letter from C. G. Semper, 6 December 1878 and n. 2. After this passage, CD crossed out a section of text which reads: Excert | Far from valueless— when I wrote the Origin I cd find no evidence, & pray remember how much has been altered since then | In my Variation of An & Plants I gave one case & now could give very many more— My observations of plants have *led me to believe [above del ‘convinced’] me that astonishingly small differences are effective & a year ago I began to set to work to prove this experimentally, but I had too much other work in hand & too old & not strong enough

3

4 5 6

The case referred to has not been identified; Variation was published in 1868, nine years after the first edition of Origin. Carl Wilhelm von Nägeli had distinguished what he called purely morphological features from physiological features, claiming that only the latter were subject to natural selection, while changes in the former could be accounted for by his ‘perfectibility principle’ (Vervollkommnungsprincip; Nägeli 1865, pp. 27–30). The type of placentation is often used as a character to differentiate flowering plant families, so was considered a ‘purely morphological’ feature by Nägeli. In response to Nägeli 1865, CD gave examples of variation in placentation and number of ovaries in plants of the same species in Origin 5th ed., pp. 155–6. Semper’s letter of 6 December 1878 was typewritten. Gaston de Saporta, Melchior Neumayr, and Thomas Henry Huxley. CD had responded to Nägeli’s critique in Origin 5th ed., p. 151 (see also Correspondence vol. 14, letter to C. W. von Nägeli, 12 June [1866], and letter to J. V. Carus, 21 November 1866).

From Anthony Rich   7 December 1878 Chappell Croft | Heene, Worthing— Decr. 7. 1878 Dear Sir, Under an impression that this note—as being written in a hand unknown to you and signed by an equally unknown name—might be consigned to the wastepaper basket before it has been read—I may assure you at once that it is not a circular, a begging letter, an appeal for testimonials, &c &c &c but a simple matter of business in which you are yourself concerned. And this it is. The recent death of my brother,

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and of a nephew, the last of three children of an only sister, has left myself and her the sole survivors of our family; and to myself the ownership of some real property not altogether inconsiderable in value.1 I have bequeathed the reversion of this to you;2 because I consider that you, more than any man now living, have extended the boundaries of human knowledge, by surpassing genius, long years of persistent labour, unendowed, and in a worldly sense unremunerative; and because it affords me an opportunity of giving effect to a sentiment which I have long entertained and frequently expressed, that under circumstances like my own the first to be remembered should be those whose abilities and exertions have been devoted bravely and boldly and persistently for the benefit of all mankind instead of their own immediate advantage. I have thought it best to break through ceremony, and address you directly and at once, rather than leave my intentions to come out as a surprise after my decease, for reasons which are obvious when one has to deal with real estate. And if you will oblige me wi1th a line to let me know that these lines have come into your hands and been read by yourself, I will in return make you acquainted with the nature and value of the property, and all the details which it will be advisable for you to know. I am, dear Sir | Your obliged & obed.t Serv.t | Anthony Rich Charles Darwin Esqre | &c &c &c DAR 210.12: 1 1

2

Rich’s brother Francis Henry Rich had died in the summer of 1878, and his nephew William Edward Burnaby had died in 1876. Burnaby’s mother, Rich’s sister Emma Burnaby, had given birth to two other children, both of whom had died in infancy. A reversion is an estate granted to one party and subsequently granted in turn or transferable to another, especially upon the death of the original grantee; the right of succeeding to, or next occupying, such an estate (OED).

From G. J. Romanes   [8] December 18781 18 Cornwall Terrace, Regent’s Park: Sunday, Dec. 1878. My dear Mr. Darwin,— Many thanks for your portrait—not only from myself but also from the ‘future Mrs. Romanes.’2 I am glad that you think well of the literary style of the book on Theism. As regards the remarks of the supposed theologian, I have no doubt that he is entitled to them.3 The only question is whether I have been successful in making out that all natural cases must reasonably be supposed to follow from the conservation of energy. If so, as the transmutations of energy from heat to electricity &c. all take place in accordance with law, and as the phenomena of polarity in crystals &c. do the same, it follows that neither these nor any other class of phenomena afford any

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better evidence of Deity than do any other class of phenomena. Therefore, if all laws follow from the persistence of force, the question of Deity or no Deity would simply become the question as to whether force requires to be created or is self-existent. And if we say it is created, the fact of self-existence still requires to be met in the Creator. Of course it may be denied that all laws do follow from the persistence of force. And this is what I mean by the distinction between a scientific and a logical proof. For in the last resort all scientific proof goes upon the assumption that energy is permanent, so that if from this assumption all natural laws and processes admit of being deduced, it follows that for a scientific cosmology no further assumption is required; all the phenomena of Nature receive their last or ultimate scientific explanation in this the most ultimate of scientific hypotheses. But now logic may come in and say, ‘This hypothesis of the persistence of force is no doubt verified and found constantly true within the range of science (i.e. experience), so that thus far it is not only an hypothesis but a fact. But before logic can consent to allow this ultimate fact of science to be made the ultimate basis of all cosmology, I must be shown that it is ultimate, not merely in relation to human modes of research, but also in a sense absolute to all else.’ But the more I think about the whole thing the more am I convinced that you put it into a nutshell when you were here, and that there is about as much use in trying to illuminate the subject with the light of intellect as there would be in trying to illuminate the midnight sky with a candle. I intend, therefore, to drop it, and to take the advice of the poet, ‘Believe it not, regret it not, but wait it out, O Man.’4 G. J. R. I return the papers, having taken down the references. The books I shall return when read, but honey-mooning may prolong the time.5 E. D. Romanes 1896, p. 86 1 2 3 4

The day is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to G. J. Romanes, 5 December [1878]. The Sunday following 5 December 1878 was 8 December. CD had sent a photograph of himself for Romanes’s fiancée, Ethel Duncan (letter to G. J. Romanes, 5 December [1878]). [Romanes] 1878c (see letter to G. J. Romanes, 5 December [1878] and n. 3). CD visited Romanes on 21 November 1878. The quotation is from Arthur Hugh Clough’s ‘When Israel came out of Egypt’: No God, it saith; ah, wait in faith God’s self-completing plan; Receive it not, but leave it not, And wait it out, O Man!

5

(Burbidge and Clough 1849, p. 27.) For more on CD’s discussion with Romanes on natural theology, see Pleins 2014, pp. 6–11. The papers may have been manuscript pages on instinct that CD sent in June (see letters to G. J. Romanes, 16 June [1878] and 19 June [1878]). The books probably included Delboeuf 1876 (see letter to G. J. Romanes, 2 September [1878]).

December 1878 To R. A. Blair   9 December 1878

473 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. Dece. 9th. 1878

Dear Sir Professor Flower has suffered from a long illness & this has caused much delay in the examination of the wings of the geese.1 But I received yesterday his Report & letter which I enclose (& which need not be returned) as you may like to see them.2 I fear that there is no connection between the deformity & the injury. The owner when he saw several goslings thus deformed, (a not uncommon form of quasi inheritance) remembered the accident, & naturally attributed the deformity to this cause. It has been probably a case of “post hoc” & not “propter hoc”.—3 I grieve that you shd. have expended so much time, trouble & great kindness in vain. As for myself I am well accustomed in my experimental work to get definite results only once in three or four times, & thus alone can Science prosper.— With my renewed thanks | I remain Dear Sir | Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin American Philosophical Society (554) 1 2 3

Blair had sent Flower the deformed wings in July (see letter from R. A. Blair, 17 July 1878). See letter from W. H. Flower, 6 [December] 1878. Post hoc ergo propter hoc: after this therefore because of this (Latin); in logic, the post hoc fallacy is the assumption that since one event followed another, the earlier one must have caused the later one.

To G.S. Ffinden   9 December 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Dec. 9th 1878 Dear Mr Ffinden I have the pleasure to enclose a cheque for 5.5.0 for the Downe Coal Club.—1 Yours faithfully | Ch. Darwin John Wilson (dealer), Catalogue 64 (1988) 1

The Downe Coal and Clothing Club was a local charity that supplied parishioners with cheap coal and clothes in exchange for regular savings; CD served as treasurer from 1848 to 1869 (see Correspondence vol. 4, letter to John Innes, [8 May 1848] and n. 2). Ffinden was the vicar of Down; he ran the Coal and Clothing Club (J. R. Moore 1985, p. 470). On 9 December 1878, CD recorded a payment of £5 5s. under the heading ‘Ffinden’ in his Account books–banking account (Down House MS).

To W. H. Flower   9 December 1878

Down, Beckenham, Kent. Dec 9. 1878

My dear Flower I am extremely obliged to you & Dr Garson for all the great trouble which you have taken, & I fear in vain; for I cannot doubt that your view is the true one.1 When the goslings appeared with deformed wings, the farmer probably remembered the accident to the gander, & attributed the deformity to this cause. I will write to Mr

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Blair to thank him, & will enclose the report, & perhaps the first part of your letter—2 I enclose some photographs with a letter received the other day: I hardly suppose you will care about them & you may burn them instead of I. (or me E.D)3 The photographer was very foolish to allow the man to place his arm across his chest. We both enjoyed extremely meeting the Dean at your house.4 With many thanks for all your trouble yours sincerely | Ch. Darwin LS John Innes Foundation Historical Collections 1

2 3 4

John George Garson was an assistant at the Hunterian Museum of the Royal College of Surgeons (Cornish 1904, p. 57); he had written the report on the goose wings sent by Reuben Almond Blair (see letter from W. H. Flower, 6 [December] 1878). See letter to R. A. Blair, 9 December 1878 . The letter and photographs have not been identified. Emma Darwin, as amanuensis, added, ‘(or me E.D)’. CD had met Arthur Penrhyn Stanley, the dean of Westminster, at Flower’s London home on 26 November 1878 (Cornish 1904, p. 87).

To Anthony Rich   9 December 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Dec 9 1878 Copy 2 Dear Sir You will easily believe that your letter has astonished & most deeply gratified me.1 I may say with truth that I have worked at science my whole life, as hard as my health wd permit, & that I have earnestly endeavoured to discover the truth. My work has been my greatest happiness, & I never even dreamt that I shd be rewarded in any other way. Your proposed generosity has therefore surprised & pleased me in an equally high degree. I feel, however, bound in honour to tell you that I am what may be called a rich man, as this fact may make a difference in your intentions. On the other hand I have 5 sons & 2 daughters, & two of my sons suffer from ill-health & will never earn any income, though one of the 2 will do excellent work in astronomy & mathematics; a third son is devoted to natural science & aids me in my work; a 4th son is in the R. Engineers & is getting on well; but it is almost nothing of a profession. My 5th son is the junior partner in a bank at Southampton.2 Your reversionary bequest will be therefore to me, on account of my children, a constant source of the deepest satisfaction. I shall be much obliged for any details which you may think fit to communicate, as they may alter the arrangements of my will. I beg leave to remain | dear Sir | yours gratefully | Charles Robert Darwin To Anthony Rich Esq

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P.S. As I cannot bear to think of the possibility of this letter being lost by the post & the consequent appearance of ingratitude, I have had it registered. To Anthony Rich Esq | Chappell Croft | Heene | Worthing Contemporary copy (A) DAR 210.12: 3 1 2

See letter from Anthony Rich, 7 December 1878. Rich had bequeathed his estate to CD. CD’s daughters were Henrietta Emma Litchfield and Elizabeth Darwin. The sons who suffered from ill health were George Howard Darwin and Horace Darwin. Francis Darwin was CD’s assistant and Leonard Darwin was an officer in the Royal Engineers. William Erasmus Darwin was a partner in the Town and County Bank, Southampton.

From Anthony Rich   10 December 1878 Chappell Croft | Heene, Worthing. Decr: 10. 1878 My dear Sir, I received yours by the mid-day post of this date; and with it had the satisfaction to learn that what I have done is gratifying to yourself, while at the same time it gives me very great pleasure to think that I have had it in my power to testify my respect for you, in a way which may also add to the comforts of your children.—1 Now to business. The property in which you will be interested consists of a block of four freehold houses in the city of London; and of which I hold not quite an undivided moiety2— viz Nos. 24. 25. 26. & 27. Cornhill; thus distributed— No. 24. one moiety, subject to the life interest of my brother’s widow.3 The reversion of that moiety I have left by Will to a very old friend of my late brother—Mr. Frederick Hand, Solicitor of 5. New Inn Strand. who is also one of my Executors. He would be a useful right hand man to you, in case you should require eventually any information respecting the estate. No. 25. One moiety, subject to the life interests of my sister, & her husband, or the survivor of them.—4 No. 26— One moiety— subject to the life interest of my sister only. No. 27. One quarter The reversion of my interest in these three houses I have devised to you, at my death and after the life interests expire. Under the present leases, which have just been renewed for seven years from Ladyday next, my share of the rents, in these three houses devised to you amounts to something more than £1,100 per ann:—.5 In a couple of months I shall enter my 75th. year. My sister is two years younger— her husband either the same age or one year younger than herself; and my sister in law, who holds the life interest in No. 24. the youngest of all, but still well advanced in years.—

}

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December 1878

This account will put you in possession of all particulars respecting the actual value of the property; and the grounds for a fair guess as to the probable period of succession.— The other portions of the property, with the sole exception of one quarter of No. 24., are owned by two gentlemen, brothers, of the name of Smith, with whom we on our side have always found cordial cooperation:—a great advantage when an estate is undivided, as this one is.—6 I may also mention that a professional valuer, whose opinion was taken last year by the owners respecting the best means of dealing with these houses, gave a recommendation, to let the whole of them in one block upon a long building lease of 60 or 70 years—so much room in the present structures being occupied by the number of entrances, staircases &c not adapted to modern wants— which he said would ensure a ground rent of at least equal amount to the present. This I mention as it might be well for you to bear it in mind in making your own disposal so as not to tie it up inadvertently in a manner which might prevent its being dealt with hereafter to the best advantage—. Should such a scheme be carried out during my life time you would succeed to my share of the ground rents. under the present Will; or I should make a new one to effect that object. It would, I imagine, be a beneficial arrangement for all parties; as it would get rid of the only draw back to the full value of the estate—the possibility of it’s being divided amongst a large number of owners, any one of whom by disagreeing with the others, out of pure ignorance or even perversity, might obstruct its management, or prevent its being advantageously administered. I do not recollect any thing else at present to say upon this subject; as I have given you all the information that I have myself; But if any omission should occur to me hereafter I will not forget to make you aware of the omission and to remedy it; or to answer any questions which you may wish to ask of me if you will make me aware of them.— Meantime permit me to sign myself Dear Sir | Yours truly | Anthony Rich If the whole of this is not clearly expressed pray let me know; This long continued East wind stirs up an old evil with me—torpid liver—and that makes my mind so dull & confused as itself.— DAR 210.12: 4 CD annotation On cover: ‘3’ pencil circled pencil 1 2 3 4 5 6

See letter to Anthony Rich, 9 December 1878. Rich had bequeathed his estate to CD. In legal terms, a moiety is one of two equal parts. Fanny Ricarda Rich was the widow of Rich’s brother Francis Henry Rich. Emma Burnaby was married to William Dyott Burnaby (see letter from Anthony Rich, 7  December 1878 and n. 1). Lady Day (25 March) was one of the quarter days on which rents were collected and tenancies begun and ended. The Smith brothers have not been identified.

December 1878

477

From Raphael Meldola   11 December 1878 Offices, | 50 Old Broad Street. | E.C. | Atlas Works, Hackney Wick, | London, N.E. Dec. 11th. 1878 My dear Sir, I am much obliged for your last letter, the justice of which I perfectly see; but I am afraid I must have expressed myself too strongly as I had no wish for you to claim so much from your own works as you appear to have inferred.1 However your Preface shall remain unaltered & perhaps I may take upon myself (of course with your approval) to claim a little more for you than appears directly from the work in hand. I have made considerable progress with the translation— the first Essay (“Seasonal Dimorphism”) is nearly completed & a specimen is now with Messrs. Sampson Low & Marston for their approval before getting the affair finally settled with them.2 Dr. Weismann has been so good as to look up another lithographer for me at Würzburg who will do the plates (under Weismann’s supervision) at a much lower price.3 Might I so far trespass on your time as to ask your opinion whether the German word “phyletische” so frequently used by Weismann might be Anglicised into “phyletic” without “treading on the corns” of the philologists. I like it better than “innate” or “inherent”— The German word is new so far as the dictionaries are concerned.4 There is one other matter which I wished to ask you about & which is really the chief “raison d’être” of the present letter. A friend of mine, the Principal of a School at Bayswater, is getting up a course of lectures to which I & several gentlemen are going to contribute, but we have a preponderance of physical science & I am anxious to secure a biological lecture— does your son Mr. Francis Darwin care about this kind of thing?5 One lecture of about an hour’s duration is all that is required— “Self-defense among plants” would do admirably. The lectures are on Tuesday evenings at 8 o’clock. I can promise an appreciative audience & a fee of two guineas, & I shall be happy to give any personal assistance that may be required. Seeing the vast state of ignorance that still prevails among “the people” such a concession on the part of your son would be conferring a great benefit. I should be grateful if you would kindly lay the matter before him. I trust the severity of the weather has not influenced your health. Yours faithfully, | R. Meldola. DAR 171: 133 1 2 3 4

5

See letter to Raphael Meldola, 26 November [1878] and n. 1. The translation of August Weismann’s essay on seasonal dimorphism in butterflies (Weismann 1875a) was the first part of Meldola’s translation, Studies in the theory of descent (Weismann 1882, 1: 1–160). Six colour lithographic plates made by the firm J. A. Hofmann, Würzburg, appeared in Weismann 1882. The term ‘phyletische’ had been coined in 1866 by Ernst Haeckel (see Haeckel 1866, 2: 45, 299, and passim) to refer to a genealogical connection between one species and others. It had been translated as ‘phyletic’ by Edwin Ray Lankester in The history of creation (Haeckel 1876, 2: 95 and passim). Neither Meldola’s friend nor the lecture series has been identified.

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December 1878

To G. J. Romanes   11 December [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Dec 11th My dear Romanes I have just received “Vegetative Bastarderzeugung durch Impfung” by Lindemuth (an agriculturist & gardener).2 It has 3 Plates. I can lend it you if you shd. ever like to see it, & you had better keep this as a memorandum. Many thanks for last letter. You say that you have returned some Papers, but these have not been received by me—3 Yours very sincerely | Ch. Darwin American Philosophical Society (555) 1 2

3

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from G. J. Romanes, [8] December 1878. CD’s copy of Hugo Lindemuth’s Vegetative Bastarderzeugung durch Impfung (Plant hybridisation by means of grafting; Lindemuth 1878) is in the Darwin Library–Down. It had originally been published in Landwirthschaftliche Jahrbücher 7 (1878): 887–939. See letter from G. J. Romanes, [8] December 1878 and n. 5.

To E. A. Darwin   12 December 1878

Down Dec 12. 78

My dear Erasmus I think that you will be pleased to hear of a curious event & piece of good fortune wh. has just happened. A Mr. Anthony Rich of Worthing wrote to me a few days ago that he & his sister were the sole survivors of their family & that he had long entertained the sentiment that under such circumstances as his, “the first to be remembered should be those who had devoted … for the benefit of mankind &c. &c.” with more to the same effect & therefore that he had bequeathed his property after his sister’s death to me.1 The property is not of a nice kind, namely a share in houses in Cornhill, which will bring in rather above £1100 annually.2 This will be a fine addition for our children. He tells me that he is 74 years old & his sister a year younger. The whole affair has astonished me greatly & has pleased me much. Let Horace read this & then ask him to forward it to George.3 I will write to William.4 As I am sure that Caroline will sympathise with me & wd like to hear this piece of news I ask George to forward this to Leith Hill Place as I have several letters to write5 |My dear Erasmus | Yours affectionately | Ch. Darwin Copy DAR 153: 10 1 2 3 4 5

See letter from Anthony Rich, 7 December 1878. Rich’s sister was Emma Burnaby. See letter from Anthony Rich, 10 December 1878. Horace Darwin and George Howard Darwin were two of CD’s sons. William Erasmus Darwin was CD’s eldest son; see letter to W. E. Darwin, 12 December [1878]. Caroline Sarah Wedgwood, CD’s sister, lived at Leith Hill Place, Surrey, with her husband, Josiah Wedgwood III.

December 1878

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To W. E. Darwin   12 December [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Dec. 12th. My dear William I have a curious bit of news to tell you.— A few days ago a Mr Anthony Rich of Heene, Worthing, wrote to me that he with his sister were the last of his Family, & that he had always thought under such circumstances “those shd be remembered, whose abilities &c &c had been devoted &c &c for the benefit of mankind”; with more to the same effect & to my great honour.— Therefore he had bequeathed to me nearly all his property after his & his sister’s death.2 I heard from him again today with particulars. The property is not of a very inviting kind, viz a share of Houses in Cornhill, which brings in annually rather above 1,100£.—3 This will increase each of my sons share at our deaths by nearly 200£ per annum, for I shall of course likewise increase by (I think 3000£) the share to the daughters. This bequest, as you may believe, has astonished & pleased me greatly; though in a money sense it will make no difference whatever to me or your mother. Mr Rich is 74 years old & his sister a year younger.— I never before heard of a bequest to a man for what he has been able to do in Science my dear old William | Your affectionate Father | Ch. Darwin My best love to Sara4 P.S.  I have had a copy of Mr Rich’s letter made which is gone to Erasmus & George,5 but shall be sent you.— DAR 210.6: 151 1 2 3

4 5

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from Anthony Rich, 7 December 1878. See letter from Anthony Rich, 7 December 1878. Rich’s sister was Emma Burnaby. See letter from Anthony Rich, 10 December 1878. In the most recent codicil to his will, CD had increased the share for each of his children to £14,000 (see letter from W. M. Hacon, 19 March 1878). Cornhill is a street in the City of London. Sara Darwin was William’s wife. Erasmus Alvey Darwin and George Howard Darwin.

To Anthony Rich   12 December 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. December 12th 1878 (Copy) 4 My dear Sir I have just received your letter of the 10th.— Allow me first to say that in my hurry at first I hardly expressed myself strongly enough in my former letter.1 The more I think over all the circumstances, the more deeply do I feel gratified. I am much obliged for the full details in the letter just received: you speak of your mind being at present confused, but nothing can be clearer than your letter. The property which you have bequeathed me in reversion will make a fine addition in the future for my children, who naturally are my deepest interest in this life. As they will now be your heirs, as well as mine, permit me to add that I can deliberately assert that not

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one of them has ever caused me one minute’s anxiety except on the score of their health.2 I will condense the details of which you inform me & perhaps consult my solicitor; but at present I am inclined to think that my will, by which my property is equally divided amongst my sons (after a share has been paid to my 2 daughters), may be left unaltered; & that full freedom will thus be left for the very adviseable arrangement to which you allude.3 I must repeat that it will be a lasting gratification to me that you, who are acquainted only with my scientific work, should have thought me deserving of so great a remuneration, which, as far as I know, has never before been conferred on any scientific man. Excuse me also for adding that I cannot but admire the delicacy with which you have acted throughout this whole affair. I hope that you may be induced, as soon as the weather is better, to pay us a visit here, that I may have the pleasure of making your personal acquaintance: My wife & self will do all that we can to make you comfortable Believe me, my dear Sir | Yours very sincerely | Ch. R. Darwin To | Anthony Rich Esq— Copy in CD’s hand DAR 210.12: 5 1 2 3

See letter to Anthony Rich, 9 December 1878, and letter from Anthony Rich, 10 December 1878. See letter to Anthony Rich, 9 December 1878 and n. 2. CD’s solicitor was William Mackmurdo Hacon; CD later sent Hacon Rich’s letters of 7 December 1878 and 10 December 1878 (see letter from W. M. Hacon, 20 December 1878).

From James Torbitt   12 December 1878 58 North Street | Belfast 12 Decr 1878 Charles Darwin Esqr | Down My dear Sir, with profound respect, I have now to report that I have finished the tuber by tuber inspection of the potatoes, about 20  tons of 1875s, about 1,000 varieties of 1877s and about two thousand varieties of 1878.1 The sound and diseased tubers of each variety, are lying side by side, and so soon as this frost passes I intend to weigh them and note the exact proportions of each. Meantime I may say that, looking at them as they lie, even some of the selffertilized 1875s appear to me to be more valuable than the best of the old varieties under cultivation here, and the 77s and 78s also (both crossed) are really beautiful and many of them perfectly sound in every tuber. And notwithstanding my knowledge of your extreme goodness, I am afraid to trespass on your time with detailed reports of my observations as to the behaviour of the plant. I would therefore ask you to kindly say will a summary be sufficient or shall I write in full?—if the latter it will be a labour of love to me.

December 1878

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As to the flowers of last summer your most kind letter of 28th June last enabled me to see the maturity of the stigma and to effect the crosses without much risk of self-fertilization.2 I selected the most vigorous seedlings of the most dissimilar characters and applied the pollen each second or third day until the fruit set or the flower dropped off. Of the seed, I selected the heaviest by suspending it repeatedly in water, and of that I selected the largest by passing it through sieves, and hope to continue our experiments next season. Business continues to get worse, and only for your support I should at the least, suspend the prosecution of these experiments. probably I should give them up, altogether.3 I remain My dear Sir | most respectfully & faithfully | James Torbitt DAR 178: 150 CD annotations 4.3 summary] underl red crayon 5.5 I selected … sieves 5.6] scored blue and red crayon 1

2 3

Torbitt had been conducting a series of experiments over a number of years with the goal of developing a blight-resistant variety of potato. He corresponded with CD on the topic from 1876 (see Correspondence vols. 24 and 25, and this volume). See letter to James Torbitt, 28 June 1878. Torbitt was a wine merchant and grocer. CD had offered to help Torbitt get government funding and contributed financially himself (see, for example, letter to T. H. Farrer 26 March [1878], and letter from James Torbitt, 3 April 1878).

From J. D. Cooper   13 December 1878 188, Strand, W.C. Dec 13. 1878 Dear Sir Enclosed is proof and copy of the subject you left me reduced on to the block by Photography, and trust you will find it as you desire: with regard to the method of doing them by Photo it comes rather expensive but then you get a scientific accuracy, which is of the utmost value in a work like this still.1 I shall be prepared to undertake your work on as reasonable terms as possible for good work and the average cost may enable you to employ the means I suggest. Awaiting reply. I am | Dear Sir | Yours truly | James D Cooper Charles Darwin Esq DAR 202: 20 1

The proof has not been found. CD employed Cooper to engrave diagrams, reducing them when necessary, for Movement in plants (see ibid., p. 7 ). Cooper had previously made engravings for Descent and Expression (see Correspondence vols. 19 and 20).

482

December 1878

From E. A. Darwin   13 December [1878]1 13 Dec Dear Charles I was very glad to hear the interesting bit of good luck that has befallen you. Really Antony Rich deserves well of his country for encouraging science in such a very practical manner2   Pitt—Dizzy & yourself are the only people I recollect to whom fortunes have been left on purely public grounds.3 I wish there had been another 0  for the look of the thing, tho’ I believe Emma thinks you are too rich already. We know better than that. Yours affec. | EAD DAR 105: B104 1 2 3

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to E. A. Darwin, 12 December 1878. See letter to E. A. Darwin, 12 December 1878 and n. 1. Anthony Rich had bequeathed his property in the City of London to CD. William Pitt (the elder) had received a legacy from Francesco Algarotti (ODNB s.v. Algarotti, Francesco). Benjamin Disraeli received a large bequest from Sarah Brydges Willyams (ODNB s.v. Willyams, Sarah Brydges).

From W. E. Darwin   13 [December 1878]1 Basset, | Southampton. Friday 13th My dear Father, I was greatly surprised and delighted by your letter.2 I am certain no one in the world so well deserves the honour Mr Rich has paid you as you do.3 It is a great happiness to us children to know that strangers recognize what your life has been. Mr Rich must be a magnanimous old gentleman and we all owe him respect & gratitude. It is a splendid honour to science as well as to you, and is a good sign how the world is moving to put science in its right place. The fortune is very considerable and will be a fair increase to all our incomes. In my will I have left a trifle (£250) to the Royal Soc. I shall ultimately make this £1000 or so as being the only thing I can do for science.4 Sara5 sends her best love and is heartily rejoiced as I am. We are both looking forward to Christmas when I shall be very curious to see Mr Rich’s letters. I think you do not think well enough of the property; I should say houses in London E.C. with a good term to run are as good an investment as could be found any where.6 These are nervous times for Bankers, but we are perfectly right. and do not fear any run.7 Our love to mother | goodbye dear Father, your affect son. W E Darwin Cornford Family Papers (private collection)

December 1878 1 2 3 4

5 6 7

483

The month and year are established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from Anthony Rich, 7 December 1878. See letter to W. E. Darwin, 12 December [1878]. Rich had bequeathed properties he owned in London to CD, in recognition of CD’s contribution to science (see letters from Anthony Rich, 7 December 1878 and 10 December 1878). William was a partner in the Town and County Bank, Southampton. He had no scientific training, but he had assisted CD with botanical observations (see, for example, Correspondence vol. 14). He left the Royal Society of London £1650 in his will (The Times, 2 November 1914, p. 12). Sara Darwin was William Darwin’s wife. See letter from Anthony Rich, 10 December 1878. The properties were on Cornhill in the City of London. William alludes to the after effects of the failure of the City of Glasgow Bank in 1878. Over the winter of 1878–9 there were six further bank failures, provoking a general run for liquidity (see Acheson and Turner 2008).

To J. D. Cooper   [after 13 December 1878]1 The copy on wood is all that I can desire, but as I shd like to give a very large number of similar diagrams, I rather grudge so expensive a manner as Photographs for the more simple ones. But why Photographs shd be so expensive I cannot think Moreover when done in this fashion my son or self wd have to make perfectly nice copies of all, & we are working so hard on experiments that we cd hardly spare the time.2 Therefore will you inform me whether you have a pantograph—or if expensive could borrow or hire one for my work, for in this case, we could soon send you a lot to copy &c & And the more complicated diagrams & the drawing had better by copied by photography. What is the cost of one now executed Please answer my 2 questions, & I remain | Dear Sir | Yours f | C. D ADraftS DAR 202: 20v 1 2

The date is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from J.  D.  Cooper, 13 December 1878. See letter from J. D. Cooper, 13 December 1878 and n. 1. CD’s son Francis Darwin was his assistant. Cooper was engraving images for Movement in plants.

From G. H. Darwin   14 December 1878 Trin Coll. Dec 14th 78 My dear Father, Frank was saying last night that we really ought to ask Newton again to Down & I quite agree.1

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Could you screw yourself up to do the deed next Saturday & Sunday— If yes, I will write to him—or it might be still more gracious if you did. You know his address Magd. Coll.2 What a curious affair this is about the old gentleman of Worthing. I wonder whether he will change his mind. I have sent on the letters to Leith Hill.3 I have been skating today & yesterday—but I wish it wd.  thaw— the thermom. stands at 45o in my room4 Yours affec | G H Darwin I return on Wednesday. DAR 210.2: 72 1

2 3

4

Alfred Newton was professor of zoology and comparative anatomy at Cambridge; Francis Darwin had become friends with Newton while he was a student at Cambridge. Newton had visited Down with Francis from 22 to 24 January 1870 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). No record of Newton’s visiting Down around this time has been found. Anthony Rich had decided to bequeath his property in the City of London to CD in recognition of CD’s contribution to science (see letter from Anthony Rich, 7 December 1878). CD had asked that his letter to E. A. Darwin, 12 December 1878, be forwarded to Horace Darwin and George, and then to Leith Hill Place, Surrey, the home of his sister Caroline Sarah Wedgwood. The winter of 1878–9 was one of the coldest on record for England (Manley 1974, p. 396); Emma Darwin’s diary for this period records long spells of below-freezing temperatures (DAR 242). 45°F: 7°C.

To J. D. Hooker   14 December [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | (Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Dec 14th. My dear Hooker I have been greatly pleased & interested with every word of your Address in Nature.2 You have honoured me greatly by giving to me a whole column & an excellent abstract of what I have done.— The sole criticism which I am inclined to make is that there ought to have been a little more on Zoology & Palæontology of animals.— But I suppose space failed you.— I think that you will like to hear of a very strange event & bit of good fortune which has happened to me; for I well know how sympathetic you are. A Mr. Anthony Rich, an old gentleman living at Worthing (whose name I had never heard of) wrote to me about a week ago, that he & his old sister are the sole survivors of his family owing to recent deaths. He says with many strong phrases that he thinks that I have done much for science, & that he has long been of opinion that persons situated, like he is, could not do better than leave their property to those who have benefitted mankind.3 He has therefore bequeathed his property (rather above 1100£ per year) to me after his sister’s & his own death. Is this not a curious event! As he has no natural heirs I have had no hesitation in accepting it for my children’s sake; but of course I told him that I was a rich man, as this might make him change his intentions, but

December 1878

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it has not done so.4 This is the oddest thing that ever happened to me, or as far as I know any scientific man. Ever yours affectionately | Ch. Darwin DAR 95: 477–8 1 2

3 4

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from J. D. Hooker, 14 December 1878. Hooker’s presidential address to the Royal Society of London (Hooker 1878b) was published in Nature, 5 December 1878, pp. 109–13, and 12 December 1878, pp. 132–5 (for Hooker’s remarks on CD’s recent work, see p. 133). Rich’s sister was was Emma Burnaby. See letter from Anthony Rich, 7 December 1878. See letter to Anthony Rich, 9 December 1878, and letter from Anthony Rich, 10 December 1878.

From J. D. Hooker   14 December 1878 Royal Gardens Kew Dec 14/78 Dear old Darwin It is indeed kind of you to write to me—& I heartily rejoice with you— no one deserves it half so well—& I have often thought that considering the health of some of your children, you were too liberal to other people & their demands.1 It is so much better the money coming to you than (as in Mrs Lyell’s case) part to her, & part to children, who will, I fear, now do no work!.2 She poor thing seems to feel the burthen of the riches, which she would not do had her children not been made so much better off already, that the leaving it to them is no object. As it is she strives to do her best with it; in a very praiseworthy way. I too have had a little pleasure, which arrived today, it is the getting the Treasury to allow Mr Baker, the Herb. assistant, to occupy a little house next the Herbarium rent free, which has been empty for half a century.! Baker has only £250 salary, & (a wife & 2 children!), would you believe it!3 I have been a whole year trying to get £200 to put the house into habitable condition with leave for him to occupy it. It has cost me sheets of foolscap, & two refusals by the Treasury to allow either one or other! At last I went to Mr Noel & insisted on a reversal of the refusals telling him that Mr Baker was an F.R.S. that so was the C. of E. (Sir St. Northcote) & that if it was not done, a representation would be made by some Fellows of the R. S. to the C. of E. & a scandal ensue.4 The Treasury at first again refused, but Mr Noel carried his point, & the £200 is to be granted— I do think this the meanest thing I ever knew the Treasury do. The House, when done up, would not let for £40 a year; & standing as it does in the demesne, it could not be let at all except to an officer of the Establishment. Baker is the most hardworking useful man & was elected F R.S. last year. his Services to this establishment have been most self-sacrificing. & he is a general favorite. I am immensly gratified with your praise of the Address, which I was most anxious about, and feared would be a failure. I have to thank Frank for the gist of the

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story about your works—& Dyer gave me great help in vegetable Physiology. The rest cost me a deal of coaching up. I left out the Palæontology because I dosed them with it in last year’s Address & I could not grapple with Zoology in the time & space.5 I felt very sorry to leave the Chair, but the relief is very great.6 My wife is gone to a concert or she would join me in congratulations— I have just glanced at Huxley’s Cray-fish work, it is capital.7 Well I shall dream of that blessed old couple at Worthing— it was indeed a curious thing—& I have no doubt that it is the precursor of many such acts; as knowledge increases, so must appreciation of the people & institutions to whom we owe it.— Govt. may do much, but it must always be under such vexatious restrictions that it tries a man’s temper & patience, let his patriotism be what it will, to undertake the Expenditure of what Government gives, & I fear it ever must be so. Between ourselves I think there will be a wretched outcome of the Govt. Fund (the £4000 p. annum). I am sure that if I had the uncontrolled selection of persons to grant it to, & was free to use my authority over them, I could have got ten times more done with the money. I shirked the subject in my address.8 Ever yr affectionate | rejoicer | J D Hooker There was an old couple at Worthing Who resolved to reward the deserving, And with wise resolution Pitched upon Evolution That pecunious old couple of Worthing.9 DAR 104: 121–4 1

2 3

4

5

6 7 8

See letter to J. D. Hooker, 14 December [1878]. Anthony Rich had decided to bequeath his property in the City of London to CD in recognition of CD’s contribution to science (see letter from Anthony Rich, 7 December 1878). Katharine Murray Lyell was the widow of Henry Lyell; her children were Leonard Lyell, Francis Horner Lyell, Arthur Henry Lyell, and Rosamond Frances Ann Lyell. John Gilbert Baker had been an assistant in the herbarium at the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, since 1866. His wife was Hannah Baker and their children were Edmund Gilbert Baker and Katharine Unthank Baker. Gerard James Noel was first commissioner of works and public buildings. Stafford Northcote was chancellor of the Exchequer and had been a fellow of the Royal Society of London since 1875; he had been proposed for membership by Hooker (Royal Society archives, GB 117, EC/1875/01). Baker had been elected as a fellow on 6 June 1878 (Record of the Royal Society of London). See letter to J. D. Hooker, 14 December [1878] and n. 2. Hooker had mentioned work by both CD and Francis Darwin in his presidential address to the Royal Society (Hooker 1878b; see also Nature, 13 December 1878, p. 133). William Turner Thiselton-Dyer was Hooker’s assistant. Hooker’s presidency of the Royal Society (1873–8) had come to a close. Thomas Henry Huxley’s ‘On the classification and the distribution of the crayfishes’ was published in Proceedings of the Zoological Society of London (T. H. Huxley 1878c). In his presidential address to the Royal Society in November 1876, Hooker had announced a new government grant of £4000 a year for five years, separate from the existing £1000 grant for instruments and assistance from the Treasury; personal allowances or grants could be awarded subject to the

December 1878

9

487

approval of the president of the Council (see Hooker 1876, pp. 342–3). Details of the management of the fund were given in the next year’s address (Hooker 1877, pp. 432–3). See n. 1, above. The couple from Worthing were Rich and his sister, Emma Burnaby.

To Raphael Meldola   14 December [1878] Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Dec. 14th My dear Sir I am very glad that you are making good progress with the book.— You could not apply to a worse person than myself on any philological question. I presume that “phyletische” has been adopted or modified from Häckel.1 As the latter uses the word, it has nearly the sense of genealogical. It always applies to the line of descent, & therefore differs somewhat from “innate”; for an inherited character, though derived from the father alone or only a single generation, would be innate in the child, I shd think “phyletic” wd. do very well, if you gave the German word & an explanation, in a foot-note.2 There has been a delay in answering your letter, but I have just heard from my son who is away from home, & he says that he is sorry but he cannot well spare the time to Lecture.—3 My dear Sir | Yours very faithfully | Ch. Darwin Postmark: 14 DE 78 Oxford University Museum of Natural History (Hope Entomological Collections 1350: Hope/Westwood Archive, Darwin folder) 1 2

3

Ernst Haeckel. See letter from Raphael Meldola, 11 December 1878 and n. 4. In his translator’s preface to Weismann 1882, p. xiii, Meldola wrote, ‘I have intentionally adopted literal translations of certain technical expressions which might, I think, be advantageously introduced into our biological vocabularies’. Meldola used the term ‘phyletic’ throughout Weismann 1882. In his letter of 11 December 1878, Meldola had asked whether Francis Darwin would give an evening lecture on a botanical topic. Francis was in Cambridge (see letter from G. H. Darwin, 14 December 1878); his letter has not been found.

To James Torbitt   [1]4 December 18781

Down, Dec. 4, 1878.

My dear Sir I heartily congratulate you on your gigantic labours of comparison being for the present finished and at the apparent great success of your later trials.2 Would it not lighten your labours to throw away all the earliest and less sound varieties? I admire your energy greatly. Energy carries everything before it. That was a very good plan of yours selecting the heaviest and largest seeds, of which I did not think, yet since the publication of my Cross-Fertilization I have received additional evidence of the advantage from selecting large seeds.3 I shall read your abstract with pleasure. I should be unwilling to give you the trouble to copy all the details but besides this I have little strength and am much overworked by my present investigations and

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endless letters. But pray do not think that I am not interested in your results. Would it not be well to get your abstract published in some good Agricultural or Horticultural Journal?4 When I receive your abstract I will send it to Messrs Farrer & Caird.5 I am sorry that business is still bad.6 With all good wishes | Yours very faithfully | Ch. Darwin. Copy DAR 148: 106 1

2 3

4

5 6

The day is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from James Torbitt, 12 December 1878. The day on the copy was evidently a copyist’s error; a note at the top of the copy records that it was made from another copy, not from the original letter. Torbitt had sent his report of experiments in growing disease-resistant varieties of potato; see letter from James Torbitt, 12 December 1878. See letter from James Torbitt, 12 December 1878. In Cross and self fertilisation, CD had included measurements of the weight of the capsules and seed produced by cross- and self-fertilised plants (see, for example, ibid., pp. 74–5). In his letter of 12 December 1878, Torbitt had asked CD whether he wanted a full report or a summary of his results. No abstract of the results of Torbitt’s potato-crossing experiments has been found; some results were later published in a letter in Field, 8 March 1879, p. 272. CD had enlisted the help of Thomas Henry Farrer and James Caird to secure government funding for Torbitt’s potato-crossing experiments (see letter to James Torbitt, 1 March 1878). See letter from James Torbitt, 12 December 1878 and n. 3.

To William Ogle   16 December [1878]1 Down, Beckenham, Kent. S.E. Dec. 16th. My dear Ogle, I am heartily obliged to you for your wise advice and kind assistance to my son Horace. We are in awesome perplexity about our confounded well, which is so deep that I thought it must be safe.2 I have now read Kerner’s book which is better even than I anticipated.3 The translation seems to me as clear as daylight and written in forcible and good familiar English. I am rather afraid that it is too good for the English public, which seems to like very washy food, unless it be administered by some one whose name is well known and then I suspect a good deal of the unintelligible is very pleasing to them. I hope to Heaven that I may be wrong. Anyhow you and Mrs Ogle have done a right good service for Botanical Science.4 Yours very Sincerely. | Ch. Darwin. P. S. You have done me much honour in your prefaratory Remarks.5 Copy DAR 147: 203 1

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and letter to William Ogle, 17 August 1878.

December 1878 2

3

4 5

489

No letter from Ogle mentioning Horace Darwin or the well at Down has been found. In a letter to Henrietta Emma Litchfield of [10 December 1878] (DAR 219.9: 185), Emma Darwin wrote that there were nitrates in the well at Down; she added that Horace was to undertake the job professionally and to follow Ogle’s advice. High levels of nitrate in well water often result from improper well construction, especially if the well is shallow. Ogle had produced an English edition of Anton Kerner’s ‘Die Schutzmittel der Blüthen gegen unberufene Gäste’ (The protective measures of flowers against uninvited guests; Kerner 1876); it appeared as Flowers and their unbidden guests (Ogle trans. 1878) and part of the title page reads: ‘The translation revised and edited by W. Ogle, M.A., M.D.’ CD had received a copy (see letter to William Ogle, [after 27 November 1878]) but it has not been found in the Darwin Library–CUL or Down; it is listed in CD’s Library catalogue (DAR 240). Parthenia Ogle had evidently assisted Ogle with the translation, although her name does not appear in print. In his Editor’s preface, Ogle praised both CD’s work and CD’s kindness in assisting him (Ogle trans. 1878, pp. vii–xiv).

To J. D. Hooker   17 December [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Dec 17th My dear Hooker Your most kind, affectionate letter has more than pleased me, has charmed me.— Your splendid poetry has given us a good laugh.— What a plucky man you are to attack those awful beings, the Lords of the Treasury & to have conquered them.2 It is grand. I rejoice over your ex-presidentship, for I have long thought that you were working much too hard.—3 Very many thanks for seeds & plants, but I hope the latter will not be despatched until this horrid frost is over, which interferes terribly with our work—4 Pray thank Dyer5 very much for all his aid.— I have Dutrochet’s collected works in 3 or 4 big volumes, & I daresay we shall find there his paper about Viscum.6 As soon as ever frost goes & we can get good temperature in the house, we shall begin on the seeds, & we think we see our way to some interesting results— But God knows whether they will prove so; for according to my experience, everything generally happens exactly contrary to what might rationally have been expected. I cannot help hoping that you take too low a view about the Government Grant: anyhow that to Parker has been a right good & just one.—7 Ever yours affectionately | Ch. Darwin DAR 95: 479–80 1 2

3

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from J. D. Hooker, 14 December 1878. Hooker had written a limerick referring to a bequest to CD from Anthony Rich. Hooker also finally managed to obtain a grant from the Treasury to repair a house for the use of the herbarium assistant at the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (see letter from J. D. Hooker, 14 December 1878 and nn. 3, 4, and 9). Hooker’s term as president of the Royal Society of London had finished and he had delivered his final presidential address (see letter from J. D. Hooker, 14 December 1878 and nn. 5 and 6).

490 4

5 6

7

December 1878

Plants of Mutisia clematis, Smilax aspera var. maculata (rough bindweed), and Pistia stratiotes (water lettuce or tropical duckweed), as well as six packets of herbaceous seeds had been sent on 16 December 1878 (Outwards book, p. 486, Archives, Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew). The winter of 1878–9 was one of the coldest on record for England (Manley 1974, p. 396); Emma Darwin’s diary for this period records long spells of below-freezing temperatures (DAR 242). William Turner Thiselton-Dyer. In his book on the anatomy and physiology of animals and plants, René Joachim Henri Dutrochet had discussed Viscum album (mistletoe) and observed that its radicle was strongly negatively heliotropic (Dutrochet 1824, p. 118). CD had a copy of Dutrochet 1837, which consisted of two text volumes plus an atlas (CD’s Library catalogue (DAR 240)); Dutrochet’s observation on the radicle of mistletoe is summarised in ibid., 2: 62. See letter from J. D. Hooker, 14 December 1878 and n. 8. William Kitchen Parker had received, through the Royal Society, many payments from the Government Grant Fund for the Encouragement of Scientific Research (ODNB). In 1877 and 1878, Parker received £300 from the new government grant for research on the morphology of the vertebrate skeleton (Proceedings of the Royal Society of London 26 (1877): 459, and 28 (1878–9): 78).

From W. M. Hacon   20 December 1878 18, Fenchurch Street, | London. | E.C. 20th Decr. 1878 My dear Sir I have received your letter of yesterday with the unexecuted duplicate of the 2nd. codicil to your will & the two letters from Mr Anthony Rich of the 7th. & 10th. Instant.1 And I hope to write to you, within the next few days, as to the carrying out of your testamentary wishes, as communicated by your letter. My present opinion is that it will be better to increase the gifts to your daughters unconditionally.2 It would be unsatisfactory to make the operation of the intended increased gift to your daughters depend upon your estate deriving some benefit from Mr Rich’s will or codicil I am | My dear Sir | Yours very truly | Wm. M Hacon Charles R. Darwin Esqre | Down | Beckenham | Kent DAR 166: 18 1 2

CD’s letter has not been found; he sent Rich’s letters of 7 December 1878 and 10 December 1878. CD had made a second codicil to his will in March (see letter from W. M. Hacon, 19 March 1878). In his letter to Rich of 12 December 1878, CD mentioned that he expected to leave his will unaltered, that is, with property equally divided among his sons after a share had been paid to his two daughters. CD evidently contemplated how he might increase the share for his daughters, Henrietta Emma Litchfield and Elizabeth Darwin. CD’s sons were William Erasmus, George Howard, Francis, Leonard, and Horace Darwin.

From Gabriel Max1   21 December 1878 München | Göthestrasse 18 21 Decemb 1878

Hochgeehrtester Herr! Als großer Verehrer englischer Gelehrter las ich mit Staunen und Interesse A. R. Wallace “Die wissenschaftliche Ansicht des Übernatürlichen.2

December 1878

491

Da mich dieses Buch ganz confus machte und meine Neugier weckte, so sah ich mich ein wenig in der Litteratur des sog. Spiritualismus um. Da träumte mir letzte Nacht, dass Scharles Darwin vor mir stehe. Ich frug erschrocken: glauben Sie an eine unsichtbare Schöpfung bei lernen Veredlungsgang der Mensch vorübergehende Hülle leiht? Sie nickten freundlich mit dem Kopfe und legten den Finger an den Mund ich möge schweigen. Auf diesen Zufall hin erkühne ich mich diese Zeilen abzusenden. “Ist A. R. Wallace innsinnig? ” “War er es immer? ” “oder ist er nicht insinnig—was dann?” Ich zweifle dass Sie diese Worte einer Antwort würdig finden, doch würden Sie es thun, wenn Sie wüssten wie neidisch vor aller Welt ich ein “Ja” oder “Nein” aus Ihrem Munde im Herzen tragen würde.— | Ehrfürchtsvollst | Gab. Max | K. Professor3 DAR 171: 107 1 2 3

For a translation of this letter, see Appendix I. Max refers to the German translation (Wallace 1874b) of Alfred Russel Wallace’s book The scientific aspect of the supernatural (Wallace 1866). The abbreviation ‘K’ is for königliche (royal); Max was professor of historical art at the Royal Academy of Fine Arts (Königliche Akademie der Bildenden Künste) in Munich from 1879 to 1883 (NDB).

To Gaston de Saporta   22 December 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. December 22d. 1878 My dear Sir I thank you cordially for sending me your beautiful work “Le Monde des Plantes”,1 which I am sure will interest me greatly, as did your “Végétation Polaire”, which I have just read, & which made so conspicuous a part in Sir J.  Hooker’s address lately delivered to our Royal Society.—2 With much respect | Yours very faithfully | Charles Darwin A. de Saporta (private collection) 1 2

CD’s copy of Le monde des plantes avant l’apparition de l’homme (The world of plants before the appearance of man; Saporta 1879), is in the Darwin Library–CUL. In his presidential address to the Royal Society of London (Hooker 1878b, pp. 51–4), Joseph Dalton Hooker had discussed Saporta’s work L’ancienne végétation polaire (Ancient polar vegetation; Saporta 1877b) in detail. CD’s copy of Saporta 1877b is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL.

To John Tyndall   22 December [1878]1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. |(Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.) Dec. 22d. My dear Tyndall I return the Siren with very many thanks.2 The plants, ill-luck to them, are not sensitive to aerial vibrations. I am ashamed at my blunder, & very much more so at

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having vainly given you great trouble. I have, however, been glad to see the famed Siren. My dear Tyndall | Yours truly obliged | Ch. Darwin DAR 261.8: 28 (EH 88205966) 1 2

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from John Tyndall, 5 December 1878. Tyndall had lent CD a siren for his experiments with sensitive plants; see letter to John Tyndall, 4 December [1878] and n. 3, and letter from John Tyndall, 5 December 1878.

From W. M. Hacon   24 December 1878 18, Fenchurch Street, | London, E.C. 24th Decr 1878 My dear Sir In a separate registered cover I return Mr Rich’s two letters: and I hope that they will reach you safely.1 I have read the drafts, in my possession, of your will and codicils. And I think that no change of your testamentary dispositions is expedient with reference to Mr Rich’s intended gift, in your favour, by his will,—or to the nature of the property which will pass by the gift. And on the whole it seems better that your will should not refer to the probability of your Estate being increased by means of the gift.2 There is an obvious risk of Mr Richs intentions failing, through your dying in his lifetime but although he could guard against this risk I do not see how you can do more, than has been already done, by way of suggesting that precaution in this respect is desirable.— The contents of Mr Rich’s letters do not create the impression that he is a man of infirm purpose or of a disposition to be easily offended. But there is a possibility that offence might be given him, and a change of his views induced, if you were by your will or a codicil to refer to his having communicated his intention to give his property to you by will. I incline to the opinion that it will be better not to refer to his communication. I have prepared and I enclose the draft of a codicil to your will for increasing the legacies to your daughters unconditionally.3 But I see no objection to this increase being made conditional upon the total amount of your estate either exceeding or reaching a specified sum. And this sum might be fixed by excluding the property to come from Mr Rich or by including such property or an adequate part of it or of its value. If you would like to have the codicil redrawn with reference to this suggestion will you kindly return the draft with the necessary instructions as to the amount upon which the intended increase of the legacies is to depend. If you prefer to let the codicil stand as drawn will you please return the draft in order that it may be copied in the usual form.4 I do not seem to have the date of the

December 1878

493

2nd. codicil to your will. If you can do so without trouble will you please supply it in the draft now sent. It is not however very material. I am | My dear Sir | Yours very truly | Wm. M Hacon Charles R. Darwin Esqre Down | Beckenham | Kent DAR 210.12: 6 1 2 3 4

CD had enclosed Anthony Rich’s letters of 7 December 1878 and 10 December 1878 with a now missing letter to Hacon (see letter from W. M. Hacon, 20 December 1878). Rich planned to bequeath his property in the City of London to CD (see letters from Anthony Rich, 7 December 1878 and 10 December 1878). Hacon had advised CD to increase his daughters’ legacies without reference to Rich’s bequest (see letter from W. M. Hacon, 20 December 1878 and n. 2). George Howard Darwin wrote at the top of the letter, ‘Copy of Codicil returned Dec 26’.

From Anthony Rich   25 December 1878 Chappell Croft | Heene, Worthing Decr. 25. 1878 Dear Mr. Darwin, This ought to have been written many days ago—but, a little idleness (in truth not excessive) much business, some grievances, and a heap of other trifles that would make a long list when put together—and if you knew them all would make a plausible excuse for my Laches—have united to keep me steeled against the pricks of conscience thus far. Then to soften your heart and ensure condonation, I have ventured to drop the somewhat stately address of “dear Sir”, into the more familiar one of your own name. For this also I hope to receive condonation.— It would indeed give me the greatest pleasure to pay you and Mrs. Darwin a visit if it were in my power at any time.1 But a very serious illness for which I was attended by Sir. H. Thompson2 more then fifteen years since, reduced my vital energies so much during the two years while under his care, that I never found the heart again to commence a visiting intercourse outside my own house. Increasing years and chronic instead of acute ailments render any change of habits after so long an interval an utter impossibility. In the case of your kind invitation I say this with the very greatest regret.— If you ever move away from home with your family on a visit to the sea side, and were to select with that purpose any of the south coast “watering places” we might be within the distance that a morning’s drive by road or rail would bring us face to face. Or, if you ever screw up your courage to the effort of—leaving your tellus et domus, et placens uxor, to pass a few days en garçon,3 need I say what delight it would give me to see you here at Heene installed in the one spare bed room, which my hermitage can boast of, whenever you liked. Or, if, as I fear, such luck is not to be

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December 1878

hoped for, and any one of your sons should at any time fancy a walk by the seashore or a dip into the sea they need not drive to the hotel, but up to my gate, and be sure of a ready wellcome. Only to let me know two days before, and to stand upon no ceremony. One son, I think you said was at Cambridge. That is my own University; which makes a sort of free-masonry and fellow feeling.4 Having thus quieted my conscience; and made what amends I can for tardy letter writing, I will only add seasonable well wishes to you and yours from the solitary chief of this monastery, who is pleased to sign himself Very truly yours | Anthony Rich DAR 210.12: 7 CD annotation Top of letter: ‘5’ pencil circled pencil 1 2 3 4

See letter to Anthony Rich, 12 December 1878. CD had invited Rich to visit when the weather was better. The winter of 1878–9 was one of the coldest on record for England (Manley 1974, p. 396). Henry Thompson was a specialist in diseases of the urinary system (ODNB). Tellus: land, country; domus et placens uxor: home and pleasing wife (Latin; a reference to Horace, Odes 2.14). En garçon: like a bachelor (French; the meaning is ‘unaccompanied by a lady’). George Howard Darwin was a fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge. Rich received his BA from Cambridge in 1825; he became an honorary fellow of Gonville and Caius College, Cambridge in 1886 (Alum. Cantab.).

From F. S. Arnold   [2]6 December 18781 Oxford 〈2〉6/12/78 Sir I cannot see how the following passages 〈w〉hich appear in the Origin of Species on pages 86 & 89 respectively of the six〈th〉 Edition, can be reconciled.2 1 p. 86 And we have seen that it is the most closely allied forms— varieties of the same species, & species 〈of the sa〉me genus or of re〈lat〉ed genera,—which from having nearly the same structure, constitution & habits, gener〈a〉lly come into the severest competition with each other.3 2. p. 89. But it 〈is seen〉, that where they come into the 〈clo〉sest competition the advantages of diversification of the structure, with the accompanying differences of habit & consti〈tution〉 determine that the inhabitants, which thus jostle each other most closely, shall, as 〈a〉 general rule belong to what we 〈ca〉ll different genera & orders. I suppose you have not time 〈to〉 reply to this. Yrs. obediently | F. S. Arnold C. D〈arw〉in Esqr. M.A. DAR 159: 148

December 1878 1 2 3

495

The day is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter to F. S. Arnold, 31 December [1878]. Only the ‘6’ in the date is present in the original letter, which is torn. Origin 6th ed. In Origin 6th ed., p. 89, CD noted that in naturalised floras the number of new genera was proportionally much greater than the number of new species.

To G. J. Romanes   27 December [1878] From Mr. C. Darwin, Down, Beckenham. I strongly recommend you to read Prof. James’ article in the July nor (1878) p. 236 of the Journal of Speculative Philosophy (U. States) on “Brute & Human Intellect”.1 Dec. 27th. Apc Postmark: DE 28 78 American Philosophical Society (556) 1

William James’s article, ‘Brute and human intellect’ (James 1878), dealt with differences in the modes of thinking of humans and animals and characterised the development of different types of human thinking.

From W. M. Hacon   28 December 1878 18, Fenchurch Street, | London. | E. C. 28th Decr 1878 My dear Sir I received yesterday Mr William Darwin’s letter of the 26th Decr. And I now send you the new codicil to your will, ready for execution, in duplicate.1 Its date should be supplied in words, previous to execution; and (as you will doubtless recollect) you must sign, in the presence of two witnesses, present at the same time: and they must attest your execution in your presence and in the presence of each other. I am | My dear Sir | Yours very faithfully | Wm M Hacon Charles R Darwin Esq | Down | Beckenham Kent DAR 166: 19 1

The letter from William has not been found; CD was adding a codicil to his will, increasing the legacies received by his daughters Henrietta Emma Litchfield and Elizabeth Darwin (see letter from W. M. Hacon, 24 December 1878 and n. 3).

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December 1878

From T. H. Huxley   28 December 1878 Dec. 28th 1878 My dear Darwin I have just been paying a visit to one of those solid admirers of yours of whom I wish there were more in the world—and you may like to know what manner of man he is— I am talking of Mr Rich of Hene who wrote to me some two or three months ago, telling me what he meant to do and making divers inquiries about you and your belongings—1 So I gave him the information he wanted and, if you will believe it, abstained from pointing out that there was another person to whose merits & deserts he appeared to be shamefully insensible!2 Our little correspondence ended in a promise on my part to go & see Mr Rich— In fact there was something about his letters I liked and my curiosity was greatly excited to see the man who had strayed so eccentrically into the paths of wisdom— Well he is an alert, bright-eyed little man with a long beard & croaky voice—very frank & straightforward and with a sort of abrupt courtesy & kindness, that’s rather taking He has built himself a bachelor house with all comforts and good store of books Here he lives alone & sometimes speaks to nobody but his servants for a week. Never goes out anywhere by reason of an inconvenient ailment   However as his family appear to have made a point of all living to 80 or 90 your reversion may be distant—3 He seems to have had a loose-ended sort of life—spending many years in Italy & studying art4—and he is about as pronounced a heretic, theologically morally & politically as I have met with—which you will allow is saying a good deal for him   But the man is a gentleman in the best sense of the word and pleasant for an heir to think of— Don’t trouble to answer this which is mere gossip with an addendum of best wishes to you & yours for the New Year Ever | Yours very truly | T H Huxley DAR 210.12: 8 CD annotation Top of letter: ‘6’ pencil circled pencil 1

2 3 4

Anthony Rich, whose home was at Chappell Croft, Heene, Worthing, had bequeathed properties he owned in London to CD, in recognition of his contribution to science (see letters from Anthony Rich, 7 December 1878 and 10 December 1878). In the event, Rich did bequeath his house and library in Worthing to Huxley (see L. Huxley ed. 1900, 2: 286–7). Rich died on 4 April 1891 at the age of 87, having outlived CD by nine years; his London property went to CD’s heirs (Alum. Cantab., Freeman 1978). Rich had lived in Italy from 1842 to 1849 (Alum. Cantab.).

December 1878

497

To T. H. Huxley   29 December 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Dec. 29th 1878 My dear Huxley Your letter surprised me almost as much as Mr Rich’s first one; & part of it gave us all a real good laugh.1 I thank you most heartily for writing & so kindly, for we were dying with curiosity to know what sort of man Mr Rich was. We inferred rightly from the very nice & delicate letters which he wrote, that he was a thorough gentleman, & that was all which we could make out.— It seems a great shame that he should leave his fortune to me, who am well provided; but I told him in my first letter that I was what might be called a rich man, & that the knowledge of this might alter his intention, but it has not done so: I told him, however, that I had 5 sons & that two of them were too great invalids ever to gain any income, so that I was very glad of an addition to my fortune.—2 I have offered to go to an inn at Worthing in the spring with my wife, & thus see him, for he told me in answer to an invitation that he could not come here.3 Altogether it is an extraordinary affair, but as he consulted so good & true a friend as you have ever been to me, it does seem quite so strange as it appeared at first.— It has pleased me greatly in many ways & especially on my childrens account, for it is improbable that I myself should ever receive his property.4 My dear old friend | Ever yours | Charles Darwin Imperial College of Science, Technology and Medicine Archives (Huxley 5: 329) 1 2 3

4

See letter from T. H. Huxley, 28 December 1878; see also letter from Anthony Rich, 7 December 1878. See letter to Anthony Rich, 9 December 1878 and n. 2. See letter to Anthony Rich, 12 December 1878, and letter from Anthony Rich, 25 December 1878. CD’s letter offering to visit Rich has not been found, but see the letter from Anthony Rich, 29 December 1878. CD died on 19 April 1882; Rich died on 4 April 1891. Rich’s bequest went to CD’s heirs (Freeman 1978).

From Anthony Rich   29 December 1878 Chappell Croft | Heene, Worthing Decr. 29. 1878 My dear Mr. Darwin, Now we are old friends! If we only take days for years—a method of computation which would not make much difference in the sum total of the geological epoch during which we live—that would not be very far removed from the literal truth. At any rate we may accept it for such, and believe in it.— I little thought that you were to be enumerated amongst the class of invalids; and I well know how uncertain ones motions and intentions are made by uncertain health. But I will cherish the hope

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which you hold out that I may possibly see you at Worthing some time in the course of next summer accompanie by Mrs. Darwin.1 If you could upon consideration make this house your hotel, I would give a carte blanche to Mrs. Darwin to order, direct, and be absolute mistress of the household, as if you were really at home. Down stairs I live in a library and small dining room opening into one another; so that you could take to one and the other, on and off, alone or in company just as you pleased; and upstairs two bed rooms; one with a dressing room attached which my brother & his wife, and other married couples, have frequently occupied. However there is time for you to think of that. Before then I dare say that some of your sons will come and see me; and that brings me to the object of this letter.2 On Friday next a friend is to pay me a visit. He will stay in all probability till the Monday, or possibly Tuesday following. After that date the room will be at the disposal of any one of your sons, who may feel inclined to pass a few days with me. Unfortunately I have only accommodation for one at a time, who will have to find his own amusements; not so easy perhaps at this period of the year. But it might be convenient to one to come round this way when he quits you. The number of years that have passed over my head incapacitate me, of course, from joining in out door exercise with others. But when my liver (my great enemy) does not worry, I retain a sufficiency of youthful mind not to become oppressive to my guests; at least I hope so. Last year I could have offered them a cob & pony chair to ride or drive; but I gave it up in the Spring.— My college was Caius. I receive an invitation every year to dine with the members of the boat club on the evening preceding the University race; but as I have never been at Cambridge since I took my B.A. degree I am sorely puzzled to guess who it is that has found me out and sends it.—3 Professor Huxley came to me Friday evening, arriving at 7. P.M. in the dark, and going back the next morning at 10 A.M.4 Was not that act of stupendous good nature! All this merely to say that I shall be happy to see either of your sons whenever they like to come. I am ashamed of myself and hope that I have not worried you. Yours very truly | Anthony Rich DAR 210.12: 9 CD annotation Top of letter: ‘7’ pencil circled pencil 1

2 3 4

CD had written, in a now missing letter, informing Rich that he and his wife Emma hoped to accept Rich’s invitation to visit in the spring (see letter from Anthony Rich, 25 December 1878, and letter to T. H. Huxley, 29 December 1878). George Howard Darwin visited Rich on 8 and 9 January 1879 (letter from G. H. Darwin to W. E. Darwin, 10 January 1879 (DAR 210.14: 14)). Rich received his BA from Cambridge in 1825; he became an honorary fellow of Gonville and Caius College, Cambridge, in 1886 (Alum. Cantab.). Thomas Henry Huxley visited Rich on 27 and 28 December 1878 (see letter from T. H. Huxley, 28 December 1878).

December 1878 From W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   30 December 1878

499 Royal Gardens Kew Dec 30. 78

Dear Mr Darwin At the risk of being troublesome I forward you a good specimen of Commelyna bengalensis, Roxb.  which 〈devel〉opes flowers and 〈sets〉 seed under ground.1 〈It〉 comes to me from 〈    〉 Duthie of the Saharunpore Botanic Garden2 Believe me | Yours very truly | W. T. Thiselton Dyer [Enclosure]

Commelyna bengalensis Roxb. see Wight Ic. 2065.3 developes flowers & ripens its seed underground. A troublesome weed in Dehra Dun Tea plantations.4 J. F. D. DAR 178: 104 CD note: Subterranean seeds & Flowers of Commelina5 1

2 3

4 5

Commelina benghalensis (Commelyna bengalensis is a misspelling) is the Benghal dayflower. It has large open flowers and small unopened (cleistogamous) flowers, both of which produce large and small seeds (Hayden and Fagan 2016, p. 459). For CD’s interest in the development of seeds underground, see letter to W. T. Thiselton-Dyer, 31 January [1878] and n. 3. John Firminger Duthie was superintendent of Saharanpur Botanic Garden (India list 1905). The text of the enclosure has been written on the outside of a folded sheet containing plant material. Robert Wight described the underground flowers of Commelyna bengalensis (Linn.) in his Icones plantarum Indiae Orientalis (Wight 1840–53, 6: 29, no. 2065). Dehra Dun (Dehradun) is a district in Uttarakhand state, in the foothills of the Himalayas in north central India, a tea-growing region. The note is written on an envelope that was presumably used by CD to contain the enclosure.

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To F. S. Arnold   31 December [1878]1 Dec. 31st. Dear Sir I do not think that the two passages essentially contradict each other, but if I had to write them again I would owing to your criticism slightly modify them.2 The forms which most jostle each other I believe to be generally “varieties of the same species, & species of the same genus or of related genera”.— I would now insert “closely related genera”. In the other passage (p. 89) the forms which are able to live when exposed to severe competition are not varieties of the same species or sub-species but “belong to what we call distinct genera and orders”.— I would now add “quite distinct genera” or something to the same effect. But I know well that I often fail to think clearly & to express myself clearly. Copy DAR 143: 21 1 2

The year is established by the relationship between this letter and the letter from F. S. Arnold, [2]6 December 1878. See letter from F. S. Arnold, [2]6 December 1878 and n. 2. CD refers to passages in Origin 6th ed., pp. 86 and 89.

To W. R. Greg   31 December 1878 Down | Beckenham Dec 31, 1878 My dear Mr Greg, I have read the chapter on design & it seems to me very cleverly done.1 If your son has not read a book by “Physicus” just published by Trübner, I think it would be worth his reading as bearing on the argument from general laws; not that Physicus appears to me to have made out his case, tho’ the subject is beyond my tether.2 To come to my own subjects, I do not think that any of your sons objections are new, tho’ some of them are put in a new way. It would take a volume to discuss all, but I will make a few miscellaneous remarks. If your son cares to see what I think about variations having been designed, he will find this subject briefly discussed in the 3 last pages of Vol II of my ‘Variation under Domestn’.3 Your son would hesitate in saying that no close series of forms have been found fossil if he were to read Saporta on the Tertiary plants of S. France,—Geinitz & Oppell on the Jurassic ammonites— or Neumayr on the Miocene fresh water shells of East Europe.4 Your son says that no links have been found between such forms as the ass & zebra but he forgets that it is doubtful whether any palæontologist could distinguish their bones; & bones alone afford evidence when we come to fossil mammals.5 With respect to new variations being obliterated by crossing, I have insisted on the improbability of such well marked variations as that of the Ancon sheep being preserved under nature. I cannot doubt that the process of selection under nature is the same as that called

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by me “unconscious selection”, when the more or less best fitted are preserved, & the more or less ill fitted are destroyed. If your son thinks it worth while he can see what I mean by unconscious selection in Ch XX of Varn under Domn.6 Your son does not notice the effects of separation, as on islands, in preventing crossing. By the way he says I rest exclusively on natural selection; whereas no one else as far as I know has made so many observations on the effects of use & disuse. Nor do I deny the direct effect of external conditions, tho’ I probably underrated their power in the earlier editions of the Origin.7 We know far too little about the laws of inheritance to argue about them: what is certain is that some new variations are strongly inherited from the first, whilst some seem never or very rarely to be transmitted; nor until trial is made can we predict what will be the result. Your son believes that our domesticated animals were developed for man’s use;8 but let us suppose that they were all destroyed, does your son believe that man would not succeed in domesticating other quadrupeds, for instance some of the larger antilopes; & in this case ought not your son to maintain that such animals had been specially designed for man. Owen goes further than your son for in referring to race horses he says that he believes the diastema or open space between their teeth to have been specially designed for the bit; & as a friend of mine remarked no doubt the little jockeys were specially designed to ride them.9 Your son seems to believe that ice has been made lighter than water, as otherwise it would have sunk & whole pools or seas have been frozen into a solid mass. But melted bismuth when cooling & solidifying expands largely (by 321 of its bulk) & of course floats, is this a special adaptation?10 It is much more wonderful & apparently unique case that solid bismuth if subjected to an enormous pressure becomes of less specific gravity; if this lightness had been of any use to man, assuredly it would have been called a special adaptation. But I shall weary you, & I remain, my dear Mr Greg | Yours sincerely | Charles Darwin LS American Philosophical Society (557) 1 2

3 4 5 6 7 8

CD had read the chapter ‘Design in development’ in Percy Greg’s book, The devil’s advocate (P. Greg 1878, 2: 214–55). Percy was W. R. Greg’s son. A candid examination of theism was written by George John Romanes under the pseudonym ‘Physicus’ ([G. J. Romanes] 1878c]; the publisher was Trübner & Co. CD had made some suggestions about Romanes’s use of metaphysical terms, along with other criticisms of the book, in his letter to Romanes of 5 December [1878]. See Variation 2d ed. 2: 426–8. CD refers to Gaston de Saporta and Saporta 1862–5 and 1867–8; Albert Oppel and Oppel 1856–8; Melchior Neumayr and Neumayr and Paul 1875. See P. Greg 1878, 2: 232. See P. Greg 1878, 2: 233–4. CD discussed ancon sheep in Variation 2d ed. 1: 104–5 and 2: 70. On unconscious selection, see Variation 2d ed. 2: 195–208. See Origin 6th ed., p. 421. See P. Greg 1878, 2: 232–7.

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December 1878

Richard Owen claimed the horse had been ‘predestined and prepared for Man’ in R. Owen 1866–8, 3: 796; no specific reference to the diastema being specially designed has been identified. See P. Greg 1878, 2: 240. Bismuth is one of a handful of elements that, like water (a chemical compound), are denser in their liquid state than as solids. Specific gravity is a measure of relative density; it is the ratio of the density of a substance to the density of water. Density is the ratio of mass per unit volume.

APPENDIX I Translations of letters From Eugenio Montero Ríos and Jacinto Mesía1   16 January 1878 Institucion Libre de Enseñanza | Madrid In recognition of the eminent services rendered to science by Sir C. Darwin, and in accordance with the provisions in paragraph 6. article 19. of the Statutes of this Institution, the Faculty Board that I have the honour of presiding over agreed unanimously in its 29 November 1877 session to name him ‘honorary professor’.2 And on behalf of the said board this present document is issued. Madrid 16 January 1878. The rector. E Montero Rios The secretary. Jacinto Mesía To Professor Sir C. Darwin LS DAR 230: 58 1 2

For a transcription of this letter in its original Spanish, see pp. 16–17. The Institución Libre de Enseñanza (Free Institute of Education) was founded in 1876 in Madrid by a group of university professors who wanted to provide education unrestricted by religious or political dogma (Jiménez-Landi 1996, vol. 2). See also letter from Hermenegildo Giner de los Ríos, 12 August 1878, and letter from Laureano Figuerola Ballester, 28 November 1878.

From Carl Kraus1   [31?] January 1878 Pardubice | Bohemia | Austria.— Late January 1878.— “Knowledge is power”.2 Your Honour! This month you, esteemed Sir, are celebrating your name day in the circle of your loved ones, and I cannot miss this opportunity to express my respect and esteem for your ingenious theories; may your honour kindly accept the most heartfelt felicitations for this celebration from one of your many silent admirers and worshippers on the continent, felicitations which find expression in the sentence: “May nature preserve you, most esteemed Sir, our greatest naturalist, for

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many years yet so you may continue to labour for the advance of the whole of science and culture.”3 What you, esteemed Sir, have done for the true view of the universe, I do not dare sum up in just a few words; every person of common sense appreciates it and will rightly say: “It is a pleasure, a joy, to be a contemporary of Darwin, whose name shines radiantly over our century.” In a recent brilliant speech, our ingenious Ernst Haeckel discussed the impact of Darwinism on science as a whole.4 May you, most esteemed Sir, the inspired hermit of Down, rejoice over the universal success of your theory for many years yet. Unfortunately I was unable to participate in the gift presented to you by your German followers, so please, dear Sir, kindly accept my belated felicitations.5 I close with the sublime words of D. Fr. Strauss: “Every thinking man who knows what stands or falls with the idea of the miracle, will praise Darwin as a most noble benefactor of mankind.”6 With admiration and respect, | I sign as | a reverential worshipper | Charles Kraus. I permit myself to inquire politely whether my photograph might be granted a place among those of the circle of your followers and admirers? “A sign of unalterable admiration”7 DAR 169: 102 1 2 3 4

5

6 7

For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see pp. 37–8. The phrase is often attributed to Francis Bacon; ‘ipsa scientia potestas est’ appears in his Meditationes sacrae (Bacon 1826, 10: 308). CD’s 69th birthday was on 12 February 1878. Haeckel gave a speech, ‘Ueber die heutige Entwickelungslehre im Verhältnisse zur Gesammtwissenschaft’ (On the modern doctrine of evolution in relation to general science), on 18 September 1877 at the annual assembly of German naturalists and physicians in Munich (Haeckel 1877). There is a copy in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. In 1877, German and Austrian scientists had sent CD an album of photographs of themselves to celebrate his birthday (see Correspondence vol. 25, letter from Emil Rade, [before 16] February 1877, and ibid., Appendix V); the album is at Down House. The quotation is from David Friedrich Strauss’s Der alte und der neue Glaube (The old and the new faith; Strauss 1872, p. 177). The quotation appears in the German and Austrian album, with the photograph of Josef von Doblhoff-Dier (Gries 2006, p. 65).

From Theodor von Heldreich1   8 February 1878 Athens 27 Jan. | 8 Febr. 18782 My dear Sir, I was away from Athens & then ill several times, until these past few days: this explains the long delay in replying to your esteemed and kind letter of 9 August. I received your last work “The different forms of flowers”, and I thank you very much for this gift, which has a very great value for me since it came directly from you.3

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Perhaps it would interest you to see the first translation into modern Greek of one of your works, & it is because of this that I send you today the Sheet of the Family Journal “™¼ţ›—”, in which is found the translation of your gracious article “Biographische Skizze eines Kleinen Kindes”, which I read with so much interest in the Journal “Kosmos”, I.  Number  5.—4 It is, as I have just said, literally the first time that one of your writings has been translated into Greek. The translator is a young Cretan doctor, D.r S. Meliarakès,5 one of your most zealous admirers & disciples, who are still quite rare in Greece. It is not without some danger & it still requires enough moral courage to espouse and to rally to your principles in this country, which is still under the rule of dogmatism. One must prepare minds slowly and with caution; however, Truth will yet triumph here, and one must hope that this day will not be far off. I present to you, my dear Sir, my very respectful and sincere greetings, with which I have the honour to delare myself | your very loyal servant | Th. de Heldreich DAR 166: 136 1 2 3 4

5

For a transcription of this letter in its original French, see p. 46. Heldreich gives both the Julian (27 January) and Gregorian (8 February) calendar dates. In his letter to Heldreich of 9 August 1877 (Correspondence vol. 25), CD mentioned that he had directed his publisher to send a copy of Forms of flowers. The Greek translation of CD’s ‘Biographical sketch of an infant’ appeared as ‘œ¤ÍĐɨ ¶ÔÍǧËä ǧ¨ÆͤϧÈĐËÎÃ¥Åď¤ÎʤʧÈͨċÀ§Ë¨ÂŅ¤§Å﨩’ in ™ÎÀď¤ (Hestia, Hearth), 25 December 1877, pp. 817– 25; a copy is in DAR 139.6. It was made from the German translation in Kosmos 1 (1877): 367–76. Spyridon Miliarakis.

From Ernst Haeckel1   9 February 1878 Jena 9 Febr 1878 Most esteemed, dear friend! For your approaching seventieth birthday2 I am sending you with all my heart my best and sincerest congratulations. May you spend this beautiful day in all happiness, cheerfulness and good health in the circle of your dear family, enjoying the great admiration that is shown you from all sides. On this day, with what joyful satisfaction and contentment may you look back on your long and fruitful life in the service of science! After all, you have opened up new avenues to human understanding, which for centuries to come will constitute the crucial turning point for causal studies, and which for all times will constitute insight into the most important truths of nature! May you, most esteemed dear friend and master, be able to work for a long time yet on the completion of your great work and to enjoy the grateful appreciation of your admiring contemporaries. One thing is certain already, namely that all of us younger naturalists gratefully pay tribute to your incomparable merits every day, by continuing your work in your spirit! Of myself I can report only good news. I am well and want for nothing further, except more time! All my working hours are taken up by the Challenger-Radiolaria,

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a tremendously rich source, which promises to be very fruitful as well for the development of species-forms. 3 With the most cordial greetings and again, with the best wishes, yours truly devoted | Ernst Haeckel DAR 166: 71 1 2 3

For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see p. 47. CD’s 69th birthday was on 12 February 1878. Haeckel described the Radiolaria specimens from the Challenger voyage in Haeckel 1887. The Radiolaria, a diverse group of unicellular protozoans with siliceous skeletons, belong to the class Rhizopoda. Haeckel 1862 included a chapter on the taxonomic relationships of the Radiolaria, and on the general systematics of the Rhizopoda (pp. 194–212); Haeckel 1887 proposed one of the earliest classification schemes for Radiolaria.

From Carl Kraus1    10 February 1878

Pardubice, Bohemia— | Austria. 10. II. 1878.

Most esteemed Sir! “What I would be without you, I do not know—but it terrifies me, for I see what hundreds and thousands are without you.”2 What I wanted to ask you for as a favour, your generosity has made a welcome duty, & I cannot find enough words to express my humble gratitude not only for the kind note that was such an honour to me, but also for the enclosed most excellent photograph.3 These tokens of your great kindness are clear evidence to me of the admirable benevolence & modesty of the greatest scientist of our century.— As a supporter of the freedom of research, I would consider myself fortunate to have the chance to demonstrate my admiration and gratitude in a suitable manner to my ideal of a free scientist, “Charles Darwin”, the untiring champion of the freedom & truth of science, and for today my only desire in this regard is to be permitted to offer you, most esteemed Sir, my felicitations for your 80th birthday as well.4 Since you, most esteemed Sir, have given me such outstanding proof of your kindness, I cannot desist from presenting a request that would benefit all the readers of the excellent magazine for a consistent world view, “Kosmos”, which bears the name of Charles Darwin & Ernst Haeckel; if this request were kindly granted, this would delight all. You can be assured with what great interest your ingenious works are being studied by all thinkers in Germany, but unfortunately it has already been quite some time since you, most esteemed Sir, have published any of your truly classical essays in this magazine,5 & I hope therefore that you will take into consideration my humble suggestion & that you will as soon as possible publish one of your ingenious works for the intellectual benefit of all. I shall permit myself, at your most kind request, to send you my most recent photograph soon, & I hope that you, most esteemed Sir, will kindly incorporate it in the German album;6 I must also confess that it would please me tremendously to be allowed to possess a photograph of your dear family, and please, most esteemed Sir, interpret this desire as a natural

Photograph of Carl Kraus sent to Charles Darwin in 1878. © English Heritage Trust From the collections of Down House (EH 88207330), reproduced by permission. Image by Cambridge University Library.

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consequence of my veneration & admiration. I believe that my lines will meet with a benevolent reception, & I must beg your forgiveness for taking up your valuable time with this letter & I am | happy to be able to call myself | your reverent devotee & | admirer | Charles Kraus. Mr Charles Darwin Esq., F.R.S. | in | Down.— DAR 169: 103 1 2 3 4 5

6

For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see pp. 48–9. The quotation is from Friedrich Schiller’s poem ‘Tabulae votivae’. CD’s note to Kraus has not been found, but Kraus asked whether his own photograph could be included in an album of CD’s German and Austrian admirers in his letter of [31?] January 1878. CD was 69 on 12 February 1878. A German translation of CD’s ‘Biographical sketch of an infant’ had appeared in Kosmos 1 (1877): 367–76. The full title of the journal was Kosmos: Zeitschrift für einheitliche Weltanschauung auf Grund der Entwickelungslehre in Verbindung mit Charles Darwin und Ernst Haeckel (Kosmos: journal for uniform worldview based on the theory of evolution as proposed by Charles Darwin and Ernst Haeckel). In 1877, a photograph album of German and Austrian scientists was sent to mark CD’s 68th birthday (see Correspondence vol. 25, letter from Emil Rade, [before 16] February 1877); the album is at Down House.

To M. N. Galkin-Vraskoi1   16 February 1878 Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R. Feb 16 1878 Sir, I have learned from Doctor G. M. Astre that you were so kind as to send to him, for me, a box of “Steppes wheat” in order that I might examine the product of this cultivation.2 Allow me to offer my thanks to your Excellency for this exceptional act of kindness. Your obedient servant | Charles Darwin LS Russian State Archive of Literature and Arts (RGALI) (fund 1347, dossier 3, file 138) 1 2

For a transcription of this letter in its original French, see p. 58. In his letter of 14 February 1878, Georg Michael Asher had asked CD to write a letter of thanks to Galkin-Vraskoi for a box of wheat from the Russian steppe that Galkin-Vraskoi had sent. Asher apologised for this request in his letter of 16 February 1878.

From Gaston de Saporta   16 February 18781 Aix 16 Febr. | 1878 Dearest Sir, At the same time as I send you by post a copy of a lecture on ancient climates, which I gave at le Hâvre at the beginning of last September, I wish to thank you for

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your useful intercession earlier with Mr Hooker to arrive at the determination of my Permian Dicheuneuron— I believe that Mr Hooker is in the right and that it really is a fern more or less connected to Ceratopteris, a genus today anomalous and isolated in nature and that must have had representations in the ancient flora—2 You will see, if you kindly look over my lecture, the current state of the question as regards the origin and the progress of the vegetable kingdom with the difficulties to be overcome in order to arrive at a full and complete solution— The discoveries of polar plants have gone a long way to explain, by migrations from the extreme north, the origin of several Tertiary types, the majority of which are still extant—3 I also believe that if it were simply a case of pronouncing erroneous and defunct the view taught up to now on species by the representatives of the schools of Linnaeus and of Cuvier, all would now be resolved, our current species, especially the European ones having their direct antecedants in the flora of preceding ages—you will see represented all the ancestors of our beech, with its attendant preceding forms from which our own evidently emerged.4 from this point of view then, the derivation of plant species from others more ancient seems to me proven; but since by means of these sorts of filiation, as soon as they are pretty much comprehensive, one goes back very far and beyond the Tertiary, and as, on the other hand, there are no traces of Dicotyledons before the middle of the Cretaceous anywhere, except for a single example in the lower Cretaceous of Greenland, and as in the most ancient flora of the Dicotyledons, the first definable types appear from then on having assumed their differential characteristics and become fixed in their principle traits— this absence of primordial forms effecting a transition to parent strains from which the whole class must have emerged, seems to me to constitute, not only as regards Dicotyledons, but for all the vegetable kingdom, a problem even more obscure— The difficulty is all the greater and all the less easy to grasp, in that it is not the same for mammals among whom one can observe almost all the transitions and sequences leading from one type to another and from one imperfect group to another definitive group, like Marsupials to Pachyderms, and from the latter to Ruminants in one direction and Equidae in another— The first vertebrates being cartilaginous make it easy to show the derivation from this class of a class of animals less inferior. In the vegetable kingdom, it is not like this and even though the Angiosperms present undeniable traces of the metamorphoses that must have gradually modified their organs—we never find any trace of the successive phases that the organisms must have had to pass through before getting to the point where they now find themselves, and which they had already reached at the time the first Dicotyledons were revealed to us— One must, then, imagine either a source region not yet discovered, where the class could have developed its characteristics gradually, in order to emerge having already reached an advanced and nearly final state for many types; or indeed believe in

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the possibility, under the influence of very decisive external circumstances, perhaps under the influence of the first differentiation of climates, in a rapid evolution of nature by a whole class of plants swiftly crossing the distance that separates the first signs from a fixed and definitive organisation, destined no longer to lend itself to any but secondary variations— If I take Dicotyledons, I see indeed that the variations produced since the beginning of the Tertiary have been only in details, and only in groups like the Araliaceae and those which in reality form only one unique genus— The parts were slightly modified, that is to say that the characteristics relative to the numbers of floral parts, the locules of fruit could and must have varied, the whole plan of the structure remaining the same— a gland discovered at Gelinden, extreme bottom of the Tertiary, and combined with oak leaves of the same locality, proved to me that the genus quercus existed since then with the outline at least of the sections it contains, and next to it the genus Castanea, too recognisable in its leaves to mislead— Accordingly if one examines the fructifying apparatus of the Quercineae, the involucre seems truly enough represented, an axis covered with bracts that are themselves only transformed leaves, an axis that had to undergo a long series of modification before assuming the aspect that now distinguishes it—5 my ideas on the flower imply a long succession of changes from which the class of Dicotyledons would have come; but their sudden appearance about the bottom of the Cenomanian—overturns all the calculations and brings us face to face with an unknown whose limits elude us. I offer this point to your meditations, not without adding that it applies also to other parts of the vegetable kingdom, and in particular Gymnosperms— I end by thanking you and shaking your hand, your most devoted, Ct de Saporta DAR 177: 35 1 2

3 4

5

For a transcription of this letter in its original French, see pp. 58–60. Saporta gave his lecture ‘Les anciens climats de l’Europe et le développement de la végétation’ (Ancient climates of Europe and the development of vegetation; Saporta 1878) at a conference on ancient climates that he had organised as part of the Congress of the French Association for the Advancement of Sciences at Le Hâvre in August 1877. Joseph Dalton Hooker’s identification of Saporta’s fossil tracing was sent in the letter to Gaston de Saporta, 4 February [1878]. For Saporta’s earlier ideas about the fossil, see Correspondence vol. 25, letter from Gaston de Saporta, 16 December 1877 and n. 26. In Saporta 1878, pp. 871–2, Saporta discussed the identification of the leaf, found in Permian deposits in the Urals, referring to it as Dichoneuron hookeri; he also discussed and illustrated it in L’évolution du règne végétal (Saporta and Marion 1885, 1: 231). Later researchers suggested it was a form of Psygmophyllum sp. (see, for example, Zalessky 1937, p. 61). Ceratopteris is a genus of aquatic homosporous ferns. Saporta 1878 discussed the sudden appearance of many angiosperms in the Upper Cretaceous. On the sexual taxonomic system of Carl von Linné contrasted with Georges Cuvier’s system of embranchments, see Mayr 1982, pp. 182–4. Saporta 1878 traces a phylogenetically based taxonomy in which all the ancestors of the modern beech are represented. Araliaceae is the ginseng and ivy family. Gelinden is a village in north-east Belgium. Quercus is the genus of oaks; Castanea is the genus of chestnuts. The former family Quercineae included oaks, chestnuts, Castanopsis, and beeches, all of which are now in the family Fagaceae.

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From Alfred Moschkau1    26 March 1878 Editorial Office | of the illustrated stamp journal, Der Saxonia the paper for autograph and portrait collectors. Gohlis-Leipzig, 26. March 1878. Most esteemed Sir! For a long time I have not dared bother you with a letter. Nevertheless I have always followed your activities, and noticed with great satisfaction the tributes paid to you by your admirers and by the English university.2 Virchow’s caustic attack on your theory caused me to pick up my pen and to write a refutation, which I sent to Professor Haeckel.3 The purpose of my writing today is firstly to thank you most kindly for the great honour you bestowed on me by including in your work communications I sent you; and further to submit a few of my recent findings for your examination and future use.4 The first case concerns the transmission of a deformity of the ear in a Thuringian to his son. The father has, you see, an inborn defect in his left ear, in that the outermost edge of the top of his ear shell is missing. His little son was born afflicted with exactly the same defect: in the same way the outermost edge of the ear shell of his left ear is missing. As a result, the ear in both the father and the son has a more pointed appearance, which is, however, not very noticeable.5 Secondly, I would like to draw your attention to the transmission of the temperament of wet nurses to their infants. This circumstance is of great importance, yet it is very rarely appreciated in this light. Just as it is accepted that certain illnesses can be transmitted from the wet nurse (or nursing mother!!) to the child, it can also be confirmed that by drinking the milk, certain characteristics, but especially the temperament, can be imbibed. The expression ‘the milk of human kindness’6 is therefore rather ironical. But if one allows that such transmission occurs, one arrives at a noteworthy fact, the question of wet nurses and whether keeping wet nurses is still at all justifiable. I have proof that children cared for by phlegmatic, withdrawn wet nurses received & retained these temperaments and dispositions. So a wet nurse with a cheerful noble disposition will benefit the mental development of the child, and the opposite naturally follows. I therefore draw the conclusion that characteristics must not only be inherited at birth, but can also be bred through suckling and by the appropriate choice of a wet nurse. I do not know whether you agree with me on this? My remaining notes have to do once more with birds talking “with comprehension”. In the Saxon Lusatia there lives an old man who has been occupied for decades just training starlings. An example will show you how far this man, whose name is Deutscher, has got in his field.7 He taught a starling that he had taken out of its nest when it was still unfledged, i.e., not yet able to fly, the following speech:

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Translations Who are you? How old? Were you brave? Can you whistle too?

The Starling: " "

I am General Radezky8 I am seventy years old. Very, very brave!

At this question the starling drew himself up, gave the command of his own accord:—Music!—and began thereupon to whistle the folk song: You’re almost thirty! This bird was a real showpiece; a vicar bought it and after 3 months his cat ate it. Even more learned was a starling which was kept by the proprietor of the guest house “zur Hummel” in Hornitz near Zittau in Lusatia in the year 1867.9 This animal talked so much and whistled so many melodies that the owner had the whole repertoire of the starling printed on a big sheet and hung the sheets up on street corners, so that it attracted a lot of guests. I am told that this starling also in the end fell victim to a cat. A mocking-bird that was kept in the Dresden zoological garden years ago spoke little, but with obvious comprehension. If a visitor came up to its cage, then its first question was: “Have you any sugar?” If it got some, it called loudly: “Thank you, thank you!” But if it did not get any, or if it was teased, it cried with real indignation: “You old peasant!”, which amused everybody. It looks to me as though starlings were the most capable of speaking intelligibly. Neither the above-mentioned mocking-bird nor the parrots etc. that I have heard were so easy to understand. Enough for today. It would gratify me very much if these notes were of any interest to you. I respect you, my dear Sir, very highly and am formally disparaged in my homeland as a Darwinian, and would therefore very much like to do my share in expanding your theory, which has brought about a veritable revolution & started a new epoch in natural science. For this reason please treat my notes with indulgence; you would make me really happy with a few lines as to whether I may offer you my observations again in the future. Heaven give you health and strength, so that you may be able to devote yourself for a very long time yet to the further elaboration of your fine theory. With boundless respect I remain | yours | sincerely devoted | Dr. Alfred Moschkau | Writer. DAR 171: 252 1 2 3

For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see pp. 141–3. CD was awarded the honorary degree of doctor of laws (LLD) at University of Cambridge on 17 November 1877 (LL 3: 222). In an address to the German Association of Naturalists and Doctors, Rudolf Carl Virchow had criticised Ernst Haeckel’s views on the teaching of evolution in schools; he remarked on the dangers of

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‘personal speculation in science’, and claimed that the theory of descent was insufficiently proven, especially with regard to the origins of life (see Virchow 1877, and Nature, 22 November 1877, pp. 73–4, 29 November 1877, pp. 93–4). For more on the controversy over Virchow’s address, see the letter to K. H. von Scherzer, 1 April 1878 and n. 2. No publication by Moschkau on this subject has been found. In Descent 2d ed., p. 85 n. 52, CD had added information from Moschkau on a starling who said, in German, ‘Good morning’, to persons arriving, and ‘Goodbye, old fellow’, to those departing. See also Correspondence vol. 21, letter to Alfred Moschkau, 19 December 1873. CD had written about the inheritance of mutilations and deformities in Variation 1: 22–4; on peculiar ear features as possible rudiments of an animal ancestor, see Descent 1: 22–3. The quotation in the original German is from Friedrich von Schiller’s Wilhelm Tell, 4. 3: In gärend Drachengift hast du die Milch der frommen Denkart mir verwandelt.

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This may be translated as: ‘you have changed the milk of human kindness in me to a fermenting dragon’s poison’. ‘Frommen Denkart’ literally means ‘gentle (innocent) mindset’; ‘Denkungsart’ is a variant with the added meaning of ‘convictions’, and the usage is often ironic. The English phrase ‘milk of human kindness’ is familiar from Shakespeare’s Macbeth act 1, scene 5. Lusatia was part of the Kingdom of Saxony; in 1815 it was divided, with part of Upper Lusatia, including Dresden and Leipzig, remaining under Saxony and the rest transferred to Prussia (Columbia gazetteer of the world). Deutscher has not been identified. Joseph Radetzky. Bertsdorf-Hörnitz and Zittau are now in the state of Saxony (Germany).

From Henry Potonié1   16 April 1878 Berlin. 16. 4. 1878. Highly honoured Sir! Let me explain very briefly why I am writing to you, in order not to take up your valuable time unnecessarily. In the: “Historical sketch” of your work: “The origin of species etc. sixth edition. London 1873” you give an overview of those researchers who drew attention to the common descent of species prior to the publication of your above-mentioned work; however, the excellent suggestions in a book by the most respected Professor Alexander Braun, who died last year, seem to have escaped your notice. Important passages are found particularly towards the end of the concluding observations (page: 325– 348) and in the introduction (page: 3–23). The book is called: “Betrachtungen über die Erscheinung der Verjüngung in der Natur etc. Freiburg im Breisgau 1849/50.2 It was published again in Leipzig in 1851.3 You may want to use this note in a new edition of your work, once you have examined the book of this scholar with whom you are familiar.4 With my apologies, in case I have wasted your precious time as the result of a misunderstanding. I remain with profound admiration | Henry Potonié Berlin N. W. Dorotheenstr. 42. DAR 174: 58

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For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see p. 164. CD first published his ‘historical sketch’ (in which he discussed the work of earlier evolutionists) in 1861 in Origin 3d ed., pp. xiii–xix; it had gone through several revisions by the time it appeared in Origin 6th ed., pp. xiii–xxi. Alexander Carl Heinrich Braun’s work on the phenomenon of regeneration in nature (Braun 1849–50) focused on asexual reproduction such as bud variation and graft hybrids; in the concluding section he discussed the reappearance of features (a form of reversion, which he referred to as remembrance) and the connectedness of different forms, and suggested that the same process of regeneration had led through countless intermediate steps to humankind (ibid., pp. 346–8). Potonié evidently read this discussion about the unity of life at a cellular level as an argument for common descent. Braun 1851. CD did not make any changes to Origin after 1876 (Freeman 1977, pp. 80–1).

From Federico Delpino1   23 April 1878 Genoa 23 April 1878. Venerable man! I beg permission to offer you a complimentary copy of the “Rivista botanica dell’anno 1877”, where I have not failed (pp. 84–106) to give a detailed account of your admirable work “The different forms of flowers” etc.2 Words fail me to express my admiration for this classical work, which without hesitation I regard as the most important text on plant physiology to have appeared until now. Also, on p. 183 I mentioned the singular decoration that has been conferred on your honour, expressing well-deserved praise for the University of Cambridge, and I scolded the French Academy no less deservedly for an ill-advised act.3 In this manner, and within the limits of my feeble powers, I am trying to repay part of my great debt towards you, as my venerable teacher and the courteous donor of your immortal works. Let me take the liberty of presenting to you, the distinguished author of a monograph on Cirripedes,4 a conjecture of mine on the life of such crustaceans. May your honour decide whether this conjecture has any basis. In case it is unfounded, ignore the following. If the opposite is the case, however, I beg you to favour me with your esteemed opinion. While I was in Rio de Janeiro I had opportunity to observe some Balanus.5 I was very struck by the structure of these peculiar forms. On the outside they are or seem like a multivalval mollusc (with a shell generated from calcareous valves); the rest is essentially a crustacean animal. Now, here one can not speak of a transition in the sense of the transformist doctrine. Molluscs and crustaceans certainly are two diverging lineages, and accordingly there could be no intermediate form.6 Rather, what springs to mind is the possibility of a curious case of grafting. Let us suppose that the larva of a cirripede, at first quite loose and free, were to search for and attack a very young individual of a given species of multivalval mollusc, grafting a portion of its body onto the body of the attacked mollusc.7 Let us also suppose that such grafting had the effect of suppressing all the vitality of the attacked body, maintaining solely the vitality of the calcareogenic mantle; in this case one would

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have a natural explanation for the peculiar structure of the cirripedes, and perhaps not only of the cirripedes but also of the ostracods and other tribes among the crustaceans.8 It seems to me as though this conjecture could find support in the example of the Pagurus.9 The Pagurus assaults little sea-snails; it kills them and installs itself in them; however, as it slowly grows, it is forced to change its dwelling and to find a larger accomodation. Would it not be a great advantage to the Pagurus if, instead of totally killing off the mollusc whose house it usurps, it were to preserve the vitality of the mantle, which is enough to expand the same house for ever? Perhaps the singular custom of the Pagurus could be regarded as a first step towards the dual nature of the body of cirripedes.10 To me it looks as though this conjecture has a great deal of verisimilitude. But since I can do no less than confess my great ignorance in matters of carcinology,11 I thus beg you to let me know your opinion on this matter, or rather not to give me any answer at the present, if your honour judges this conjecture to be entirely unfounded. Assuring you of my loyalty and gratitude in every respect. Your most faithful disciple | Federico Delpino | Prof. of botany at the University of Genoa. DAR 162: 156 1 2

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6 7 8

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For a transcription of this letter in its original Italian, see pp. 167–8. ‘Rivista botanica’ for 1877, a review of the year’s botanical publications by Delpino, was part of Annuario Scientifico ed Industriale 14 (1877); the discussion of CD’s Forms of flowers appears on pp. 536–58. The copy sent by Delpino has not been found but he evidently sent CD a separately paginated offprint. Delpino had previously sent the ‘Rivista botanica’ for 1876 as a separately paginated offprint (DAR 132.5). CD had received an honorary degree from the University of Cambridge on 17 November 1877 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242)). He had been unsuccessfully nominated six times for election to the anatomy and zoology section of the Académie des sciences between 1870 and 1878 (Corsi and Weindling 1985, p. 699). Delpino’s comments are in ‘Rivista botanica’ in Annuario Scientifico ed Industriale 14 (1877): 635–6. CD’s study of cirripedes resulted in the publication of Living Cirripedia (1851 and 1854) and Fossil Cirripedia (1851 and 1854). Delpino had stayed in Rio de Janiero for about a month in 1873 when personal circumstances forced him to give up his post as naturalist on a round-the-world voyage aboard the Garibaldi (Correspondence vol. 21, letter from Federico Delpino, 20 April 1873). Balanus is a genus of barnacle. Molluscs are a major phylum (Mollusca); crustaceans belong to the phylum Arthropoda. Cirripedes (barnacles) are crustaceans. In Origin, p. 148, CD mentioned the phenomenon of parasitism in cirripedes. He considered grafting to be confined to the vegetable world. Ostracods are a class (Ostracoda) of the Crustacea. Delpino was trying to account for the multi-valve shell structure of the adult cirripede compared to other crustaceans; for CD’s description of adult cirripede shells, see Living Cirripedia (1851), figs. 1–3. Pagurus is a genus of hermit crabs, which lack a hard carapace, and adopt empty shells from other species. In all their larval stages cirripedes resemble other crustaceans, but as adults they take on their atypical form (see n. 8, above).

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The study of crustaceans.

From Édouard van Beneden1   29 April 1878

Liège 29/4 78.

Sir and very illustrious Master, I am sending with this note a circular which I want very much for you to read.2 Allow me to tell you that I principally want to be able to put you at the head of the album dedicated to Schwann and I suspect in which you would want, by sending your photograph with your autograph, to demonstrate your high esteem of the founder of modern histology. I take this opportunity to reiterate, sir and illustrious master, the expression of my deep respect and admiration for yourself and your work. Your very devoted | Edouard Van Beneden. to Mr Ch. Darwin. DAR 160: 135 1 2

For a transcription of this letter in its original French, see p. 174. The circular has not been found; it probably related to raising a subscription to commission a bust of Theodor Schwann (see letter from Édouard van Beneden, 11 September 1878).

From Naphtali Lewy1   14 May 1878 29 Baker’s Row | Whitechapel | London E. Yr Honour | the world-famous scientist | Charles Darwin Already in the year 1876 in the month of April I had the honour of receiving a letter from Yr Hon. (in Radom in Poland); now I would be pleased if the following argument also met with your approval, and if Yr Hon. would deign to honour me with a reply.2 I have always been meaning to write a comprehensive work about your theory in regard to Mosaic Law and the argument in question is a contribution to the same. “In my work “Toldot-Adam” (the desc. of man) Vienna 1875., I have demonstrated that the biblical history of creation can be explained and commented on in the light of the Darwinian theory, and that the original language is well suited to the theory of transmutation in expression and content.3 So, we now want to try to find in the original text the very same as what science claims regarding hybridisation, and to show that the Darwinian theory in fact provides us with the key to the secret biblical law— Let us review the main features of Darwinian theory. In the Origin chap.  9 Hybridism it says: 1) With plants, hybridised embryos probably often perish in a like manner; at least it is known that hybrids raised from very distinct species are sometimes weak and dwarfed, and perish at an early age—.4 2) ibid.: in both cases the sterility occurs in various degrees:5

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3) ibid   The above view of the sterility of hybrids being caused by two constitutions compounded into one has been strongly maintained by Max Wichura.6 What science calls a “hybrid”, the Bible refers to as an “illegitimate child”; it calls this “A Shameful Hybridism” ‫( ֶתּ ֶבל‬III Book of Moses Chap 20 V12)7 or better even for mixing two kinds it offers the expression le _rivoh ‫( לְ ִר ְבﬠָ ה‬ibid. Ve. 16)8 and every offspring of consanguineous parents it calls “bastard” (ibid. Chap 18. Ve 6)9 Now let us see what punishment the Bible inflicts on such “obscenities”: it says (ibid Chap 18. Verse 24) “Mix not ye (this is the original meaning in Hebrew of ‫ ְ)ת ַמ ְמאוּ‬yourselves with any of these things— the land has mixed itself and therefore vomiteth out her inhabitants”—10 Does this not mean the same as “that hybrids from distinct species are weak and dwarfed, and perish at an early age? Isn’t the vomiting out of the land the perishing at an early age of the hybridised embryos”—? don’t we read clearly (ibid. Chap. 20 V. 21), “Who has uncovered nakedness, they shall die childless”11   is this more mysterious than what Darwin teaches on nature? Does not the Bible inflict the same punishment as that pronounced by science? “In both cases sterility is the outcome”—? (v ibid Vers 25)12 Isn’t the warning from the Bible “You must keep kinds apart” the same as what science warns will happen through “hybridisation”?— Doesn’t the Bible tell us clearly the same as Darwinism teaches us? (V. Book of Mos. 28. Ver. II) that the sterility of hybrids is caused by compounding two constitutions into one?13 And the very curse the Bible pronounces, “lack of offspring etc and “madness” of consanguineous offspring (c 29. v. 62)14 surely confirms Darwin’s theory!!!. He who wants to recognise Darwinism can in my opinion stick with the Mosaic Law, can even inquire into it more deeply with light and truth.— It would be a very great pleasure for me if Yr Honour would acknowledge with favour my opinion, and assure me (at the above address) of his goodwill I have the honour Yr Hon’s | wholly devoted and | most obedient servant | to sign | Naphtali Lewÿ 29 Bakers Row | Whtechapel London E. | On 14 May 1878— DAR 201: 21 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see pp. 196–7. CD’s letter has not been found, but see Correspondence vol. 24, letter from Naphtali Lewy, [26 March – 24 April 1876]. CD’s copy of Lewy’s essay was later lost (ML 1: 365). It was published both in a periodical (Lewy 1874), and in book form (Lewy 1875). Lewy’s thesis is discussed in Colp and Kohn 1996, pp. 1721–4. Lewy quotes from the German translation of Origin 6th ed. (Bronn and Carus trans. 1876, p. 345; see also Origin 6th ed., p. 249). See Bronn and Carus trans. 1876, p. 346; see also Origin 6th ed., p. 250. See Bronn and Carus trans. 1876, p. 347; see also Origin 6th ed., p. 251. In the German translation of the Bible made by Martin Luther, the first five books are referred to as I to V Mose (Moses); III Mose is Leviticus and V Mose is Deuteronomy. Lewy did not use Luther’s German translation, but seems to be translating directly from the Hebrew. Lev. 20:12: in the King James

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translation reads, ‘And if a man lie with his daughter in law, both of them shall surely be put to death: they have wrought confusion; their blood shall be upon them.’ Le-rivoh (‫ )לְ ִר ְבﬠָ ה‬means ‘to copulate’. Lev. 20:16 in the King James translation reads, ‘And if a woman approach unto any beast, and lie down thereto, thou shalt kill the woman, and the beast: they shall surely be put to death; their blood shall be upon them.’ In German, Bastard can also be translated ‘hybrid’. Lev. 20:6 in the King James translation reads, ‘And the soul that turneth after such as have familiar spirits, and after wizards, to go a whoring after them, I will even set my face against that soul, and will cut him off from among his people.’ Lev. 18:25 in the King James translation reads, ‘And the land is defiled: therefore I do visit the iniquity thereof upon it, and the land itself vomiteth out her inhabitants.’ Lev. 20:21 in the King James translation reads, ‘And if a man shall take his brother’s wife, it is an unclean thing: he hath uncovered his brother’s nakedness; they shall be childless.’ Lev. 20:25 in the King James translation reads, ‘Ye shall therefore put difference between clean beasts and unclean, and between unclean fowls and clean: and ye shall not make your souls abominable by beast, or by fowl, or by any manner of living thing that creepeth on the ground, which I have separated from you as unclean.’ Deut. 28:2 in the King James translation reads, ‘And all these blessings shall come on thee, and overtake thee, if thou shalt hearken unto the voice of the Lord thy God.’ Deut. 28:62 (there is no verse 62 in Deut. 29) in the King James translation reads, ‘And ye shall be left few in number, whereas ye were as the stars of heaven for multitude; because thou wouldest not obey the voice of the Lord thy God.’

From Arnold Dodel-Port1   12 June 1878

Hottingen | Zurich, 12 June 1878.

Mr Charles Darwin in Down, Beckenham, Kent | England. Most esteemed Sir! We have the pleasure of sending you today (in a tube, under wrapper, by registered mail) the 1st instalment of our “Anatomisch- physiologischer Atlas der Botanik”, just now published, and we hope that these first plates of an evolutionary, physiological teaching aid meet your expectations.2 The project met with such a kind reception among the most important specialists in Germany that it was not difficult to find an enthusiastic & devoted publisher for the German and French editions. Currently the 2d & 3d instalments, which are to appear in the autumn, are being prepared for production. In two or 3 weeks, the first instalment with the French text will come out. At the same time the text is being translated into English, so as to ensure that this costly work, whose production requires an extensive investment, will find subscribers also in England & America.3 Only if several nations show an interest in acquiring this teaching aid will it be possible to carry out the whole thing the way the German botanists and supporters of the theory of evolution intended it. For the edition with an English text & for sales in England & America we must find an English company, for the peculiarities of the booktrade make it impossible for the German publisher to do much in the way of advertisement in England.× For this reason we shall approach an English publisher soon, to see if we can find a man who can & will work in England in the same spirit as Mr Schreiber does for the French & German editions. Thus it is conceivable that the English publisher who we approach will inquire of you or of your son4 about your views on the undertaking. Thus it may

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be appropriate to mention that the most eminent professors of botany in Germany are vouching for our atlas body and soul, and contribute to the success of the whole endeavour by supporting it by word and deed. (V. “Prospect & Vorwort”, the names: Julius Sachs, Carl Nägeli, Ferdinand Cohn, De Bary, Eduard Strasburger, Pringsheim, Julius Wiesner etc.)5 As you can see from the instalment at hand, we have in these plates dealt with chapters from disparate branches of botany. No doubt the three plates: Drosera (which was sent to you earlier), Salvia & Ophrys will interest you most. All three of them were drawn from nature by myself. Whether they are true to nature will be decided primarily by you. Among the orchids I chose the relatively rare Ophrys Arachnites because I observed this plant over several summers & because I possessed coloured original drawings only of this.6 Also decisive for this choice was the circumstance that in Ophrys, the structure of the orchid blossom can very easily be demonstrated without dissecting it. Among the future instalments, there will be several more plates of flowers. Dr. Hermann Müller of Lippstadt was so kind as to offer us of his own accord a free choice of a large number of yet more original drawings, which we intend to use in the future. We can report the same of Prof. De Bary, Eduard Strasburger, Nägeli & Pringsheim. Now the project depends primarily on whether, after the publication of the first instalment, we find subscribers among the scholars & teachers of the German, French & English tongue who are so fortunate as to be permitted to teach botany at a university. If the thing comes off as a result of all civilised nations participating in it, this might somewhat decrease the difficulties in getting the history of botanical evolution into the Mittelschule.7 That way we would achieve more than if the history of evolution remained within the narrow frame of academic teaching. Allow me, most esteemed Sir, on this occasion to renew my assurance of our greatest respect | and grateful devotion: | the editors of the “Atlas” | For them: Dr Arnold Dodel-Port | Freie Strasse 22 | in Hottingen | Zurich. DAR 162: 197 1 2

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For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see pp. 233–4. Dodel-Port sent the first part of his and Carolina Dodel-Port’s Anatomisch-physiologischer Atlas der Botanik für Hoch- und Mittelschulen (Anatomical-physiological atlas of botany for universities and middle schools; Dodel-Port and Dodel-Port 1878–83). Dodel-Port had sent two early plates from the atlas to CD in 1877 (see n. 6, below) and CD had found them ‘excellent’ and ‘well executed’ (Correspondence vol. 25, letter to Arnold Dodel-Port, 6 July 1877). The German edition was published by J. F. Schreiber, a company run by Ferdinand Schreiber. A French translation of Dodel-Port and Dodel-Port 1878–83 has not been identified; the English translation of the explanatory texts was published in parts from 1880 (Dodel-Port and Dodel-Port 1880–3). The work was expensive because of the large number of lithographed plates. Francis Darwin. Carl Wilhelm von Nägeli, Ferdinand Julius Cohn, Anton de Bary, and Nathanael Pringsheim. A large edition of sixty plates was planned for universities but only the forty-two-plate edition aimed at secondary schools was ever published (see Correspondence vol. 25, letter from Arnold Dodel-Port, 3 July 1877 and n. 4).

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Dodel-Port had previously sent plates of Drosera rotundifolia (the common or round-leaved sundew) and Volvox gobator (a species of green algae); see Correspondence vol. 25, letter from Arnold Dodel-Port, 3 July 1877. CD had made major studies of the genera Drosera, Salvia, and Ophrys in Insectivorous plants, Cross and self fertilisation, and Orchids, respectively. Drosera rotundifolia, Salvia sclarea, and Ophrys arachnites appeared as plates 1, 11, and 36 in Dodel-Port and Dodel-Port 1878–83. Ophrys arachnites (late spider-orchid) is a synonym of Ophrys fuciflora subsp. fuciflora; CD had described it in Orchids 2d ed., pp. 51–2. Mittelschule (German): literally, middle school, but used to refer to a level following the first few years of school in a Volksschule (now Grundschule). For more on the struggle to have evolution taught in German schools, against the opposition of the Catholic Church, see Hopwood 2015, p. 137.

From Arnold Dodel-Port1   18 June 1878 Hottingen | Zurich, 18. June 1878. Mr Charles Darwin in Down, Beckenham | Kent. England. Most esteemed Sir! With the greatest satisfaction we gathered from your honoured letter of the 15th of the month that you are very pleased with the manner in which our atlas has been executed. As far as we know at the moment, our “Atlas” is being received from all sides with appreciation & joy.2 From every quarter we receive the best news, that is, from the most renowned representatives of German scholarship, for example from Prof. Julius Sachs in Würzburg, Oscar Brefeld in Berlin, Dr Hermann Müller in Lippstadt, who is offering us yet more material for the plates of flowers, & many others as well. Thus the hopes of the editors & publishers appear to be coming true, and without doubt it will be possible to complete the entire work within the next 2 years. You were so kind as to communicate to us the address of an English publisher of textbooks, for which I thank you cordially. No doubt my publisher will contact the London address you provided.3 For the dissemination of our atlas, in the English-speaking world as well, the circumstance that you have taken such a lively interest in the execution of our project will be of most eminent importance, and for us there is no greater satisfaction than your approval particularly as concerns those plates that illustrate the theory of flowers (cross-fertilisation), which as we know has captured the world so quickly and so victoriously due to your initiative. The plate of Salvia is received everywhere with great interest on the part of scholars & laypersons alike.4 (The publisher will have a further 1000  copies printed.) As you can see, it is possible to make successful propaganda for scientific truth through visual means. Now it will not be difficult to get an English publisher interested and we hope the English edition will be out in two months’ time. You write towards the end of your honoured letter: “I hope that you will allow me to become a regular subscriber to the work.”—5 But I must beg you to forgive me for solemnly protesting against your plan. I owe you, most esteemed Sir, so infinitely much that in my whole life it will never be possible for me to express my thanks adequately. It is merely as a feeble attempt at intimating my innermost

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sentiments that I allow myself occasionally to report to you about our work. Without you & your all-enriching science our atlas would not have come together. Therefore kindly allow us not to accept your subscription, but let us be proud & happy to make the subsequent instalments over to you as well, as a warm greeting from the continent. I remain in the deepest gratitude and | the most heartfelt veneration | yours devoted | Arnold Dodel-Port DAR 162: 198 1 2 3

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5

For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see pp. 240–1. See letter to Arnold Dodel-Port, 15 June 1878. Dodel-Port had sent CD the first part of his botanical atlas (Dodel-Port and Dodel-Port 1878–83). In his letter to Dodel-Port of 15 June 1878, CD had recommended Longman & Co. as a publisher for the English translation; an English translation of the explanatory texts for the atlas was published by W. & A. K. Johnston (Dodel-Port and Dodel-Port 1880–3). Dodel-Port had drawn CD’s attention to the plate of Salvia sclarea (Dodel-Port and Dodel-Port 1878– 83, plate 11) because CD had worked on the genus for Cross and self fertilisation; see letter from Arnold Dodel-Port, 12 June 1878 and n. 6. See letter to Arnold Dodel-Port, 15 June 1878.

From Fritz Müller1   21 July 1878 Blumenau, Sa. Catharina, Brazil, 21. July 1878. My dear Sir! I am sending you some seeds of a beautiful Cassia that I have just now received from a friend to whom I had shown the unripe fruit some months ago.2 This species is very rare in the Province of Sa. Catharina, and I know of only one single plant, which grows around 50km from my home. It is a large tree (around 12 m thick), which was cut down many years ago, and from whose roots numerous shoots have grown. These flowered for the first time this year. For many years, whenever I came along this path, I encountered more or less numerous specimens of one of our largest and most beautiful butterflies, namely Callidryas Menippe, close by this Cassia, and on it I recently also discovered the caterpillars.3 It is only extremely rarely that one ever sees a single specimen of Callidryas Menippe, which over here appear to be limited exclusively to the immediate neighbourhood of that single Cassia plant. While the propagation of butterflies is of course determined by that of the food plant of its caterpillars, it still is rather odd that in a large area one species should be limited to a single tree … Incomplete Möller ed. 1915–21, 2: 382 1

For a transcription of the original German of the published source of this letter, see p. 312. According to Alfred Möller, all Fritz Müller’s letters to CD were written in English (see Möller ed. 1915–21, 2:

522

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72 n.); most of them have not been found. Many of the letters were later sent by Francis Darwin to Möller, who translated them into German for his Fritz Müller: Werke, Briefe und Leben (Möller ed. 1915– 21). Möller also found final drafts of some Müller letters among the Fritz Müller papers and included these in their original English form (ibid. 2: 72 n). Where the original English versions are missing, the published version, usually appearing in German translation, has been used. CD had already received seeds of two other species of Cassia sent by Müller (see letter to Fritz Müller, 16 May 1878 and nn. 3 and 4), and possibly some sent by Hermann Müller (see letter from Hermann Müller, 5 July 1878 and n. 1). On 9 August 1878, CD sent some of these seeds to Kew, and on 26 August sent seeds from the Cassia mentioned in this letter (Inwards book, Archives, Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew). Callidryas menippe is a synonym of Anteos menippe, the orangetip angled-sulphur; its principal host plant is Cassia ferruginea, a leguminous tree native to north-east Brazil, which can grow to a height of fifteen metres and has bright yellow flowers (Born and Lima 2005, p. 522). Müller lived in the south-eastern province (now state) of Santa Catarina.

From Franz Ritter von Kobell1    25 July 1878 Königlich Bayerische | Akademie der Wissenschaften | Munich, on 25th July 1878. Your Honour will receive as an enclosure the diploma by which the königliche Akademie der Wissenschaften elects you a foreign member of its mathematical–physical section.2 It is a particular honour for the undersigned to deliver to you a document by which the kgl: Akademie certifies its respect for and acknowledgement of the services that you have rendered to your specialism through your research and publications. With the greatest respect | Your Honour | most devoted | v Kobell | secretary of the section.3 Your Honour | Charles Darwin | at | Down near Beckenham | near London. LS DAR 230: 62 1 2 3

For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see p. 322. For a transcription and translation of the diploma sent by the Royal Bavarian Academy of Sciences, see Appendix III. Kobell was secretary of the mathematical–physical section of the Royal Bavarian Academy of Sciences.

From Paul Broca1   5 August 1878 Exposition des Sciences Anthropologiques | Paris, le 5 August 1878 Dear and renowned colleague, An international congress of the anthropological sciences will take place in Paris from the 16 to 21 of this month. It will be followed immediately by the 7th. session

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of the French Association for the Advancement of Sciences, which will sit from the 22 to 29 August. You must have received some days ago the program of the anthropological congress; I send you a new one by today’s post.2 But I want to express, in my name, and in the name of the whole organizing committee, all the joy and pride that we would feel if you would do us the honour of attending our congress. Personally, my ambition extends further and I hope that you will kindly accept the hospitality of my house. There you will be in the centre of Paris, on the Seine, two steps from the Institute (which finally decided to elect you!!!).3 My wife4 joins her entreaties to mine, to have the happiness of having under our roof such a guest as you, and she hopes, like me, that Mrs Darwin would kindly wish to accompany you If you generally bring with you a servant in your travels, we will easily place a servant’s room at your disposal. Please accept, dear and renowned colleague, the expression of my respectful devotion. | P Broca DAR 160: 314 1 2 3

4

For a transcription of this letter in its original French, see p. 333. The programme sent to CD has not been found. A report of the proceedings was published (Congrès international des sciences anthropologiques 1878). CD had recently been elected a corresponding member in the botanical section of the Académie des sciences (Academy of Sciences of the Institute of France); he had been nominated on six previous occasions in the zoological section (see letter from J.-B. Dumas and Joseph Bertrand, 5 August 1878 and n. 2). Adèle-Augustine Broca.

From J.-B. Dumas and Joseph Bertrand1   5 August 1878 Institut de France. | Académie des Sciences. | Paris, the 5 August 1878 The permanent Secretaries of the Academy. to Mr.  Ch. Darwin, Correspondent of the Academy of the Sciences of the Institute of France2 Sir, We have the honour to send you an extract from the Verbal Proceedings of the Session in which the Academy named you one of its Correspondents to fill the place in the Botanical Section left vacant by the death of M. Weddell,3 of Poitiers In offering you this title, as a recognition of its esteem, the Academy hopes, Sir, that you would kindly communicate to it the results of your researches in the relevant Sciences. Accept, Sir, with our personal congratulations, the assurance of our most distinguished respect | J Dumas J Bertrand LS DAR 230: 63

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For a transcription of this letter in its original French, see p. 334. CD was nominated six times between 1870 and 1878 for membership of the zoological section of the Académie (Corsi and Weindling 1985, p. 699; see also Correspondence vols. 18, 20, and 21). For more on the controversy surrounding the nominations, see Stebbins 1988, pp. 147–9. For a transcription and translation of the diploma, see Appendix III. Hugh Algernon Weddell.

From Gaston de Saporta1   9 August 1878 Fonscolombe | par le Puy— Ste Réparade | (B. du Rhône) 9 August 78 Sir and honoured colleague, I see today from the newspapers that you were elected last Monday as correspondent of the botanical section of the Academy of Sciences—2 I am more than happy about this occurrence and all too flattered to see my name written near yours not to show you my great satisfaction— I see too that I was not wrong in bringing the actions of the Academy to your attention— I believe firmly that your ideas are carving out a great path and that they will soon triumph in science as the traditions of the school of Cuvier disappear completely.3 I believe too that discoveries and observations will go on multiplying from year to year whether through the study of living nature, or through that of palaeontology— But in the second of these areas, one must not want to rush, but to advance step by step. I am continuing at the moment to examine the most ancient vegetable productions from the lower Silurian onward and I have become convinced that organic life was from then on old and relatively complex. It is ever more clear that carboniferous and even precarboniferous vegetation was divided into two almost equal groups of vascular cryptogams and of gymnospermous phanerogams— These gymnosperms were also generally higher in structure than the surviving members of their class: the conifers and the cycads, and in a general sense when one group or class has declined, the beings of this class who escaped, after it had lost predominance, were linked to the lower branches who found a way to live on by avoiding the struggle for survival. The gymnospermous lineage from which dicotyledons originated, as a result of a series of stratagems, may well have been originally found lower than other types of gymnosperms—but these, by the very reason of their premature perfection had to succumb in the struggle for life, when the circumstances that favoured their stock were not the same. I developed this viewpoint in a work on the world of plants before man, currently in press and which summarises all that I have previously written on the progress of ancient vegetation understood from the point of view of evolution. I will have the honour to offer you this work in a few months.4 I beg you to accept, Sir and honoured colleague, my affectionate and faithful regards | Cte G. de Saporta I will be in Paris for a month in August and September | Hotel and quay Voltaire DAR 177: 36

Translations 1 2 3

4

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For a transcription of this letter in its original French, see pp. 339–40. CD was elected a corresponding member of the botanical section of the Académie des sciences on 5 August 1878 (see letter from J.-B. Dumas and Joseph Bertrand, 5 August 1878 and n. 2). In December 1877, Saporta had alerted CD to the fact that CD’s name was going to be proposed for membership in the botanical section of the Académie des sciences, and that CD’s election was very likely (see Correspondence vol. 25, letter from Gaston de Saporta, 16 December 1877). Saporta had been a corresponding member of the botanical section of the academy since 1876 (Comptes rendus hebdomadaires des séances de l’Académie des sciences 83 (1876): 43). For more on Georges Cuvier’s influence on French science in the nineteenth century, see Appel 1987. Saporta’s book, Le monde des plantes avant l’apparition de l’homme (The world of plants before the appearance of man; Saporta 1879), was published in December 1878 (see letter to Gaston de Saporta, 22 December 1878). CD’s copy, inscribed, ‘A Monsieur Charles Darwin | Comme un hommage respectueux’, is in the Darwin Library–CUL.

From Alphonse de Candolle1   10 August 1878 Samedan (Engadine) 10 August 1878 My dear Sir News arrives late and incomplete in the eastern extremity of Switzerland and at 1724mts of elevation, twelve hours away by rail; nevertheless a newspaper informed me of your nomination by the Académie des Sciences de L’Institut, as a correspondent.2 Allow me to tell you just how pleased this made me. How odd! in the current case it is not the one elected who deserves more congratulations—for your position is so elevated in science that one more title is a matter of indifference—Rather it is the Académie that interests me, and that delayed much too long in recognising your merits. The system of induction by section harmed you because it passed you on from the zoological to the botanical or vice versa.3 Sadly there were also ridiculous prejudices from unscientific motives. I sometimes feared lest we treated you as we formerly did Dr Priestley, who had discovered oxygen—it’s true—but who was a republican, so that the royal Academies of Paris and Berlin did not want him on their lists.4 Finally you have survived the false and out-of-place objections that were stirred up against you! They did not come from members of the Académie that I know best and with whom I speak often of you, but more from mathematicians, physicians etc, with whom I have less contact. Even Mr de Quatrefages, who fought your opinions in natural history, told me that he had voted for you on another occasion when the discussion on your account was very lively.5 French youth is more favourable to you, especially in the provinces, and the replacement of personnel in the Académie would have allowed your appointment sooner or later, but it is better that this should have happened now. You will have received the 1st volume of our Monographiæ Phanerogamarum, which I instructed the bookseller to send you.6 It is a book to consult on occasion, that’s all. At most one or two pages in the generalizations on Smilax are worth the effort to hold your attention.7 As an aside, in comparing the fossil Smilax with living, I gained a sad opinion of the so-called plant fossil species. Generic characteristics can not at

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all be determined by the leaves, which are here the only thing known, and moreover the leaves are reduced to blades without petioles, which make it impossible to distinguish species. I have never seen so vague a palaeontological fact. My compliments to your sons.8 I would like to meet them some time in this curious valley of the Engadine where the mountain paths have a special attraction, particularly for the young. Please be assured, my dear Sir, of my most devoted regards | Alph. de Candolle DAR 161: 24 1 2

3

4 5

6 7

8

For a transcription of this letter in its original French, see pp. 341–2. Candolle was at the Swiss health resort Samaden (Samedan is the usual English spelling of the name) in the upper Engadine. CD was elected a corresponding member of the botanical section of the Académie des sciences of the Institut de France on 5 August 1878 (see letter from J.-B. Dumas and Joseph Bertrand, 5 August 1878 and n. 2). CD was nominated six times between 1870 and 1878 for membership of the zoological section of the Académie (Corsi and Weindling 1985, p. 699; see also Correspondence vols. 18, 20, and 21). For more on the controversy surrounding the nominations, see Stebbins 1988, pp. 147–9. Joseph Priestley, a polemical republican and Unitarian, became a foreign member of the Académie royale des sciences on 26 February 1784 (Schofield 2004, p. 151). Armand de Quatrefages had promoted CD’s nomination for membership of the zoological section of the Académie des sciences in July 1870; some of the attacks against CD at this time were reported at length in Revue des cours scientifiques (see, for example, Correspondence vol. 18, letter from Armand de Quatrefages, 18 July 1870 and n. 6). A. de Candolle and Candolle eds. 1878–96. The first three volumes of this work are in the Darwin Library–Down. Candolle worked on the publication with his son Casimir de Candolle. Smilax is the genus of greenbrier; for more of Candolle’s observations on fertilisation in Smilax, see Correspondence vol. 25, letter from Alphonse de Candolle, 31 July 1877. See also A. de Candolle and Candolle eds. 1878–96, 1: 26–7. It is not known which of CD’s sons are referred to, but Candolle mentioned Francis Darwin by name in his letter of January 1877 (Correspondence vol. 25), and Francis and Casimir de Candolle shared some of the same research interests.

From Hermenegildo Giner de los Ríos1   12 August 1878 Madrid | (Esparteros, 9, prãl.) Institucion Libre de Enseñanza | Comision de Propaganda | Particular 12 August 1878— Most respectable Sir I have the honour to request that you send, as soon as possible, “very comprehensive bibliographic information on all your published works”.2 Thanking you in advance, I have the pleasure of signing myself your most humble servant | H. Giner de los Ríos | Secretary Ch. Darwin Esqr. DAR 271.2: 4 1

For a transcription of this letter in its original French, see p. 345.

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CD had been made an honorary professor of the Institución Libre de Enseñanza in 1877 (Boletín de la Institución Libre de Enseñanza 1 (1877): 123). See letter from Eugenio Montero Ríos and Jacinto Mesía, 16 January 1878.

From Kasimir Ledeganck and Jean Crocq1   15 August 1878 Royal Society | of | Medical and Natural Sciences | of Brussels. | Brussels, 15 August 1878 Sir and most honoured colleague, We have the honour to inform you that, in its meeting of 12 August last, the Royal Society of Medical and Natural Sciences of Brussels, wishing to give you a token of its recognition for the remarkable works of which you are the author, and the notable services which you have rendered to Science, has unanimously awarded you the title of Honorary Member.2 We are happy, Sir, to send our congratulations for this new distinction, which your talents have so justly merited, and we hope that you will want to maintain regular scientific links with the Society, by telling it about your works to which it attaches the greatest value. Please accept, Sir and most honoured Colleague, our profound respects. | Secretary | Dr. K. Ledeganck. | President | J Crocq to Mr. Ch.s Darwin in London LS DAR 230: 65 1 2

For a transcription of this letter in its original French, see p. 354. For a transcription and translation of the diploma, see Appendix III.

From Édouard van Beneden1   11 September 1878 Liège 11/9 78. Sir and illustrious Master, I thank you cordially for the kind aid which you want to bestow on us by your twofold participation in for the display which we are organizing in honour of Schwann. Your name among the subscribers for the bust will give to this work an inestimable value.2 I take this occasion to reiterate to you, Sir and honoured Master, my admiration and profound respect | Your most obedient | Edouard Van Beneden. DAR 160: 136 1 2

For a transcription of this letter in its original French, see p. 377. No letter from CD on this subject has been found, but see the letter from Edouard van Beneden, 29 April 1878. On his retirement from his post as professor of anatomy and physiology at Liège in June

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1878, Theodor Schwann received an album of autographed portraits of his colleagues, and a marble bust of him was placed in the academic hall (Ljunggren and Bruyn 2002, p. 164).

From E. A. Floyer   [after 22 September 1878?]1 [Enclosure]2 R S rise / East 10 Rise / East / Rise / East / Rise East / Rise / East / Rise Ea Rise 20 3 34 DAR 194: 41 1

2

The date is conjectured from the relationship between the letter sent with this enclosure and the letter from E. A. Floyer, 22 September 1878, which seems to have been Floyer’s first letter to CD. The attribution of the letter to Floyer is based on the handwriting. For a transcription of this enclosure in its original Arabic, see p. 393.

From C.-F. Reinwald1   8 October 1878 15, Rue des Saints-Pères | Paris Paris. Oct. 8. 1878 To Charles Darwin Esq | Down. Beckenham | Kent Dear Sir Since our letters of 13 October and of 20 November, and your honoured reply of 21 November of last year we have had your work “On different Forms of Flowers” translated and printed. Prof. Heckel having your approval, we gave up negotiations with Mr Naudin, who did not decide promptly enough for the work of the translation.2 In any case, the book has just been finished and we send you today a copy by post with the understanding that other copies are at your disposal should you feel obliged to offer some to your friends from France or abroad. The preface of M. Coutance,3 which is found at the beginning of the work, was furnished to us by Mr. Heckel and in this situation, where we found ourselves, had to be accepted by us without difficulty. We hope now that this volume will gain ground like everything that comes from your pen. Its specialised subject will however make the sale slower than that of the other volumes; we hope in spite of that to be able to assure you a percentage of the price, when we have succeeded in selling 700 copies, which will just about cover the production cost.

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Our edition of cross and self Fertilisation is also selling slowly, for up to now we have scarcely distributed more than 450 to 500 copies. We hope however that with the resumption of business, we will soon be able to pay you directly the promised percentage for this volume, as well as for the second edition of the Emotions published last year.4 Our edition of the Origin of Species made with the aid of Mr Edmond Barbier still sells regularly enough. When there is a new edition, we believe we ought to make a book more compact and much less expensive, which in our opinion would accelerate the circulation.5 It is moreover a question for the future. Please accept, dear Sir, with our sincere thanks for the trust with which you continue to honour us, the assurance of our sincere regard | Your most obliged servants | C Reinwald & C DAR 176: 108 1 2

3 4

5

For a transcription of this letter in its original French, see pp. 408–9. Heckel trans. 1878. See Correspondence vol. 25, letter from C.-F. Reinwald, 13 October 1877; the other letters have not been found. CD had agreed to a French translation of Forms of flowers in his letter to Édouard Heckel, 20 November 1877 (Correspondence vol. 25). Reinwald had evidently been in negotiation with Charles Victor Naudin. For the preface by Amédée Coutance, see Heckel trans. 1878, pp. ix–xxxvi. The French translation of Cross and self fertilisation was published in 1877 (Heckel trans. 1877); that of Expression had been published in 1874, with a second edition appearing in 1877 (Pozzi and Benoît trans. 1874 and 1877). The most recent French edition of Origin was Barbier trans. 1876. The next edition was published in 1880, and was in a slightly smaller format (Barbier trans. 1880).

From Eduard Strasburger1   26 October 1878 Jena 26 October 1878. Most honoured Sir, I am very obliged to you for the kind words that your letter contains.2 Mr Sachs already informed me that you are working on heliotropism and with the great talent of observation that you possess, you will arrive, as always, at important results. It is with impatience that I await the publication of your work.3 Allow me to send you again today my little publication on polyembryony—4 It is one of the most distinctive things that I have found; for in most cases the polyembryony of angiosperms is due, not to the plurality of fertile eggs, but rather to the formation of pseudo-embryos by cells of the nucellus.5 These pseudo-embryos do not differ, however, in any way from true embryos formed by eggs. Please, dear Sir, accept the assurance of my very respectful esteem with which I remain always | Your very devoted | E. Strasburger DAR 177: 265 1

For a transcription of this letter in its original French, see pp. 415–16.

530 2 3

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See letter to Eduard Strasburger, 4 October 1878. CD had mentioned his own work on heliotropism in his letter to Eduard Strasburger, 4 October 1878; CD’s son Francis Darwin had worked in the laboratory of Julius Sachs at Würzburg, a centre of research in plant physiology, from June until August 1878 (Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242), and letter from Francis Darwin, [4–7 August 1878]). CD’s offprint of ‘Ueber Polyembryonie’ (On polyembryony; Strasburger 1878b) is in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL. The nucellus is the layer of cells in the undeveloped ovule in which the embryo sac develops. Nucellar embryony is the formation of additional embryos from the nucellus (see Strasburger 1878b, pp. 656–7).

From Albert Gaudry   6 November 18781 Paris 6 November 1878 Sir, On returning to Paris I found your nice book on the different forms of flowers in plants of the same species. I am very honoured that a master as eminent as you are would wish to send me all his works. There is in your latest book an accumulations of ingenious and original research; my friend Mr de Saporta who is a very competent judge assigns it the highest value.2 I wish that your health may remain good for a long time, as no one allows us to feel the beauties of Creation or allows us to enter more profoundly into the secrets of nature better than you do. I thank you, for my part, for all the enjoyment reading your works has given me. Please, Sir, accept the expression of my respectful esteem, | Albert Gaudry DAR 165: 20 1 2

For a transcription of this letter in its original French, see p. 423. Forms of flowers was first published in 1877. Both Gaudry’s name and that of Gaston de Saporta appear on CD’s presentation list to receive copies of the French translation (Heckel trans. 1878; see Correspondence vol. 25, Appendix IV).

From Edouard Bergson   12 November 18781 Warsaw, 12 November 1878. Sir, If I dare to bother You yet one more time, it is solely to communicate to You a fact, long since published by me and newly evoked in my memory by a discussion with my colleagues.2 One night, in order to hang a picture, I approached a wall and completely occupied in my work, I suddenly perceived the worm called Cimex lectularius.3 Not knowing, at first, how to get rid of it, I grabbed a candle and, placing it under the worm, I waited for the latter to fall. During the short span of time it endured this auto-da-fé,

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I remarked with surprise that the worm was changing form, by growing bigger, to —from round, as it had been beforehand; once become almost oblong, it fell, I no longer observed it. There it is; having remembered it, I hasten to tell you on the supposition that it may be useful to you for something. Praying, Sir, that You will wish to make Your opinion on this known to me, I present to You my most respectful greetings. | Edouard Bergson. | (Dzika 5.) DAR 201: 4 1 2

3

For a transcription of this letter in its original French, see pp. 430–1. Bergson had written previously asking for CD’s opinion on whether there was a fundamental difference between plants and animals (see Correspondence vol. 23, letter from Edouard Bergson, 10 October 1875, and letter to Edouard Bergson, 13 October 1875). Cimex lectularius: bed bug.

From Laureano Figuerola Ballester   28 November 18781 The President of the Institucion libre de Enseñanza greets the honorary Professor of the same Charles Darwin, Esqr.2 and has the honour of sending you enclosed the speech delivered by the Rector at the opening of the current session and an issue of the Spanish and American Illustration with portraits of the gentlemen who comprise the governing board of the Institution—3 D. Laureano Figuerola takes advantage of this occasion to reiterate to the said gentleman the assurance of his highest consideration. Madrid 28 November 1878 DAR 230: 69 1 2 3

For a transcription of this letter in its original Spanish, see p. 457. CD had been made an honorary professor of the Institución Libre de Enseñanza in 1877 (see letter from Eugenio Montero Ríos and Jacinto Mesía, 16 January 1878). The rector was Eugenio Montero Ríos (letter from Eugenio Montero Ríos and Jacinto Mesía, 16 January 1878). His speech and the issue of Ilustracion Española y Americana have not been found in the Darwin Archive–CUL. The portraits of the governing board appear in Ilustracion Española y Americana, 22 November 1878, p. 9.

From Gabriel Max1   21 December 1878 Munich | Göthestrasse 18 21 Decemb 1878 Most esteemed Sir! As a great admirer of English scholars I have read with wonder and interest A. R. Wallace, “Die wissenschaftliche Ansicht des Übernatürlichen.2

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Since this book made me quite confused and curious, I had a quick browse through the literature of so-called spiritualism. Then last night, I dreamt that Scharles Darwin was standing before me. Startled, I asked: do you believe in an invisible creation whose ennobling process provides man with a transient form? You nodded kindly and put a finger to your mouth signalling me to be silent. Following this coincidence I make bold to send these lines. “Is A. R. Wallace mad? ” “Was he always mad? ” “Or if he is not mad—what is he? ” I doubt you will find these words worthy of a reply, yet you would reply if you knew how jealously before the whole world I would carry in my heart a “Yes” or “No” from your lips.— In greatest awe | Gab. Max | K. Professor3 DAR 171: 107 1 2 3

For a transcription of this letter in its original German, see pp. 490–1. Max refers to the German translation (Wallace 1874b) of Alfred Russel Wallace’s book The scientific aspect of the supernatural (Wallace 1866). The abbreviation ‘K’ is for königliche (royal); Max was professor of historical art at the Royal Academy of Fine Arts (Königliche Akademie der Bildenden Künste) in Munich from 1879 to 1883 (NDB).

APPENDIX II Chronology 1878 This appendix contains a transcription of Darwin’s ‘Journal’ for the year 1878. Darwin commenced his ‘Journal’ in August 1838 and continued to maintain it until December 1881. In this small notebook, measuring 3 inches by 4 12 inches, Darwin recorded the periods he was away from home, the progress and publication of his work, and important events in his family life. The version published by Sir Gavin de Beer as ‘Darwin’s Journal’ (de Beer ed. 1959) was edited before the original ‘Journal’ had been found and relied upon a transcription made by an unknown copyist. The original, now in the Darwin Archive in Cambridge University Library (DAR 158), reveals that the copyist did not clearly distinguish between the various types of entries it contains and that the transcription made was incomplete. From 1845 onward, Darwin recorded all that pertained to his work (including his illnesses, since these accounted for time lost from work) on the left-hand pages of the ‘Journal’, while the periods he was away from home, and family events, were noted on the right-hand pages. In order to show clearly Darwin’s deliberate separation of the types of entries he made in his ‘Journal’, the transcription has the left- and right-hand pages labelled. All alterations, interlineations, additions, and the use of a different ink or pencil have been noted. In addition, the editors have inserted additional information relevant to Darwin’s correspondence throughout this transcription of the ‘Journal’ for 1878. These interpolations are enclosed in square brackets to distinguish them from Darwin’s own entries, the source of the information being given in the footnotes. [Left] 1878 The whole of this year on the Circumnutating movements of plants, & bloom.—1 [Right] 1878 2

Jan 17–23 at Erasmus. [17 January. In the evening CD heard Francis Darwin’s paper, ‘Experiments on the nutrition of Drosera rotundifolia’ (F. Darwin 1878a), read at the Linnean Society of London.] 3

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Chronology 4

[22 January. CD visited Kew Gardens.] [26–8 January. William Turner Thiselton-Dyer, Harriet Anne Thiselton-Dyer, and Francis Maitland Balfour visited.] [c. 29 January. Hyacinth Hooker arrived for a fortnight following the birth of Joseph Symonds Hooker.] [3 February. Joseph Dalton Hooker visited.] [9 February. J. D. Hooker arrived.] [12 February. J. D. Hooker and Hyacinth Hooker left.] Feb. 27th to March 5th. Bryanston St on account of Giddiness. [28 February. Thomas Henry Farrer visited.] [3 March. James Caird visited.] [4 March. CD visited T. H. Farrer.] April 27th to May 13th Southampton [18 May. George John Romanes visited.] [24–5 May. Thomas Wentworth Higginson visited.] [1 June. G. J. Romanes visited.] [3 June – 8 August. Francis Darwin visited Germany.] [5 or 6 July. John Ferguson McLennan visited.] [9 July. Othniel Charles Marsh visited.] [20–2 July. J. D. Hooker and Hyacinth Hooker visited.] Aug. 7th Leith Hill, Abinger & Barlaston. | Home Aug. 22d. — [8 August. William Bowman and Sir R. Alcock visited.] [9 August. Arthur Russell and Laura Russell visited.] [12 August. Went to Abinger.] [14 August. Hugo de Vries visited.] [15 August. Went to Barlaston.] [14 September. William Erasmus Darwin and Sara Darwin sailed for America.] [5 October. Francis Maitland Balfour visited.] Nov. 19–27th Bryanston St. [21 November. CD called on G. J. Romanes.] [24 November. Thomas Henry Huxley and Henrietta Anne Huxley visited.] [25 November. Leslie Stephen came to lunch.] [Before 25 November? Raphael Meldola visited.] [25 or 26 November. CD visited Edward Frankland.] [26 November. CD and Emma Darwin lunched with William Henry Flower.] [7 December. Thomas Henry Huxley and Henrietta Anne Huxley, John Tyndall and Louisa Charlotte Tyndall visited.] 5

6

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1 2 3 4 5 6 7

‘& bloom.—’ above ‘except about 6 weeks on life of Erasmus Darwin’ deleted. Erasmus Alvey Darwin, CD’s brother, lived at 6 Queen Anne Street, London. Letter from J. D. Hooker, 18 January 1878. Letter to Asa Gray, 21 [and 22] January 1878). Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242). Letter from H. E. Litchfield to Ida Farrer, 4 February 1878 (DAR 258: 1635). Letter to G. H. Darwin, 3 February 1878.

Chronology 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22

23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36

535

Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242). Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242). CD’s daughter and son-in-law, Henrietta Emma and Richard Litchfield, lived at 4 Bryanston Street, London. Letter to James Torbitt, [28 February 1878]. Letter to James Torbitt, 4 March 1878). Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242); see letter to James Torbitt, 4 March 1878. Bassett, Southampton, Hampshire, was the home of CD’s son and daughter-in-law, William Erasmus and Sara Darwin. Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242). Letter from Emma Darwin to T. W. Higginson, 19 May [1878]; Higginson 1898, pp. 285–6. Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242). Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242); letter from Emma Darwin to W. E. Darwin, [11 August 1878] (DAR 219.1: 114). Letter to Francis Darwin, 6 [July 1878]. Postcard to O. C. Marsh, 5 July [1878]. Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242). Leith Hill Place, Surrey, was the home of Josiah Wedgwood III (Emma Darwin’s brother) and Caroline Wedgwood (CD’s sister). Abinger Hall, Surrey, was the country home of T. H. Farrer and his wife Katherine Euphemia Farrer, who was Emma Darwin’s niece. Barlaston Hall, Staffordshire, was the home of Emma Darwin’s brother Frank Wedgwood, and his family. Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242); Emma Darwin to W. E. Darwin, [11 August 1878] (DAR 219.1: 114). Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242). Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242). Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242). Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242). Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242). Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242). Postcard to G. J. Romanes, 20 [November 1878]. Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242). Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242). Letter from Raphael Meldola, 25 November 1878. Letter to Edward Frankland, 22 November [1878]. Cornish 1904, p. 87. Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242).

APPENDIX III Diplomas presented to Charles Darwin In 1878, Darwin received the following diplomas. Although not letters in the conventional sense, diplomas represent significant communication between Darwin and scientific organisations, and the citations in such diplomas often provide valuable indications of those aspects of Darwin’s work that were considered worthy of honour. In view of this, they have been included here.

From the Society for Medicine and Natural Science, Jena 17 January 1878 DIE MEDICINISCH-NATURWISSENSCHAFTLICHE GESELLSCHAFT zu JENA ernennt hierdurch Herrn CHARLES DARWIN am fünfundzwanzigsten Jahrestage ihrer Stiftung zu ihrem Ehrenmitgliede. Jena, den 17. Januar 1878. W. Preyer d. Z. Vorsitzender. [Translation] THE SOCIETY FOR MEDICINE AND NATURAL SCIENCE at JENA hereby names Mr CHARLES DARWIN

Diplomas

537

on the twenty-fifth anniversary of their foundation an honorary member. Jena, 17. January 1878 W. Preyer Current president DAR 229: 59

From the Royal Literary and Scientific Academy of Bavaria 20 July 1878 ACADEMIA LITERARUM ET SCIENTIARUM REGIA BOICA Te CAROLUM DARWIN, propter eximia merita in scrutanda origine, affinitate et mutatione specierum naturae organicae, socium in concessu die XV. mensis Junii habito cooptavit. Postquam hoc novum inter nos consortium auctoritate regia die XII. huius mensis confirmatum est, has literas sigillo Academiae nostrae instructas Tibi mittendas curavimus. Praeses | J. I. v Döllinger Secretarius classis | Kobell1 MONACHII, die XX. m. Junii a. MDCCCLXXVIII. [Translation] ROYAL LITERARY AND SCIENTIFIC ACADEMY OF BAVARIA Has chosen You, CHARLES DARWIN, as fellow, for your outstanding merits in discovering the origin, affinity and change of species of organic nature, at a meeiting on XV June. After this new membership was confirmed by royal authority on day XII of this month, we had these documents sent to You marked with the seal of the Academy. President | J. I. v Döllinger Secretary of the section | Kobell1 MUNICH, 20 June MDCCCLXXVIII. DAR 229: 61

538 1

Diplomas

Franz Ritter von Kobell, secretary of the mathematical–physical section of the Königlich Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften.

From the Academy of Sciences (Paris) 5 August 1878 Institut de France. Académie des Sciences. Paris, le 5 Aout 1878 Les Secrétaires perpétuels de l’Académie certifient que ce qui suit est extrait du Procès Verbal de la Séance du lundi 5 Aout 1878. L’Académie procède à l’Election d’un Correspondant pour remplir la place vacante dans la Section de Botanique, par suite du déces de M. Weddell, de Poitiers. Monsieur Charles Darwin ayant réuni la majorité absolue des suffrages, Monsieur le Président le proclame élu.1 Pour extrait conforme Les Secrétaires Perpétuels de l’Académie des Sciences. | J Dumas J Bertrand2 [Translation] Institute of France Academy of Sciences Paris, 5 August 1878 The permanent secretaries of the academy certify that what follows is extracted from the minutes of the meeting of Monday 5 August 1878. The academy proceeds to the election of a corresponding member to fill the vacant place in the botany section following the death of M. Weddell, of Poitiers. Mr Charles Darwin having received an absolute majority of the votes, the president declared him elected.1 Copy certified The permanent secretaries of the Academy of Sciences | J Dumas J Bertrand2 DAR 229: 64 1

Comptes rendus hebdomadaires des séances de l’Académie des sciences, 5 August 1878, p. 245. The president was Hippolyte Fizeau.

Diplomas 2

539

Jean-Baptiste Dumas and Joseph Bertrand.

From the Royal Society of Medical and Natural Sciences of Brussels 16 August 1878 Société Royale des Sciences Médicales et Naturelles de Bruxelles, fondée en 1822. La Société voulant donner à Mr Charles Darwin. M.A. F.R.S., à Londres, un témoignage de son estime, lui a conféré, en sa séance du 12 Août 1878, le titre de Membre honoraire, avec les droits et prérogatives attachés à cette qualité. En foi de quoi, le présent Diplôme est muni du sceau de la Société et de la Signature du Président et du Secrétaire. Fait à Bruxelles, le 16 Août 1878. Le Président, | J Crocq Le Secrétaire, | Dr K Ledeganck [Translation] Royal Society of Medical and Natural Sciences of Brussels, Founded in 1822. The society, wishing to give to Mr Charles Darwin M.A. F.R.S., of London, a token of its esteem, has conferred on him, at its meeting of 12 August 1878, the title of honorary member, with the rights and prerogatives consequent upon this status. In witness of which, this diploma bears the seal of the society and the signature of the president and the secretary. Brussels, 16 August 1878. President, | J Crocq Secretary, | Dr K Ledeganck DAR 229: 66

From the National Academy of Sciences (Argentina) 21 September 1878 República Argentina Academia Nacional de Ciencias Por decreto del excelentísimo gobierno de la nacion de fecha 21 de Setbre de 1878, ha sido aceptado el acuerdo que propone al

540

Diplomas Dr D. C. Darwin, para miembro honorario en virtud de lo cual le conferimos el presente diploma

Por la comision directiva | el presidente | Dr. H Weyenbergh N. 3. | P. A. Conil | Secretario. [Translation] Republic of Argentina National Academy of Sciences By the decree of the most excellent government of the nation of 21 Septber 1878, the agreement prosposing Dr C. Darwin as honorary member is accepted by virtue of which we confer this diploma By the Governing Council | president | Dr. H Weyenbergh N. 3 | P. A. Conil | Secretary. DAR 229: 67

From the Prussian Academy of Sciences 2 December 1878 Auspiciis serenissimi ac potentissimi Guilelmi1 Borussorum regis Academiae Scientiarum Borussicae Protectoris Clementissimi Virum Illustrem suisque titulis condecorandum Carolum Darwin Regiae nostrae Academiae socium declaramus eumque honore, privilegiis, beneficiis Academicorum ordini concessis rite ornamus. Cujus rei ut plena fides existat, ex decreto Academiae in acta relato hasce litteras sigillo nostro publico et subscriptione consueta munitas expediri jussimus. Berolini die 2o.m Decemb: anno 1878. Mommsen2 | secret. perp. re. | phil. hist. Aem. duBois-Reymond3 | Cl. physico-mathem. | Secret. perp.

Diplomas

541

Ern. Curtius | cl. phil. historicae | secretarius perp. Arth. Auwers, | class. phys.-mathem | secr. perp. [Translation] Under the auspices of the most serene and most powerful Wilhelm1 King of Prussia the most clement guardian of the Prussian Academy of Sciences we pronounce the illustrious man, adorned with his own titles Charles Darwin member of our Royal Academy and we duly confer on him the honour, privileges, and benefits granted to the order of Academicians. In full witness of which fact, in accordance with a decree of the academy entered in the Acts, we have ordered these letters to be prepared, furnished with our public seal and the customary signature. Berlin, 2 December 1878. Mommsen2 | permanent secretary | philosophy history. Aem. duBois-Reymond3 | physical-mathematical section | permanent secretary Ern. Curtius | philosophical-historical section | permanent secretary Arth. Auwers, | physical-mathematical section | permanent secretary DAR 229: 70 1 2 3

Wilhelm I. August Mommsen. Emil Du Bois Reymond.

From the Silesian Society for National Culture 17 December 1878 Die Schlesische Gesellschaft für vaterländische Cultur ernennt hierdurch den Herrn Sir Charles Darwin, in Down Beckenham (Kent) England, zu ihrem Ehren Mitgliede. Breslau, den 17ten. December 1878. Das Präsidium der schles. Gesellschaft für vaterl. Cultur: Dr. Göppert1 | z. Z. Präses. [Bartsch]2 | z. Z. Vice-Präses. Uechtritz3 | z. Z. General-Secretair.

542

Diplomas

[Translation] The Silesian Society for National Culture hereby names Sir Charles Darwin, of Down Beckenham (Kent) England an honorary member. Breslau, 17th. December 1878. Council of the Silesian Society for National Culture: Dr. Göppert1 | Current president. [Bartsch]2 | Current vice-president. Uechtritz3 | Current general secretary. DAR 229: 71 1 2 3

Heinrich Robert Göppert. Carl Friedrich Eduard Bartsch. Rudolf von Uechtritz.

APPENDIX IV Reviews of Forms of flowers The different forms of flowers on plants of the same species was published by John Murray on 9 July 1877 (Freeman 1977). This list identifies reviews of and responses to Forms of flowers mentioned in Darwin’s correspondence in 1877 and 1878, as well as items contained in Darwin’s ‘Scrapbook of reviews’ (DAR 226) and elsewhere. It is not a comprehensive list, but identifies all reviews that were known to Darwin or that could be found by the editors. The list is arranged chronologically according to month of publication. In the case of unsigned reviews, the author’s name, if known, is given in brackets, with the source of the attribution supplied in a note. August 1877 Anon., Athenæum, 18 August 1877, pp. 214–15 [Maxwell Tylden Masters?],1 Gardeners’ Chronicle, 18 August 1877, p. 208 Anon., Saturday Review, 25 August 1877, pp. 241–2 September 1877 Anon., Morning Post, 4 September 1877, p. 3 Anon., John Bull, 29 September 1877, pp. 10–11 October 1877 Anon., Westminster Review 52 (1877): 534 December 1877 Hermann Müller, Kosmos 2 (1877–8): 286–92 (DAR: U193) Anon., Daily Inter Ocean (Chicago), 1 December 1877, p. 11 Anon., Examiner, 15 December 1877, pp. 18–19 January 1878 Asa Gray, American Journal of Science and Arts 3d ser. 15 (1878): 67–71 (supplementary note, March 1878, pp. 221–2) (DAR 133.19: 36, 38) February 1878 Anon., American Naturalist 12 (1878): 115–16 Anon., Literary World (Boston, Mass.), 1 February 1878, p. 155

544

Reviews

April 1878 [William Turner Thiselton-Dyer], Nature, 4 April 1878, pp. 445–7 Anon., Nation, 11 April 1878, pp. 246–8 (DAR 226.1: 102–3) 1

Maxwell Tylden Masters was the editor of Gardeners’ Chronicle, and a correspondent of CD’s.

MANUSCRIPT ALTERATIONS AND COMMENTS

The alteration notes and comments are keyed to the letter texts by paragraph and line numbers. The precise section of the letter text to which the note applies precedes the square bracket. The changes recorded are those made to the manuscript by CD; changes of hand in letters written partly by CD and partly by amanuenses are also recorded. Readers should consult the Note on editorial policy in the front matter for details of editorial practice and intent. The following terms are used in the notes as here defined: del illeg interl omitted over

deleted illegible interlined, i.e., inserted between existing text lines omitted by the editors to clarify the transcription written over, i.e., superimposed

To Édouard Heckel   1 January 1878 4.1 stamens] interl To Raphael Meldola   1 January [1878] 0.1 Mr.] altered from ‘Mrs.’ To Raphael Meldola   11 January [1878] 0.1 Mr.] altered from ‘Mrs.’ To Fritz Müller   12 January 1878 0.1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent.] before del ‘Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.’ 2.2 (which … him)] interl 2.4 himself ] interl 3.3 spontaneous] interl To J. D. Hooker   17 [ January 1878] 0.1 6. … St] above del ‘Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.’ 1.2 morning.] full stop over comma 1.4 to Kew] interl

To W. K. Parker   20 January [1878] 0.1 6. … St] above del ‘Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.’ 2.1 that] interl

To G. J. Romanes   [20 January 1878?] 0.1 6. … St.] above del ‘Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.’ 1.3 am] after del ‘have en’

To Asa Gray   21 [and 22] January 1878 1.2 much.] interl 1.3 being … you.] interl 1.5 & have] ‘have’ interl 2.3 existence of ] ‘of ’ interl 2.5 in … cases] interl 2.6 supposed] interl 9.3 a single plant of] interl 9.4 by him] interl 9.6 whether] after del ‘that’ 9.13 has] interl

546

Manuscript alterations and comments

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   31 January [1878] 2.3 a new] above del ‘the next’

To G. H. Darwin   3 February [1878] 1.4 as he] ‘as’ interl 1.7 without] ‘w’ over ‘&’ 1.8 thus] after del ‘&’ 2.1 Hooker … Lady Hooker 2.2] added pencil, in an unknown hand

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   3 February [1878] 3.2 large] interl 5.1 a] interl

To Milan Radovanović   [before 12 February 1878] 1.1 note] after del ‘ki’ 2.1 your] over ‘t’ 2.2 it] above del ‘that you In’ 2.3 thinking] above del ‘hoping’ 2.3 may] added in margin after del ‘shall [above del ‘may’]’ 2.4 young] after del ‘*of your [below del ‘of your’]’ 2.4 towards the] above del ‘the’ 2.5 in England] interl above interl & del ‘here’ 2.5 soon] interl

To Ernst Haeckel   12 February [1878] 0.1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent.] above del ‘Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.’

To Raphael Meldola   12 February [1878] 0.1 Mr.] altered from ‘Mrs.’ 1.1 some] above del ‘a couple’

To W. D. Fox   14 February 1878 1.5 much] interl 1.6 anxiety] interl 1.7 who] interl 2.2 being] after del ‘[hav]’ To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   16 February [1878] 1.1 again] interl 3.1 Australian] interl To Asa Gray   17 February [1878] 2.2 get &] interl

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   19 and 21 February [1878] 1.4 Fern] above del ‘form’ 2.5 some way] above del ‘far’ 4.1 bearing] above del ‘with’ 4.2 to] interl

To J. D. Hooker   28 [February 1878] 0.1 4 Bryanston St.] above del ‘Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.’ 1.6 seeds] added 1.6 from already] above del ‘&’ 2.1 is inclined to] interl 2.1 take] altered from ‘takes’ 2.3 If … experiments] added in margin 6.1 to Down] interl 6.2 sown] ‘s’ over illeg To Sara Darwin   [1 March 1878] 0.1 4. Bryanston St] above del ‘Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.’ To J. D. Hooker   [3 or 4 March 1878] 1.3 Carruthers] ‘C’ over ‘Mr’ 1.4 with Farrer] interl 1.8 He … tomorrow! 1.9] added 2.3 a wine-glass] ‘a’ interl To W. H. Flower   [4 March 1878] 0.1 4. Bryanston St] above del ‘Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.’ 1.4 instance] above del ‘case’

To T. H. Farrer   7 March 1878 Enclosure 3.3 had] interl in CD’s hand 3.3 made] interl in CD’s hand 3.11 one] interl in CD’s hand

To James Grant   11 March 1878 0.1 Down, | Beckenham, Kent.] above del ‘Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.’

To Sophy Wedgwood   24 March [1878–80] 1.1 little] interl 1.2 within] after del ‘f ’ 1.5 young] interl

Manuscript alterations and comments 4.4 arched] added in margin 4.5 extra] added in margin

To J. D. Hooker   25 March [1878] 1.2 & … labour,] interl 1.4 (N.B … killed.)] square brackets in ms 2.2 outwards or 2.3] interl 2.3 that … ascertain] interl 3.3 be] interl

To Fritz Müller 27 March 1878 1.4 extremely] interl 1.6 to the Secy 1.7] interl

To Alfred Moschkau   28 March 1878 1.1 or] over ‘&’

To G. F. Yeo   29 March [1878] 1.1 to contribute 1.2 ] after del ‘enormously’ 1.2 with] after del ‘in causing’ 1.3 & … true.] interl 1.3 Physiology,] after del ‘I yield [below del ‘look up’] to no man in esteeming’ 1.3 seems to me 1.4] above del ‘as’ 1.4 important] above del ‘worth’ 1.4 all the] interl 1.4 it is obvious] above del ‘I fully see’ 1.5 indispensible] after del ‘absolutely’ 1.6 esteem … pain. 1.7] transposed from before ‘Physiology,’ 1.6 esteem] above del ‘I shd think’ 1.6 add my mite in] interl 1.6 had] above del ‘did’ 1.7 care] above del ‘pain’ 1.7 causing] above del ‘giving any’ 1.7 pain.] above del ‘suffering.’ 2.1 I cannot] transposed from after ‘Therefore’ 2.2 sincerely] after del ‘most’ 2.2 for] after del ‘to you [above del ‘to you’]’

To T. M. Reade   8 April 1878 1.2 for] interl 1.3 the same] ‘the’ over illeg

To G. E. Dobson   12 April 1878 1.2 order] after del ‘of ’

547

To G. J. Romanes   15 April [1878] 1.5 (such … &c)] interl 1.6 youth] ‘y’ over illeg 1.6 appears] after del comma 1.12 the list] after del ‘out’ 1.12 names] interl 3.1 (& … so)] interl

To Raphael Meldola   17 April 1878 1.1 photographs] after del ‘en’ 3.2 Butterflies 3.3] after del ‘Lepi’

To G. G. Stokes   28 April 1878 1.9 formations] interl

To T. H. Farrer   7 May [1878] 1.1 Bassett, Southampton] above del ‘Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.’ 1.1 (a … saw) 1.2] interl 2.3 induce] ‘e’ over ‘es’ 7.1 wild] added

To T. H. Farrer   8 May [1878] 0.1 Mr. C. Darwin] ‘Mr.’ altered from ‘Mrs.’; before del ‘Down, Beckenham, Kent.’

To G. H. Darwin   9 May [1878] 0.2 Mr.] altered from ‘Mrs.’

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   9 May [1878] 0.1 Basset, Southampton] above del ‘Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.’ 1.4 the] over ‘these’ 1.4 seed] interl 1.6 only] interl 8.5 of … earth] interl

To Francis Darwin   [13–26 May 1878] 1.6 & … too 1.7] interl above del ‘&’ 1.7 an] added 2.1 is] interl

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   14 May 1878 1.3 (perhaps falsely) 1.4] interl 1.5 blackened] interl

548

Manuscript alterations and comments

1.7 from] above del ‘of ’ 1.9 on] interl 1.9 & distant] interl 2.1 will] after del ‘wll’ 3.2 if … them. 3.3] added 4.1 corms] above del ‘bulbs’ 5.1 that] interl 5.2 has described] above del ‘on’ 5.2 (name forgotten)] interl 5.3 strictly] interl 5.5 require] above del illeg

To Fritz Müller   16 May 1878 1.2 doubt] altered from ‘doubted’ 7.1 I … Fever.—] added in CD’s hand

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   19 [May 1878] 1.1 & seeds] interl 1.1 several] above del ‘some’ 3.7 moreover] above del ‘moreover’ 4.1 it] after del ‘I’ 4.2 run] above del ‘run’

To Raphael Meldola   20 May [1878] 0.1 Mr.] altered from ‘Mrs.’

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   20 [May 1878] 1.2 on Wednesday] interl 2.1 (Acacia] square bracket in ms 3.1 (Mimosa] square bracket in ms 3.1 (N.B … year.) 3.2] square brackets in ms 3.1 the] altered from illeg 4.1 (Drosera from Australia.)] square brackets in ms 5.1 (both … recovered) 5.2] square brackets in ms 7.1 (name … minute)] interl 12.1 the species] interl 12.2 beginning to] interl 12.2 bend] altered from ‘bending’ 12.3 bury the pod] above del ‘bury itself ’ 12.3 the whole] ‘the’ altered from ‘to’ 12.3 whole] added 12.3 from] over em-dash

To W. J. Beal   21 May 1878 1.2 &] after del full stop 3.1 &] after del full stop

To A. F. Gray   21 May [1878] 1.2 of it] interl 1.2 it is] interl

To Wallis Nash   29 May 1878 5.1 Cambridge] above del ‘Kew’

To E. W. Fithian   [31 May 1878] 1.2 consisting, as requested,] above del illeg 1.2 himself] above del ‘me’ & ‘personally’

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   2 June 1878 1.4 It] over ‘&’ 6.2 our] above del illeg

To T. H. Huxley   11 June [1878] 1.2 you] after del ‘on earth’

To Raphael Meldola   12 June [1878] 0.1 Mr.] altered from ‘Mrs.’ 1.1 Daphnidæ] interl

To G. J. Romanes   16 June [1878] 1.3 out … Chapter 1.4] interl in CD’s hand 3.1 onions] in CD’s hand above del ‘onions’

To Francis Darwin   18 June [1878] 3.5 must] interl 8.1 green … Hot House] interl

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   18 June [1878] 1.1 or 28] interl 1.3 doubtfully] interl 2.3 all three] above del ‘all’ 2.3 Whereas … 45o. 2.4] added 2.5 not] after del illeg 2.7 of Oxalis] interl 5.1 & unhealthy] interl

To G. J. Romanes   19 June [1878] 2.1 at any time] above del ‘hereafter’

Manuscript alterations and comments To Francis Darwin   [c. 23 June 1878] 1.1 twisted] after del ‘pi’ 1.2 & of] interl 1.3 Dependent] interl above del ‘Stray’ 1.3 Give] over ‘I’ 1.3 the] over ‘de’ 3.1 Prof. … it 4.1] pencil

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   23 June [1878] 1.2 Stapelia] above del ‘this’ 1.3 that] interl 4.5 merely] above del ‘merely’

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   25 June [1878] 1.4 corm] above del ‘corm’ 2.2 69°] after del ‘4’

To J. E. Taylor   [after 25 June 1878] 1.1 sincerely] after del ‘very’ 1.2 beginning of your] above del ‘T. P. of the’ 1.2 good] after del ‘kind’ 1.3 will] after del ‘when I’ 1.3 it] interl

To Francis Darwin   26 June [1878] 0.2 26th] altered from ‘25th’ blue crayon 1.2 but] after del ‘I shd’ 1.4 So] altered from ‘To’ 1.4 the] interl 1.5 to light] after del ‘for’ 3.1 sliced] after del ‘cut’ 3.1 the] interl 5.1 it] interl 5.2 from reading McNab] interl

To Francis Darwin   29 [ June 1878] 2.1 movements] after del illeg 2.3 its] interl 2.4 by] over ‘&’ 2.5 leaf ] after del ‘sleep’ 2.5 when] interl 4.1 Sent … Cipho 5.5] in Emma Darwin’s hand

To J. D. Hooker   1 July 1878 1.2 £200] ‘ £’ above ‘200’

549

1.2 it would] interl 1.4 £10,000] ‘£’ above ‘10,000’

To Francis Darwin   2 July [1878] 1.1 if … away] interl 1.1 your] interl 1.2 found] over ‘find’ 1.3 The whole] interl above del ‘It’ 3.2 very … eager 3.3] interl 4.6 Mollusc,—] after del ‘nudibranch’ 5.1 do] above del ‘have’ 5.2 (Duval-Jouve)] interl 5.4 wet] after del ‘sp’ 8.5 period] after del illeg 9.5 their] interl 9.6 & … side] excised from MS; added by FD 9.9 there is] interl 9.9 how] after del ‘takes place’

To O. C. Marsh   2 July 1878 2.3 11o] after del ‘12o 4′’

To J. D. Hooker   3 July [1878] 1.2 £200] ‘ £’ above ‘200’ 1.2 that] interl

To O. C. Marsh   5 July [1878] 0.1 Mr.] altered from ‘Mrs.’

To Francis Darwin   6 [ July 1878] 3.1 with … tips 3.2] interl 3.2 wound] after del ‘would’ 3.2 French] above del ‘french’ 3.4 is] interl To Francis Darwin   7 [ July 1878] 4.3 shoots] after del illeg 4.3  up] interl 4.4 & … but] interl 4.5 it,] interl 4.6 ensuring] ‘e’ over ‘&’ To William Spottiswoode   7 July [1878] 1.3 he … that the] above del ‘I R.’, & ‘Managers of the R.’

550

Manuscript alterations and comments

1.3 is] above del ‘was’ 2.1 The whole] below del ‘Is this account;’ 2.1 & cannot … connected. 2.3] interl 2.1 why] ‘y’ over illeg; after del ‘& do not know’ 2.2 present] above del ‘present’ 2.2 not … be 2.3] beside del ‘never had the honour of being’ 3.2 from] over ‘for’ 3.2 it] interl; above del ‘‸ would’ 3.3 busts] final ‘s’ added; after del ‘my’ 3.3 were … Institution, 3.4] above del ‘is not wanted at a place, with which I have no connection’ 3.4 all … me.—] del and stetted

To G. H. Darwin   10 [ July 1878] 1.2 & another sketch of pistil] interl 1.2 naturally] after del ‘quite &’ 1.2 wound] after del ‘would’ 2.3 Prussic] above del ‘Pussic’ 2.4 would] after del ‘only just’ 2.4 move] interl 2.4 from … petal] interl 2.5 positively] interl 2.6 transverse] interl 2.6 nectaries are] ‘are’ interl 2.6 so is] interl 2.7 The] added 2.8 in the position 2.9] ‘in the’ over del illeg 3.1 (in front … lodged) 3.2] interl 4.2 wound into a] interl before del ‘in close’

To W. D. Fox   10 July 1878 0.1 (Railway Station … S.E.R.)] parentheses added

To G. H. Darwin   11 [ July 1878] 2.2 men] interl 2.4 true] interl 2.5 the white 2.6] ‘the’ interl 2.7 the receptacle] ‘the’ interl above del illeg 2.7 after] added 3.1 or viscous] interl

To G. H. Darwin   13 [ July 1878] 2.2 writing] above del ‘doing’

To Francis Darwin   14 July [1878] 1.1 notes] over ‘—’ 1.5 on the] above del ‘no’

2.2 out] interl 2.5 covering] ‘c’ over illeg 2.8 always] after del ‘m’ 3.1 of many] ‘of ’ interl 4.4 do] interl 4.5 with Sachs;] interl 5.2 in February] interl 12.2 for] after del ‘to s’

To G. H. Darwin   14 [ July 1878] 2.3 to you] interl

To O. C. Marsh   14 July [1878] 1.2 to you,] interl

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   14 July [1878] 1.2 & I … week:] interl 1.3 that of ] interl 2.1 motile] above del ‘sensitive,’ 2.1 (so … up.) 2.2] interl 2.4 the] after del ‘wh’ 2.4 under] after del ‘wh’ 3.1 I] after del ‘This’ 3.2 besides T. dealbata] interl

To Francis Darwin   15 [ July 1878] 1.3 to read] interl 2.1 see … strains] interl

To Francis Darwin   17 July [1878] 1.2 You] ‘Y’ over illeg 2.1 branch of ] interl 2.2 with Porliera] interl 2.2 when] ‘w’ over ‘T’ 2.2 are] interl 2.3 is] interl 3.2 Paper] after del ‘M’ 4.2 Dyer] after del ‘Delpino’ 5.1 partially] above del ‘entirely’ 5.3 almost exclusively] interl 5.5 in … state] interl 5.6 a little] interl 5.6 Nor … circumnutating. 5.7] added 5.7 This … investigating.—] added 5.8 except … up,] interl 5.9 of modified circumnutation] interl 5.10 of tendrils] interl

Manuscript alterations and comments 5.12 only] interl 5.12 laid … act 5.13] interl 6.1 of Climbing book] interl 6.2 terminal] interl 7.1 ;] over full stop 7.1 so] over ‘—’ 8.1 the] ‘e’ over ‘at’ 9.3 alone] interl 9.3 it has] interl 9.3 ceased] ‘ed’ over ‘ing’ 9.3 sides] interl 9.4 when touched] interl 10.2 I do] ‘I’ after del ‘Y’ 12.1 aggregation] after del ‘roots’

To C. G. Semper   19 July 1878 0.1 Kent.] before del ‘Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.’

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   19 July [1878] 1.10 to Thalia.] interl 1.10 of time,] interl 1.12 in … of ] above del ‘with’ 2.1 interesting] after del ‘th’ 3.1 Quercus] after del ‘Ilex’ 3.1 with … glass 3.2] interl 3.2 can] after del ‘no’ 4.2 your] interl 7.2 so] interl 9.4 but] interl 10.1 hypogea] interl 10.2 in this 10.3] interl 11.2 from Kew] interl 12.1 Heaven] after del ‘what can be the reasoning’

To Francis Darwin   20 [ July 1878] 3.4 Firstly] interl 3.6 emptying 3.7] above del ‘emptying’ 4.2 on the] ‘the’ after del illeg 4.3 turgescence &] interl 4.5 or place] interl 4.7 through natural selection] interl 5.1 You … it.— 5.2] added in margin 6.1 most or many] interl 6.2 or from] interl 6.2 if exposed] ‘if ’ above del ‘when’ 6.3 root] after del ‘growing’ 7.2 of … kind] interl 7.3 that I] ‘that’ interl

To Eugène Dupuy   21 July 1878 2.2 mutilation] after del ‘multi’ 3.2 said to be] interl 3.3 stated] above del ‘said’ 4.2 in the offspring] interl

To Francis Darwin   25 July [1878] 2.1 last] interl 2.1 have] interl 2.2 sleep of the] interl 2.3 in … Families.] interl 2.4 the earth] interl 3.2 now;] semi-colon altered from full stop 3.2 for … tracings. 3.3] interl 3.4 of late] interl 5.2 &] over ‘for’ 5.2 you are] ‘you’ above del ‘you’ 8.1 Subterranean … perplexing.—] added 9.2 hot] above del ‘hot’ 13.1 Say … home. 13.2] added pencil

To Francis Darwin   30 July [1878] 2.3 about returning.—] added pencil 2.3 Tell … him.] added pencil 3.1 bloomless or cleaned 3.2] interl 5.1 or … them] interl 5.3 or] after del comma 5.3 there] after del illeg 6.2 in] after del illeg 6.3 last night] underl pencil 9.1 I … mistake] added red crayon at top of letter

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   2 August [1878] 1.5 know] above del ‘know’ 5.1 which] after del ‘of the Orchis’ 5.1 they were 5.2] above del ‘it was’

To Francis Darwin   3 August [1878] 1.4 or] over ‘&’ 1.5 became.] above del ‘was.’ 6.2 8] over ‘10’ 7.1 in] after del ‘for’

To W. H. Flower   4 [August] 1878 1.3 is] interl 1.4 as] after del ‘for’

551

552

Manuscript alterations and comments

To L. A. Errera   8 August [1878] 0.1 Leith … Dorking] above del ‘Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S. E. R.’

To Hugo de Vries   8 August [1878] 0.1 Leith … Dorking] above del ‘Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S. E. R.’

To A. S. Wilson   9 August [1878] 1.4 on] interl above del ‘of ’ 2.2 & good] interl 2.3 relation] after del ‘subject’

To George Bentham   10 August [1878] 0.1 Leith … Dorking] above del ‘Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.’ 1.2 more] above del ‘the’

To T. H. Huxley   11 August [1878] 0.1 Leith … Dorking] above del ‘Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.’ 1.2 that] interl 2.3 a] interl 2.5 very] after del illeg

To J.-B. Dumas and Joseph Bertrand   12 August [1878] 1.1 acknowledge] after del ‘know the honour [above del ‘beg leave to’]’ 1.1 & … for] interl 1.1 honour] del and stetted below del illeg 1.2 one of the 1.3] interl above del ‘a’ 1.3 to the Academy 1.4] added 1.4 my] above del ‘on [above del ‘on’] my part [illeg] the honour [sincere]’ 1.5 Gentlemen] below del ‘I remain’ 1.5 Darwin] after del ‘R’

To ?   13 August 1878 1.2 my] after del ‘I’

To Francis Darwin   14 [August 1878] 1.5 ever] interl 1.5 & compare carefully] interl 1.6 a] above del ‘the’ 1.6 greatly] interl

2.2 its] interl 2.2 for Heliotropism] interl 2.2 before we return] interl 2.3 painted] after del ‘or be of ’

To Alphonse de Candolle   15 August 1878 5.2 or fed plant] interl

To Gaston de Saporta   15 August 1878 2.7 North] after del ‘the’

To Hugo de Vries   [15] August [1878] 0.1 Abinger Hall] above del ‘Down, | Beckenham, Kent | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.’ 1.2 wild] interl 1.4 roots of] interl 1.4 plants.] interl 2.1 (Triticum)] interl 2.3 Therefore] above del ‘now that’ 2.3 of wheat] interl To Francis Darwin   [17 August 1878] 3.1 (which] after del ‘sa’ To G. H. Darwin   17 [August 1878] 1.1 note] after del ‘letter’ 1.3 & your mother] interl 1.5 affair] after del ‘f ’ To Francis Darwin   [19 August 1878] 1.3 but … add] interl above del ‘adding’ To G. J. Romanes   20 August 1878 1.6 applause] after del ‘to’ 1.12 for years] interl 3.1 1876] interl 5.3 (& he)] interl 5.5 the glass] ‘the’ interl 5.7 pocket] interl

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   24 August [1878] 1.1 seeds of] interl 3.1 aerial] interl 3.2 (but … returned)] interl 4.2 Veitch] after del ‘Vet’ 4.2 London] interl

Manuscript alterations and comments To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   30 August [1878] 1.4 it seems that] interl 1.5 will] above del ‘have’ 1.5 despatch] altered from ‘despatched’ 1.6 immediately] after del ‘I’ 1.7 (We … dampish.) 1.8] added; square brackets in ms 2.1 also] interl 3.3 very purpose] interl

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   31 August [1878] 1.2 their] interl 1.2 & stupidly 1.3] interl 1.3 very simple] interl 1.4 still] interl

To G. J. Romanes   2 September [1878] 1.4 of monkeys] interl To Francis Darwin   12 September [1878] 1.2 must] after del ‘may’ 1.2 on stomata.] interl 1.3 Such] after del ‘The’ 1.6 (surely … view)] interl 2.2 microscope,] interl 2.3 ; nor … heliotropic.] added 2.4 atom] above del ‘bit’ 2.5 tentacle] interl 2.6 as] over ‘as’ 3.3 to stick,] interl 3.6 pulvinus] after del ‘will Is’ To Francis Darwin   13 [September 1878] 2.1 soon] interl 2.2 With] altered from ‘with’ 2.3 there shown,] interl 2.4 main] after del illeg 2.6 partially] interl 3.1 not a climber] interl 3.7 or Hyponastic 3.8] interl 4.1 one or two] interl 4.2 them.] after del ‘it’ 5.1 rather] interl 5.1 am working 5.2] ‘am’ above del illeg 5.2 ApoGeotropism] ‘Apo’ interl 6.1 Yours] after del ‘under simi’ Diagram 1: scribbled over red crayon Diagram 1: Flower peduncle] ‘Flower’ after del ‘Plant’

553

To G. J. Romanes   14 September [1878] 1.2 Most] above del ‘Many’ 1.3 perfect] interl 1.5 ready to be] interl

To A. R. Wallace   16 September 1878 1.4 that] interl

To Frederick Howlett   21 September [1878] 1.4 characters,] after del ‘points’ 2.2 inheritance from] interl 2.2 which] after del ‘in’ 2.3 could] after del ‘both’ 2.4 a] altered from ‘an’ 2.4 common 2.5] interl

To W. C. Williamson   21 September [1878] 2.1 the] interl To E. B. Aveling   [after 23 September 1878] 1.2 very much] above del ‘far’ 1.2 highly] interl 1.3 like] ‘l’ over ‘r’ 1.3 any] after del ‘the’ 1.3 in connection] after del ‘in which you conta’ To ?   28 September 1878 0.3 Private] in CD’s hand 2.1 Sir. … Darwin] in CD’s hand

To J. D. Hooker   3 October [1878] 1.3 the movements] ‘the’ interl To J. D. Hooker   5 October [1878] 2.1 you to] ‘to’ interl 2.3 through] above del ‘thgh’ 2.4 Croll] after del ‘Croll’ 4.2 the plants] interl above del ‘it’ To Virginius Dabney   20 October 1878 1.4 very] interl To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   24 October [1878] 2.3 at night,] interl 4.1 returned] interl

554

Manuscript alterations and comments

To Raphael Meldola   31 October [1878] 1.3 at all 1.4] interl 2.1 Down] above del ‘This’ 2.2 Novr.] above del ‘Nov.’

To G. H. Darwin   8 November [1878] 1.4 R.S.] interl To Emil du Bois-Reymond   12 November 1878 1.7 in Natural History] interl To Raphael Meldola   19 November [1878] 0.1 4. … St] below del ‘Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.’ To W. K. Parker?   20 November [1878] 0.1 4 … St.] above del ‘Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.’ 1.5 me] after del ‘th’ To G. J. Romanes   20 [November 1878] 0.1 at] before del ‘From’ To Francis Darwin   [21 November 1878] 1.1 left] interl 1.1 not very young] below del ‘oldish’ 1.2 there is] interl 1.3 so … stand] interl 1.4 right] interl

To W. T. Thiselton-Dyer   21 November [1878] 0.1 4. … St.] above del ‘Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.’

To Francis Darwin   [22 November 1878] 2.5 washed] after del ‘washed’ 3.3 all] after del ‘a g’

To Raphael Meldola    26  November [1878] 0.1 4. Bryanston St.] above del ‘Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.’ 1.10 or] over ‘&’ To C. G. Semper   26 November [1878] 1.9 to] over illeg 2.2 long ago] interl To J. B. Innes   27 November [1878] 2.1 always] interl 2.5 admit] after del ‘think’ 4.1 Glasgow] interl To C. G. Semper   30 November 1878 1.12 , considered … importance,] interl in CD’s hand 3.1 I hope … Selection. 4.9] in CD’s hand 4.2 probably 4.3] interl above del ‘rapidly’ 4.3 all the individuals] above del ‘it’ 4.3 change] altered from ‘changes’ 4.5 any] after del ‘to select’

To R. I. Lynch   4 December [1878] 1.2 You] over ‘Your’ To the syndics of Cambridge Botanic Garden    4 December 1878 0.1 (Railway … S.E.R.)] parentheses added

To John Tyndall   4 December [1878] 1.1 & today] interl 1.4 much] added 1.5 Siren, he] ‘he’ after del ‘&’ 1.7 that] after del ‘so’ 1.8 see] after del ‘&’ 1.10 during one day,] interl 2.1 the Siren is] above del ‘it is’

To Edward Frankland   22 November [1878] 0.1 4, … Sqre] above del ‘Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.’

To G. J. Romanes   5 December [1878] 3.1 (or … energy) 3.2] interl 3.7 in the future] interl 3.13 a] interl

To Raphael Meldola   25 November [1878] 0.1 4. … Sqe] above del ‘Down, | Beckenham, Kent. | Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.’

To C. G. Semper   [after 6 December 1878] 2.1 I sh like] after del ‘Excert | Far from valueless— when I wrote the Origin I cd find no evidence,

Manuscript alterations and comments & pray remember how much has been altered since then | In my Variation of An & Plants I gave one case & now could give very many more— My observations of plants have *led me to believe [above del ‘convinced’] me that astonishingly small differences are effective & a year ago I began to set to work to prove this experimentally, but I had too much other work in hand & too old & not strong enough’ 2.1 a sentence] ‘a’ after del illeg 5.1 Saporta & Neumayr.] added ink 6.1 & [illeg] ([illeg])] interl 6.2 then] after del 4 words illeg

To R. A. Blair   9 December 1878 0.1 Kent.] before del ‘Railway Station | Orpington. S.E.R.’ 1.1 this has] ‘has’ interl 1.5 (a not … inheritance) 1.6] interl 2.1 work] after del ‘to’

To Anthony Rich   9 December 1878 0.3 Copy 2] added in CD’s hand pencil; ‘2’ circled pencil 1.1 astonished] in CD’s hand above del ‘interested’ 2.7 in] in CD’s hand above del ‘of ’ 3.1 will] interl in CD’s hand 5.1 dear] after del ‘my’ in hand of amanuensis, del probably by CD (ink colour) 6.1 To … Esq] in CD’s hand 8.1 To … Worthing’ in CD’s hand To G. J. Romanes   11 December [1878] 2.2 by me] interl

To W. E. Darwin   12 December [1878] 1.7 not of ] ‘of ’ interl 1.8 This] altered from illeg 1.8 at our deaths 1.9] interl 1.11 money] above del ‘money’ 1.12 before] above del ‘before’

To Anthony Rich   12 December 1878 1.1 in … first 1.2] above del ‘I do not think that’ 1.2 hardly] interl 2.4 this] interl 2.4 they] above del ‘they’ 2.4 now] interl

555

2.5 not … ever 2.6] above del ‘they have never’; ‘them’ after del ‘my sons’ 2.6 their] interl 2.7 I] after del ‘of some of them.’ 2.7 details of] ‘of ’interl 2.9 has been] above del ‘being’ 2.9 2] interl 2.11 I … it] above del ‘It’ 2.12 who] interl 2.13 deserving] after del ‘worthy’ 2.13 so great a] above del ‘such’ 2.14 before] interl 2.15 whole] interl 3.1 may] after del illeg 3.1 us] above del ‘me’ 3.2 My … self 3.3] above del ‘we’ 4.1 very] interl Top of letter: ‘(4)’] pencil circled pencil

To J. D. Cooper   [after 13 December 1878] 1.1 as I shd] above del ‘I am rather unwilling’ 1.2 rather] above del ‘shd’ 1.2 as Photographs] interl 1.3 But … think] interl above del ‘Have you a pantograph or could you get one?’ 2.1 when] after del ‘Ev’ 2.3 if expensive 2.4] interl 2.4 or hire] interl 2.4 for] after del ‘if it is an expensive [initial]’ 4.1 What] after del ‘Pl’

To J. D. Hooker   14 December [1878] 2.5 he thinks that] interl 2.8 (rather … year)] parentheses over commas 2.9 sister’s] after del ‘[sisters]’

To Raphael Meldola   14 December [1878] 0.2 14] ‘4’ over ‘3’ 1.5 an inherited] above del ‘a’ 1.6 alone] interl

To J. D. Hooker   17 December [1878] 1.1 me,] added in left margin 2.1 the] ‘e’ over ‘at’ 2.1 latter] interl above del ‘they’ 3.3 get] interl 3.5 everything] above del ‘something’ 4.1 help] after del caret

556

Manuscript alterations and comments

To G. J. Romanes   27 December [1878] 0.1 Mr] altered from ‘Mrs’ 1.3 Intellect”.] before del illeg

To T. H. Huxley   29 December 1878 1.11 me] interl 2.4 should] interl

BIOGRAPHICAL REGISTER This list includes all correspondents and all persons mentioned in the letters and notes that the editors have been able to identify. Dates of letters to and from correspondents are given in chronological order. Letters to correspondents are listed in roman type; letters from correspondents in italic type; third-party letters are listed with the name of the recipient or sender given in parentheses. Abbott, Edwin Abbott (1838–1926). Headmaster and writer. Educated at the City of London School and St John’s College, Cambridge. Ordained deacon, 1862; priest, 1863. Taught at King Edward’s School, Birmingham, and Clifton College. Headmaster of the City of London School, 1865–89. Introduced the natural sciences and English literature into the school curriculum. Author of several works, including the novel Flatland, published in 1884 under the pseudonym A Square. (ODNB.) Acland, Lawford Maclean (1852–1932). Civil engineer. Born in Bombay, the son of Lawford and Robina Jemima Acland and nephew of Ellen and John Harrison. Employed by the firm of Sir John Hawkshaw, Son, and Hayter in Ceylon (Sri Lanka) from 1878. (Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG9/671/108/5); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 31 October 2016); India, select births and baptisms, 1786–1947 (Ancestry. com, accessed 31 October 2016; first name given as ‘Sanford’); UK, civil engineer records, 1820–1930 (Ancestry.com, accessed 31 October 2016).) Adams, Andrew Leith (1827–82). Army surgeon and naturalist. Appointed army surgeon, 1848; served in India, 1849–54; had postings in Malta and New Brunswick before retiring in 1873. Professor of zoology, College of Sciences, Dublin, 1873. Professor of natural history, Queen’s College, Cork, Ireland, 1878. FRS 1872. (ODNB.) 29 August [1878] Agassiz, Jean Louis Rodolphe (Louis) (1807–73). Swiss-born zoologist and geologist. Professor of natural history, Neuchâtel, 1832–46. Emigrated to the United States in 1846. Professor of zoology and geology, Harvard University, 1847–73. Established the Museum of Comparative Zoology at Harvard in 1859. Foreign member, Royal Society of London, 1838. (ANB; DAB; DSB; Record of the Royal Society of London.) Alcock, John Rutherford (Rutherford) (1809–97). Diplomat. Trained as a surgeon at Westminster Hospital. Became deputy inspector-general of

558

Biographical register

army hospitals, but had to retire from surgery. British consul in China, 1844; consul-general in Japan, 1858–62. Minister-plenipotentiary at Peking (Beijing), 1865. Retired, 1871. Knighted, 1862. (ODNB.) Alefeld, Friedrich Christoph Wilhelm (1820–72). German physician, botanist, and horticulturist. Studied medicine and natural sciences at Gießen and Heidelberg, receiving his doctorate in 1843. From 1844, worked as a physician in south-west Germany and studied the taxonomy of native German crops, especially those in the Leguminosae and Malvaceae. (ADB; DBE; NDB.) Algarotti, Francesco (1712–64). Venetian poet and scholar. Visited London, where he pursued Newtonian studies, in 1736. Created a count in the Prussian nobility, 1741; chamberlain, 1746. Returned to Italy in 1753. FRS 1736. (ODNB.) Alice (fl. 1878). Autograph hunter. From Liverpool. (Letter from Alice and Blanche, 27 May 1878.) 27 May 1878 (and Blanche), 31 May 1878 (and Blanche) Allen, Charles Grant Blairfindie (Grant) (1848–99). Canadian-born writer on science and evolution. BA, Oxford (Merton College), 1871. Taught in schools in Brighton, Cheltenham, and Reading. Professor of mental and moral philosophy at a college in Spanish Town, Jamaica, 1873–6. Developed his own theory of evolution based largely on the works of Herbert Spencer. A regular contributor to magazines. Wrote popular novels, some under pseudonyms. (ODNB.) 13 March [1878], 19 March [1878] Allen, Joseph Antisell (1814–1900). Irish-born clergyman. Ordained priest in the Church of England and emigrated to Canada in 1840. Father of Grant Allen. (MDCB.) 29 July 1878 American Express Company (1850–present). American express transport company. Founded as an association of investors by Henry Wells and William G. Fargo in 1850. Merged with the Merchant Union Express Company, 1868. Introduced money orders in 1882; travellers’ cheques in 1891. Concentrated on banking and travel services after nationalisation of the express transport industry in 1918. (Encyclopaedia Britannica (britannica.com, accessed 31 January 2017).) Anon. 2 January 1878, 13 August 1878, 23 August 1878 (from Francis Darwin), 28 September 1878 D. Appleton & Co. New York publishing house. Founded by Daniel Appleton (1785–1849) in 1831. His son William Henry Appleton (1814–99) was taken into partnership in 1838. American publishers of works by CD and Herbert Spencer. (ANB.) See under: Layton, Charles. Armstrong, Richard Acland (1843–1905). Clergyman. Unitarian minister of High Pavement Chapel, Nottingham, 1871. Provisional committee member of the Association of Liberal Thinkers, 1878. (Census returns of England and Wales 1871 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG10/3508/45/25); England &

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Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 22 September 2017); England, select births and christenings, 1538–1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed 22 September 2017); letter from M. D. Conway, 18 November 1878.) Arnold, Francis Sorell (1860/1–1927). Irish-born physician. BA, Oxford (Christ Church), 1883; BMed, 1887. General practitioner in Eccleshill, Yorkshire, 1891. Anti-vivisectionist and translator of medical texts. (Alum. Oxon.; British Medical Journal, 19 February 1927, p. 357; Census returns of England and Wales 1891 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG12/3651/78/3); NUC.) [2]6 December 1878, 31 December [1878] Arnold, Matthew (1822–88). Poet, critic, and school inspector. Educated at Rugby school and Balliol College, Oxford. Inspector of schools, 1851–86. Professor of poetry, Oxford, 1857–67. (ODNB.) Asher, Adolf (1800–53). German bookseller and anglophile. Originally Abraham Isaac Ascher. Learned business methods in London, 1820–5. Diamond-merchant, antique-dealer, and bookseller in St Petersburg, 1825–30. Left Russia because of anti-Semitic policies. Established a bookshop on Unter den Linden, Berlin, in 1830. Imported English books into Germany. Set up a branch of his business in London in 1831. Provided continental books to the British Library from 1841. (Paisey 1997.) Asher, Georg Michael (1827–1905). Russian-born German writer and teacher of law. Son of the Hebraist and bookseller Adolf Asher and his wife, Anna Friedeberg. Trained as a typesetter and bookseller, and later studied history and law at Berlin and Heidelberg Universities. Privat-dozent and later professor of Roman law at Heidelberg. Worked as a nurse in the Franco-Prussian War of 1870–1. After the war, he lived in the Russian cities of Samara and Saratov, and studied the history and social, economic, and legal conditions of German colonies on the Volga. Later worked as an independent scholar in London and Paris. (Große jüdische National-Biographie; Paisey 1997, pp. 135, 151.) 14 February 1878, 16 February 1878 Ashley-Cooper, Anthony, 7th earl of Shaftesbury (1801–85). Philanthropist and politician. Tory MP, 1826–46. Opposed parliamentary reform in 1831, and campaigned for shorter hours of work, especially for children, resulting in the Factory Act of 1833. An ardent Evangelical and moralist. Promoted education and emigration. Succeeded to the earldom in 1851. Active in the House of Lords. (ODNB.) Austin, Albert Duncan (1839–1903). Surveyor and engineer in New Zealand. Emigrated to New Zealand in 1855. Assistant surveyor to the general government of New Zealand (Nelson office). Surveyed and laid out roads for the Nelson Provincial Government service, 1856–66. In private practice as a civil engineer and surveyor, 1866–72. Resident engineer to the Public Works Department of New Zealand from 1872. Laid out and superintended the Nelson and Foxhill Railway, 1872–5. In charge of the Winton to Kingston Railway, the Western

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district railways, and other public works in the Southland district (Invercargill), 1875–8. Worked in Canterbury district, 1878–87, supervising the construction of a number of railways and other public works. Fellow of the Royal Astronomical Society, 1875. (Press (Christchurch), 17 April 1903, p. 5.) 25 July 1878 Auwers, Arthur Julius Georg Friedrich (1838–1915). German astronomer. Studied at Göttingen and Königsberg (Kaliningrad); doctorate, 1862. Worked in Berlin from 1866. Member of the Prussian Academy of Sciences. Worked on the fixed stars. (DBE.) Aveling, Edward Bibbens (1849–98). Socialist. BSc, University College, London, 1870. Assistant to the physiologist Michael Foster in Cambridge. Teacher of elementary physics and botany, North London Collegiate School for Girls, 1872–6. Lecturer in comparative anatomy, London Hospital, 1876–81. In 1879, made a public pronouncement that he had been an atheist for two or three years. Wrote, lectured, and taught for the National Secular Society; vice-president, 1880–4. Wrote several articles and pamphlets on Darwinism. Lived with Karl Marx’s daughter, Eleanor, from 1884; with her, founded the Socialist League. (ODNB.) 23 September 1878, [after 23 September 1878] Axell, Johan Severin (1843–92). Swedish botanist. Studied at Uppsala University, 1861–9; DPhil., 1869. Lecturer in botany, 1869–70. Wholesale dealer, 1870–91. (Taxonomic literature. Supplement.) Bacon, Francis, Baron Verulam and Viscount St Albans (1561–1626). Lawyer, statesman, and philosopher. Lord chancellor, 1618–21. Created Baron Verulam, 1618; Viscount St Alban, 1621. (DSB; ODNB.) Baillière, Gustave-Germer (b. 1837). French publisher, bookseller, and politician. Studied medicine. Nephew of Jean Baptiste Marie Baillière. Head of the publishing house Germer-Baillière. Promoted a strong scientific and medical list. Established several periodicals to report on contemporary scientific work. Introduced an international scientific series to combat the insularity of French intellectual life. (Tesnière 2001, pp. 37–52.) 5 July 1878 Baker, Edmund Gilbert (1864–1949). Botanist. Son of John Gilbert and Hannah Baker. Assistant in department of botany, second class, 1887; first class, 1903; assistant keeper, 1921–24. (Archives catalogue of the Natural History Museum, (nhm.ac.uk/research-curation/library/archives/catalogue, accessed 16 June 2017); BMD (Birth index); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 16 June 2017).) Baker, Hannah (1836–1901). Daughter of George and Mary Unthank. Married John Gilbert Baker in 1860. (BMD (Marriage index, Death index); England & Wales, Quaker birth, marriage, and death registers, 1578–1837 (Ancestry.com, accessed 16 June 2017).) Baker, John Gilbert (1834–1920). Botanist. Draper in Thirsk, Yorkshire, 1847–64. Active in the Thirsk Natural History Society. Assistant in the herbarium at the

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Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, 1866–90; keeper of the herbarium, 1890–9. Lectured on botany at the London Hospital Medical School, 1869–81, and at the Chelsea Physic Garden, 1882–96. Contributed to colonial floras. Authority on ferns. FRS 1878. (DSB; ODNB.) Baker, Katharine Unthank (1869–1918). Daughter of John Gilbert and Hannah Baker. (BMD (Birth index); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1861–1941 (Ancestry.com, accessed 16 June 2017).) Balfour, Cecil Charles (1849–81). Merchant and shipping agent. Brother of Francis Maitland and Arthur Balfour. Matriculated at Magdalen College, Oxford, 1868; BA, MA 1878. Co-founder of the merchants and commission agents Tidman, Balfour & Co., Batavia (now Jakarta), 1872; a partner in the shipping agents Messrs Mactaggart, Tidman, and Co., London, 1876; left both firms in 1880 and moved to Australia. (Brisbane Courier, 4 April 1881, p. 3; Daily News, 1 February 1878, p. 3; Morning Post, 1 January 1876, p. 7; 9 April 1881, p. 5; Straits Times, 27 July 1872, p. 4.) Balfour, Francis Maitland (1851–82). Biologist. Brother of Arthur James Balfour. Specialised in comparative embryology. Studied natural sciences at the University of Cambridge, 1870–3; from 1874, fellow, Trinity College, Cambridge, where he directed a morphological laboratory. Appointed lecturer on animal morphology, University of Cambridge, 1876; professor, 1882. (Alum. Cantab.; ODNB.) [c. 31 January 1878?] Ball, John (1818–89). Irish glaciologist and politician. Trained as a barrister but never practised. Assistant under-secretary of state for the colonies, 1855–7. First president of the Alpine Club, 1858–60. Travelled with Joseph Dalton Hooker in Morocco in 1871. FRS 1868. (ODNB.) Barbier, Edmond (d. 1883). French translator. Translated works by CD (Journal of researches, Origin 6th ed., Variation 2d ed., Descent 2d ed.), John Lubbock, and Edward Burnett Tylor. (Tort 1996.) Barmby, John Goodwyn (Goodwyn) (1820–81). Chartist and socialist. Unitarian minister after 1848. Provisional committee member of the Association of Liberal Thinkers, 1878. (Letter from M. D. Conway, 18 November 1878; ODNB.) William Barron & Son. Firm of nurserymen with premises at Borrowash, Derbyshire. Specialised in trees, especially conifers. (Elliott et al. 2007.) Bartlett, Abraham Dee (1812–97). Taxidermist and zoo superintendent. Taxidermist, circa 1834–52. Superintendent of the natural history department, Crystal Palace, 1852–9; of the Zoological Society’s gardens, Regent’s Park, 1859–97. (Modern English biography; ODNB.) Barton, Charles Robert (1832–1918). Landowner. Of the Waterfoot, Pettigo, county Fermanagh, Ireland. Justice of the peace for county Fermanagh and Donegal and a deputy lieutenant of county Fermanagh. (Census returns of Ireland 1901 (www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai000776710/, accessed 9 February 2017), 1911 (www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai002338236/); County

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families; Ireland, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1922 (www.willcalendars.nationalarchives.ie, accessed 9 February 2017).) Bartsch, Carl Friedrich Eduard (1802–82). German politician. Of Breslau (now Wrocław, Poland). Studied law in Göttingen, Berlin, and Breslau. Bürgermeister of Breslau until 1879. Member of the Silesian Chamber of Representatives, 1866–76. Member of the Schlesischen Gesellschaft für vaterländische Kultur, 1837; secretary-general, 1845–71; vice-president, 1878. (Dvorak 1996–.) Bary, Anton Heinrich de (1831–88). German botanist and physician. Studied medicine in Heidelberg, Marburg, and Berlin, 1849–53. Professor extraordinarius of botany, Freiburg im Breisgau, 1855; professor, 1859. Professor of botany, Halle, 1868; Strassburg (Strasbourg), 1872. Discovered lichen symbiosis and the sexuality of fungi. (DBE; DSB.) Batalin, Alexander Fedorovich (Александр Федорович Баталин) (1847–96). Russian botanist and plant physiologist. Lecturer in botany, Mining Institute, 1870–9. Conservator, St Petersburg Botanical Garden, 1870; director, 1892. Founded a station at the garden for testing seeds and for economic botany in 1877. Professor of botany at the Imperial Military Medical Academy, St Petersburg, 1884–93. Wrote mostly on experimental plant physiology. (Bol’shaya entsiklopediya; GSE.) Bates, Henry Walter (1825–92). Entomologist. Undertook a joint expedition to the Amazon with Alfred Russel Wallace, 1848–9; continued to explore the area, after Wallace returned to England, until 1859. Provided the first comprehensive scientific explanation of the phenomenon subsequently known as Batesian mimicry. Published an account of his travels, The naturalist on the River Amazons, in 1863. Assistant secretary, Royal Geographical Society of London, 1864–92. President, Entomological Society of London, 1868, 1869, and 1878. FRS 1881. (DSB; ODNB.) Baxter, William Walmisley (1829–1900). Chemist. Succeeded his father in business at 40 High Street, Bromley, Kent, with branches in Dartford and Greenwich, 1857; opened another branch in Beckenham; retired in 1897. Churchwarden, manager of the National Schools, trustee of the Philanthropic Society, and honorary secretary of Bromley Literary Institute. (BMD (Death index); England, select births and christenings, 1538–1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed 18 August 2014); Horsburgh 1980, pp. 406–7.) 6 January [1878], 7 January 1878 Beal, William James (1833–1924). American botanist and teacher. Schoolteacher in Union Springs, New York, 1859–68; studied under Louis Agassiz and Asa Gray at Harvard University. Lectured in botany at the University of Chicago, 1868–71. Taught at Michigan Agricultural College, 1871–1910. (DAB.) 21 May 1878 Beckhard, Martin Adolf (1853–1942). German-born banking clerk. Lived in London from at least 1879 until 1881. Emigrated to the United States and lived in New York from 1881. (Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The

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National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/29/65/74); New York, New York, death index 1862–1948 (Ancestry.com, accessed 12 December 2016); UK, naturalisation certificates and declarations, 1870–1912 (Ancestry.com, accessed 12 December 2016); United States Federal Census 1900 (New York, New York, Manhattan 0516/15) (Ancestry.com, accessed 12 December 2016); U.S. passport applications, 1795–1925 (Ancestry.com, accessed 12 December 2016).) 10 February [1878] Behrens, Georg Wilhelm Julius (Wilhelm) (1854–1903). German botanist. Assistant to Julius Sachs in Würzburg; later became a private teacher in Göttingen. Author of influential textbooks on botany and microscopical technique. Editor of the Zeitschrift für wissenschaftliche Mikroskopie und mikroskopische Technik. (NDB.) 29 August [1878], 11 October 1878 Beneden, Édouard Joseph Louis Marie van (Édouard) (1846–1910). Belgian embryologist and cytologist. Professor extraordinarius of zoology and comparative anatomy, University of Liège, 1871; professor, 1874. Co-founder of the journal Archives de biologie, in which most of his work was published. Known for his work on mammalian embryo formation, and his discovery of meiosis. (BNB; DSB; EB.) 29 April 1878, 11 September 1878 Bentham, George (1800–84). Botanist. Moved his botanical library and collections to the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, in 1854, and was provided with facilities there for his research from 1861. President of the Linnean Society of London, 1861–74. Published Genera plantarum (1862–83) with Joseph Dalton Hooker. FRS 1862. (DSB; ODNB.) 7 August 1878, 10 August [1878] Bergson, Edouard (fl. 1870s). 12 November 1878 Bernard, Claude (1813–78). French physiologist. Professor of general physiology, Faculté des sciences, Paris, 1854; Muséum d’histoire naturelle, 1868. Professor of medicine, Collège de France, 1855. Made significant discoveries in digestion, neurology, and other aspects of animal physiology. Contributed to the philosophy of experimental methodology. (DSB.) Bertrand, Joseph Louis François ( Joseph) (1822–1900). French mathematician. Doctorate in mathematics, École polytechnique, Paris, 1839. Professor of elementary mathematics, Collège Saint-Louis, 1841–8. Tutor in analysis at the École polytechnique, 1844; professor, 1856–95. Permanent secretary, Académie des sciences, 1874. Worked in several areas including the theory of curved surfaces, probability, and the theory of errors. (Complete dictionary of scientific biography.) 5 August 1878 (and J.-B. Dumas), 12 August [1878] (and J.-B. Dumas) Besant, Annie (1847–1933). Campaigner for contraception, socialist, theosophist, and politician in India. Lost her faith and separated from her clergyman husband in 1873. With Charles Bradlaugh, wrote and spoke publicly on freethought issues, including contraception, 1875–86. Became interested in socialist ideas,

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and later theosophy, in the 1880s. Lived in India from 1893; president of the Theosophical Society from 1907. Campaigned for self-rule for India; joined the Indian National Congress in 1913. (ODNB.) Binns, William (1827–1901). Clergyman. Unitarian minister of Birkenhead Chapel, Birkenhead, Cheshire, 1871. Provisional committee member of the Association of Liberal Thinkers, 1878. (Census returns of England and Wales 1871 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG10/3752/157/75); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 22 September 2017); letter from M. D. Conway, 18 November 1878; West Yorkshire, England, Church of England births and baptisms, 1813–1910 (Ancestry.com, accessed 22 September 2017).) Blainville, Henri Marie Ducrotay (Henri) de (1777–1850). French anatomist and zoologist. Appointed professor of comparative anatomy, Muséum d’histoire naturelle, Paris, 1832. Foreign member, Royal Society, 1832. (DBF; DSB; Record of the Royal Society of London.) Blair, Jessie Alice (1875–1969). American. Daughter of Reuben Almond Blair. (United States Federal Census 1880 (Sedalia, Pettis, Missouri 127/244C), 1940 (80–27/25A) (Ancestry.com, accessed 17 January 2017); U.S. Find a grave index, 1600s–current (Ancestry.com, accessed 17 January 2017).) Blair, Reuben Almond (1841–1902). American retail clothier and amateur naturalist. From Sedalia, Missouri. (Freeman 1978; United States Federal Census 1880 (Sedalia, Pettis, Missouri 127/244C) (Ancestry.com, accessed 19 August 2016); U.S., Find a grave index, 1600s–current (Ancestry.com, accessed 26 October 2017).) 14 April 1878, 10 July 1878 (to the Smithsonian Institution), 17 July 1878, 4 [August] 1878, 9 December 1878 Blakeway, Charles (1818/19–89). Butcher and farmer. Of Dorhill (or Dorhall), Chaddesley Corbett, Worcestershire. Son of Charles Blakeway, butcher, and his wife, Mary, and older brother of Herbert Samuel Blakeway. (Census returns of England and Wales 1871 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG10/3031/22/11); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 30 January 2017); England, select births and christenings 1538–1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed 30 January 2017).) Blakeway, Herbert Samuel (1826–91). English-born American farmer. Of Ridott, Stephenson County, Illinois, USA. Son of Charles Blakeway, butcher, and his wife, Mary, of Chaddesley Corbett, Worcestershire, and younger brother of Charles Blakeway. Married Ellen Goodwin in Worcester in 1853. Emigrated to the United States, 1853/4. (BMD (Marriage index); Census returns of England and Wales 1841 (The National Archives: Public Record Office HO107/1195/8/27/2), 1851 (HO107/2046/342/1); England, select births and christenings 1538–1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed 30 January 2017); United States Federal Census 1870 (Ridott, Stephenson, Illinois [1]/272B) (Ancestry.com, accessed 30 January 2017); U.S. Find a grave index, 1600s–current (Ancestry.com, accessed 30 January 2017).)

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Blanche (fl. 1878). Autograph hunter. From Liverpool. (Letter from Alice and Blanche, 27 May 1878.) 27 May 1878 (and Alice), 31 May 1878 (and Alice) Bohn, Henry George (1796–1884). London bookseller and publisher. Sold his publishing business to Chatto and Windus in 1875. (ODNB.) Boothby, Brooke (1744–1824). Poet and writer. Educated at St John’s College, Cambridge. Commissioned in the Eighteenth Light Dragoons. Retired on half pay to Lichfield and joined the literary circle there that included Erasmus Darwin in 1772. Left England about 1794 and travelled throughout Europe. Published poems, translations, and political works, including Rousseau juge de Jean Jacques: dialogue (1780) and Sorrows sacred to the memory of Penelope (1796). (ODNB.) Boussingault, Jean-Baptiste (1801–87). French agricultural chemist. Professor of chemistry at University of Lyon. Best known for his work on the absorption of nitrogen and atmospheric carbon dioxide by plants. (EB.) Bowman, William (1816–92). Ophthalmic surgeon. Author of works on physiology. Assistant surgeon, King’s College Hospital, London, 1839–56; surgeon, 1856–62. Elected joint professor of physiology and of general and morbid anatomy, King’s College, London, 1848. Assistant surgeon at the Royal London Ophthalmic Hospital, Moorfields, 1846–51; surgeon, 1851–76. Created baronet, 1884. FRS 1841. (DSB; ODNB.) 22 February 1878 Bradlaugh, Charles (1833–91). Freethinker, author, and politician. Editor of the National Reformer, 1860–4; 1866–90 (owner from 1862). Founder of the National Secular Society, 1866. Liberal MP for Northampton, 1880–91. (ODNB.) Brassey, Anna (Annie) (1839–87). Traveller and author. Famous for popular accounts of ocean voyages. Daughter of John and Elizabeth Allnutt. Married Thomas Brassey, Liberal politician and writer on naval affairs, in 1860. Became Lady Brassey when her husband was created Baron Brassey in 1886. (ODNB.) Braun, Alexander Carl Heinrich (1805–77). German botanist. Professor of botany, Freiburg, 1846–50. Professor of botany and director of the botanic garden, University of Berlin, 1851–77. Brother-in-law of Louis Agassiz. Deeply influenced by Naturphilosophie; studied plant morphology. Established the doctrine of spiral phyllotaxy. (DSB; NDB.) Braun, Julie (1851/2–1942). German-born teacher of sewing and needlework. Lived in Manchester. Married Henry Rawlings (1857–1911), schoolteacher and Unitarian clergyman, in 1883. Provisional committee member of the Association of Liberal Thinkers, 1878. (BMD (Birth index, Marriage index); Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/3917/113/26), 1901 (RG13/4443/14/20); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 22 September 2017); Ladies’ Edinburgh Magazine, n.s. 5 (1879): 96; letter from M. D. Conway, 18 November 1878; Manchester, England, non-conformist marriages, 1758–1937 (Ancestry. com, accessed 25 September 2017).)

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Brefeld, Julius Oscar (Oscar) (1839–1925). Botanist and mycologist. Studied pharmacy in Breslau and Berlin; PhD in chemistry and botany, Heidelberg, 1864. After recovering from severe pneumonia went to work with Anton de Bary at the Botanical Institute, Halle, in 1868. Served as an army pharmacist in the Franco-Prussian war before contracting typhoid fever. Privat-dozent in botany, Berlin, 1875; professor of botany at the forest academy of Eberswalde, 1878. After losing the sight in one eye, became professor of botany at the Royal Botanical Institute and director of the botanical garden at Münster, 1884–98; professor of botany and director of the Institute of Plant Physiology, Breslau, 1898–1907. Retired due to poor vision and became blind in 1910. Known for his development of pure culture techniques, his comparative morphological approach to the study and classification of fungi, and research on cereal smuts. (Complete dictionary of scientific biography; DBE.) Bremer, Peter Petersson (1731–65). Swedish botanist. Student of Linnaeus (Carl von Linné). (Linnaeus 1755, NUC.) Bridges, Thomas (b. c. 1842 d. 1898). Dictionary compiler, missionary, and sheep farmer. Missionary on Keppel Island, West Falklands, 1856–68; established a mission at Ushuaia in the Beagle Channel, 1867. Settled permanently in Ushuaia with his wife, Mary Ann Varder, and daughter in 1871. Abandoned missionary work in 1884 and became a sheep farmer near Ushuaia from 1887. Author of a Yámana dictionary. (Bridges 1948; ODNB.) Bristow, Edward Jones Agnew (1834–1902). Linen merchant. Son of James Bristow (c. 1796–1866) of Belfast. Of James and Robert Young (linen merchants); member of the Linen Merchants’ Association, Linen Hall, Belfast, 1880. (Census returns of Ireland 1901 (www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai000343492/, accessed 27 November 2017); letter from E. J. A. Bristow, 11 March 1878; Linen Hall Library, Belfast (personal communication).) 11 March 1878 (to H. E. Litchfield) Broca, Adèle-Augustine (1834–1914). French. Daughter of the physician Jean Guillaume Auguste Lugol. Married Paul Broca in 1857. (Neuzil 2002, p. 455.) Broca, Pierre Paul (Paul) (1824–80). French surgeon and anthropologist. MD, Paris, 1849. Assistant professor of the medical faculty in Paris and surgeon of the Central Bureau, 1853. Pioneer in the field of anthropology. Elected professor of pathology at Paris, 1867; of clinical surgery, 1868. Vice-president, French Academy of Medicine. (DBF; DSB.) 5 August 1878 Brooke, Simpson, and Spiller. Manufacturers of dyestuffs. Established in 1868 by Edward Brooke, Richard Simpson, and William Spiller, who took over the coal-tar dye business of Nicholson, Maule, & Co., who had succeeded Simpson, Maule and Nicholson, founded by Simpson’s brother George. Based at the Atlas Works at Hackney Wick. Employed a number of leading chemists, including Spiller’s brother John as chief chemist. Raphael Meldola worked there, 1877–85. Meldola developed the first acid wool green, which gave rise to Viridine or Alkali

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Green; and the first oxazine dye, Meldola Blue, in 1879. However, these and other discoveries were not patented. The company declined rapidly after 1885 and went into liquidation in 1904. (M. R. Fox 1987, pp. 104–10; ODNB s.v. Meldola, Raphael, and Spiller, John.) Brown-Séquard, Charles Édouard (1817–94). French physiologist. Practised medicine in France and the United States before accepting a professorship at Virginia Medical College, Richmond, in 1854. Returned to Paris in 1855; moved to England in 1858. Physician, National Hospital for the Paralysed and Epileptics, 1860–3. Professor of physiology and pathology, Harvard Medical School, 1864–7. Professor of medicine, Collège de France, 1878–94. Conducted pioneering research in neurology and endocrinology. FRS 1860. (DBF; DSB; Record of the Royal Society of London.) Bruce, Henry Austin, 1st Baron Aberdare (1815–95). Politician. Liberal MP for Merthyr Tudful, 1852–68. Under-secretary at the Home Office, 1862–4. Privy councillor, 1864–6. Home secretary, 1868–73. MP for Renfrewshire, 1869–73. Interested in education. Created Baron Aberdare, 1873. FRS 1876. (ODNB.) 3 December 1878 Brunton, Thomas Lauder, 1st baronet (1844–1916). Physician and pharmacologist. MB, Edinburgh, 1866; MD 1868. Studied pharmacology in Vienna and Berlin, and physiological chemistry in Amsterdam and Leipzig, 1868–70. Lecturer in materia medica and pharmacology, Middlesex Hospital, 1870; St Bartholomew’s, 1871. Casualty physician, St Bartholomew’s, 1871–5; assistant physician, 1875–97; physician, 1897–1904. Studied the physiology of digestion and experimented on insectivorous plants for CD. Created baronet, 1908. FRS 1874. (Complete dictionary of scientific biography; Correspondence vol. 21, letter from T. L. Brunton, 2 December 1873; ODNB.) Brydges Willyams, Sarah (d. 1863). Heiress. Daughter of Abraham Mendez da Costa. Married James Brydges Willyams in 1794. Left a considerable fortune to Benjamin Disraeli, with whom she had an epistolary friendship. (ODNB.) Buckland, Francis Trevelyan (Frank) (1826–80). Naturalist, popular science-writer, and surgeon. Son of William Buckland. Trained and practised medicine at St George’s Hospital, London, 1848–53. Assistant surgeon in the Second Life Guards, 1854–63. Staff writer for the Field, 1856–65. In 1865, appointed scientific referee to the South Kensington Museum, where he established an exhibit on pisciculture. Launched a weekly journal, Land and Water, in 1866. Inspector of salmon fisheries from 1867. (Bompas 1885; ODNB.) Buckman, James (1814–84). Geologist and agricultural botanist. Curator, secretary, and lecturer at the Birmingham Philosophical Institute, 1846–8. Professor of geology, botany, and zoology at the Royal Agricultural College, Cirencester, 1848–63. Farmed according to scientific principles in Dorset, 1863–84. (ODNB.) Bulwer-Lytton, Edward Robert, 2d Baron Lytton (1831–91). Poet and diplomat. Wrote poetry under the pseudonym Owen Meredith. Private secretary to the ambassador to Washington, 1849. Served in embassies in the Hague,

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Vienna, Belgrade, Athens, Lisbon, Madrid, and Paris. British minister in Lisbon, 1874. Viceroy of India, 1876–80; organised the famous 1877 durbar marking the proclamation of Queen Victoria as empress of India, and aggressively promoted British economic interests. Instrumental in provoking the Second Anglo-Afghan War in 1878, ostensibly in response to Russian expansionism. Resigned on the defeat of the Disraeli government. Ambassador to France, 1887–91. Succeeded as second Baron Lytton, 1873. Created earl of Lytton, 1880. (ODNB.) Bunsen, Robert Wilhelm Eberhard (1811–99). German chemist. Professor of chemistry, University of Marburg, 1842; University of Heidelberg, 1852–89. Carried out important work in spectroscopy in the 1860s. Foreign member, Royal Society of London, 1858. (DSB; NDB.) Burdon Sanderson, John Scott, baronet (1828–1905). Pathologist and physiologist. MD, Edinburgh, 1851. Studied physiology under Claude Bernard in Paris. Medical registrar, St Mary’s Hospital, Paddington, 1853; medical officer of health for Paddington from 1856. Medical inspector to the Privy Council from 1860 to 1865 or 1866. Worked on the causes and transmission of infectious disease. Professor of practical physiology and histology, University College, London, 1870; Jodrell Professor of human physiology, 1874. Professor-superintendent of the Brown Institute, University of London, 1872–8. Waynefleet Professor of physiology, Oxford, 1882; regius professor of medicine, 1895–1904. Created baronet, 1899. FRS 1867. (ODNB.) Burnaby, Emma (1806–95). Daughter of Anthony and Elizabeth Rich of Hendon, and sister of Anthony Rich (1804–91). Married William Dyott Burnaby in 1832. Lived in London. Her three children predeceased her. (England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 7 July 2017); London, England, Church of England baptisms, marriages and burials, 1538–1812 (Ancestry.com, accessed 7 July 2017); London, England, Church of England deaths and burials, 1813–1980 (Ancestry.com, accessed 7 July 2017); London, England, Church of England marriages and banns, 1754–1921 (Ancestry.com, accessed 7 July 2017).) Burnaby, William Dyott (1807–82). Chief clerk. Husband of Emma Burnaby. Anthony Rich’s brother-in-law. Chief clerk of the police court, Bow Street, from at least 1843 until c. 1880. (BMD (Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG9/177/89/34); British imperial calendar 1843; England, select births and christenings, 1538–1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed 14 July 2017); P. Fitzgerald 1888, 1: 13.) Burnaby, William Edward (1834–76). Clerk. Nephew of Anthony Rich. Son of Emma Burnaby. Clerk in the General Post Office, London, 1871. (BMD (Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1871 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG10/362/75/29); England, select births and christenings, 1538–1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed 14 July 2017).) Butler, Arthur Gardiner (1844–1925). Entomologist. Assistant, zoological department, British Museum, 1863; assistant keeper, 1879–1901. Worked mostly on Lepidoptera. (Entomologist 58 (1925): 175–6; Proceedings of the Linnean Society of London 138 (1925–6): 75–6.)

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Butler, Henry Montagu (1833–1918). Headmaster and college head. Son of George Butler (1774–1853). Headmaster of Harrow School, 1859–85. Master of Trinity College, Cambridge, 1886–1918. (ODNB.) Button, Jemmy. See Orundellico. Button, James FitzRoy. See Cooshaipunjiz Button, William Beckenham. See Pucananlacitanjiz. Byron, George Gordon Noel, 6th Baron Byron (1788–1824). Poet. (ODNB.) Bőke, Gyula (1832–1918). Hungarian physician and otologist. Studied in Pest and Vienna. Worked in the Jewish hospital in Mosonmagyaróvár, Western Hungary, 1861; Szt. Rókus (St Roch) Hospital, and Children’s Hospital, 1868. Professor and later first director of the otology clinic, 1879. (Ujvári ed. 1929.) Caird, James (1816–92). Agriculturalist, author, and politician. Managed farms near Stranraer and Wigtown, 1841–60. MP for Dartmouth, 1857–9; Stirling Burghs, 1859–65. Member of the inclosure commission (renamed the land commission in 1882), 1865–89. Director of the land department of the Board of Agriculture, 1889–91. Wrote on free trade, farming, farm management, and land administration in Britain, Ireland, Canada, the US, and India. President of the Royal Statistical Society, 1880–2. Knighted, 1882. FRS 1875. (ODNB.) 2 March 1878 (to T. H. Farrer), 4 March 1878, 21 March 1878 Callwell, George (1811/12–83). Irish landowner. Of Lismoyne, county Antrim. Magistrate for county Antrim (County families; England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 28 April 2017); Ireland, civil registration deaths index, 1864–1958 s.v. Calwell (Ancestry. com, accessed 28 April 2017).) Cameron, Julia Margaret (1815–79). Photographer. Née Pattle. Born in India, but spent much of her childhood in England and France. Became a friend of John Herschel’s in South Africa, where she went in 1835 to convalesce from an illness. Married Charles Hay Cameron in Calcutta in 1838, and acted as a social organiser and hostess for the governor-general of India, Lord Henry Hardinge, in the 1840s. The family returned to England in 1848, and moved to Freshwater, Isle of Wight, in 1860. Cameron took up photography in 1863; was elected to the Photographic Society of London, 1864, and organised her first solo exhibition in 1865. She exhibited regularly in Europe. Emigrated to Ceylon (Sri Lanka) with her husband in 1875. (ODNB.) Cameron, Peter (1847–1912). Entomologist. Worked for turkey red cotton dyers in Glasgow and calico printers in Manchester. Then suffered ill health and unemployment before being awarded a grant from the Royal Society of London. Known for his work on Hymenoptera, including his Ray Society monograph on British phytophagous Hymenoptera (1882–92). (Entomologist’s Monthly Magazine, January 1913, pp. 20–1; Gilbert 1977.) Campbell, George (1824–92). Scottish administrator in India. Educated at St Andrews University. Entered the service of the East India Company in 1842. Held positions of magistrate, and judicial and financial commissioner;

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lieutenant-governor of Bengal, 1870–4. Returned to Scotland in 1874. Liberal MP for Kirkcaldy, 1875–92. Wrote on politics and ethnography. Knighted, 1873. (ODNB.) Campbell, George Douglas, 8th duke of Argyll (1823–1900). Scottish statesman and author of works on science, religion, and politics. A defender of the concept of design in nature. Chancellor of St Andrews University, 1851–1900. President of the Royal Society of Edinburgh, 1860–4. Privy seal, 1852–5, 1859–60, 1860–6, and 1880–1; postmaster-general, 1855–8 and 1860; secretary of state for India, 1868–74. Succeeded to the dukedom in 1847. FRS 1851. (ODNB.) 23 September 1878 Campbell, John Frederick Vaughan, 2d Earl Cawdor of Castlemartin (1817–98). Landowner and polititian. BA, Oxford, 1838. MP for Pembrokeshire, 1841–60. Succeeded to the earldom in 1860. (Alum. Oxon.; Complete peerage.) Canada, Prentice A. (1859–1927). American minister. BA, Union Christian College, Merom, Indiana, 1883. Attended Oberlin seminary, Ohio. Ordained, 1886. Pastor in Ohio, New York, and Massachusetts. (Christians’ annual for the year of our Lord, 1897 (Dayton Ohio: Christian Publishing Association), p. 15; Menands, New York, Albany rural cemetery burial cards, 1791–2011 (Ancestry.com, accessed 7 April 2017); United States Federal Census 1900 (Freetown, Bristol, Massachusetts 636/5A/0166) (Ancestry.com, accessed 14 March 2017).) Candolle, Alphonse de (1806–93). Swiss botanist, lawyer, and politician. Active in the administration of the city of Geneva until 1860. Responsible for the introduction of postage stamps to Switzerland. Professor of botany and director of the botanic gardens, Geneva, from 1835. Concentrated on his own research after 1850. Foreign member, Royal Society of London, 1869. (DSB; Record of the Royal Society of London.) 10 August 1878, 15 August 1878 Candolle, Anne Casimir Pyramus (Casimir) de (1836–1918). Swiss botanist. Son of Alphonse de Candolle; assistant and colleague of his father. Published monographs of several families of plants. Foreign member, Linnean Society of London, 1893. (Dictionnaire historique & biographique de la Suisse; Proceedings of the Linnean Society of London (1918–19): 51–2.) Carlyle, Thomas (1795–1881). Essayist and historian. (ODNB.) Carpenter, Joseph Estlin (Estlin) (1844–1927). Unitarian clergyman and professor. Son of William Benjamin Carpenter and his wife Louisa. Educated at University College, London, and Manchester New College, London. Minister at Bristol, 1866, and Leeds, 1869. Professor of ecclesiastical history, comparative religion, and Hebrew at Manchester New College from 1875; principal, 1906–15. Provisional committee member of the Association of Liberal Thinkers, 1878. (Letter from M. D. Conway, 18 November 1878; ODNB.) Carpenter, William Benjamin (1813–85). Naturalist. Fullerian Professor of physiology at the Royal Institution of Great Britain, 1844–8; physiology lecturer, London Hospital, 1845–56; professor of forensic medicine, University College,

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London, 1849–59. Registrar of the University of London, 1856–79. President of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1872. Founding member of the Marine Biological Association. FRS 1844. (DNB; DSB; Modern English biography; Royal Institution of Great Britain, www.rigb.org.) Carret, Jules (1844–1912). French medical doctor and radical politician. Native of Savoie. Graduated from medical studies in Paris in 1869 and established himself in Chambéry. Member of the municipal council from 1871. Elected deputy for Savoie, 1883. Published on radical politics and range of scientific subjects. (DBF.) Carruthers, William (1830–1922). Scottish botanist and geologist. Studied at New College, Edinburgh. Assistant, botany department, British Museum, 1859; keeper, 1871–95. Botanist, Royal Agricultural Society, 1871–1909. President, Linnean Society of London, 1886–90. FRS 1871. (R. Desmond 1994; Transactions of the Royal Society of Edinburgh 28 (1921–2): 118–21.) James Carter & Company. Seedsmen with premises at 237, 238, and 261 High Holborn, London. Founded by James Carter (c. 1797–1885). (Post Office London directory 1864; R. Desmond 1994.) Carus, Julius Victor (1823–1903). German comparative anatomist. Conservator of the Museum of Comparative Anatomy, Oxford University, 1849–51. Professor extraordinarius of comparative anatomy and director of the zoological museum, University of Leipzig, 1853. Translated the third German edition of Origin (1867) and, subsequently, twelve other works by CD. (DSB; NDB.) 21 September 1878, 23 September 1878 Cavagnari, Pierre Louis Napoleon (1841–79). French-born soldier and administrator. Became a naturalised British citizen in 1857. Joined the East India Company as a cadet in 1858 and went to India. Served in the First Bengal European Fusiliers in the Oudh campaign, 1858–9. Assistant commissioner, Punjab, 1861. Administered Kohat district, 1866–7. Deputy commissioner, Peshawar, 1867. A supporter and protegé of the viceroy to India, Lord Lytton, and an advocate of the domination of Afghanistan. Following a British victory over Afghan forces in 1879, negotiated the treaty of Gandamak and was appointed resident British envoy in Kabul. Died in an attack on the embassy during a mutiny. Knighted, 1879. (ODNB.) Cavendish, Frederick Charles (1836–82). Chief secretary for Ireland. Second son of the seventh duke of Devonshire. Educated at home and Trinity College, Cambridge. Liberal MP for the northern district of the West Riding of Yorkshire, 1865–82. Interested in educational questions. Sworn in as chief secretary for Ireland, 6 May 1882, and murdered on the same day in Phoenix Park, Dublin. (ODNB.) Cheeseman, Thomas Frederick (1846–1923). New Zealand botanist. Curator of the Auckland Museum, 1873. Collected plants in the Cook and Kermadec Islands. (R. Desmond 1994.) Church, Arthur Herbert (1834–1915). Chemist. Studied at Royal College of Chemistry, 1851. BA, Oxford, 1860. Professor of chemistry, Royal Agricultural

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College, Cirencester, 1863. Professor of chemistry at the Royal Academy of Arts, 1879. Wrote on the chemistry of paints and painting. Prepared several botanical paintings for the herbarium at the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew. FRS 1888. (ODNB.) Church, Richard William (1815–90). Author and clergyman. BA (Wadham College), Oxford, 1836. Fellow of Oriel College, 1838–54. Rector of Whatley, Somerset, 1852–71. Dean of St Paul’s, 1871–90. DCL 1875. (Alum. Oxon.; ODNB.) [18 May 1878] Ciesielski, Theophil (Teofil) (1846–1916). Polish botanist. A student of Ferdinand Julius Cohn at Breslau (Wrocław); PhD 1871. Professor of botany and director of the botanic garden, University of Lemberg (Lwów; now Lviv), 1872–94. Founder and editor of the beekeeping journal Bartnik postępowy, 1875–1914. (Klemm 2002; Mularczyk 2008.) Clark, Andrew, 1st baronet (1826–93). Scottish physician. MD, Aberdeen, 1854. Physician to the London Hospital, 1866–86. Physician to William Ewart Gladstone from 1868, and to many prominent people, including Thomas Henry Huxley. One of the physicians who attended CD in his final illness. Created baronet, 1883. FRS 1885. (ODNB; The Times, 21 April 1882, p. 5.) Clarke, Alexander Ross (1828–1914). Geodesist. Graduated from the Royal Military Academy, Woolwich, and was commissioned as a second lieutenant in the Royal Engineers, 1847. Posted to the Ordnance Survey in Southampton, 1850; chief mathematical and scientific adviser, and head of the trigonometrical and levelling departments, from 1856. In 1860, began a comparison of different national standards of length. Retired in 1881. FRS 1862. (Nature, 19 February 1914, pp. 692–3; ODNB.) Clarke, Charles Baron (1832–1906). Botanist. BA, University of Cambridge, 1856. Lecturer in mathematics, Queen’s College, Cambridge, 1858–65. In 1865, entered the Bengal civil service, where he worked as an inspector of schools. Collected plants in India. Superintendent, Calcutta botanical gardens, 1869–71. While on leave and later special assignment in England, worked on Joseph Dalton Hooker’s Flora of British India, 1877–83. Returned to India in 1883 and held various posts until his retirement in 1887, after which he worked as a volunteer at the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, until his death. FRS 1882. (ODNB.) 12 May 1878 Clarke, Henry Hyde (Hyde) (1815–95). Economist, civil engineer, and philologist. Railway surveyor in Scotland in the 1830s. Founder subscriber, London and County Bank, 1836. Travelled in India and reported on the telegraph service there in 1849. Member, London (later Royal) Statistical Society, from 1868. Published numerous papers on philology and the origin of languages for the Royal Historical Society. Contributed to business-cycle theory. Reported by contemporaries to speak over a hundred languages. (BDBE; London, England, Church of England births and baptisms, 1813–1906 (Ancestry.com, accessed 26 August 2016).) 5 January 1878

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Clarke, Richard Trevor (1813–97). Army officer and horticulturist. Major in the Northampton and Rutland Infantry Militia, 1862. Bred nearly thirty new varieties of begonias and many new strains of cotton. Awarded a gold medal by the Cotton Supply Association of Manchester. Member of the Royal Horticultural Society; served on the council and scientific committee for many years; awarded the society’s Veitchian medal, 1894. (Army list; R. Desmond 1994; Gardeners’ Chronicle, 17 April 1897, p. 263.) 6 February [1878] Clifford, William Kingdon (1845–79). Mathematician and philosopher of science. BA, Cambridge (Trinity College), 1867; fellow of Trinity, 1868. Professor of applied mathematics, University College, London, 1871. Gave many public lectures on scientific topics. FRS 1874. (ODNB.) Clough, Arthur Hugh (1819–61). Poet. BA, Oxford (Balliol College), 1841. Fellow of Oriel College, Oxford, 1842–8. Head of University Hall, London, 1848–51. Examiner in the education office by 1854. (Alum. Oxon.; ODNB.) Clusius, Carolus (Charles de L'Écluse) (1526–1609). French botanist and writer. Published descriptions of many plants new to Europe. (DBF.) Coghlan, John (1824–90). Irish civil engineer. Studied engineering at Paris, receiving his diploma in 1844. Assistant engineer, Board of Public Works, Ireland, 1846–52. Worked in Spain, Sweden, and Westphalia. Government engineer in Argentina, 1857–87. Worked on the harbour, waterworks, and drainage of Buenos Aires, and on railways in Argentina. (Proceedings of the Institute of Civil Engineers 103 (1891): 363–5.) 9 June 1878 Cohn, Ferdinand Julius (1828–98). German botanist and bacteriologist. Professor extraordinarius, University of Breslau, 1859; professor, 1872. Founded the first institute for plant physiology, at Breslau, in 1866. In 1870, founded the journal Beiträge zur Biologie der Pflanzen, in which the earliest articles on bacteriology appeared. Worked on unicellular algae, and attempted to devise a system of classification for lower plants based on Darwinian transmutation theory. Foreign member, Royal Society of London, 1897. (DSB; NDB.) 3 January 1878, 5 June 1878 Colbourne, Louis (1849–1922). British physician and surgeon. MB, Edinburgh, 1872; MD, Buenos Aires, 1880. Medical officer at the British Hospital, Buenos Aires; practised in Buenos Aires until 1890. (BMD (Birth index); Census returns of England and Wales 1891 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG12/112/89/11); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 21 November 2016); Medical directory 1881, 1890, 1891.) Coleridge, John Duke, 1st Baron Coleridge (1820–94). Judge. Fellow of Exeter College, Oxford, 1843–6. Called to the bar, 1846; recorder of Portsmouth, 1855–66. Liberal MP for Exeter, 1865–73. Solicitor-general, 1868–71; attorney-general, 1871–3; chief justice of the common pleas, 1873–80; lord chief

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justice of England, 1880–94. Anti-vivisectionist. Knighted, 1868. Created baron, 1873. (ODNB.) Columbus, Christopher (1451–1506). European explorer. (EB.) Conil, P. Augusto (1838/9–87). French-born Argentinian merchant and scientist. Of Córdoba province. Published on local scientific subjects in the 1870s and 1880s. Secretary of the National Academy of Sciences, 1878. (Actas de Sesiones de la Comisión Directiva de la Academia Nacional de Ciencias 1 (1878–1909): 212; Argentina, national census, 1869 (Familysearch.org, accessed 18 June 2015); NDBA.) Conway, Moncure Daniel (1832–1907). American preacher and author. Pastor of the Unitarian Church, Washington, until 1856, when he was dismissed because of his outspoken anti-slavery views. Preacher at the First Congregational Church, Cincinnati, until 1862, when he became editor of the Boston anti-slavery newspaper Commonwealth. Moved to Britain in 1863 and, in addition to writing and public speaking, was pastor at the South Place Chapel, Finsbury, London, until 1884, and 1892–7. (DAB.) 18 November 1878 Coofyinuganjiz. Fuegian. Eldest son of Orundellico (renamed Jemmy Button by Robert FitzRoy). Father of Pucananlacitanjiz and Cooshaipunjiz. (South American Missionary Magazine, 1 February 1878, p. 32; 1 October 1879, p. 223.) Cook, Joseph (1838–1901). American clergyman and author. Studied at Yale, Harvard, and Andover Theological Seminary. Became a popular lecturer on religion and science. Held a regular lecture series in Boston, Mass., in the 1870s, a transcontinental lecture tour in 1879, and a world tour, 1880–2. (ANB.) Cooke, Robert Francis (1816–91). Publisher. Cousin of John Murray and partner in his publishing company, which published many of CD’s books. (Correspondence vol. 13, letter from John Murray, 1 April 1865; Modern English biography.) 26 February 1878, 27 November 1878. On behalf of John Murray. Cooper, James Davis (1823–1904). Wood-engraver. Established his own wood-engraving business in London, 1849. In 1857, patented a process for engraving by which the area to be printed black was cut out and the recesses filled to make an electrotype; this never came into general use. (ODNB.) 13 December 1878, [after 13 December 1878] Cooshaipunjiz ( James Sulivan Button, James FitzRoy Button) (b. c. 1871). Fuegian. Grandson of Orundellico ( Jemmy Button). Orphaned at the age of six. Lived at the orphanage established by the South American Mission Society at Ushuaia in the Beagle Channel, Patagonia. Given the name James Button Sulivan when support was provided for him by Bartholomew James Sulivan; later renamed James FitzRoy Button. (Correspondence vol. 27, letter from B. J. Sulivan, 13 October 1879; Hazlewood 2000, p. 343; South American Missionary Magazine, 1 October 1879, p. 223.) Cosserat, Louis (fl. 1870s). Translated the second edition of Coral reefs into French. Coutance, Amédée Guillaume Auguste (Amédée) (1824–15). French naturalist. Studied at the school of pharmacy, Brest, 1844–6. Entered the medical

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corps of the navy and travelled extensively, notably to Tahiti; became a botanist on his return to France in 1851. Spent four years in Martinique before becoming a professor of natural history at the naval school of medicine at Brest, 1866–82. (DBF.) Cowie, Benjamin Morgan (1816–1900). Clergyman and educationalist. BA (senior wrangler), Cambridge (St John’s College), 1839; fellow of St John’s College, 1839–43. Ordained priest, 1842. Curate, St Paul’s, Knightsbridge, 1843. Principal and senior mathematical lecturer, College for Civil Engineers, Putney, 1844–51. Government inspector of schools, 1857–72. Dean of Manchester, 1872–83. Involved in educational causes in Manchester as governor of Manchester grammar school, member of council of Owens College, and supporter of the founding of Manchester High School for Girls. (ODNB.) Cowper, Francis Thomas de Grey, 7th Earl Cowper (1834–1905). Politician and landowner. BA, Oxford, 1855. Succeeded his father as seventh Earl Cowper in 1856. Lord lieutenant of Bedfordshire, 1861. A Whig and a supporter of Gladstone. House of Lords spokesman on Board of Trade matters, 1871–3. Lord lieutenant of Ireland, 1880–2. (ODNB.) Creighton, Charles (1847–1927). Medical scholar. MA, King’s College, Aberdeen, 1867; MB, Marischal College, Aberdeen, 1871. Surgical registrar, St Thomas’s Hospital, London, 1873; medical registrar, Charing Cross Hospital, London, 1874. Associated with the Brown Animal Institution, London, 1874–8. Demonstrator of anatomy, Cambridge, 1876–81. Editor of the Journal of Anatomy and Physiology, 1879. Secretary of the Cambridge Medical Society, 1880. Moved to London and became an independent scholar in 1881. Translated from German August Hirsch’s Handbook of geographical and historical pathology (1883–6). In 1888, ostracised by the medical profession when he wrote a controversial article on vaccination for the ninth edition of the Encyclopaedia Britannica; the article was critical of Edward Jenner. Published articles on breast tumours, tuberculosis, and cancer, and History of epidemics (1894). (ODNB.) Crocq, Jean (1824–98). Belgian physician. MD, Brussels, 1848. Worked in pauper asylums in Brussels from 1849. Published on geriatric disorders, hygiene, and control of infection. Co-founder of the Presse médicale belge in 1849 and of the Société anatomo-pathologique in 1857. Professor, University of Brussels, 1859. Member, Académie de médecine, 1862; president, 1883. President, Fédération médicale de Belgique, 1865–75. Held a number of positions in local government and civic organisations in Brussels. (BNB vol. 30.) 15 August 1878 (and Kasimir Ledeganck) Croll, James (1821–90). Scottish geologist. Keeper, Andersonian Museum, Glasgow, 1859. In the 1860s, began publishing papers on physical geology. Secretary to the Geological Survey of Scotland, 1867; retired after suffering a mild stroke in 1880. Until his death, wrote papers and books on cosmology, on oceanic circulation patterns, and on climate change and the causes of the glacial epoch. FRS 1876. (ODNB.)

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Crookes, William (1832–1919). Chemist and science journalist. Superintendent of the meteorological department at the Radcliffe Observatory, Oxford, 1854; lecturer in chemistry, Chester Anglican teachers’ training college, 1855. Editor of Chemical News, 1859–1906. Discovered the element thallium in 1861. Investigated mediums, including D. D. Home and Florence Cook, in the 1870s and 1880s. President of the Royal Society of London, 1913–15. Knighted, 1897. FRS 1863. (ODNB.) Cupples, Anne Jane (1839–98). Scottish author. Second daughter of Archibald Douglas. Married George Cupples in 1858. Wrote children’s books. Lived in New Zealand from 1891. (Modern English biography.) Cupples, George (1822–91). Scottish writer and dog breeder. Served as an apprentice on an eighteen-month voyage to India and back on the Patriot King, circa 1838; had his indentures cancelled on his return. Studied arts and theology at Edinburgh University for eight years. Published a number of novels and other books, and wrote many articles and stories for journals. Bred Scottish deer-hounds. (Correspondence vol. 16, letter from George Cupples, 1 May 1868; Cupples 1894; Modern English biography.) 27 May 1878 Currie, John Lang (1818–98). Australian pastoralist. Born in Scotland; emigrated to Australia at the age of 21. Bought the Larra run in Camperdown in 1844. Gradually improved his stock of merino sheep, most importantly with ten Camden rams in 1848 and 1849. Bred the Larra lustre merino in the 1860s, distinguished for its long, fine, glossy wool. Bought the Mount Elephant run, Titanga estate, and Gala estate, and by the mid-1890s owned 80,000 acres of land in Victoria and 100,000 sheep. (Aust. dict. biog.) Curtius, Ernst (1814–96). German historian and archaeologist. Professor of classical philology, Göttingen, 1855–67. Professor of classical archaeology and director of the Royal Museum, Berlin, from 1868. Manager of the excavations at Olympia, Greece, 1871. Author of a complete history of Greece (1857–67). (DBE.) Cuvier, Jean Léopold Nicolas Frédéric (Georges) (1769–1832). French systematist, comparative anatomist, palaeontologist, and administrator. Professor of natural history, Collège de France, 1800–32; professor of comparative anatomy, Muséum d’histoire naturelle, 1802–32. Permanent secretary to the Académie des sciences from 1803. Foreign member, Royal Society of London, 1806. (DBF; DSB.) Dabney, Virginius (1835–94). American teacher and author. Studied at the University of Virginia and practised law in Memphis. Fought with the Confederate Army in the American Civil War. Established the Loudoun School in Middleburg, Virginia. In charge of a preparatory school at Princeton, 1873–4, then conducted the New York Latin School in New York City until 1887. On the editorial staff of the New York Commercial Advertiser. Published two novels, The story of Don Miff (1886) and Gold that did not glitter (1889). (DAB.) 20 October 1878

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Dallinger, William Henry (1842–1909). Clergyman and biologist. Became a Wesleyan minister in 1861; served in Liverpool, 1868–80. Made microscopical researches into minute septic organisms, especially flagellate protozoa, 1870–80. With John James Drysdale, showed that flagellates could acclimatise to ordinarily lethal temperatures, and that their spores were also resistant to very high temperatures. Conducted a study (1880–6) to test whether adaptive changes could be rapidly induced in organisms with short life-cycles, in order to show evolutionary change. Governor and principal of Wesley College, Sheffield, 1880–8. President of the Royal Microscopical Society, 1884–7; of the Quekett Club, 1890–2. FRS 1880. (Haas 2000; ODNB.) 29 June 1878, 2 July 1878 Dalton, Edward Tuite (1815–80). Army officer. Entered the military in 1835. Served in India; major-general, 1877. Author of The descriptive ethnology of Bengal (1872). (DIB.) Dalziel, Hugh (1836–97). Scottish journalist. Dog fancier and author of many books about dogs. Wrote under the pen name Sirius. (BMD (Death index); CDEL; Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG12/555/12/17); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 14 September 2016); letter from Hugh Dalziel, 19 January 1878.) 19 January 1878 Dana, James Dwight (1813–95). American geologist and zoologist. Geologist and mineralogist with Charles Wilkes’s expedition to the South Seas, 1838–42; wrote reports on the geology, zoophytes, and Crustacea. An associate editor of the American Journal of Science and Arts from 1846. Professor of natural history, Yale University, 1855–64; professor of geology and mineralogy, 1864–90. Foreign member, Royal Society of London, 1884. (ANB; DSB; Record of the Royal Society of London.) D’Arcy, Mary Catherine Georgiana (Sister Mary Gabriel) (1850–1927). Anglican religious. Daughter of Robert West D’Arcy of the Indian Civil Service and Annie Hewish Adams, who married in India in 1846. A sister-in-law of Amy Darwin and a friend of Elizabeth Darwin. Studied at the Slade School of Fine Art. A member of the Church of England sisterhood of the House of Mercy, Clewer, and in charge of the Home for Working Girls, Nelson Square, Blackfriars Road, London, from at least 1891 to at least 1911. (BMD (Birth index, Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG9/693/34/26), 1891 (RG12/341/10/16), 1901 (RG13/359/134/51), 1911 (RG14/1756); India, select marriages, 1792–1948 (Ancestry. com, accessed 16 December 2016); Ruck 1935, pp. 28, 58.) Darling, William (1815–84). Scottish-born anatomist. Emigrated to the United States, 1830. MD, New York University Medical School, 1842. Resided in England 1856–66. Fellow, Royal College of Surgeons, 1866. Professor of anatomy, New York University Medical School, 1866–84. (American medical biography.)

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Darwin, Amy Richenda (1850–76). Daughter of Mary Anne and Lawrence Ruck. Married Francis Darwin, as his first wife, in 1874. Died shortly after the birth of their son, Bernard Richard Meirion Darwin. (Browne 2002; Freeman 1978; ODNB s.v. Darwin, Francis.) Darwin, Bernard Richard Meirion (1876–1961). Essayist and sports writer. Son of Francis Darwin. Golf correspondent of The Times, 1907–53. Played in the British amateur golf championships (semi-finalist 1909, 1921); captained the British Walker Cup team in America in 1922. Captain of the Royal and Ancient Golf Club, 1934. (ODNB.) Darwin, Charles Waring (1856–8). Youngest child of CD and Emma Darwin. Died of scarlet fever. (Darwin pedigree.) Darwin, Edward (1782–1829). Army officer. Eldest son of Erasmus Darwin and his second wife, Elizabeth. Initially worked as an attorney’s clerk and then became a cavalry officer; retired early to Mackworth, near Derby. Suffered from dropsy. (Darwin pedigree; King-Hele 1999, pp. 182, 355.) Darwin, Elizabeth (1747–1832). Illegitimate daughter of Charles Colyear, the second earl of Portmore. Married Edward Sacheverel Pole (d. 1780) in 1769. Became Erasmus Darwin’s second wife in 1781. (Darwin pedigree; England, select marriages, 1538–1973 (Ancestry.com, accessed 8 December 2015).) Darwin, Elizabeth (Bessy) (1847–1926). CD and Emma Darwin’s daughter. (Darwin pedigree; Freeman 1978.) Darwin, Emma (1808–96). Youngest daughter of Josiah Wedgwood II. Married CD, her cousin, in 1839. (Emma Darwin (1904) and (1915).) [ January 1878] (from Emma Harrison), 19 May [1878] (to T. W. Higginson) Darwin, Erasmus (1731–1802). CD’s grandfather. Physician, botanist, and poet. Advanced a theory of transmutation similar to that subsequently propounded by Jean Baptiste de Lamarck. FRS 1761. (DSB; King-Hele 1999; ODNB.) Darwin, Erasmus Alvey (1804–81). CD’s brother. Attended Shrewsbury School, 1815–22. Matriculated at Christ’s College, Cambridge, 1822; Edinburgh University, 1825–6. Qualified in medicine but never practised. Lived in London from 1829. (Alum. Cantab.; Freeman 1978.) 4 February 1878, 12 December 1878, 13 December [1878] Darwin, Francis (1848–1925). CD and Emma Darwin’s son. Botanist. BA, Cambridge (Trinity College), 1870. Qualified as a physician but did not practise. CD’s secretary from 1874. Collaborated with CD on several botanical projects. Lecturer in botany, Cambridge University, 1884; reader, 1888–1904. Published Life and letters of Charles Darwin and More letters. President of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1908. Knighted, 1913. FRS 1882. (DSB; ODNB.) [1878?], [after 28 February 1878], 4 March 1878 (to A. S. Wilson), 12 March 1878 (from Anton Stecker), 17 March 1878 (to Anton Stecker), 25 March 1878 (from J. I. Rogers), 29 March 1878 (from J. I. Rogers), [11 May 1878], [12 May 1878], [13–26 May 1878], 5 [June 1878], 6 June 1878 (from J. I. Rogers), 18 June [1878], [22 June 1878], [c. 23 June 1878], 26 June [1878], [29 June] 1878, 29

Biographical register

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[ June 1878], 2 July [1878], 2 July 1878 (from J. I. Rogers), 6 [ July 1878], [before 7 July 1878], 7 [ July 1878], [after 7 July 1878], [12 July 1878], 14 July [1878], [after 14 July 1878], 15 [ July 1878], [before 17 July 1878], 17 July [1878], 20 [ July 1878], [21 July 1878], 24 and 25 July 1878, 25 July [1878], 30 July [1878], [before 3 August 1878], 3 August [1878], [4–7 August 1878], 14 [August 1878], [17 August 1878], [19 August 1878], 23 August 1878 (to Anon.), [12 September 1878], 12 September [1878], 13 [September 1878], [21 November 1878], [before 22 November 1878], [22 November 1878], [23 November 1878], [25–7 November 1878] Darwin, Francis Sacheverel (1786–1859). Physician and traveller. Son of Erasmus Darwin by his second wife, Elizabeth. Studied medicine at Edinburgh but did not practise for long. For two years from 1808, travelled through Spain, the Mediterranean, and the East and kept a diary in which he reported on the plague in Smyrna and the hospitals he visited. On returning to England, practised medicine briefly in Lichfield before retiring to Sydnope Hall, Derbyshire. Justice of the peace and deputy lieutenant of Derbyshire. Knighted, 1820. (Alum. Cantab.; Darwin pedigree; Pearson 1914–30, 1: 22–4.) Darwin, George Howard (1845–1912). CD and Emma Darwin’s son. Mathematician. BA, Cambridge (Trinity College), 1868; fellow, 1868–78. Studied law in London, 1869–72; called to the bar, 1872, but did not practise. Plumian Professor of astronomy and experimental philosophy, Cambridge University, 1883–1912. President of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1905. Knighted, 1905. FRS 1879. (DSB; Men-at-the-bar; ODNB.) 28 January 1878, 3 February [1878], [before 9 May 1878], 9 May [1878], 26 June 1878 (from E. A. Greaves), [30 June 1878], 10 [ July 1878], [before 11 July 1878], 11 [ July 1878], 12 July 1878, 13 [ July 1878], 14 [ July 1878], 17 [August 1878], 10 October 1878, 29 October [1878], 2 November [1878], 7 November 1878, 8 November [1878], 14 December 1878 Darwin, Horace (1851–1928). CD and Emma Darwin’s son. Civil engineer. BA, Cambridge (Trinity College), 1874. Apprenticed to an engineering firm in Kent; returned to Cambridge in 1877 to design and make scientific instruments. Founder and director of the Cambridge Scientific Instrument Company. Mayor of Cambridge, 1896–7. Knighted, 1918. FRS 1903. (Alum. Cantab.; ODNB.) Darwin, Leonard (1850–1943). CD and Emma Darwin’s son. Military engineer. Attended the Royal Military Academy, Woolwich. Commissioned in the Royal Engineers, 1871; major, 1889; retired, 1890. Served on several scientific expeditions, including those for the observation of the transit of Venus in 1874 and 1882. Instructor in chemistry and photography, School of Military Engineering, Chatham, 1877–82. Intelligence service, War Office, 1885–90. Liberal Unionist MP, Lichfield division of Staffordshire, 1892–5. President, Royal Geographical Society of London, 1908–11; Eugenics Education Society, 1911–28. Chairman, Bedford College, London University, 1913–20. (ODNB; WWW.) 7 January 1878, 8 January 1878, 25 April 1878

580

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Darwin, Reginald (1818–92). Son of Francis Sacheverel Darwin, CD’s father’s half-brother. (BMD (Death index); Freeman 1978.) Darwin, Robert (1682–1754). Barrister. Son of Anne Waring and William Darwin (1655–82). CD’s great-grandfather. (Darwin pedigree.) Darwin, Robert Waring (1766–1848). CD’s father. Physician. Had a large practice in Shrewsbury and resided at The Mount. Son of Erasmus Darwin (ODNB) and his first wife, Mary Howard. Married Susannah, daughter of Josiah Wedgwood I (ODNB), in 1796. FRS 1788. (Freeman 1978.) Darwin, Sara (1839–1902). American. Daughter of Sara Ashburner and Theodore Sedgwick. Sister of Susan Ridley Sedgwick Norton. Married William Erasmus Darwin in 1877. (Freeman 1978; Turner 1999.) [1 March 1878] Darwin, Susan Elizabeth (1803–66). CD’s sister. Lived at The Mount, Shrewsbury, the family home, until her death. (Darwin pedigree; Freeman 1978.) Darwin, William (1655–82). Married Anne Waring, who inherited Elston Hall. CD’s great-great-grandfather. (Darwin pedigree.) Darwin, William Erasmus (1839–1914). CD and Emma Darwin’s eldest son. Banker. BA, Cambridge (Christ’s College), 1862. Partner in the Southampton and Hampshire Bank, Southampton, 1861. Chairman of the Southampton Water Company. Amateur photographer. (Alum. Cantab.; F. Darwin 1914; ODNB.) 22 May [1878], 10 July [1878], 12 December [1878], 13 [December 1878] Davidson, Thomas (1817–85). Artist and palaeontologist. Fellow of the Geological Society of London. Expert on fossil brachiopods. FRS 1857. (ODNB; Sarjeant 1980–96.) Davies, John Llewelyn (Llewelyn) (1826–1916). Anglican theologian and education reformer. Helped found the London Working Men’s College in 1854. Brother of Emily Davies, the educationalist; supported higher education for women. Clergyman at Christ Church, Marylebone, London, 1856–89. Chaplain to the queen, 1876–1901, and to the king, 1901–16. (ODNB.) Davies, William (1814–91). Palaeontologist. Attendant, British Museum, 1843. Responsible for the fossil vertebrate collection from 1875. Promoted to assistant, 1875; assistant, first class, 1880. First Murchison medallist of the Geological Society of London, 1873. (ODNB.) Dawson, John William (1820–99). Canadian geologist and educationalist. Investigated the geology of the maritime provinces with Charles Lyell in 1842 and 1852. Superintendent of education for common schools in Nova Scotia, 1850. Appointed principal and professor of geology at McGill University, 1855. Knighted, 1884. FRS 1862. (DNB; DSB.) Day, Ann (1793–1814?). Daughter of Joseph Day and his wife, Mary Parker. Lived with Mary Parker’s daughter, also Mary Parker, in Ashbourne, Derbyshire. Probably died in Ashbourne. (Birmingham, England, Church of England baptisms, marriages and burials, 1538–1812 (Ancestry.com, accessed 6 March 2017); Derbyshire, England,

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select Church of England parish registers, 1538–1910 (Ancestry.com, accessed 6 March 2017); letter from E. A. Greaves, 26 June 1878.) Day, Edwin Court Wilcox (bap. 1790). Gun maker. Of Derbyshire. Son of Joseph Day and his wife, Mary Parker. Married Sarah Frances Walker at St Werburgh’s, Derby, in 1822. (England, select births and christenings, 1538–1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed 27 June 2017); England, select marriages, 1538–1973 (Ancestry.com, accessed 27 June 2017).) Day, Hannah Maria (bap. 1792). Daughter of Joseph Day and his wife, Mary Parker Sr. Lived with Mary Parker’s daughter, Mary Parker Jr, in Ashbourne, Derbyshire. (Birmingham, England, Church of England baptisms, marriages and burials, 1538–1812 (Ancestry.com, accessed 6 March 2017); letter from E. A. Greaves, 26 June 1878.) Day, Joseph (1745–1811). Merchant. Married Mary Parker Sr in 1782. Lived at 21 Prospect Row, Birmingham. (King-Hele 1999.) De la Rue, Warren (1815–89). Printer, astronomer, and chemist. Educated in Paris. Entered his father’s printing firm, De la Rue & Sons. Published researches on practical chemistry and astronomy that he conducted at his private laboratory and observatory. Noted for his work on celestial photography. President of the Royal Astronomical Society, 1864–6; of the Chemical Society, 1867–9 and 1879–80. FRS 1850. (DSB; ODNB.) Decaisne, Joseph (1807–82). Belgian botanist. Gardener at the Jardin des plantes, Paris, 1824. Professor of agricultural statistics, Collège de France, 1848. Professor of plant cultivation, Muséum d’histoire naturelle, 1850. Foreign member, Royal Society of London, 1877. (DBF; NBU.) Delboeuf, Joseph Remi Léopold (Joseph) (1831–96). Belgian philosopher, psychologist, mathematician, and philologist. Doctorate in philosophy, Liège, 1855; doctorate in physical sciences and mathematics, 1858. Professor of Latin and Greek, Liège, 1866. Corresponding member, Belgian Academy of Sciences, 1877; member, 1887. Wrote works on mathematics, logic, psychology, and philosophy. (BNB.) Delpino, Federico (1833–1905). Italian botanist. Travelled extensively for botanical purposes as a youth and in 1873. Civil servant, ministry of finances, Turin, 1852–6; assistant in the botanic garden and museum, Florence, 1867; lecturer, Vallombrosa school of forestry, 1871; professor of botany and director of the botanic garden, Genoa, 1875–84; professor, University of Bologna, 1884; professor of botany and head of the botanic garden, Naples, 1894. (DBI; Mayerhöfer 1959–70; Penzig 1905.) 23 April 1878 Denton, William (1815–88). Clergyman and campaigner. BA, Oxford, 1844. Ordained priest, 1845. Vicar of St Bartholomew, Little Moorfields, Cripplegate, 1850–88. Campaigned for better housing and working conditions for the working class, and campaigned on behalf of Balkan Christians. His The Christians in Turkey, first published in 1863, alleging a conspiracy of silence among British diplomats over the Ottoman government’s treatment of Christian communities, was enlarged and reissued in 1876 and 1877, and he took part in the National Convention on the Eastern Question in December 1876. (ODNB.)

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Biographical register

Dew-Smith, Albert George (1848–1903). Zoologist and instrument maker. BA, Cambridge (Trinity College), 1873. Added Smith to his name on succeeding to property in 1870, but was known to his friends as ‘Dew’. A student and benefactor of Michael Foster; co-authored several papers with Foster on the heartbeat. Carried out research at the Naples Zoological station in 1874. Established the Cambridge Scientific Instrument Company in partnership with Horace Darwin in 1878. A noted amateur photographer. (Alum. Cantab.; Geison 1978, pp. 107, 176, 222–38.) Dill, Samuel (1844–1924). Headmaster and classicist. Educated at the Royal Academical Institution and Queen’s College, Belfast, and Lincoln College, Oxford. Fellow and tutor, Corpus Christi College, Oxford, 1869; librarian and dean; honorary fellow, 1903. High master, Manchester Grammar School, 1877–88. Introduced modern subjects into the curriculum, and forged links between the school and working boys’ clubs. Professor of Greek, Queen’s College, Belfast, 1890–1924. Author of several works on Roman society. (ODNB.) Disraeli, Benjamin, earl of Beaconsfield (1804–81). Statesman and author. Prime minister and first lord of the Treasury, 1868, 1874–80. Created earl of Beaconsfield, 1876. (ODNB.) [15–18 November 1878] Doblhoff-Dier, Josef von (1844–1928). Austrian diplomat, writer, and traveller. Undertook a voyage around the world. Wrote under the pseudonym Paul Deviloff Chillonius. Particularly interested in geology and geography, and in the preservation of ancient monuments. Founded a scientific club in Vienna. (Gries 2006, p. 65; OBL.) Dobson, George Edward (1848–95). Irish zoologist. BA, Trinity College, Dublin, 1866. Entered the British army medical department in 1868; stationed in India, 1868–75; retired in 1888 with the rank of surgeon-major. Expert on the structure and classification of the Chiroptera and Insectivora. His published works included Catalogue of the Chiroptera in the collection of the British Museum (1878), Monograph of the Insectivora, systematic and anatomical (1882–90), and Medical hints to travellers (1889). FRS 1883. (ODNB.) 12 April 1878, 12 April 1878 Dodel-Port, Arnold (1843–1908). Swiss botanist. Privat-dozent in botany at the university of Zurich, 1870–80; professor extraordinarius, 1880–3; professor, 1883–1903. Founded the Zurich Institut für Allgemeine Botanik, which followed Nägeli’s microscopical and anatomical approach. Darwinist and socialist. Married Carolina Port in 1875, after which he took the name Dodel-Port. With Carolina, edited the Atlas der Botanik (1878–83). They divorced in 1890. Married Louisa Müller in 1891; they divorced in 1906. (Erziehungsrate des Kantons Zürich ed. 1938; HBLS; Universität Zürich Matrikeledition, www.matrikel.uzh. ch/active/static/16552.htm (accessed 2 May 2013).) 12 June 1878, 15 June 1878, 18 June 1878 Dodel-Port, Carolina (b. 1856). Swiss botanist. Née Carolina Port. Matriculated at the university of Zurich in 1874. Married Arnold Dodel in 1875, after which

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they both took the name Dodel-Port. With Arnold, edited the Atlas der Botanik (1878–83). (Universität Zürich Matrikeledition, www.matrikel.uzh.ch/active/ static/16552.htm (accessed 2 May 2013).) Döllinger, Johann Joseph Ignaz (Ignaz) von (1799–1890). German Catholic theologian. Studied law and theology, University of Würzburg, 1816–20. Ordained priest, 1822. Professor of ecclesiastical law and history, Aschaffenburg lycée, 1823–6; University of Munich, 1826–90 (dismissed, 1847–50, for his opposition in the Lola Montez affair). Ennobled, 1860. Opposed the introduction of the dogma of papal infallibility, 1870; excommunicated, 1871. (DBE.) Downing, Helena Paulina (1841/2–85). Irish-born socialist and suffragist. Daughter of Washington and Mary Frances Downing. Lectured on women’s rights and education. Unsuccessfully contested the London school-board elections in Tower Hamlets in 1879. Provisional committee member of the Association of Liberal Thinkers, 1878. Married John Ronald Shearer in 1881. (Census returns of England and Wales 1851 (The National Archives: Public Record Office HO105/1513/370/25); letter from M. D. Conway, 18 November 1878; ODNB.) Draper, John William (1811–82). English-born American chemist, educator, and historian. Professor of chemistry and natural philosophy, Hampden-Sydney College, Virginia, 1836–8. Professor of chemistry, University of the City of New York (New York University), 1839; professor of physiology and president of its medical college, 1850. First president of the American Chemical Society. Published on human physiology, and on historical topics such as the intellectual development of Europe, and the conflict between science and religion. (ANB; DAB.) Druitt, Thomas (1823/4–86). Banker. Manager, Union Bank of London, Charing Cross branch. (Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/330/71/20); Correspondence vol. 19, letter from Thomas Druitt, 30 September 1871; England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 25 May 2015).) 20 July 1878 Drummond, Robert Blackley (1832/3–1920). Irish-born clergyman. Unitarian minister of St Mark’s Unitarian Church, Edinburgh. Provisional committee member of the Association of Liberal Thinkers, 1878. (Census returns of Scotland 1881 (The National Archives of Scotland: Edinburgh Newington 122/31); letter from M. D. Conway, 18 November 1878; Scotland statutory deaths 685/7 979 (Scotlandspeople.gov.uk, accessed 25 September 2017).) Drysdale, John James (1816–92). Physician. MD, Edinburgh, and LRCS, 1838. Practised in Liverpool. Collaborated with William Henry Dallinger on microscopical investigations of flagellate protozoa. (BMD (Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1871 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG10/3784/4/1); Edinburgh Academy register; ODNB s.v. Dallinger, William Henry.)

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Du Bois-Reymond, Emil Heinrich (1818–96). German physiologist. A founder of the Physikalische Gesellschaft in Berlin, 1845. Instructor in anatomy, Berlin Academy of Art, 1848–53. Elected member of the Prussian Academy of Sciences, 1851; permanent secretary, 1876. Appointed professor of physiology at the University of Berlin, 1858. Worked on animal electricity, and in 1850 invented the nerve galvanometer to measure the electrical impulses in nerve and muscle tissue. (ADB; DSB; NDB.) 7 November 1878, 12 November 1878 Dumas, Jean-Baptiste-André ( Jean-Baptiste) (1800–84). French chemist. Studied pharmacy, chemistry, and botany at Geneva, 1816–23. Tutor in chemistry at the École polytechnique, Paris, 1823; professor of chemistry, Sorbonne, 1841–68. Co-founder of the École centrale des arts et manufactures, 1829. Permanent secretary, Académie des sciences, 1868. Made important contributions in organic chemistry. (Complete dictionary of scientific biography.) 5 August 1878 (and Joseph Bertrand), 12 August [1878] (and Joseph Bertrand) Duncan, Ethel (1856–1927). Writer and religious activist. Married George John Romanes in 1879. Sat on the council of the Froebel Society (an organisation that promoted early childhood education and training for kindergarten teachers). Wrote a biography of her husband after his early death in 1894. Published devotional works and sat on the councils of the Pan-Anglican Congress in 1908. Member of the Christian Social Union. Converted to Catholicism in 1919. Published historical works and novels in the last part of her life. (ODNB.) Dupuy, Pierre Louis Eugène (Eugène) (1847–1924). Mauritian-born physician. Studied medicine in Paris. Worked for the Red Cross during the Franco-Prussian War, 1870. Dedicated his doctoral thesis to his mentor and friend Charles Édouard Brown-Séquard. MD, University of London. Professor of experimental medicine at the London School of Medicine for Women, 1874. Worked in Claude Bernard’s laboratory, 1875. Secretary to Brown-Séquard in Paris, London, and America. (Celestin 2014, p. 150; Dictionary of Mauritian biography.) 21 July 1878 Duthie, John Firminger (1855–1922). Botanist and explorer. Collected plants all over India as part of the Indian Botanical Survey. Superintendent of Saharanpur Botanic Garden, 1876–87; director of the Botanical Department of Northern India, 1887–1903. Assistant for India at the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, 1903. (India list 1905; Negi 1994, p. 78.) Dutrochet, René Joachim Henri (1776–1847). French physician and natural scientist. Military medical officer, 1808–9. Corresponding member of the Académie des sciences, 1819; full member, 1831. Wrote works on plant physiology; noted for his research on osmosis and diffusion. (DBF; DSB.) Duval-Jouve, Joseph (1810–83). French botanist, historian, and educator. Worked on self-fertilisation, plant movement, histology, and insectivorous plants. Principal of the college at Grasse, 1846. Inspector of the academy at Algiers from 1852,

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at Strasbourg from 1854, and at Montpellier from 1868. Honorary inspector by March 1874; retired through ill health in 1877. Published widely on botany, and also on the history of Montpellier. (DBF; Duval-Jouve 1874; Flahault 1884; Tort 1996.) Ecroyd, Edward (1833–1914). Worsted manufacturer. Of Edgend, Little Marsden, near Burnley, Lancashire. Brother of William Farrer Ecroyd (ODNB). (Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG10/4155/187/26); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 30 August 2016); England & Wales, Quaker birth, marriage, and death registers, 1578–1837 (Ancestry.com, accessed 30 August 2016).) Edwards, Mary Elizabeth (b. 1852/3 d. 1911 or later). Small business owner. Ran a Berlin wool and fancy-work shop with premises at 35 Leece Street, Liverpool, 1881; in Chester, 1891; living in Ambleside, Westmorland, 1911. (Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/3624/88/6), 1891 (RG12/2864/10/14), 1911 (RG14/31611).) Ellis, Alexander John (1814–90). Phonetician and mathematician. Born Alexander John Sharpe; adopted his mother’s maiden name of Ellis in 1825. BA, Cambridge (Trinity College), 1837. Developed phonetic alphabets and notation to improve English spelling and pronunciation; produced a five-volume history of English pronunciation. Translated Hermann Helmoltz’s work on acoustics. Provisional committee member of the Association of Liberal Thinkers, 1878. FRS 1865. (Letter from M. D. Conway, 18 November 1878; ODNB.) Ellis, Edwin (1834–1913). Farmer, tanner, and felt manufacturer. Non-conformist. Of Summersbury, Shalford, Surrey. Provisional committee member of the Association of Liberal Thinkers, 1878. (Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/793/59/14); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 25 September 2017); England & Wales, non-conformist and non-parochial registers, 1567–1970 (Ancestry.com, accessed 25 September 2017); letter from M. D. Conway, 18 November 1878.) Ernst, Adolf (1832–99). German-born botanist and entomologist. Studied natural sciences, education, and modern languages at the University of Berlin. Emigrated to Venezuela in 1861. Founded the Society for Physical and Natural Sciences of Caracas in 1867 and the National Museum in 1874. Director of the National Library from 1876. (Barnhart comp. 1965; Biografías: Adolfo Ernst, http://www.venezuelatuya.com/biografias/adolfoernst.htm, accessed 6 September 2016; Gilbert 1977.) 16 January 1878 Errera, Léo Abram (1858–1905). Belgian botanist of Italian and German parentage. Received a doctorate in botanical science at the Free University of Brussels, 1879. Studied plant physiology in Germany until 1882. Associate professor of botany at the Free University of Brussels, 1883; professor, 1890. Actively involved

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in Jewish affairs. (DSB; State 2015; Université Libre de Bruxelles, Archives and Libraries (http://digitheque.ulb.ac.be/fr/digitheque-histoire-de-lulb/ biographies/index.html#c8946, accessed 15 February 2017).) 8 August [1878], 12 August 1878 Espinas, Alfred Victor (Alfred) (1844–1922). French philosopher. Teacher of philosophy at the lycées of Bastia, 1867, Le Havre, 1871, Dijon, 1873. Lecturer, Faculté des lettres, Douai, 1878; Bordeaux, 1880; professor, 1881; dean, 1887. At the Sorbonne, 1893. Retired in 1911. Admirer of Herbert Spencer. (DBF; Larousse.) Evans, John (1823–1908). Paper manufacturer, archaeologist, geologist, and numismatist. In 1859, his study of chipped flints helped to establish the antiquity of humans in western Europe. Published an important paper on the fossil bird Archaeopteryx in 1865. Developed a theory of evolution with regard to coins, 1849–50, and later applied natural selection to numismatics. Active member of many archaeological, scientific, and industrial societies. Vice-president of the Royal Society of London from 1876; treasurer, 1878–98. Honorary secretary of the Geological Society of London, 1866–74; president, 1874–6. Knighted, 1892. FRS 1864. (DNB.) 28 January 1878, 29 January 1878 Everett, Alfred Hart (1848–98). Naturalist. Went to Sarawak to collect natural history specimens in 1869. Entered the service of the Sarawak government in 1871; assistant resident of Rejang, 1872; later resident of Bintulu. Left government service and resumed exploration in 1875 or 1876, but his health failed. Later resident of the West Coast under the British North Borneo Company; consul for Sarawak at the court of the sultan of Brunei, and resident of Trusan, 1885; retired, 1890. Made entomological collections for Rajah Brooke of Sarawak and Baron Rothschild. (R. Desmond 1994; Steenis-Kruseman 1950.) Ewald, Julius Wilhelm (1811–91). German geologist and palaeontologist. (DBE; Sarjeant 1980–96.) Ewart, James Cossar (1851–1933). Zoologist and anatomist. Professor of natural history, Edinburgh. FRS 1893. (Barr [1973].) Fabre, Esprit (1791–1866). French gardener. Of Agde, Hérault. Published on the vegetable and plants grown in his region. (Taxonomic literature. Supplement.) Farn, Albert Brydges (1841–1921). Civil servant and entomologist. Inspector for the public health department and local government board. Resided in Kent, in Dartford, 1874–92, and then in Greenhithe. Moved to Herefordshire in 1906. President, Woolhope Naturalists’s Field Club, 1910. Published occasional notes in the Entomologist and Zoologist. (Entomologist’s Monthly Magazine 58 (1922): 20–2.) 18 November 1878 Farrar, Frederic William (1831–1903). Clergyman and headmaster. Assistant master at Harrow school, 1855–70; appointed master of Marlborough College, 1871. Canon of Westminster, 1876–95. Dean of Canterbury, 1895–1903. Promoted scientific education. Noted for his school stories, writings on language, and biographies of Christian figures. FRS 1866. (ODNB.) 3 December 1878

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Farrer, Emma Cecilia (Ida) (1854–1946). Only daughter of Thomas Henry Farrer and Frances Farrer (née Erskine); distantly related to Charles and Emma Darwin. When her father remarried, became step-daughter of Katherine Euphemia (Effie) Wedgwood. Married Horace Darwin in 1880, and with him built, in 1884, and resided at The Orchard, Cambridge. Active in Cambridgeshire charities related to mental health. (Cattermole and Wolfe 1987; Wedgwood and Wedgwood 1980.) Farrer, Katherine Euphemia (Effie) (1839–1931). Daughter of Hensleigh and Frances Emma Elizabeth Wedgwood. Married Thomas Henry Farrer in 1873. (Burke’s peerage 1980; Freeman 1978.) Farrer, Thomas Henry, 1st Baron Farrer (1819–99). Civil servant. BA, Oxford (Balliol College), 1840. Called to the bar, 1844; ceased to practise in 1848. Secretary of the marine department, Board of Trade, 1850, rising to sole permanent secretary of the Board of Trade, 1867–86. In 1854, married Frances Erskine, whose mother, Maitland, was the half-sister of Frances Emma Elizabeth Wedgwood; in 1873, married Katherine Euphemia Wedgwood, daughter of Frances and Hensleigh Wedgwood. Created baronet, 1883; created Baron Farrer of Abinger, 1893. (ODNB; Wedgwood and Wedgwood 1980.) 28 February 1878, [28 February 1878], 2 March 1878 (from James Caird), 2 March 1878, [after 2 March 1878], [4 March 1878], 7 March 1878, 9 March 1878, 9 March 1878, 11 March 1878, 13 March 1878, 20 March 1878, 26 March [1878], 29 March 1878, 31 March 1878, 4 May 1878, 7 May [1878], 8 May [1878] Farrer, William James (1845–1906). Australian wheat breeder. Born in Westmorland. BA, Cambridge (Pembroke College), 1868. Emigrated to Australia in 1870. Worked as a surveyor, 1875–86. From 1886, concentrated on crossbreeding wheat for disease resistance and drought tolerance, creating an experimental station for the purpose at his home at Lambrigg on the Murrumbidgee River. Originator of the ‘Federation’ strain of wheat. (Aust. dict. biog.; A. Russell 1949.) 4 January 1878 Fechner, Gustav Theodor (1801–87). German physicist, philosopher, and psychophysicist. MD, Leipzig, 1822; but never practised. Professor of physics, Leipzig, 1834–9. Suffered a breakdown in 1839, resuming academic life in 1843, when he began to lecture on philosophy, ethics, and the mind–body problem. Founded the discipline of psychophysics, which he described as the scientific study of the functional relations between body and mind. Introduced statistical methods of psychophysical measurement. (DBE; DSB.) Ffinden, George Sketchley (1836/7–1911). Clergyman. Ordained priest, 1861. Curate of Monks Risborough, Buckinghamshire, 1860–1; Newport Pagnell, 1861–2; Moulsoe, Buckinghamshire, 1863–9. Domestic chaplain to Earl Carrington, 1871. Vicar of Down, 1871–1911. (BMD (Death index); Crockford’s clerical directory 1872; Freeman 1978.) 9 December 1878

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Figuerola Ballester, Laureano (1816–1903). Spanish lawyer, economist, and politician. Studied law at the University of Barcelona. Professor of political and mercantile law, Central University of Madrid, 1853–76. Minister of finance, 1868–70. President of the board of directors, Institución Libre de Enseñanza, from 1876. (Diccionario biográfico Español; Diccionario de catedráticos Español de derecho.) 28 November 1878 Fisher, John Francis (b. 1818 d. 1881 or later). Master mariner and writer on animal rights. A younger son of Joseph Fisher, curate, and Lydia, of Badsworth, Yorkshire. Employed in the British Merchant Service principally in foreign trade from 1834. Married Lucy Anderson (1824/5–76) in Liverpool in 1848; had at least four children. Master’s certificate, 1852. Visited the Baranagore jute mills outside Calcutta (now Kolkata), India, late 1850s. Master of the Woosung of Liverpool, 1876–9. Lived in Birkenhead, Cheshire, 1877–8 and 1880–1. (BMD (Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1871 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG10/3752/[21]/36); Fisher 1880, pp. 74–6, 111–12; Gore’s directory of Liverpool 1876–82; Liverpool Mail, 7 October 1848, p. 7; New South Wales, Australia, unassisted immigrant passenger lists, 1826–1922 (Ancestry.com, accessed 18 January 2017); Timaru Herald, 12 August 1876, p. 3; UK and Ireland, masters and mates certificates, 1850–1927 (Ancestry.com, accessed 18 January 2017); West Yorkshire, England, Church of England births and baptisms, 1813–1910 (Ancestry.com, accessed 18 January 2017).) 8 August [1878], 13 August 1878 Fisher, Walter William (1842–1920). Chemist. BA, Oxford, 1871. Aldrichian Demonstrator in chemistry, University of Oxford, 1873–1920. Lecturer in chemistry, Balliol Colllege, Oxford, 1874–80 ( Journal of the Chemical Society, Transactions 117 (1920): 456–7.) Fithian, Edward William (1845–1936). Barrister. Educated at King’s College, London. Called to the bar, 1879. Secretary of the Commons Preservation Society. Assistant secretary to Royal Commission on tonnage, 1880–1. (England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 4 January 2017); Men-at-the-bar.) 30 May 1878, [31 May 1878] Fitzgerald, Robert David (1830–92). Irish-born surveyor and naturalist in Australia. Studied civil engineering at Queen’s College, Cork. Emigrated to Sydney, Australia, in 1856. Draftsman to the Department of Lands, 1856; in charge of the roads branch, 1868; deputy surveyor-general, 1873. Chief mining surveyor, 1874–82. Made botanical collections on Lord Howe Island. Published Australian orchids in parts from 1875. Fellow of the Linnean Society, 1874. (Aust. dict. biog.) 7 October 1878 FitzRoy, Fanny (1842–1922). Second daughter of Robert FitzRoy and Mary Henrietta O’Brien. (Burke’s peerage 1865, s.v. Grafton, duke of; England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com,

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accessed 9 February 2018); London, England, Church of England births and baptisms, 1813–1916 (Ancestry.com, accessed 9 February 2018).) FitzRoy, George (1800–83). Army officer. Of Grafton Regis, Northamptonshire. Commissioned in the First Life Guards, 1818; lieutenant, 1821; captain, 1825. Lieutenant-colonel, Royal Buckinghamshire Militia. Brother of Robert FitzRoy. (Burke’s peerage 1999, s.v. Grafton, duke of; Hart’s army list 1846.) FitzRoy, Katherine (1844/5–1927). Anglican religious. Third daughter of Robert FitzRoy and Mary Henrietta O’Brien. Born in New Zealand. A member of the Community of the Epiphany, Truro. (Burke’s peerage 1865, s.v. Grafton, duke of; Census returns of England and Wales 1851 (The National Archives: Public Record Office HO107/1468/482/2), 1891 (RG12/1829/91/1); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 9 February 2018).) FitzRoy, Laura Maria Elizabeth (1858–1943). Daughter of Robert FitzRoy and his second wife, Maria Isabella Smyth. (Burke’s peerage 1999, s.v. Grafton, duke of.) FitzRoy, Maria Isabella (1819/20–89). Daughter of John Henry Smyth of Heath Hall, Wakefield, Yorkshire. Second wife of Robert FitzRoy, whom she married in 1854. (Burke’s peerage 1999, s.v. Grafton, duke of; County families 1864, s.v. FitzRoy, Robert; London, England, Church of England births and baptisms, 1813–1916 (Ancestry. com, accessed 9 November 2017).) FitzRoy, Robert (1805–65). Naval officer, hydrographer, and meteorologist. Commander of HMS Beagle, 1828–36. Tory MP for Durham, 1841–3. Governor of New Zealand, 1843–5. Superintendent of the dockyard at Woolwich, 1848–50. Chief of the meteorological department at the Board of Trade, 1854; chief of the Meteorological Office from 1855. Rear admiral, 1857; vice-admiral, 1863. FRS 1851. (DSB; ODNB.) FitzRoy, Robert O’Brien (1839–96). Naval officer. Son of Robert FitzRoy. Entered the navy in 1853; captain, 1872. Served in the China war, 1857–8. (Modern English biography.) Fizeau, Armand Hippolyte Louis (Hippolyte) (1819–96). French physicist. Self-taught. Interested in light, photography, and optics. Calculated the speed of light in 1849. Member of the Académie des sciences, 1860; president, 1878. (DBF.) Flower, William Henry (1831–99). Anatomist and zoologist. Curator of the Hunterian Museum, Royal College of Surgeons of England, 1861–84; Hunterian Professor of comparative anatomy, Royal College of Surgeons, 1870–84. Director of the Natural History Museum, London, 1884–98. President of the Zoological Society of London, 1879–99. President of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1889. Knighted, 1892. FRS 1864. (DNB; ODNB.) 25 February 1878, 26 February [1878], [4 March 1878], 11 April 1878, 12 April 1878, 13 April [1878], 4 [August] 1878, 6 [December] 1878, 9 December 1878 Floyer, Ernest Ayscoghe (1852–1903). Explorer and author. Worked for the Indian telegraphic service, stationed on the coast of the Persian Gulf, 1869–76.

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Explored Baluchistan, 1876–7. Inspector-general of Egyptian telegraphs, 1878–1903; director of railways, plantations, and telegraphs. Experimented on the cultivation of trees and other plants in the desert. Wrote on Egyptian geography and travel. (ODNB.) 22 September 1878, [after 22 September 1878?] Floyer, Frederick Anthony (1858–1918). Surgeon. Brother of Ernest Ayscoghe Floyer. BA, Cambridge (King’s College), 1880. MB 1883; MRCS, LSA, 1883. Held posts at St Thomas’s Hospital, London; in the army; in the British Central African Protectorate; on P&O and British India ships; and on the Metropolitan Asylums Board. Ship’s doctor in the First World War. (Alum. Cantab.; BMD (Birth index).) Forster, William Edward (1818–86). Liberal politician. Woolen-worsted manufacturer in Bradford from 1840. Advocated state-supported working-class education. Established a mill school, 1854. A member of the Alpine Club, 1859. MP for Bradford, 1861. Involved in the legislation for free compulsory elementary education; the resulting Act was known as ‘Forster’s Act’, 1870. Chief secretary for Ireland, 1880–2. (ODNB.) Fox, Ellen Sophia (1820–87). Daughter of Basil George Woodd of Hillfield, Hampstead. Married William Darwin Fox in 1846. (Darwin pedigree.) Fox, Theodora (1853–78). Daughter of Ellen Sophia and William Darwin Fox. (Darwin pedigree.) Fox, William Darwin (1805–80). Clergyman. CD’s second cousin. A friend of CD’s at Cambridge; introduced CD to entomology. Maintained an active interest in natural history throughout his life and provided CD with much information. Rector of Delamere, Cheshire, 1838–73. Spent the last years of his life at Sandown, Isle of Wight. (Alum. Cantab.; Correspondence; ‘Recollections’.) 12 February [1878], 14 February 1878, 10 July 1878, 22 July [1878] Francis, George (1813/14–92). British-born Australian mineral prospector and industrial chemist. Lived in Adelaide, and worked at the South Australian Institute. (Adelaide Observer, 12 November 1892, p. 30; Australia, death index, 1878–1985 (Ancestry.com, accessed 5 October 2017).) 22 February 1878 Frankland, Edward (1825–99). Chemist. Professor of chemistry, Putney College for Civil Engineering, 1850, and Owens College, Manchester, 1851–7. Lecturer in chemistry, St Bartholomew’s Hospital, London, 1857–64. Professor of chemistry, Royal Institution of Great Britain, 1863–8, and Royal College of Chemistry, 1865–8. President of the Chemical Society, 1871–2; of the Institute of Chemistry, 1877–80. Director of the Royal College of Chemistry, 1868–85. Knighted, 1897. FRS 1853. (DSB; ODNB.) 22 November [1878], 2 December [1878] Franklin Society. Literary society at Union Christian College, Merom, Indiana. (Twenty-fifth annual catalogue of the officers and students of Union Christian College at Merom, Sullivan County, Indiana (Sullivan, Indiana: Murray Briggs and son, 1886).) 23 March 1878

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Fraser, James (1818–85). Clergyman. Educated at Shrewbury School and Lincoln College, Oxford. Fellow of Oriel College, Oxford, 1840–60; tutor, 1842–7. Ordained priest, 1847. Appointed to the college living at Cholderton, Wiltshire, 1847. Assistant commissioner to the royal commission on education, 1858. Rector of Ufton Nervet, Berkshire, 1860. A commissioner on education in North America, 1865. Bishop of Manchester, 1870. Member of the governing bodies of Manchester and Shrewsbury grammar schools and of Owens College, visitor of the high school for girls and of the commercial school, and president of the College for Women. (ODNB.) Froude, James Anthony (1818–94). Historian and writer. Disciple of Thomas Carlyle; published History of England (1856–70), The English in Ireland in the eighteenth century (1872–4), and The English in the West Indies (1888). Editor of Fraser’s Magazine, 1860–74. Visited Cape Colony and the Orange Free State in 1875, on behalf of the Tory government, to promote south African federation, but became critical of the plan to annex the Transvaal. Appointed, with Thomas Henry Huxley, as a member of the Scottish universities commission, 1876. Author of a controversial biography of Carlyle (1882–4). Regius professor of modern history, Oxford University, 1892–4. (ODNB.) Fry, Clarence Edmund (1840–97). Photographer. Partner in Elliott & Fry photographers, Baker Street, London, from 1863, with Joseph John Elliott. (BMD (Death index); W. S. Johnson 1990, pp. 210–11, 243; Pritchard 1994.) 13 September 1878 Fry, Clarence Edmund Jr (Clare) (1865–1939). Photographer. Son of Clarence Edmund Fry (1840–97) and Sophia Dunkin Fry, née Prideaux. In his late twenties, partner with his father in the photographic portrait studio C. E. Fry & Son in South Kensington, London. Member of the Royal Photographic Society, 1900. (David Simkin, Sussex Photohistory, www.photohistory-sussex. co.uk/FryClarence.htm (accessed 9 March 2017).) Gaertner, Joseph (1732–91). German botanist. MD, Tübingen, 1753, but did not practise. Professor of anatomy, Tübingen, professor of botany, St Petersburg; catalogued the empress’s cabinet of curiosities, and travelled with Count Grigori Orlov in Ukraine. Most famous for De fructibus et seminibus plantarum (1788–92), in which he established terminology for fruit and seeds. (DSB.) Galilei, Galileo (1564–1642). Italian physicist and astronomer. Professor of mathematics, University of Pisa and University of Padua; mathematician and philosopher to the grand duke of Tuscany. Published Dialogue concerning the two chief world systems (1632), discussing the Copernican system, as a result of which he was tried before the Inquisition at Rome. (DSB.) Galkin-Vraskoi, Mikhail Nikolaevich (Михаил Николаевич ГалкинВраской) (1834–1916). Russian legal scholar, civil servant, and author. Studied law at the University of Kazan. Active in prison reform from 1863. Governor of Estonia, 1868–70; Saratov province, 1870–9. Member of the Russian Imperial State Council, 1896–1916. Wrote on ethnography and was a member of the

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Russian geographical society. (Архивные Справочники Online, http://saratov. rusarchives.ru/exhgaso/Galkin_Vrasskiy/ (accessed 29 July 2016); NES.) 16 February 1878 Galton, Douglas Strutt (1822–99). Military engineer and civil servant. Officer in the Royal Engineers. Joined the Ordnance Survey in 1846. Secretary, Railway Commission, 1847; Railway Department, Board of Trade, 1854. Assistant permanent under-secretary of state for war, 1862. Director of public works and buildings, Office of Works, 1869–75. Author of numerous government reports on sanitation, telegraphy, and railways. Member, British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1860; general secretary, 1871–95; president, 1895. Knighted, 1887. FRS 1859. (ODNB.) Galton, Frances Anne Violetta (Violetta) (1783–1874). Daughter of Erasmus Darwin and his second wife Elizabeth; CD’s father’s half-sister. Married Samuel Tertius Galton in 1807; mother of Francis Galton. (Darwin pedigree.) Galton, Francis (1822–1911). Traveller, statistician, and scientific writer. CD’s cousin. Explored in south-western Africa, 1850–2. Carried out various researches on heredity. Founder of the eugenics movement. FRS 1860. (DSB; ODNB.) 24 May 1878 Galton, Samuel Tertius (1783–1844). Deputy lieutenant of Warwickshire. Married Violetta Darwin in 1807. (Alum. Cantab.; Burke’s landed gentry 1879.) Garson, John George (1854–1932). Scottish anthropologist, surgeon, and comparative anatomist. MB, Edinburgh, 1875; MD 1878. Assistant to William Henry Flower at the Royal College of Surgeons of England. Lecturer in comparative anatomy, Charing Cross Hospital, and Swiney lecturer of the British Museum. Member of the Council of the Anthropological Institute. Specialised in craniology and anthropometric methods of criminal investigation. Secretary of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1902–4. (BMD (Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/140/106/5); letter from W. H. Flower, 6 November 1878; Nature, 25 June 1932, p. 931; Scotland, select births and baptisms, 1564–1950 (Ancestry. com, accessed 2 June 2017).) Gascoyne-Cecil, Robert Arthur Talbot, 3d marquess of Salisbury (1830–1903). Politician. Conservative MP for Stamford, 1853–68. Became the third marquess of Salisbury in 1868. Secretary of state for India, 1874–8. Apppointed foreign secretary on the resignation of Lord Derby on 27 March 1878, and took a leading role in negotiating the settlements between Russia and the Ottoman Empire ratified at the Congress of Berlin in July 1878. Prime minister, 1885–6, 1886–92, 1895–1902. (ODNB.) [18 May 1878] Gaskell, George Arthur (1842–1933). Portrait painter and author. Worked in both oil and watercolour and exhibited at major exhibitions including the Royal Academy of Arts. Wrote on mysticism and as an advocate of birth control. (Census returns of England and Wales 1891 (The National Archives:

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Public Record Office RG12/12/98/33); Dictionary of British Artists; England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 26 June 2016); Liverpool, England, Church of England baptisms, 1813–1906 (Ancestry.com, accessed 26 June 2017); NUC; Sally Davis, http://www. wrightanddavis.co.uk/GD/GASKELLGA.htm (accessed 26 October 2017).) 13 November 1878, 15 November 1878, 20 November 1878 Gaudry, Albert-Jean (Albert) (1827–1908). French palaeontologist. Assistant to his brother-in-law, Alcide d’Orbigny, professor of palaeontology at the Muséum d’histoire naturelle. Carried out excavations at Pikermi, Attica, in 1855 and 1860, and published Animaux fossiles et géologie de l’Attique (1862–7). Studied the fossils of small reptiles and batrachians, 1866–92. Taught a course in palaeontology at the Sorbonne, 1868–71; appointed professor of palaeontology at the Muséum, 1872. (DBF; DSB.) 6 November 1878 Gay, Jacques Étienne ( Jacques) (1786–1864). Swiss-born botanist and civil servant. Moved to Paris in 1811; appointed to the office of the senate. Secretary to the Comité des pétitions. Published several botanical monographs. A founder of the Société botanique de France, 1854. Possessed a large, richly documented, and excellently prepared herbarium, which was sold after his death. (DBF; Vilmorin 1918.) Geiger, Elieser Lazarus Salomon (Lazarus) (1829–70). German linguist. Studied linguistics and philosophy at the Universities of Bonn, Heidelburg, and Marburg, 1847–9. Private tutor in Frankfurt am Main from 1850, and teacher of German, mathematical geography, and Hebrew at a Jewish school there from 1861. Wrote on the origin and development of language. (NDB.) Geikie, James Murdoch (1839–1915). Scottish geologist. The brother of Archibald Geikie. Joined the Scottish Geological Survey, mapping glacial deposits in central Scotland, in 1861; district surveyor, 1869. Published The great Ice Age (1874). Murchison Professor of geology, Edinburgh University, 1882–1914. FRS 1875. (DSB; ODNB.) Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire, Isidore (1805–61). French zoologist. Succeeded his father, Etienne Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire, as professor at the Muséum d’histoire naturelle in 1841. Continued his father’s work in teratology. Became professor of zoology at the Sorbonne in 1850. (DBF; DSB.) Gevaert, Gustave (1862–1905). Belgian botanist and physician. Co-authored with Léo Abram Errera a monograph on heterostyly in primulas, 1878. Clinical assistant at St Peter’s Hospital, Brussels. (Mark Rowley, Cabinet of art and medicine bibliography, http://www.artandmedicine.com/biblio/authors/french/ Gevaert.html, accessed 16 February 2017.) Giner de los Ríos, Hermenegildo (1847–1923). Spanish politician, teacher, and essayist. Doctor of philosophy and literature, Universidad Central, Madrid, 1870. Professor of psychology, logic, and philosophy, Instituto del Osuna. Dismissed from his post, with other liberal-minded professors, 1875. In 1876, with

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his brother, Francisco, founded the Institución Libre de Enseñanza, offering education outside the religious and political restrictions of the state; secretary, 1876–91. (Diccionario biográfico Español.) 12 August 1878 Glazunov, Alexander Ilyich (Александр Ильич Глазунов) (1829–96). Russian publisher and bookseller. Based in Moscow; specialised in natural historical works. Published a Russian translation of Origin. (Биография.ру, www.biografija. ru/biography/glazunov-aleksandr-ilich.htm (accessed 22 March 2017); Freeman 1977; Saint Petersburg Encyclopaedia, s.v. Glazunov Family, booksellers and publishers, http://www.encspb.ru/object/2804002566?lc=en (accessed 22 March 2017).) Godron, Dominique Alexandre (1807–80). French botanist, zoologist, and ethnologist. In 1854, became head of the science faculty at Nancy, where he established a natural history museum and a botanic garden. (DBF.) Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von (1749–1832). German poet and naturalist. (DSB; NDB.) Goldfuss, Georg August (1782–1848). German naturalist and palaeontologist. Professor of zoology and mineralogy, Bonn, 1818. (NDB; Sarjeant 1980–96.) Goodacre, Francis Burges (1829–85). Clergyman and naturalist. MD, Cambridge (St John’s College), 1860. Deacon, Exeter, 1858; priest, 1860. Rector of Wilby with Hargham, 1863–85. Presented his museum to the University of Cambridge in 1861. Wrote on domestic animals. (Alum. Cantab.) 17 August 1878, 20 August [1878], 23 August [1878], 2 September 1878, 3 September [1878] Göppert, Heinrich Robert (1800–84). German botanist. Lecturer in medicine and botany at the University of Breslau, 1827–31; professor extraordinarius, 1831–9; professor from 1839. Studied plant physiology and fossil trees. One of the founders of German palaeobotany. (BHGW; NDB.) Gordon-Lennox, Charles Henry, 6th duke of Richmond, 6th duke of Lennox, and 1st duke of Gordon (1818–1903). Politician and landowner. Son of Charles Gordon-Lennox, fifth duke of Richmond and fifth duke of Lennox. BA, Oxford, 1839. Conservative MP for West Sussex, 1841–60. President of the Board of Trade, 1867. Leader of the House of Lords, 1869–76; lord president of the Council, 1874–80. Interested in farming; president of the Agricultural Society, 1868 and 1883. Created first duke of Gordon, 1876. (ODNB.) Grant, James Miller (1853–1940). Commercial clerk and writer. Son of James Grant (1812–1900), fishing-tackle maker of Grantown-on-Spey, Moray, Scotland. Married Alice Balfour Armstrong in Prestonkirk, Haddingtonshire, in 1883. Emigrated to Toronto, Canada, in 1890; worked as an insurance clerk. Published under the pseudonym Grant Balfour. (Carty 2000; Census returns of Scotland 1871 (The National Archives of Scotland: Cromdale and Avie 7/12), 1881 (Cromdale 7/10, Edinburgh 685/1 74/15); Ottawa Journal, 9 February 1940, p. 1; Passenger lists, 1865–1935 (Ancestry.com, accessed 20 October 2016); Scotland old parish registers

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births 128/B 20 296 and 30 191 Cromdale and Inverallan (Scotlandspeople.gov. uk, accessed 20 October 2016); Scotland statutory deaths 1900 128/2 9, marriages 1883 717/6 (Scotlandspeople.gov.uk, accessed 20 October 2016).) 6 March 1878, 11 March 1878, 16 March 1878 Grant, Robert Edmond (1793–1874). Scottish physician and zoologist. An early supporter of the theory of the transmutation of species. Befriended CD in Edinburgh. Professor of comparative anatomy and zoology, University College, London, 1827–74. FRS 1836. (ODNB.) Grant-Duff, Mountstuart Elphinstone (1829–1906). Scottish politician, diarist, and author. Liberal MP for Elgin burghs, 1857–81; under-secretary for India, 1868–74; under-secretary for the colonies, 1880; governor of Madras, 1881–6. Lord rector, Aberdeen University, 1866–72. Travelled in Europe, India, and western Asia. Contributed to the Saturday Review and wrote a number of travel and autobiographical works. Lectured at the Working Men’s College. (ODNB.) Gray, Arthur Fairfield (1855–1944). American civil engineer, architect, and malacologist. Trained as a civil engineer. Supplied illustrations for scientific works. Established an architectural and engineering firm in Boston, Massachussetts, in 1890, designing mill buildings, railway stations, and pumping stations. Member of the Boston Malacological Club; president 1923–7. (R. I. Johnson 2002.) 8 May [1878], 21 May [1878] Gray, Asa (1810–88). American botanist. Fisher Professor of natural history, Harvard University, 1842–73. Wrote numerous botanical textbooks and works on North American flora. President of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, 1863–73; of the American Association for the Advancement of Science, 1872. Regent of the Smithsonian Institution, 1874–88. Foreign member, Royal Society of London, 1873. (DAB; DSB; J. L. Gray ed. 1893; Record of the Royal Society of London.) 21 [and 22] January 1878, 3 February 1878, 17 February [1878], 15 August 1878 Gray, Jane Loring (1821–1909). American. Daughter of Charles Greely Loring, Boston lawyer and politician, and Anna Pierce Brace. Married Asa Gray in 1848. Edited the Letters of Asa Gray (1893). (Barnhart comp. 1965; Dupree 1959, pp. 177–84.) Greaves, Elizabeth Anne (b. c. 1809 d. 1892). Baptised in Derby, the daughter of William and Mary Ann Hadley. Brought up in Derby by Susanna Hadley (née Parker; daughter of Erasmus Darwin) and Henry Hadley. Married Richard Greaves in 1854. Lived in Cheltenham. (BMD (Death index); Derbyshire, England, select Church of England parish registers, 1538–1910 (Ancestry.com, accessed 6 February 2017); Gloucestershire, England, marriages and banns, 1754–1938 (Ancestry.com, accessed 28 June 2016); letter from E. A. Greaves, 26 June 1878.) 3 January 1878, 26 June 1878 (to G. H. Darwin) Greaves, Richard (1793/4–1870). Clergyman. BA, Oxford, 1816. Ordained priest, 1819. Lived in Cheltenham. Married Elizabeth Ann Hadley in 1854. (Alum. Oxon.; Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (The National Archives:

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Public Record Office RG9/1798/86/17); Crockford’s clerical directory; Gloucestershire, England, marriages and banns, 1754–1938 (Ancestry.com, accessed 16 March 2017).) Greg, Percy (1836–89). Journalist, novelist, and historian. Son of William Rathbone Greg. Contributed regularly to the Manchester Guardian, the Standard, and the Saturday Review. Wrote essays, novels, poetry, and a history of the United States. (ODNB.) Greg, William Rathbone (1809–81). Essayist. Mill owner, 1832–50. Author of the Creed of Christendom (1851). Wrote articles for the leading quarterlies, and books, mostly on politics and economics. Comptroller of the Stationery Office, 1864–77. (ODNB; Tort 1996.) 31 December 1878 Grenfell, Alfred Masini (1843–1900). Brazilian-born British businessman in Argentina and Uruguay. Son of Admiral John Pascoe Grenfell and Maria Dolores Masini. Midshipman on HMS Nile, 1861. Estancia owner at Concordia, Entre Rios, Argentina. Vice-consul at Montevideo, Uruguay, 1890; acting consul-general, 1891–2; in charge of the legation, 1893–4; consul, 1894. Consul at Buenos Aires, Argentina, from 1898. (Brazil, select baptisms, 1688–1935 (Ancestry.com, accessed 25 November 2016, s.v. Alfrido Macini Grenfell); Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG9/4437/135/2); letter from James Coghlan, 9 June 1878; Mulhall and Mulhall 1885; The Times, 14 November 1900, p. 6.) Grenfell, John Pascoe (1800–69). Naval officer. Served with the East India Company, 1811–19. Lieutenant under Lord Cochrane during the Chilean War of Independence, 1819–23; commander in the Brazilian War of Independence, 1823; rear-admiral, 1841. Commanded the Brazilian navy during the war between Brazil and Argentina, 1851–2; promoted vice-admiral, and then admiral, 1852. Brazilian consul-general in England based in Liverpool, 1846–69. (ODNB.) Grenier, Jean Charles Marie (Charles) (1808–75). French botanist. Professor of botany and zoology, Besançon, 1845. (DBF.) Griffin, Grace Mary. See Sulivan, Grace Mary. J. J. Griffin & Sons. Scientific instrument, book, and chemical supplier. Founded in 1848 in London by John Joseph Griffin, as a subsidiary of the Glasgow publishing company Richard Griffin & Co; taken over by his son William Griffin in the early 1870s. Merged into the Education Group of Fisons Scientific Equipment Division in 1957. (ODNB s.v. Griffin, John Joseph.) Grosvenor, Hugh Lupus, 1st duke of Westminster (1825–1899). Landowner and politician. Left Balliol College, Oxford, in 1847 without taking a degree in order to enter Parliament. Liberal MP for Chester, 1847–69. Succeeded his father as third marquess of Westminster in 1869. Owned extensive property in Mayfair, London. Created first duke of Westminster, 1874. Supported Gladstone’s antiwar position in the Balkan crisis, 1877–8. (ODNB.) Günther, Albrecht Carl Ludwig Gotthilf (Albert) (1830–1914). German-born zoologist. Began his association with the British Museum in 1857; made catalogues

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of the museum’s specimens of Amphibia, reptiles, and fish; officially joined the staff in 1862. Assistant keeper of the zoological department, 1872–5; keeper, 1875–95. Edited the Record of Zoological Literature, 1864–9. FRS 1867. (NDB; ODNB.) Hacon, William Mackmurdo (1821–85). CD’s solicitor. Offices at 31 Fenchurch Street, London. Solicitor, 1854–85; formed partnerships with David Rowland, James Weston, and Edward Francis Turner at Leadenhall House, Leadenhall Street. Commissioner of oaths and affidavits, and examiner of witnesses in England, and for the High Court of Judicature, Bombay. (BMD (Death index); England & Wales, non-conformist and non-parochial registers, 1567–1970 (Ancestry.com, accessed 30 January 2014); Law list 1854–85.) 19 March 1878, 27 March 1878, 20 December 1878, 24 December 1878, 28 December 1878 Hadley, Elizabeth Susanna (1810–57). Daughter of Henry and Susanna Hadley. (Census returns of England and Wales 1841 (The National Archives: Public Record Office HO107/199/16); Certificate of death, 13 November 1857, Derby, Derbyshire (General Register Office, England); Select births and christenings, 1538–1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed 28 June 2017).) Hadley, Henry (1762–1830). Surgeon. Of Derby. Married Susanna Parker, one of the illegitimate daughters of Erasmus Darwin, in 1809. (England, select births and christenings, 1538–1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed 9 March 2017); King-Hele 1999.) Hadley, Henry (1812–74). Surgeon. Staff surgeon in the army, reaching the rank of major. Retired with the honorary rank of deputy inspector-general of hospitals in 1861. Son of Henry Hadley (1762–1830) and Susanna Hadley. (Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG9/56/54/18); Derbyshire, England, select Church of England parish registers, 1538–1910 (Ancestry.com, accessed 16 February 2017); Gloucestershire, England, Church of England burials, 1813–1988 (Ancestry.com, accessed 16 February 2017); London Gazette, 4 June 1861, p. 2353.) Hadley, Susanna (1772–1856). Schoolteacher. Natural daughter of Erasmus Darwin and Mary Parker Sr. Brought up in Erasmus Darwin’s household. Worked as a governess; in 1794, established a girls’ school with her sister, Mary Parker, on property purchased by Erasmus Darwin in Ashbourne, Derbyshire. Ran the school until her marriage in 1809 to the physician Henry Hadley (1762–1830); brought up two children of her own and her husband’s niece, Elizabeth Hadley (later Greaves). (King-Hele 1999.) Hadley, Ursula (1731/2–1810). Wife of William Phillips Hadley (1732–1818), and mother of Henry Hadley (1762–1830) and William Hadley. (Derbyshire, England, select Church of England parish registers, 1538–1910 (Ancestry.com, accessed 6 March 2017); England, select births and christenings, 1538–1975; Glover and Noble eds. 1829–33, 2: 467.) Haeckel, Ernst Philipp August (1834–1919). German zoologist. MD, Berlin, 1857. Lecturer in comparative anatomy, University of Jena, 1861–2; professor

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extraordinarius of zoology, 1862–5; professor of zoology and director of the Zoological Institute, 1865–1909. Specialist in marine invertebrates. Leading populariser of evolutionary theory. His Generelle Morphologie der Organismen (1866) linked morphology to the study of the phylogenetic evolution of organisms. (DSB; NDB.) 9 February 1878, 12 February [1878] Hairby, Edward (1829–99). Mariner. Second mate, 1851; first mate, 1857; master 1862. Captain, and later commodore, of Lamport and Holt steamships, 1868–99. (England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 15 November 2016); England, select births and christenings, 1538–1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed 15 November 2016); Rio News, 21 February 1899, p. 7; UK and Ireland, masters and mates certificates, 1850–1927 (Ancestry.com, accessed 15 November 2016).) Hammond, John Lempriere (1829–80). Barrister and educationalist. BA, Cambridge, 1852; fellow, Trinity College, 1853; tutor, 1854–64. Admitted to Lincoln’s Inn, 1864; called to the bar, 1871. Assistant schools inquiry commissioner and assistant endowed schools commissioner. Governor of Christ’s Hospital and of Westminster School. (Alum Cantab.) Hammond, William Alexander (1828–1900). American physician. MD, Medical College of the City of New York, 1848. Surgeon-general of the United States, 1862–4. Lecturer in nervous and mental diseases, Bellevue Hospital Medical College, 1867–74. (American medical biography (1984).) Hamond, Almeria Blanche (1852–1937). Daughter of Robert Nicholas and Sophia Caroline Hamond. Married John Waddington Mann (1847–94), civil engineer, in 1883. (BMD (Birth index); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 4 May 2017); Ipswich Journal, 7 July 1883, p. 11; Norfolk, England, Church of England births and baptisms, 1813–1915 (Ancestry.com, accessed 4 May 2017).) Hamond, Janetta (1850–1909). Daughter of James Jervis Tucker (1802–86) and his wife, Sabine Anne Young. Married Robert Nicholas Hamond (1844–94) in 1877. (BMD (Birth index, Death index); Burke’s landed gentry 1952; Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/2316/137/17).) Hamond, Philip Walpole (1878). Son of Janetta and Robert Nicholas Hamond (1844–94). Baptised, 3 March 1878; died before November 1878. (Letter from B. J. Sulivan, 3 November 1878; Norfolk, England, Church of England births and baptisms, 1813–1915 (Ancestry.com, accessed 22 July 2016).) Hamond, Robert Nicholas (1809–83). Naval officer. Lieutenant, 1827. Midshipman on HMS Beagle, 1832–3. Bank manager in Falmouth, Cornwall. (Burke’s landed gentry 1952; Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/2316/137/17); Correspondence vol. 1, Appendix III; O’Byrne 1849.) Hamond, Robert Nicholas (1844–94). Naval officer. Eldest son of Robert Nicholas Hamond (1809–83). (BMD (Birth index, Death index); Burke’s landed gentry 1952.)

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Hand, Frederick James (1814–98). Solicitor in London. Friend of Francis Henry Rich. (England, select births and christenings, 1538–1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed 19 July 2017); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry. com, accessed 19 July 2017); letter from Anthony Rich, 10 December 1878.) Hardwicke & Bogue. Publishers with premises at 192 Piccadilly, London, founded by Robert Hardwicke (1822–75). Following Hardwicke’s death on 8 March 1875, continued trading as ‘Robert Hardwicke’ until at least December 1875; trading as ‘Hardwicke & Bogue’ by February 1876. Name changed to ‘David Bogue’ in 1879. Specialised in medical texts and popular science. Established the Popular Science Review in 1861, and Hardwicke’s Science Gossip in 1864, and the Journal of the Quekett Microscopical Club. (ODNB s.v. Hardwicke, Robert; Post Office London directory 1878; The Times, 22 December 1875, p. 11, 17 February 1876, p. 12, 11 July 1879, p.12.) Harker, James Allen (1847–94). Zoologist. Professor of natural history, Royal Agricultural College, Cirencester, 1881–94. Vice-president, Cotteswold Naturalists’s Field Club. Wrote a manuscript account of local botany. (R. Desmond 1994.) 11 November 1878 Harrison, Ellen (1808–84). Friend of Emma Darwin’s. Daughter of Gideon Acland and Maria Lawford. Married John Harrison in 1831. Lived in Bristol. (Census returns of England and Wales 1851 (The National Archives: Public Record Office HO107/1951/352/26); Certificate of death, 13 March 1884, St Augustine, Bristol (General Register Office, England); England & Wales marriages, 1538–1940 (Ancestry.com, accessed 31 October 2016); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 31 October 2016); England & Wales, non-conformist and non-parochial registers, 1567–1970 (Ancestry.com, accessed 31 October 2016).) [January 1878] (to Emma Darwin) Harrison, John (1803/4–92). Surgeon. Senior surgeon to the Bristol Royal Infirmary. Married Ellen Acland in 1831. (Census returns of England and Wales 1851 (The National Archives: Public Record Office HO107/1951/352/26); England & Wales marriages, 1538–1940 (Ancestry.com, accessed 31 October 2016); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry. com, accessed 31 October 2016); G. M. Smith 1917.) Harrison, Lucy Caroline (1846–1919). Daughter of Caroline Sarah Wedgwood and Josiah Wedgwood III. CD’s niece. Married Matthew James Harrison in 1874. (Darwin pedigree; Freeman 1978; Wedgwood and Wedgwood 1980.) Hart, George Vaughan (1752–1832). Irish army officer and politician. Deputy paymaster-general of the forces, Bombay, 1788–90; Madras, 1791–2; India, 1792–5. Governor of Londonderry and Culmore, 1820–32. MP for Donegal, 1812–31. (Thorne 1986.) Hart, William Edward (1844–1919). Irish botanist. BA, Cambridge, 1867. Justice of the peace for Donegal; high sheriff, 1882. (Alum. Cantab.; letter from W. E. Hart, 27 January 1878.) 27 January 1878

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Harte, Richard (1840–1903). Irish landowner, entrepreneur, and writer. Moved to Kent by 1871. On the council of the Dialectical Society of London, 1871. Emigrated to Australia, 1873; his son, Richard Gerald Harte, was born there in 1875. A patent-holder in Newport, Campbell, Kentucky, by 1880. A journalist in Croydon in 1891, and a writer in New York in 1900. (Australia, Birth index, 1788–1922 (Ancestry.com, accessed 28 November 2017); BMD (Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1871 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG10/996/46/10), 1891 (RG12/591/44/9); Debate on Mr. Moncure D. Conway’s paper ‘On marriage.’ April. 1871, London Dialectical Society, p. 2; United States Federal Census 1880 (Newport, Campbell, Kentucky (31B/038), 1900 (Manhattan, New York, New York (16A/0473) (Ancestry.com, accessed 1 August 2017); Victoria, Australia, assisted and unassisted passenger lists, 1839–1923 (Ancestry. com, accessed 1 August 2017).) Harvey, William (1578–1657). Physician. Royal physician to James I and Charles I. Fellow and benefactor of the Royal College of Physicians. Best known for his discovery of the circulation of the blood. Established the Harveian oration in 1656. (DSB.; ODNB.) Haughton, Samuel (1821–97). Irish clergyman, mathematician, geologist, and palaeontologist. Professor of geology, Trinity College, Dublin, 1851–81. Became registrar of the medical school after graduating in medicine in 1862. Co-editor of the Natural History Review, 1854–60. President of the Royal Irish Academy, 1886–91. FRS 1858. (R. Desmond 1994; ODNB; Sarjeant 1980–96.) Hawksley, Thomas Paton (1838/9–1908). Surgical-instrument maker. Premises in Oxford Street, London. (Census returns of England and Wales 1901 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG13/124/53/37); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 6 March 2017); Post Office London directory 1876.) Hayden, Ferdinand Vandeveer (1828?–87). American geologist and naturalist. Explored the western territories of the United States, 1853–60. Lecturer on geology in the Auxiliary Department of Medicine at the University of Pennsylvania, 1865–72. Directed several surveys for the Department of the Interior, 1867–78. Worked for the US Geological Survey from its creation in 1879 until his retirement in 1886. (ANB.) Heckel, Édouard Marie (Édouard) (1843–1916). French pharmacist, physician, and botanist. Studied at the naval medical school, Toulon, then studied flora in Martinique for therapeutic agents in 1859. Pharmacist, first class, Montpellier, 1867; MD 1869; doctorate in natural sciences, 1875. Botanised in Australia, China, Ceylon (Sri Lanka), and elsewhere. Served as a physician in the Franco-Prussian War; resigned from the navy in 1874. Professor of botany, Faculté des sciences, Marseilles, 1877; of materia medica, École de plain exercise de médicine et de pharmacie, 1879. Translated CD’s Cross and self fertilisation and other works into French. (Osborne 2014, pp. 165–9.) 1 January 1878, 13 August 1878

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Heer, Oswald (1809–83). Swiss biogeographer, palaeontologist, and botanist. An expert on Tertiary flora. Lecturer in botany, University of Zurich, 1834–5; director of the botanic garden, 1834; professor extraordinarius, 1835–52; professor of botany and entomology, 1852–83. (DSB; NDB.) Heldreich, Theodor Heinrich Hermann von (1822–1902). German botanist. Studied botany in Montpellier, 1837; in Geneva with A. P. de Candolle and Alphonse de Candolle, 1838–42. Based in Athens from 1843; made several botanical research trips to Sicily, Naples, Crete, and Anatolia. Travelled to England; became keeper of the herbarium of Philip Barker-Webb in Paris, 1849–50. Director of Athens botanical gardens, 1851–1902; conservator of the natural history museum, 1858–83. Discovered over seven hundred new species in Greece and the Orient and wrote on flora in the works of Homer. (NDB.) 8 February 1878 Helmholtz, Hermann von (1821–94). German physiologist and physicist. Professor of anatomy and physiology at Bonn from 1855, and at Heidelberg from 1858. A close friend of William Thomson from 1853. Appointed professor of physics, Berlin, 1871. Foreign member, Royal Society of London, 1860. Copley Medal, 1873. (DSB; Record of the Royal Society of London.) Henslow, George (1835–1925). Clergyman, teacher, and botanist. BA, Cambridge (Christ’s College), 1858. Curate of Steyning, 1859–61; of St John’s Wood Chapel, 1868–70; of St James’s Marylebone, 1870–87. Headmaster at Hampton Lucy Grammar School, Warwick, 1861–4; at the Grammar School, Store Street, London, 1865–72. Lecturer in botany at St Bartholomew’s Hospital, 1866–80. Honorary professor of botany at the Royal Horticultural Society, 1880–1918. Author of a number of religious books, including Plants of the Bible (1907), and of children’s books on natural history. Younger son of John Stevens Henslow. (Alum. Cantab.; Crockford’s clerical directory; R. Desmond 1994; Lightman ed. 2004; ODNB s.v. Henslow, John Stevens.) [c. 20 February 1878] Henslow, John Stevens (1796–1861). Clergyman, botanist, and mineralogist. CD’s teacher and friend. Professor of mineralogy, Cambridge University, 1822–7; professor of botany, 1825–61. Extended and remodelled the Cambridge botanic garden. Curate of Little St Mary’s Church, Cambridge, 1824–32; vicar of Cholsey-cum-Moulsford, Berkshire, 1832–7; rector of Hitcham, Suffolk, 1837–61. (DSB; Historical register of the University of Cambridge; ODNB.) Herbert, John Maurice (1808–82). Lawyer. BA, Cambridge (St John’s College), 1830; fellow, 1832–40. Barrister, 1835. County-court judge, South Wales, 1847–82. Friend of CD’s. (Alum. Cantab.; Correspondence vol. 1; Modern English biography.) Herrmann, Moritz August (b. 1828/9). German East-India merchant. From Hamburg, Germany. In business with Edward Parr in London to trade between London, Hamburg, and Manila in the Philippines. Anna Sophia Semper’s brother. (Hamburg passenger lists, 1850–1934 (Ancestry.com, accessed 10 May 2017); London Gazette, 4 January 1859, p. 16; The Times, 23 December 1889, p. 15.)

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Hewitson, Hannah (1822–54). Daughter of William Higgs, yeoman, of Westbury, Somerset. In 1851, housekeeper to William Hewitson Chapman, 1851, whom she married in 1852. (Census returns of England and Wales 1851 (The National Archives: Public Record Office HO107/1593/44/21); London, England, Church of England marriages and banns, 1754–1921 (Ancestry.com, accessed 1 September 2017); Somerset, England, Church of England baptisms, 1813–1914 (accessed Ancestry.com, 1 September 2017); Surrey, England, Church of England burials, 1813–1987 (Ancestry. com, accessed 1 September 2017).) Hewitson, William Chapman (1806–78). Naturalist. Worked as a land surveyor, circa 1828–45, after which he devoted his time to scientific research. Co-founder of the Natural History Society of Northumberland, Durham and Newcastle upon Tyne, 1829. Specialised in the diurnal Lepidoptera and formed one of the most complete collections in the world; published Genera of diurnal lepidoptera (1846–52) with Edward Doubleday. Also wrote on ornithology and oology. (ODNB.) Higginson, Thomas Wentworth (1823–1911). American minister, reformer, soldier, and author. A staunch supporter of the anti-slavery movement and the rights of women. Helped provide financial support for slave insurrections. Colonel of a regiment of freed slaves during the American Civil War; publicised the success of these black troops in his Army life in a black regiment (1870). (ANB.) [18 May 1878], 19 May [1878] (from Emma Darwin) Hildebrand, Friedrich Hermann Gustav (1835–1915). German botanist. After studying mineralogy, geology, and agriculture at Berlin, took up botany, studying at Bonn, then from 1855 to 1858 at Berlin, where he received his doctorate. Habilitated at Bonn, becoming privat-dozent there, in 1859. Professor of botany, Freiburg im Breisgau, 1868–1907. Worked mainly on hybridity, dimorphism, and generation. (Correns 1916; Junker 1989; Tort 1996.) Hill, Alfred (1821–1907). Barrister. Admitted to Lincoln’s Inn, 1843; called to the bar, 1848. Registrar in the Birmingham Court of Bankruptcy; justice of the peace. Corresponded with George Rolleston. (Men-at-the-bar; ODNB s.v. Hill, Matthew Davenport; A. Stevenson, 2012, Catalogue of the professional papers of George Rolleston, p. 21, Britisharchaeology.ashmus.ox.ac.uk/highlights/rolleston. html (accessed 30 January 2017).) Hind, John Russell (1823–95). Astronomer. Junior assistant, magnetic division, Royal Observatory, Greenwich, 1840. Superintendent of the Nautical Almanac, 1853–91. President, Royal Astronomical Society, 1880–2. Discovered several comets, asteroids, and variable stars. FRS 1863. (ODNB.) Hitchcock, Edward (1793–1864). American geologist and clergyman. Professor of chemistry and natural history, Amherst College, 1825–45; president, 1844–54; professor of geology and natural theology, 1845–64. Served on the Massachusetts, New York, and Vermont geological surveys. (DAB; DSB.) Hobhouse, Arthur (1819–1904). Judge. BA, Oxford (Balliol), 1840. Called to the bar at Lincoln’s Inn, 1845; QC and bencher, 1862. Charity commissioner, 1866–72. Law member of the Council of the viceroy of India, 1872–7. Entered politics in

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1880 but failed to win a seat. Member of the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, 1881–1901. (ODNB.) Hobhouse, Mary (1825–1905). Daughter of Thomas Farrer. Married Arthur Hobhouse in 1848. (England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 9 February 2017); London, England, Church of England births and baptisms, 1813–1906 (Ancestry.com, accessed 9 February 2017); ODNB s.v. Hobhouse, Arthur.) Hoek, Paulus Peronius Cato (1851–1914). Dutch zoologist. Studied at Leiden, 1872–5; doctorate, 1875. Assistant, Zoötomisch Laboratorium, 1874–81. Instructor in natural history, Leiden Gymnasium, 1878–88. Fisheries advisor to the government, 1888; director of the zoological station, Den Helder, 1890. First general secretary, International Council for Exploration of the Sea, 1902–8. Worked on Cirripedia; published reports on cirripedes for the Challenger expedition (1883) and the Saboga expedition (1907 and 1913). Discovered that organs identified by CD as olfactory were maxillary glands. (Biografisch woordenboek van Nederland; Newman 1993, p. 428.) Hofmeister, Wilhelm Friedrich Benedikt (1824–77). German botanist. Joined the family publishing, music, and bookshop business in 1841. Honorary doctor of philosophy, University of Rostock, for his work on the embryology of flowering plants, 1851. Professor of botany and director of the botanic garden, University of Heidelberg, 1863–72; professor of botany, University of Tübingen, 1872–6. (ADB; DSB; Goebel 1926; NDB.) Holyoake, George Jacob (1817–1906). Freethinker, newspaper editor, and author. Worked for thirteen years at a Birmingham foundry, becoming a skilled tinsmith. Employed as an Owenite lecturer at Worcester, 1840, at Sheffield, 1841. From 1846 to 1861, and intermittently thereafter, edited the weekly paper the Reasoner, around which he developed the secularist movement. Active in several liberal political endeavours; with other former Owenites and Christian socialists, established the co-operative movement. In the 1860s, increasingly turned to journalism. (ODNB.) Hood, Charles (1805–89). Chemist. Inherited his father’s iron foundery in Blackfriars, London, and continued the business. Published on practical chemistry. Helped establish the British Home for Incurables. Fellow of the Royal Astronomical Society, 1833. FRS 1843. (G. C. Cook 2006, p. 19; Monthly Notices of the Royal Astronomical Society 50 (1890): 164–5; Record of the Royal Society of London.) Hooker, Hyacinth (1842–1921). Daughter of William Samuel Symonds. Married Sir William Jardine of Applegirth, seventh baronet, in 1871; widowed in 1874. Married Joseph Dalton Hooker in 1876. (Allan 1967 s.v. ‘Hooker pedigree’; Burke’s peerage 1876.) Hooker, Joseph Dalton (1817–1911). Botanist. Worked chiefly on taxonomy and plant geography. Son of William Jackson Hooker. Friend and confidant of CD. Accompanied James Clark Ross on his Antarctic expedition, 1839–43, and published the botanical results of the voyage. Appointed palaeobotanist to the

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Geological Survey of Great Britain, 1846. Travelled in the Himalayas, 1847–9. Assistant director, Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, 1855–65; director, 1865–85. Knighted, 1877. FRS 1847. (DSB; ODNB.) 17 [ January 1878], 18 January 1878, 14 February 1878, 15 February 1878, [c. 20 February 1878], 28 [February 1878], [1 March 1878], 2 March 1878, [3 or 4 March 1878], 12 March 1878, 18 March 1878, 25 March [1878], 28 March [1878], 9 June 1878, 1 July 1878, 2 July 1878, 3 July [1878], 31 July 1878, 3 October [1878], 4 October 1878, 5 October [1878], 7 October 1878, 14 December [1878], 14 December 1878, 17 December [1878] Hooker, Joseph Symonds (1877–1940). First child of Joseph Dalton Hooker and his second wife, Hyacinth Hooker. (R. Desmond 1994.) Hooker, William Jackson (1785–1865). Botanist. Father of Joseph Dalton Hooker. Regius professor of botany, Glasgow University, 1820–41. Appointed first director of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, 1841. Knighted, 1836. FRS 1812. (DSB; ODNB.) Hope, Samuel Wilson (1843–1900). General practitioner and surgeon residing in Petworth, Sussex. Studied medicine at the University of London; MB 1869. Medical officer, Tillington and Petworth. Honorary surgeon, Petworth Cottage Hospital. (BMD (Birth index, Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/1112/43/21); Medical directory 1878.) Hornby, James John (1826–1909). College head. Educated at Eton College and Balliol College, Oxford. Ordained, 1855. Second master, Winchester College, 1867. Headmaster, Eton College, 1868. Introduced French and science into the curriculum. Funded a chemistry laboratory at Eton, 1869. Provost of Eton, 1884. Member of the Alpine Club, 1864–1909. (ODNB.) Horner, Leonard (1785–1864). Scottish geologist and educationalist. Founded the Edinburgh School of Arts in 1821. Warden of University College, London, 1827–31. Inspector of factories, 1833–59. A promoter of science-based education at all social levels. President of the Geological Society of London, 1845–7 and 1860–2. Father-in-law of Charles Lyell. FRS 1813. (DSB; ODNB.) Houston, James Lennox (1854–1905). Civil engineer. Assistant engineer at Granton harbour, Midlothian, 1874–8; contractor’s engineer to Mr T. S. Hunter, Glasgow, from 1878. (Census returns of Scotland 1861 (The National Archives of Scotland: Dunfermline Landward 2/8), 1871 (Dalkeith 9/26); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 22 August 2017); UK, civil engineer records, 1820–1930 (Ancestry. com, accessed 22 August 2017).) 14 February 1878 Howell, J. W. (fl. 1870s). 31 March 1878 Howells, William Dean (1837–1920). American writer. Assistant editor of the Atlantic Monthly, 1866–71; editor, 1871–81. Author of novels, biographies, poems, and essays. Part of a literary circle in Boston. (DAB.)

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Howlett, Frederick (1821–1908). Clergyman. BA, Oxford, 1844. Fellow of the Royal Astronomical Society from 1861; worked on solar spots. Also interested in microscopy. Curate in Westmoreland, at Hurst Green, Sussex, and at Beckenham, Kent, before becoming rector of East Tisted, Hampshire, 1869–96. (Alum. Oxon.; Crockford’s clerical directory 1899; Monthly Notices of the Royal Astronomical Society 69 (1909): 247.) 21 September [1878] Hudson, Thomas (bap. 1701, d. 1779). Portrait painter and art collector. Painted about 400 portraits of members of the aristocracy and landed gentry, political leaders, Anglican clergy, and popular figures in music and the theatre, mostly in the 1740s and 1750s. Apprentices included Joshua Reynolds and Joseph Wright of Derby. (ODNB.) Hunt, Thomas Marshall (1818–1901). English-born American farmer. Of Ridott, Stephenson County, Illinois. Formerly a baker in Nottingham. Emigrated to America, 1842. (Census returns of England and Wales 1841 (The National Archives: Public Record Office HO 107/870/8/10/12); England & Wales, non-conformist and non-parochial registers, 1567–1970 (Ancestry.com, accessed 31 January 2017); United States Federal Census 1860 (Ridott, Stephenson, Illinois [1]/10); 1900 (Ridott, Stephenson, Illinois [1]/18A) (Ancestry.com, accessed 31 January 2017); U.S., Fnd a grave index, 1600s–current (Ancestry.com, accessed 30 January 2017).) Hunter, William Wilson (1840–1900). Scottish administrator in India and historian. Studied in Glasgow, Paris, and Bonn. Assistant magistrate, Birbhum, Bengal, 1862. Published on Indian languages and history. Responsible for a statistical survey of India, 1869–81; appointed director-general of statistics to the government of India, 1871. Drew up the scheme for the Imperial gazetteer of India, supervised local editors and wrote the volumes on Bengal and Assam himself. Knighted, 1887. (ODNB.) Huxley, Henrietta Anne (1825–1915). Born Henrietta Anne Heathorn. Emigrated to Australia in 1843. Met Thomas Henry Huxley in Sydney, Australia, in 1847, and married him in 1855. (A. Desmond 1994–7; Freeman 1978.) Huxley, Marian (1859–87). Artist. Daughter of Henrietta Anne and Thomas Henry Huxley. Studied art at the Slade School, London. Exhibited at the Royal Academy, 1880–4. Married artist–author John Collier in 1879. Her sketch of CD, made when she was 18, is in the National Portrait Gallery. (Bibby 1959; Bryan’s dictionary of painters and engravers; R. W. Clark 1968, p. 97 and passim; A. Desmond 1994–7; Petteys 1985.) Huxley, Noel (1856–60). Oldest child of Henrietta Anne and Thomas Henry Huxley. Died of scarlet fever. (L. Huxley ed. 1900.) Huxley, Thomas Henry (1825–95). Zoologist. Assistant-surgeon on HMS Rattlesnake, 1846–50, during which time he investigated Hydrozoa and other marine invertebrates. Lecturer in natural history, Royal School of Mines, 1854; professor, 1857. Appointed naturalist to the Geological Survey of Great Britain, 1854. Hunterian Professor, Royal College of Surgeons of England, 1862–9. Fullerian

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Professor of physiology, Royal Institution of Great Britain, 1855–8, 1866–9. President of the Royal Society of London, 1883–5. FRS 1851. (R. W. Clark 1968; A. Desmond 1994–7; DSB; ODNB.) 8 June 1878, 11 June [1878], 2 July 1878, 11 August [1878], 28 December 1878, 29 December 1878 Innes, John Brodie (1815–94). Clergyman. Son of John Innes, gentleman, and his wife Mary Leslie, of Brunswick Square, London, and Ibstone, Buckinghamshire. Perpetual curate of Down, 1846–68; vicar, 1868–9. Left Down in 1862 after inheriting an entailed estate at Milton Brodie, near Forres, Scotland; changed his name to Brodie Innes in 1861 as required by the entail. Priest in charge of Milton Brodie Mission and general licentiate of the diocese of Moray, 1861. Chaplain to the Bishop of Moray, 1861–80 and 1886–94. (Clergy list; County families 1864; Crockford’s clerical directory; Freeman 1978; London Metropolitan Archives, Bloomsbury St George, registers of marriages (P82/GEO1, Item 021) and baptisms (P82/ GEO1, Item 004); J. R. Moore 1985.) 27 November [1878], 1 December 1878 Jackson, Henry (1839–1921). Classical scholar. BA, Cambridge (Trinity College), 1862; fellow of Trinity, 1864; assistant tutor, 1866; praelector in ancient philosophy, 1875; vice-master, 1914. Regius professor of Greek, Cambridge, from 1906. (ODNB.) Jäger, Gustav (1832–1917). German physician and zoologist. Co-founder and director of the Vienna zoological garden, 1858–66. Professor of zoology and anthropology, Hohenheim Academy, from 1867; Stuttgart Polytechnic, from 1870. Taught physiology and histology at the Veterinary School, Stuttgart, from 1874. Co-editor of Kosmos, 1877–9. Returned to medical practice in 1884. (DBE; Freeman 1978; NDB; Weinreich 1993.) James, William (1842–1910). American philosopher and psychologist. Taught at Harvard. Brother of the novelist Henry James. (ANB.) Janeway, Edward Gamaliel (1841–1911). American physician. MD, College of Physicans and Surgeons, New York, 1864. Professor of pathological anatomy, Bellevue Hospital Medical College, 1872; professor of medicine and professor of diseases of the mind and nervous system, 1881–6. Professor of medicine, New York University, 1898–1907. Commissioner of Health for New York City, 1875–91. (American medical biography (1984).) Jebb, Richard Claverhouse (1841–1905). Greek scholar. BA, Cambridge, 1862; fellow, Trinity College, 1863. Travelled to Egypt, Syria, France, and Germany. Public orator of the University of Cambridge, 1869. Professor of Greek, Glasgow University, 1875. Regius professor of Greek, University of Cambridge, 1889. (ODNB.) Jenkins, Henry Michael (1841–86). Welsh invertebrate palaeontologist and editor. Library and museum assistant, 1862. Assistant secretary, librarian, and curator, Geological Society of London, 1863–8. From 1869, secretary, Royal Agricultural Society, and editor of the Journal of the Royal Agricultural Society of England. Wrote on bivalves from Indonesia, Australia, and Greece. (Goddard 1988; Quarterly Journal of the Geological Society of London 19–24 (1863–8); Sarjeant 1980–96.)

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Jerome, Anna Maria (1827–89?). A great-granddaughter of Erasmus Darwin. Daughter of Edwin Court Wilcox Day and his wife Sarah Frances Walker; baptised at Derby. Married Philip Clarey Jerome, a banker’s clerk, at Ashbourne, Derbyshire, in 1843. Lived with him at Sturston, Derbyshire, in 1851. Inherited a portrait of Erasmus Darwin from his illegitimate daughter, her aunt Mary Parker Jr, and sold it to the National Portrait Gallery in 1859. (Census returns of England and Wales 1841 (The National Archives: Public Record Office HO107/197/1/15/24), 1851 (HO107/2146/318/7); Derbyshire, England, select Church of England parish registers, 1538–1910 (Ancestry.com, accessed 6 March 2017); Ingamells 2004, p. 135; London Gazette, 24 June 1892, pp. 3681–2.) Jevons, William Stanley (1835–82). Economist and philosopher of science. Studied mathematics and chemistry at University College, London, 1851–3. Assayer at the Royal Mint, Sydney, Australia, 1854–9. Made meteorological and geological observations in Australia. BA, University College, London, 1860; MA in mental philosophy and political economy, 1862. Junior tutor, Owens College, Manchester, 1863–6; professor of logic, mental and moral philosophy, and political economy, 1866–75. Developed a logical machine, later recognised as a forerunner of twentieth-century computers. Published The theory of political economy (1871) and The principles of science (1874). Professor of political economy, University College, London, 1875–80. FRS 1872. (ODNB.) Jex-Blake, Thomas William (1832–1915). Headmaster and clergyman. Educated at Rugby School and University College, Oxford. Fellow of Queen’s College, 1855. Ordained, 1856. Sixth-form master at Marlborough Collge, 1857. Assistant master at Rugby School, 1858–68. Principal, Cheltenham College, 1868. Headmaster of Rugby, where he advocated a liberal education and built an art museum, 1874–87. (ODNB.) Jeyes, Jeannie Frances (1849/50–1942). Married John Wesley Judd in 1878. (Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/55/60/2); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 15 February 2017); Northamptonshire, England, Church of England marriages, 1754–1912 (Ancestry.com, accessed 15 February 2017).) Johnston, William (1829–1902). Irish politician. MP for Belfast, 1868–78; for Belfast South, 1885–1902. Inspector of fisheries in Ireland, 1878–85. (The Times, 18 July 1902, p. 8.) Judd, John Wesley (1840–1916). Geologist. Educated at the Royal School of Mines, London. Worked as a chemist and school inspector. Commissioned to study the volcanic districts of Europe, 1874–6. Professor of geology, Royal School of Mines, from 1877. Awarded the Wollaston Medal of the Geological Society, 1891. FRS 1877. (ODNB.) 26 June 1878, 27 June 1878 Jussieu, Adrien Henri Laurent (Adrien) de (1797–1853). French botanist. In 1826, succeeded his father, Antoine Laurent de Jussieu, as professor of botany

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at the Muséum d’histoire naturelle, Paris, where he helped to build up a large herbarium. (DSB; NBU.) Jussieu, Antoine Laurent de (1748–1836). French botanist. Appointed deputy to the professor of botany at the Jardin du roi, Paris, 1770. Studied plant taxonomy. Published his Genera plantarum in 1789. Promoted the ‘natural system’ of classification. After the founding of the Muséum d’histoire naturelle in 1793, became professor of botany; director, 1802–26. (DSB; NBU; Taxonomic literature.) Kalisch, Isidor (1816–86). Prussian-born American rabbi and author. Born in Krotoschin, Prussia (now Poland). Studied theology, philosophy, and philology at Berlin, Wrocław, and Prague. Emigrated to the United States in 1849. Promoted liberal Judaism in articles and other writings. Served as a rabbi in Cleveland and Cincinnati, Ohio, Newark, New Jersey, and elsewhere. Retired in 1875. (Jewish encyclopedia.) Kant, Immanuel (1724–1804). German philosopher. (DSB; NDB.) Kaup, Johann Jakob (1803–73). German naturalist and palaeontologist. (NDB; Sarjeant 1980–96.) Kennedy, Victor Coates (1820/1–94). Irish agriculturist and mill owner. Owned an estate near Newport on Clew Bay, county Mayo. Co-owner of a flax spinning and weaving mill at Conway street, Belfast. (England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 4 April 2017); Ireland, city and regional directories, 1847–1946 (Ancestry.com, accessed 27 April 2017); Ireland, civil registration deaths index, 1864–1958 (Ancestry.com, accessed 4 April 2017); Ireland, Griffith’s valuation, 1847–1864 (Ancestry.com, accessed 27 April 2017); letter from James Torbitt, 8 October 1878.) Kerner von Marilaun, Anton (1831–98). Austrian botanist. Studied medicine in Vienna, 1848–53. MD 1854. Teacher of natural history, Oberrealshule, Ofen, 1855; professor of natural history, Josefs-Polytechnikum, 1858–60. Professor of natural history and director of the botanic gardens and museum of natural history, University of Innsbruck, 1860–78. Professor of systematic botany and director of the botanic gardens, University of Vienna, 1878–98. Established an experimental alpine garden near the top of Mount Blaser, above Trins in the Gschnitztal (Tirol). Studied the effects of climate on the morphology of plants. (NDB; OBL.) Kesteven, William Henry (1847–1936). Physician and author. Practised with his father in north London. (England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 27 March 2015); London, England, births and baptisms, 1813–1906 (Ancestry.com, accessed 27 March 2015); NUC; Plarr 1930 s.v. Kesteven, W. B.) 5 June 1878 Khan, Sher Ali, Amir of Afghanistan (1824/5–79). Afghan potentate and reformer. Amir of Afghanistan, 1863–6; 1868–79. His succession was disputed by his half-brothers, leading to a period of civil war. Implemented administrative and military reform. The Second Afghan War followed his refusal to accept alterations to the border between India and Afghanistan and a permanent

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British military presence in the country. British and Indian troops invaded in November 1878. Fled Kabul, but failed to secure Russian assistance and died from illness in February 1879. (Robson 1986.) Kingsley, William Lathrop (1824–96). Editor. Studied theology at Yale. AB 1843; AM 1846. Congregationalist minister in Ohio and Connecticut, 1849–50. Editor and proprietor of the New Englander, 1857–92. (BDA.) Kirby, William Forsell (1844–1912). Entomologist. Assistant at the Royal Dublin Society, 1867–79. Assistant in the zoological department of the British Museum, 1879. (R. Desmond 1994, Gilbert 1977.) Kirchhoff, Gustav Robert (1824–87). German physicist. Professor extraordinarius, Breslau, 1850–4; Heidelberg, 1854–75. Professor of theoretical physics, Berlin, 1875–86. Made major contributions to the study of electromagnetic radiation and electrical currents. A close friend of Robert Wilhelm Eberhard Bunsen; the two collaborated in laying the foundation of the method of spectral analysis, 1857–63. (DSB; NDB.) Knight, Thomas Andrew (1759–1838). Botanist and horticulturist. Correspondent to the Board of Agriculture from 1795. President of the Horticultural Society of London, 1811–38. Interested in crossbreeding and hybridisation; conducted research on the phenomenon now known as geotropism. FRS 1805. (R. Desmond 1994; DSB.) Knox, Robert Bent (1808–93). Clergyman. Bishop of Down, Connor, and Dromore, 1849–86. Archbishop of Armagh and primate of all Ireland, 1886–93. (ODNB.) Kobell, Franz Ritter von (1803–82). German mineralogist and poet. Professor of mineralogy, Munich, 1834. Published on minerals and theoretical crystallography. Inventor of the stauroscope, an instrument used to determine the planes of light vibration in sections of crystals. Secretary, mathematical-physical section of the Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften (Bavarian Academy of Science), 1869–82. Wrote poetry in the Bavarian dialect. (NDB; Sarjeant 1980–96.) 25 July 1878, 29 July 1878 Koch, Eduard (1838–97). German publisher. Took over E. Schweizerbart’sche Verlagsbuchhandlung in 1867, after which the firm published mostly scientific titles. Published a multi-volume edition of CD’s works, translated by Julius Victor Carus. (Biographisches Jahrbuch und deutscher Nekrolog 2 (1898): 227.) Koch, Heinrich Hermann Robert (Robert) (1843–1910). German physician. A pioneer of modern bacteriology. (DSB.) Kölle, Sigismund Wilhelm (1820–1902). German missionary and linguist. Learned Hebrew at Tübingen University. Joined the Church Missionary Society in 1845 and was ordained at their college in Islington, London. In 1847, went to Sierra Leone, where he ran the Fourah Bay College. In Egypt, 1855, Palestine, 1855–62, Turkey, 1862–80. Won the Volney Prize for his Polyglotta Africana (1854). (BBKL.) Kőrösy, József (1844–1906). Hungarian statistician. After working as a journalist, writing on economics, he was appointed director of the newly formed statistical

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office in Pest in 1869. The office became the statistical office for the new city of Budapest in 1873. Reader in demography, University of Budapest, 1883. He developed the first ‘natality’, or fertility, tables and contributed to the construction of mortality tables. (International encyclopedia of the social sciences.) Kovalevsky, Vladimir Onufrievich (Владимир Онуфриевич Ковалевский) (1842–83). Russian palaeontologist. Graduated from the School of Jurisprudence in 1861. Thereafter published, translated, and edited works by CD, Charles Lyell, Louis Agassiz, and others. Studied natural science and palaeontology, travelling throughout Europe, 1869–74. Submitted his doctoral thesis on the palaeontology of horses at the University of Jena in 1872. Associate professor, Moscow University, 1880–3. (DSB.) Kraus, Carl (fl. 1870s). Austrian? engineer. Of Pardubice (east Bohemia). Member of the Kaiserlich-Königliche Zoologisch-Botanische Gesellschaft in Wien (Vienna) from 1880. (Letter from Carl Kraus, [31?] January 1878; Correspondence vol. 27, letter from Carl Kraus, 8 January 1879; Verhandlungen der Kaiserlich-Königlichen Zoologisch-Botanischen Gesellschaft in Wien 30 (1880): 35.) [31?] January 1878, 10 February 1878 Krause, Ernst Ludwig (1839–1903). German science writer. Also published under the pseudonym Carus Sterne. Trained as an apothecary, and studied natural sciences at the University of Berlin in 1857. Friendly with Ernst Haeckel from 1866. Doctorate, University of Rostock, 1874. Editor of Kosmos, 1877–83. His essay on Erasmus Darwin was translated into English in 1879 at the suggestion of CD, who wrote a biographical preface for it. (DSB.) Lagrange, Charles Henri (1851–1932). Belgian mathematician and biblical scholar. Graduated from the Royal Military Academy of Brussels in 1871. Deputy astronomer at the Royal Observatory of Belgium, 1878; astronomer, 1884; director, 1908. Worked on biblical chronology. (Gazette Astronomique 19 (1932): 40–1.) Laird, Agnes Mary (1842–91). Daughter of Macgregor Laird of the Birkenhead ship-building family and his wife, Eleanor Hester Nicolls. Of Belle Vue, Shrewsbury. (BMD (Birth index, Marriage index, Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1851 (The National Archives: Public Record Office HO107/1586/381/2); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 2 October 2017); ODNB s.v. Laird, Macgregor.) Lamarck, Jean Baptiste Pierre Antoine de Monet ( Jean Baptiste) de (1744–1829). French naturalist. Held various botanical positions at the Jardin du roi, 1788–93. Appointed professor of zoology, Muséum d’histoire naturelle, 1793. Believed in spontaneous generation and the progressive development of animal types; propounded a theory of transmutation. (DSB.) Lamport and Holt. Shipping line. Established in 1845 by William James Lamport and George Holt, with early sailing ships trading with North and South America and India, and a regular Mediterranean service running from the 1850s. Started acquiring steamships in 1857; the Liverpool, Brazil and River Plate Steam Navigation Company was formed to operate services to the east coast of South

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America, 1865; the Société de Navigation Royale Belge Sud-Americaine started to operate the Belgian Mail contract to South America in 1877. Sold to Owen Philipps and became part of the Kylsant shipping empire, 1911. (Heaton 1986.) Lane, Arthur George Percy (1848–78). Farmer. Eldest son of Edward Wickstead Lane. (Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG9/459/11/17); Ireland, church records (churchrecords.irishgenealogy.ie, accessed 1 May 2017); London Gazette, 17 February 1874, p. 743; Surrey, England, Church of England burials, 1813–1987 (Ancestry.com, accessed 1 May 2017).) Lane, Edward Wickstead (1823–89). Physician. Proprietor of a hydropathic establishment at Moor Park, near Farnham, Surrey, 1859 (or before), and at Sudbrook Park, near Ham, Surrey, 1860–79. Practised in Harley Street, London, 1879–89. Member of the Faculty of Advocates, the Botanical Society, and the Speculative Society, Edinburgh. Author of works on hydropathy. (Freeman 1978; Medical directory 1859–89; Post Office directory of the six home counties 1859–62.) Langton, Charles (1801–86). Rector of Onibury, Shropshire, 1832–41. Left the Church of England in 1841. Resided at Maer, Staffordshire, 1841–7, and at Hartfield Grove, Hartfield, Sussex, 1847–63. Married Emma Darwin’s sister, Charlotte Wedgwood, in 1832. After her death, married CD’s sister, Emily Catherine Darwin, in 1863. After her death, he resided at Eastwood House, Bournemouth, Hampshire. (Alum. Oxon.; Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/1194/120/14); Emma Darwin (1915); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 19 August 2016); Freeman 1978.) Langton, Emily Catherine (Catherine) (1810–66). CD’s sister. Resided at The Mount, Shrewsbury, until she married Charles Langton in 1863. (Darwin pedigree.) Lankester, Edwin Ray (1847–1929). Zoologist. Studied natural sciences at Oxford under George Rolleston, 1866–8; physiology at Leipzig and Vienna; morphology under Ernst Haeckel at Jena; marine zoology with Anton Dohrn in Naples, 1871–2. Fellow and tutor, Exeter College, Oxford, 1872–5; professor of zoology, University College, London, 1875–91; Linacre Professor of comparative anatomy, Oxford, 1891–8; director of the natural history departments and keeper of zoology, British Museum, 1898–1907. Knighted, 1907. FRS 1875. (ODNB.) Laplace, Pierre Simon, marquis de Laplace (1749–1827). French mathematician, physicist, and cosmologist. (DSB.) Law, Harriet Teresa (1831–97). Secularist. Daughter of Henry Frost, butcher, of Ongar, Essex. Married Edward Law in 1855. A founder of the British Secular Union, 1877. Campaigned for women’s rights. Provisional committee member of the Association of Liberal Thinkers, 1878. (Letter from M. D. Conway, 18 November 1878; ODNB.) Lawes, John Bennet, 1st baronet (1814–1900). Agricultural chemist. Developed British industrial production of organic and chemical fertilisers and founded the Rothamsted Experiment Station near St Albans, Hertfordshire, in 1843. Created baronet, 1882. FRS 1854. (DSB; ODNB.)

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Lawrence, John Laird Mair, 1st Baron Lawrence (1811–79). Administrator and diplomat. Joined the East India Company and went to India in 1829. Magistrate, tax collector, and settlement officer in a number of districts, principally Delhi. Member of the administrative board of Punjab, 1849–53; chief commissioner, 1853; first lieutenant-governor, 1859. Negotiated treaties with Afghanistan, 1855 and 1857. Created baronet, 1858. Viceroy of India, 1864–9. Retired to England and was created first Baron Lawrence, 1869. Chaired the national committee protesting against impending war with Afghanistan, 1878. Privy councillor, 1859. Knighted, 1866. (ODNB.) Layton, Charles James (1826/7–1912). Publisher’s agent. London agent for D. Appleton & Co., New York City. (Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG9/382/71/7); Correspondence vol. 19, letter from Charles Layton, 22 November 1869; England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 26 January 2016).) 16 May 1878 Lecomte, Alphonse Joseph (1824–1921). Belgian cleric. Abbé at Bonvouloiren-Havré. Published a series of articles, later incorporated into books, criticising Descent and Expression. (Lecomte 1872; Tort 1996.) Ledeganck, Kasimir (1843–82). Belgian physician and writer. Member, Société royale des sciences médicales et naturelles, 1871; secretary, 1875–81. (IBN; Journal de médecine, de chirurgie et de pharmacologie 61 (1875): 1; 72 (1881): 3.) 15 August 1878 (and Jean Crocq) Lesquereux, Leo (1806–89). Swiss-born bryologist and palaeontologist. Moved to the United States in 1848; after brief periods assisting Louis Agassiz and Asa Gray, settled in Columbus, Ohio, where he assisted the bryologist William Starling Sullivant. Employed on geological surveys in the mid-western United States and Pennsylvania. Engaged by Agassiz to organise the palaeobotanical collections at the Museum of Comparative Zoology, Harvard University, 1867–72. (DAB; DSB; Rodgers 1968; Sarjeant 1980–96; Sarton 1942.) Lestiboudois, Gaspard Thémistocle (Thémistocle) (1797–1876). French politician and naturalist. Teacher of anatomy and physiology at the Faculté des sciences, Paris. (Grande encyclopédie.) Lettington, Henry (1822/3–1910). Gardener. Worked as a gardener at Down House, 1854–79, and occasionally in following years. Assisted CD with botanical experiments. Member of the Down Friendly Society, 1882. Son-in-law of William Brooks, who was also employed by the Darwins. (BMD (Death index); CD’s Classed account books (Down House MS); Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG9/462/70/2); F. Darwin 1920, pp. 56–7; letter from Emma Darwin to G. H. Darwin, 5 July [1884] (DAR 210.3: 110); The National Archives (FS 1/232 626620); Recollections of CD by Francis Darwin (DAR 140.3: 90a).) Leveson-Gower, Edward Frederick (Frederick) (1819–1907). Politician and autobiographer. Third son of the first earl of Granville. BA, Oxford, 1840.

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Called to the bar, 1845. Liberal MP for Derby, 1846–7; Stoke-on-Trent, 1852–7; Bodmin, 1859–85. Visited Russia as attaché to the special envoy, 1856. Chairman, National School of Cookery, 1874–1903. Travelled extensively and studied political economy. (ODNB.) Lewy (Halevi), Naphtali (1840–94). Polish Hebrew scholar and merchant. Born in Kolo, Poland. Pursued Judaic studies; studied science and modern languages in Posen. Tutor and merchant in Radom, 1860–76. Moved to London where he had failed ventures as a publisher of Jewish newspapers and with an importexport shoe business, before becoming a kosher animal slaughterer, 1876–92. Retired to Southport, Lancashire, in 1892. Author of several works on Jewish law and biblical interpretation, including Toldot Adam, a Hebrew work that argued for the compatibility of CD’s theory of evolution with Jewish theology. (Colp and Kohn 1996, p. 1721; Dodson 2000, p. 48.) 14 May 1878 Light, Eleanor Evelyn (1852/3–1928). Daughter of William Edward Light, rector of Dover. Married James Young Falkland Sulivan in 1878. (BMD (Death index, Marriage index); Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG9/546/110/18); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 21 September 2016).) Light, William Edward (1819–96). Clergyman and author. BA, Cambridge (St John’s College), 1842. Deacon, 1842; priest, 1844. Rector of St James’s, Dover, 1857–85. Published a book of sermons. (Alum. Cantab.) Lindemuth, Hugo (1846–1908). German horticulturalist. Trained as a gardener in Halle, Erfurt, in the Leipzig Botanic Garden, and in Bonn-Poppelsdorf. Worked in gardens in France, Belgium, and Holland, 1867–8. Gardener and lecturer in horticulture, Agricultural Academy, Bonn-Poppelsdorf, 1875–8, 1879–82. Deputy technical director, Royal Institute for Pomology, Viticulture, and Horticulture, Geisenheim, 1878–9. University gardener, Berlin, 1882–1908. (Ascherson 1908.) Linné, Carl von (Carolus Linnaeus) (1707–78). Swedish botanist and zoologist. Professor of practical medicine, University of Uppsala, 1741; professor of botany, diatetics, and materia medica, 1742; court physician, 1747. Proposed a system for the classification of the natural world, and reformed scientific nomenclature. FRS 1753. (DSB; Record of the Royal Society of London.) Lister, Joseph (1827–1912). Surgeon. Assistant surgeon to the Royal Infirmary, Edinburgh, 1856–60. Professor of surgery, Glasgow University, 1860–9; of clinical surgery, 1869–77. Announced his system of antiseptic surgery in the Lancet in 1867. Professor of surgery, King’s College, London, 1877–92. FRS 1860. (DSB; ODNB.) 7 October 1878 Litchfield, Henrietta Emma (1843–1927). CD’s daughter. Married Richard Buckley Litchfield in 1871. Assisted CD with his work. Edited Emma Darwin (1904) and (1915). (Burke’s landed gentry 1952; Correspondence; Freeman 1978.) 11 March 1878 (from E. J. A. Bristow)

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Litchfield, Richard Buckley (1832–1903). Barrister. BA, Cambridge (Trinity College), 1853. Admitted to the Inner Temple, 1854; called to the bar, 1863. First-class clerk in the office of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners. Married Henrietta Emma Darwin in 1871. A founder and treasurer of the Working Men’s College; taught mathematics there, 1854–70, and music from 1860. (Alum. Cantab.; Emma Darwin (1915) 2: 204, 206; R. B. Litchfield, Record, personal and domestic, vol. 1 (DAR 248/1).) Little, James Lawrence (1836–85). American surgeon. MD, College of Physicians and Surgeons, New York, 1860. Lecturer on operative surgery, New York Hospital. Professor of surgery, University of Vermont. (American medical biography.) Lockyer, Joseph Norman (1836–1920). Astronomer. Civil servant in the War Office from 1857; published papers on solar physics. Secretary to the royal commission on scientific instruction and the advancement of science, 1870–5; seconded to the Science and Art Department at South Kensington from 1875; first director of the Solar Physics Observatory, and professor of astronomical physics, Royal College of Science, South Kensington, 1890–1911. Established the journal Nature in 1869. Knighted, 1897. FRS 1869. (DNB; DSB; ODNB.) 21 May [1878] Longmans. Publishers. Founded by Thomas Longman (1699–1755), with premises at 14 Ludgate Hill and 38–41 Paternoster Row, London. The name of the firm changed frequently, with alterations in the partnership; it was colloquially known as Longmans. From the 1840s Thomas and William Longman were the senior partners. (Brown 1982; ODNB; Post Office London directory.) Loocoīliceepa. Fuegian. Wife of Coofyinuganjiz. Mother of Pucananlacitanjiz and Cooshaipunjiz. (South American Missionary Magazine, 1 February 1878, p. 32, 1 October 1879, p. 223.) Lubbock, Ellen Frances (1834/5–79). Daughter of the Rev. Peter Hordern of Chorlton-cum-Hardy, Lancashire. Married John Lubbock in 1856. (Burke’s peerage 1970; Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG9/462/75/12).) 18 July [1878] Lubbock, John, 4th baronet and 1st Baron Avebury (1834–1913). Banker, politician, and naturalist. Son of John William Lubbock and a neighbour of CD’s in Down. Studied entomology and anthropology. Worked at the family bank from 1849; head of the bank from 1865. Liberal MP for Maidstone, Kent, 1870–80; for London University, 1880–1900. Succeeded to the baronetcy in 1865. Created Baron Avebury, 1900. FRS 1858. (DSB; Hutchinson 1914; ODNB; Record of the Royal Society of London.) Ludwig, Friedrich (1851–1918). German teacher and biologist. Taught mathematics and biology at Greiz Gymnasium from 1875; senior teacher, 1880; professor, 1886; councillor, 1906. His botanical research focused mainly on cryptogams, while in zoology he worked on mites. (IBN; Ostthüringer Zeitung, 21 September 2011 (greiz.otz.de, accessed 15 February 2016).) 29 May 1878

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Luther, Martin (1483–1546). German priest. Led the Protestant Reformation. (ADB.) Lyell, Arthur Henry (1853–1925). Son of Henry and Katharine Murray Lyell. BA, Cambridge (Trinity College), 1879. (Alum. Cantab.) Lyell, Charles, 1st baronet (1797–1875). Scottish geologist. Uniformitarian geologist whose Principles of geology (1830–3), Elements of geology (1838), and Antiquity of man (1863) appeared in many editions. Professor of geology, King’s College, London, 1831. President of the Geological Society of London, 1835–7 and 1849–51; of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1864. Travelled widely and published accounts of his trips to the United States. CD’s scientific mentor and friend. Knighted, 1848; created baronet, 1864. FRS 1826. (DSB, ODNB). Lyell, Francis Horner (1852–1934). Son of Henry Lyell. (Burke’s peerage.) Lyell, Henry (1804–75). Army officer in India. Married Katharine Murray Horner in 1848. Brother of Charles Lyell. (Burke’s peerage 1980.) Lyell, Katharine Murray (1817–1915). Botanist and literary editor. Daughter of Leonard Horner. Married Henry Lyell, brother of Charles Lyell, in 1848. Compiled a geographical handbook of fern distribution in 1870. Her collection of plants from India was given to the British Museum; her fern collection was given to the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew. Edited Life, letters and journals of Sir Charles Lyell (1881), and Life and letters of Sir Charles J. F. Bunbury (1906). (BDWS; R. Desmond 1994; Freeman 1978.) Lyell, Leonard, 1st Baron Lyell (1850–1926). Politician. Eldest son of Henry Lyell, Charles Lyell’s brother, and Katharine Murray Lyell. MP for Orkney and Shetland, 1885–1900. Created baronet, 1894; baron, 1914. (Burke’s peerage 1980.) Lyell, Rosamond Frances Ann (1856–1904). Daughter of Henry and Katharine Murray Lyell. (BMD (Birth index, Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1871 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG10/206/8/12).) Lynch, Richard Irwin (1850–1924). Gardener and botanist. Became a student gardener at the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, in 1867; foreman of the herbaceous department, 1870; foreman of the propagation department, 1871. Curator of the Cambridge University Botanic Garden, 1879–1919. Associate of the Linnean Society, 1881. Honorary MA, University of Cambridge, 1906. (Employment book (f. 48), Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew; ODNB.) 4 December [1878] Lyon, George Lewis (1828/9–1904). Journalist. Of London. Financial journalist for city and provincial newspapers. Founded the weekly Jewish World in 1873 and edited it until 1897. Provisional committee member of the Association of Liberal Thinkers, 1878. (Jewish encyclopedia; letter from M. D. Conway, 18 November 1878.) McIntosh, William Carmichael (1838–1931). Physician and marine zoologist. Professor of natural history, St Andrews, 1882–1917. FRS 1877. (DNB; DSB.)

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McLennan, John Ferguson (1827–81). Scottish lawyer and social anthropologist. MA, King’s College, Aberdeen, 1849. Studied mathematics at Trinity College, Cambridge. Began practising law in Edinburgh in 1857. Moved to London in 1870. Appointed parliamentary draughtsman for Scotland, 1871. Published on kinship, marriage, and the law. Regarded as one of the founders of modern British social anthropology. (ODNB.) McNab, William Ramsay (1844–89). Botanist. MD, Edinburgh, 1866. Professor of natural history, Royal Agricultural College, Cirencester, 1870–2. Professor of botany, Royal College of Science, Dublin, 1872–89. Scientific superintendent, Royal Botanic Gardens, Glasnevin, 1880–9. (ODNB.) Mallet, Robert (1810–81). Civil engineer and seismologist. Carried out many engineering projects in Ireland. Consulting engineer in London, 1861. FRS 1854. (DSB; ODNB.) Malpighi, Marcello (1628–94). Italian anatomist and embryologist. Doctor of medicine and philosophy, Bologna, 1653. Professor of theoretical medicine, Pisa, 1656–9. Professor of medicine, Messina, 1662–6. Professor of practical medicine, Bologna, 1660–2 and 1666–91. Chief physician to Pope Innocent XII from 1691. Undertook scientific correspondence with the Royal Society of London from 1667. Discovered the connections between arteries and veins, confirming the theory of circulation of the blood. (Complete dictionary of scientific biography.) Malthus, Thomas Robert (1766–1834). Clergyman and political economist. First professor of history and political economy at the East India Company College, Haileybury, 1805–34. Quantified the relationship between growth in population and food supplies in An essay on the principle of population (1798). FRS 1818. (DSB; ODNB.) Manners, Charles Cecil John, 6th duke of Rutland (1815–88). Politician. MA, Trinity College, Cambridge, 1835. Tory MP for Stamford, 1837–52. Lord of the bedchamber to Prince Albert, 1843–6. Lord lieutenant of Lincolnshire, 1852; Leicestershire, 1857. Succeeded his father as sixth duke of Rutland in 1857. (ODNB.) Mantegazza, Paolo (1831–1910). Italian anthropologist and pathologist. MD, Pavia, 1853. Travelled extensively in Europe and South America. Assistant, Ospedale Maggiore, Milan, 1858. Professor of pathology, Pavia, 1860; anthropology, Florence, 1870. Did research on animal organ transplants. Deputy for Monza in the Italian parliament, 1865–76; senator from 1876. Co-founder of the Archivio di etnologia e d’antropologia. (Dizionario del risorgimento nazionale; DSB.) Marsh, Othniel Charles (1831–99). American palaeontologist. Studied at Phillips Academy, Andover, and at Yale College under James Dwight Dana and Benjamin Silliman Jr, graduating in 1860. MA, Sheffield Scientific School, 1862. Studied in Germany. Professor of palaeontology, Yale, 1866. An early supporter of the theory of natural selection. Identified eighty new forms of dinosaur. (ANB.) 2 July 1878, 5 July [1878], 14 July [1878]

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Marshall, Sarah (1830–91). Daughter of the chief cashier of the Bank of England. Provisional committee member of the Association of Liberal Thinkers, 1878. Made a generous bequest to Imperial College, London. (Census returns of England and Wales 1871 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG10/872/23/38), 1881 (RG11/50/112/15); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 17 March 2014); England & Wales, non-conformist and non-parochial registers, 1567–1970 (Ancestry.com, accessed 17 March 2014); letter from M. D. Conway, 18 November 1878; Nature, 26 December 1895, p. 184.) Marshall, William Cecil (1849–1921). Architect. BA, Cambridge (Trinity College), 1872. Designed many tennis courts, and the billiard room with dressing room and bedroom above for Down House. (Alum. Cantab.; Correspondence vol. 24, letter to W. C. Marshall, 19 September 1876; England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 13 March 2013).) 25 September [1878], 27 September [1878] Martineau, James (1805–1900). Unitarian theologian, writer, and lecturer. Younger brother of Harriet Martineau. Ordained, 1828. Had ministries in Dublin and Liverpool. Professor of mental and moral philosophy and political economy, Manchester New College, 1840; professor of mental, moral, and religious philosophy, 1857 (by which time the college had moved to University Hall, Gordon Square, London). Minister of Little Portland Street Chapel, London, 1859. Principal of Manchester New College, 1869. Gave up preaching owing to ill health in 1872. (DNB.) Masters, Maxwell Tylden (1833–1907). Botanist, journal editor, and general medical practitioner. Subcurator, Fielding Herbarium, University of Oxford, circa 1853–7. GP at Peckham from 1856. Lecturer on botany at St George’s Hospital medical school, 1855–68. Editor of the Gardeners’ Chronicle, 1865–1907. Active in the Royal Horticultural Society, succeeding Joseph Dalton Hooker as the chairman of the scientific committee; secretary of the International Horticultural Congress, 1866. Studied malformations in plants. FRS 1870. (Clokie 1964, pp. 106, 208; ODNB.) Mather, William (1838–1920). Mechanical engineer, businessman, and politician. Apprenticed to the family machine works and iron foundry in Salford, 1850–2. Assistant manager, Mather and Platt, 1858; partner, 1863; manager, 1871; senior partner, 1877; chairman, 1892–1916. Designed machinery for the textile industry. Travelled extensively on business, in particular in Russia, which he first visited in 1860. Founded the Salford Iron Works evening science school, 1873. Special commissioner, royal commisson on technical education, 1881. Established the department of Russian language and literature at Owens College (later Manchester University). Liberal MP, Salford, 1885–6; Gorton, 1889–95; Rossendale, 1900–4. Knighted, 1902. (ODNB.) Matthews, Washington (1843–1905). American ethnologist. Born in Ireland; brought to the US as an infant. MD, University of Iowa, 1864. Surgeon in the

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US Army. Investigated the languages and mythology of Native Americans, notably during six years at Fort Berhold, where he was in contact with the Hidatsa; later wrote on the Navajo. (DAB.) Max, Gabriel Cornelius (1840–1915). Bohemian-born German painter. Born in Prague; studied at the art academy there, and then in Vienna, 1855–8. Studied in Munich, 1863–7. Professor of historical painting, Munich, 1879–83. Lived at Starnberger Lake in Ammerland, where he had a large colony of monkeys. Interested in spiritualism and the occult. Ennobled in 1900. (NDB.) 21 December 1878 Mayor, Joseph Bickersteth (1828–1916). Philosopher and classical scholar. Educated at Rugby School and St John’s College, Cambridge. Ordained priest, 1860. Master then headmaster of Kensington School, 1862–8. Professor of classical literature, King’s College, London, 1870–9; professor of moral philosophy, 1879–83. (ODNB.) Meadows, Alfred (1833–87). Obstetric physician. MB, University of London, 1857; MD 1858; MRCP 1862; FRCP 1873. Assistant physician for diseases of women and children, King’s College Hospital, 1860. Physician, Hospital for Women, 1865–74. Physician accoucheur and lecturer on the diseases of women and children, St Mary’s Hospital, 1871–87 (ODNB.) Meehan, Thomas (1826–1901). English-born botanist, horticulturist, and author. Gardener at the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, 1845–8. In 1848, emigrated to the United States, where he worked as a gardener. Established a nursery in Germantown, Pennsylvania, circa 1853. Editor, Gardener’s Monthly, 1859–87; Meehan’s Monthly, 1891–1901. Botanist on the Philadelphia state board of agriculture, 1877–1901. Elected to the Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia, 1860; to the American Philosophical Society, 1871. (Baker 1965; DAB.) 28 April [1878], 13 May 1878 Meldola, Raphael (1849–1915). Chemist and entomologist. Studied at the Royal College of Chemistry, 1866–8. Assistant to the assayer of the Royal Mint, 1868–71. Worked in the coal-tar dye industry, 1871–3 and 1877–85. Took part in the Royal Society of London’s eclipse expedition to the Nicobar Islands, 1875. Professor of chemistry, Finsbury Technical College, from 1885. Interested in protective colouring and mimicry in moths; secretary of the Entomological Society of London, 1876–80. FRS 1886. (ODNB.) 1 January [1878], 2 January [1878], 3 January 1878, 11 January [1878], 26 January 1878, 12 February [1878], 22 March 1878, 24 March [1878], 27 March [1878], 17 April 1878, 3 May 1878, 15 May [1878], 20 May [1878], 23 May 1878, 25 May 1878, 12 June [1878], 13 June 1878, 24 July [1878], 30 October 1878, 31 October [1878], 1 November 1878, 19 November [1878], 25 November [1878], 25 November 1878, 26 November [1878], 11 December 1878, 14 December [1878] Mellersh, Arthur (1812–94). Naval officer. Midshipman and mate on HMS Beagle, 1825–36. Served off the coast of Syria, then in command of HMS Rattler in the Burma campaign in 1852. Served off the coast of China in the 1850s, suppressing

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piracy, and in the Caribbean and South America before retiring in 1864. (Modern English biography; The Times, 28 September 1894, p. 4.) Mer, Émile (1841–1921). French arboriculturist. Graduated from the École forestière de Nancy in 1862. Employed in forestry administration at Chaumont en Bassigny, 1871. Left forestry administration in 1871. Returned to research at the École forestière in 1886. Retired in 1902. Member of the Société botanique de France from 1871; secretary, 1877. (Bulletin de la Société botanique de France 18 (1871): xii; 24 (1877): 1; Pardé 1982, p. 274.) Mesía, Jacinto (fl. 1870s). Spanish intellectual. Founder member of the Institución Libre de Enseñanza; secretary in 1877. (Jiménez-Landi 1996, 2: 114; letter from Eugenio Montero Ríos and Jacinto Mesía, 16 January 1878.) 16 January 1878 (and Eugenio Montero Ríos) Micheli, Marc (1844–1902). Swiss botanist. Studied botany and plant physiology at Edinburgh, Heidelberg, and Bonn, 1863–8, receiving a doctorate from Bonn in 1867 with a thesis on the composition of the pigment in chlorophyll. Translated German botanical works into French. Collaborated with Alphonse de Candolle on Monographiae phanerogamarum. Specialised in the Leguminosae of Paraguay; wrote on the flora of Paraguay, Columbia, Costa Rica, Guatemala, and Mexico. Created a garden specialising in xerophytes at his family estate at Crest, Jussy. Deputy to the great council of Geneva, 1878–86; mayor of the canton of Jussy from 1878. (C. de Candolle 1902.) Michels, John (fl. 1870–94). English-born American microscopist and journalist. Member of the Quekett Microscopical Club, 1870. Emigrated to the United States in 1871; became an American citizen in 1886. Founder of Science; editor, 1880–2. Member of the American Society of Microscopists, 1891–4. Chief microscopist, Bureau of Animal Industry, Chicago, by 1891. (Journal of the Quekett Microscopical Club 2 (1870): 89; Kohlstedt 1980; Proceedings of the American Society of Microscopists 13 (1891): 59, 216 and 15 (1894): 254; U.S. naturalization record indexes, 1791–1992 (Ancestry.com, accessed 13 May 2016).) 2 March 1878 Middleton, Robert Morton (1846–1909). Banker and naturalist. Spent part of his career in the United States, returning to England in 1896. Afterwards, spent two years in Chile on behalf of the Church Missionary Society where he collected plants; returned in 1907. Employed temporarily at the Botanical Department of the Natural History Museum, where he placed his collection of Chilean plants. (R. Desmond 1994; Proceedings of the Linnean Society of London 122 (1909–10): 94.) 22 October 1878 Miliarakis, Spyridon (1852–1919). Greek physician and botanist. MD, Athens, 1876; practised medicine in Skopje and returned to Athens to teach zoology and botany, 1876–81. Studied botany at the University of Würzburg, 1881–4; PhD in natural sciences, 1884. Lecturer and curator of botany museum, Athens, 1884–92; professor of botany at the University of Athens, 1892–1918.

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Published articles on CD’s work, including a translation of ‘Biographical sketch of an infant’ in 1877. Researched the marine algae of Greece and wrote several general natural history texts. (National and Kapodistrian University of Athens, http://www.biol.uoa.gr/istorika-stoixeia/spyridwn-mhliarakhs.html, accessed 16 November 2016.) Mill, John Stuart (1806–73). Philosopher and political economist. (DSB; ODNB.) Miller, Philip (1691–1771). Horticulturist and writer. Gardener at the Society of Apothecaries’ Physic Garden at Chelsea, 1722–70. Author of The gardeners dictionary (1732). (ODNB.) Milnes, Richard Monckton, 1st Baron Houghton (1809–85). Author and politician. Educated at Trinity College, Cambridge; London University; and in Bonn. Published poetry and prose works. MP for Pontefract, 1837–63. Created first Baron Houghton, 1863. A supporter of factory education and mechanics’ institutes. President of the Statistical Society, 1865–7. Secretary for foreign correspondence of the Royal Academy of Arts, 1878–85. FRS 1868. (ODNB.) Mirbel, Charles François Brisseau de (1776–1854). French botanist. Head gardener at Malmaison before entering the service of Louis Bonaparte, king of Holland, in 1806. Appointed professor-administrator of the Jardin des plantes, 1829. Foreign member, Royal Society of London, 1837. (DSB.) Mojsisovics von Mojsvár, Johann August Georg Edmund (Edmund) (1839–1907). Austrian geologist, palaeontologist, and alpinist. Studied law, then geology and geography. Doctorate in jurisprudence, Graz, 1864. Volunteer, Royal and Imperial Geological Institute, 1865; head of geology, 1870; vicedirector, 1892. Privat-dozent in special geology, Vienna, 1871–86. Co-founder of the journal Beiträge zur Paläontologie und Geologie Österreich-Ungarns und des Orients. Worked on Triassic cephalopods. Co-founder of the Austrian alpine club, 1862; German alpine club, 1869. (NDB; ÖBL Online.) 28 April 1878, 1 June 1878, 6 June 1878 Mommsen, August (1821–1913). German classicist. Studied classical philology at Kiel, receiving his doctorate in 1846. Secondary-school teacher and later deputy headmaster, Domschule, Schleswig. Published works on Greek and Roman history. (Biographisches Jahrbuch und deutscher Nekrolog 18 (1913): 110.) Montero Ríos, Eugenio María (1832–1914). Spanish lawyer and politician. Professor, Universidad Central, Madrid, 1864. Rector of the Institución Libre de Enseñanza, 1877–8. Held a number of government and judicial posts. (Diccionario biográfico Español.) 16 January 1878 (and Jacinto Mesía) Moore, Norman, 1st baronet (1847–1922). Physician. BA, Cambridge, 1869. MD, St Bartholomew’s Hospital, London, 1876. Warden of the college, 1873–91; lecturer in anatomy, pathology, and medicine, and physician to the hospital, 1902. Created baronet, 1919. (Alum. Cantab.; ODNB.) Moore, Spencer Le Marchant (1851–1931). Botanist. Worked at the herbarium, Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, 1872–80. Assistant editor, Journal of Botany,

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1876–9. Botanist on a prospecting expedition to Matto Grosso, Brazil, 1891–2; visited Western Australia, 1894–6. Part-time unestablished assistant at the British Museum (Natural History). Fellow of the Linnean Society of London, 1875. (R. Desmond 1994.) Moore, William James (1827/8–96). Army surgeon and author. LRCP, Edinburgh, 1859. Assistant surgeon, Bengal Medical Service, 1852; surgeon-major, 1872; deputy surgeon-general, 1877. Superintendent-general of dispensaries and vaccination, Rajpootana (Rajputana), from 1869. Author of medical textbooks. Fellow, University of Bombay. Knighted, 1888. (Hart’s army list 1873; Indian Medical Gazette 1873, List of contributors, and p. 7; Medical directory 1883, 1897; The Times, 2 June 1888, p. 14.) Moschkau, Otto Carl Alfred (Alfred) (1848–1912). German philatelist and author. Exhibited the largest collection of German stamps in Germany at that time in Dresden and founded the Association of German Philatelists, 1871. Doctorate, Leipzig, 1873. Editor and publisher of philatelic, homoeopathic, and regional journals. Founded the International Association of Philatelists, 1877. Founded a regional museum in Oybin Castle, 1879. Edited several handbooks on philately and promoted local tourism. (NDB.) 26 March 1878, 28 March 1878 Moseley, Henry Nottidge (1844–91). Naturalist. BA, Oxford (Exeter College), 1868. Travelled to Vienna with Edwin Ray Lankester to study physiology in 1869; to Leipzig in 1871. Travelled around the world on the Challenger expedition, 1872–6. Fellow, Exeter College, Oxford, from 1876. Travelled along the west coast of the United States in 1877. Assistant registrar, University of London, 1879–81. Linacre Professor of human and comparative anatomy, Oxford, 1881–7. FRS 1879. (ODNB.) 24 November 1878, 26 November [1878] Mott, Alexander Brown (1826–89). American surgeon. MD, University of Pennsylvania, 1857. Surgeon at St Vincent’s Hospital and Jews’ Hospital, New York. Attending surgeon and professor of surgical anatomy, Bellevue Hospital Medical College. (Francis 1866; Rutkow 1992, p. 190.) Müller, Emma (b. 1859). Daughter of Fritz Müller. (Möller ed. 1915–21, 3: 74.) Müller, Heinrich Ludwig Hermann (Hermann) (1829–83). German botanist and entomologist. Brother of Johann Friedrich Theodor (Fritz) Müller. Schoolteacher in Schwerin, 1854–5. Studied blind cave insects in Krain, 1855. Teacher of natural sciences at the Realschule in Lippstadt, 1855–83; became director of the school. After settling in Lippstadt, studied the local flora, in particular the mosses. CD’s Orchids directed Müller’s attention to the pollination and fertilisation of flowers, on which he published several papers and books. (Gilbert 1977; Krause 1883; Science 2 (1883): 487–8.) 1 January [1878], 5 July 1878, 20 September 1878, 25 September 1878 Müller, Hugo Heinrich Wilhelm (1833–1915). German-born chemist. Studied chemistry, physics, mineralogy, and geology at Leipzig and Göttingen. Moved to

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London in 1854 to become assistant to Warren De la Rue at the De la Rue printing company. Studied coal-tar derivatives and chlorination of benzene, and worked on dyes and inks for security printing. With De la Rue, worked on celestial photography, the development of voltaic cells, and the study of electrical discharges in gases. His work in paper-making led him to study compounds in leaves; discovered naturally occurring flavone. President of the Chemical Society, 1885–7; of the Mineralogical and Crystallographic Society of Great Britain, 1901–4. Worked in the Davy–Faraday Laboratory, attached to the Royal Institution of Great Britain, 1902–14. Assumed British nationality, 1878. FRS 1866. (ODNB.) Müller, Johann Friedrich Theodor (Fritz) (1822–97). German naturalist. Emigrated to the German colony in Blumenau, Brazil, in 1852. Taught mathematics at the Lyceum in Destêrro (now Florianópolis), 1856–67. Naturalista viajante of the National Museum, Rio de Janeiro, 1876–91. His anatomical studies on invertebrates and work on mimicry provided important support for CD’s theories. (ADB; DBE; Möller ed. 1915–21; NDB; West 2003.) 12 January 1878, 20 February 1878, 27 March 1878, 5 April 1878, 16 May 1878, 21 July 1878, 24 July 1878 Müller, Johanna Frederike Caroline (Anna) (b. 1852). German. Fritz Müller’s second daughter, and eldest daughter to survive into adulthood. Born in Germany and emigrated to Brazil when two months old. Educated by her father. Travelled to Germany in 1874 and 1878. Married in the late 1870s, becoming Anna Brockes. Lived in Blumenau, Brazil. (West 2003.) Murie, James (1832–1925). Physician and naturalist. MD, Glasgow, 1857; appointed pathologist to the Glasgow Royal Infirmary, 1857. Naturalist and medical officer on John Petherick’s expedition to the upper White Nile, 1861–3. Prosector to the Zoological Society of London, 1865–70. Assistant secretary, Linnean Society, 1876–80; librarian, 1880–8. (R. Desmond 1994; Proceedings of the Linnean Society of London (1925–6): 92–4.) Murray, John (1808–92). Publisher, and author of guide-books. CD’s publisher from 1845. (Freeman 1978; ODNB s.v. Murray family, publishers.) 1 October [1878]. See also under: Cooke, Robert Francis. Myers, Arthur Thomas (1851–94). Physician. Attended Trinity College, Cambridge, 1869–73; MD 1881. Interested in the treatment of mental disorders by hypnotism; involved in the Society for Psychical Research (founded in 1882) with his eldest brother, Frederic William Henry Myers. (ODNB.) Myers, Frederic William Henry (1843–1901). Psychical researcher and essayist. BA, Cambridge (Trinity College), 1864; fellow, Trinity College, 1865–74; college lecturer in classics, 1865–9. Founding member of the Society for Psychical Research, 1882. Author of Phantasms of the living (with Edmund Gurney and Frank Podmore, 1886), Science and a future life (1893), and Human personality and its survival of bodily death (1903). (ODNB.) Myers, Joel A. (1849–1937). American teacher and minister. BA, Union Christian College, Merom, Indiana, 1878. Minister and teacher in Missouri, 1880. Minister

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in Illinois. (Christians’ Annual for the year of our lord, 1897 (Dayton, Ohio: Christian Publishing Association), p. 112; Twenty-fifth annual catalogue of the officers and students of Union Christian College at Merom, Sullivan County, Indiana (Sullivan, Indiana: Murray Briggs and son, 1886); United States Federal Census 1880 (Tyler, Hickory, Missouri 237/498A) (Ancestry.com, accessed 14 March 2017); U.S., Find a grave index, 1600s–current (Ancestry.com, accessed 14 March 2017).) Nägeli, Carl Wilhelm von (1817–91). Swiss botanist. Maintained a teleological view of evolution. Originally studied medicine, but transferred to botany under Alphonse de Candolle at Geneva. Worked for eighteen months with Matthais Jacob Schleiden at the University of Jena, then worked in Zurich, where he collaborated with Carl Cramer, 1845–52. Professor of botany, University of Freiburg, 1852; University of Munich, 1857. (DSB s.v. Naegeli, Carl Wilhelm von.) Nash, Louisa A’hmuty (1838–1922). Author. Daughter of Henry and Mary Desborough. Married Wallis Nash in 1868; they lived in Down during part of the 1870s, and later emigrated to the US. Painted a portrait of CD in indian ink. Author of Recollections of Abraham Lincoln (1897). (BMD (Marriage index); England, select births and christenings, 1538–1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed 6 February 2015); Freeman 1978; Oregon death index 1921–1930 (Ancestry.com, accessed 6 February 2015).) Nash, Wallis (1837–1926). Lawyer and agriculturalist. Studied at New College, University of London. Lived at The Rookery, north of Down, Kent, 1873–7. Emigrated to Oregon in 1879. Practised law and farming. Involved in founding the Oregon Pacific Railroad and Oregon Agricultural College. Editorial writer for the Oregon Journal. Wrote about his travels in Oregon. (K. G. V. Smith and Dimick 1976, pp. 78–9.) 27 March 1878, 29 May 1878 Nathusius, Hermann Engelhard von (1809–79). German livestock breeder. Studied zoology at the University of Berlin, 1828–30. Turned to agriculture, specialising in cattle and horse breeding, from 1830. Director, state economic board of Saxony, and advisor to the ministry of agriculture, 1869. Chairman, agricultural institute, Berlin, and lecturer in animal husbandry from 1870. (DBE; NDB.) Nature. [21? May 1878] Naudin, Charles Victor (1815–99). French botanist. Joined the herbarium staff at the Muséum d’histoire naturelle and became professor of zoology at the Collège Chaptal, Paris, in 1846. Resigned his professorship almost immediately owing to a severe nervous disorder. Appointed aide-naturaliste at the Muséum d’histoire naturelle, 1854. Established a private experimental garden at Collioure in 1869, earning his living by selling seeds and specimens. First director of the staterun experimental garden at Antibes, 1878. Experimented widely on plants, particularly on acclimatisation and hybridity. Published a theory of transmutation based on hybridisation. (DSB; Taxonomic literature.)

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Neumayr, Melchior (1845–90). German geologist. Studied geology and palaeontology at Munich, 1863–7; DPhil. 1867. Habilitated at Heidelberg, 1872. Professor extraordinarius of palaeontology at Vienna, 1873; professor, 1879. Editor of Palaeontographia from 1887. Strong supporter of evolution theory. (OBL.) Nevill, Dorothy Fanny (1826–1913). Society hostess and horticulturist. Daughter of Horatio Walpole, third earl of Orford; married Reginald Henry Nevill in 1847. Developed a notable garden at Dangstein, near Petersfield, Hampshire, where she cultivated orchids, pitcher-plants, and other tropical plants; employed thirty-four gardeners. (ODNB.) 19 and 21 February [1878] Newton, Alfred (1829–1907). Zoologist and ornithologist. Travelled throughout northern Europe and North America on ornithological expeditions, 1854–63. Editor of Ibis, the journal of the British Ornithologists’ Union, 1865–70. Professor of zoology and comparative anatomy, Cambridge University, 1866–1907. FRS 1870. (DNB.) Newton, Francis Milner (1720–94). Portrait painter. Studied at St Martin’s Lane Academy, London. Important figure in the formation and organisation of the precursors to the Royal Academy of Arts. Served as the academy’s first secretary, 1768–88. (ODNB.) Newton, John (1725–1807). Slave-trader and clergyman. After being press-ganged aboard HMS Harwich in 1744, he transferred to a merchant vessel in the African slave trade. Worked in the onshore trade on the Guinea coast of Africa. Returned to England in 1748, and after barely surviving a storm on the voyage, converted to Christianity. Continued to work as the master of slave-trading ships until illness forced him to retire. Became a Calvinist around 1754; priest in the Church of England, 1764. Curate, Olney in Buckinghamshire, until 1780, when he accepted the benefice of St Mary Woolnoth with St Mary Woolchurch, Lombard Street, London. Supported abolition later in life. (ODNB.) Nicholson, Edward Williams Byron (1849–1912). Author and librarian. Educated at Trinity College, Oxford, 1867–71. Principal librarian, London Institution, 1873–81. Head of Bodleian Library, University of Oxford, 1882–1912. Wrote on animal rights, classical literature, and Celtic antiquities. (ODNB.) Nicholson, George (1847–1908). Gardener and botanist. Worked in gardens and nurseries in Sheffield, Paris, and Clapton. Clerk to the curator of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, 1873; curator, 1886–1901. Travelled extensively in Europe. A judge in the horticultural section of the Chicago Exhibition, 1893. Devoted much time to reorganising the arboretum at Kew under Joseph Hooker’s direction. Author of An illustrated dictionary of gardening (1884–7). (ODNB.) Nicol, James (1810–79). Scottish mineralogist and stratigrapher. Professor of geology, Queen’s College, Cork, 1849–53. Professor of natural history, University of Aberdeen, 1853–79. (ODNB.) Nicols, Robert Arthur (Arthur) (1840–91). Writer and traveller. (BMD (Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1841 (The National Archives:

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Public Record Office HO107/657/6), 1871 (RG10/1330/23/39); Correspondence vol. 19, letter from Arthur Nicols, 7 March 1871.) 18 January 1878 Noel, Gerard James (1823–1911). Politician. Conservative member of parliament for Rutland, 1843–83. Lord of the Treasury, 1866–8; parliamentary secretary of the Treasury, 1868; first commissioner of works and public buildings, 1876–80. (Burke’s peerage 2003.) Norman, Ebenezer (1835/6–1923). Schoolmaster and copyist. Schoolmaster in Down from 1854. Employed as a copyist by CD. Banker’s clerk in Deptford, 1871. (Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG9/462/73/8), 1871 (RG10/748/75/31); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 10 February 2016); Freeman 1978.) Northcote, Cecilia Frances (1823–1910). Sister of Thomas Henry Farrer. Married Stafford Northcote in 1843. (ODNB s.v. Northcote, Stafford Henry (1818–1887).) Northcote, Stafford Henry, 1st earl of Iddesleigh (1818–87). Politician. BA, Oxford, 1839. Secretary to William Ewart Gladstone from 1842 until circa 1850. Legal assistant at the Board of Trade, 1845–50. Called to the bar, 1847. Secretary of the Great Exhibition, 1850. MP for Dudley, 1855–7; Stamford, 1858–66; North Devonshire, 1866–85. Assisted Benjamin Disraeli in financial matters, 1858–81. President of the Board of Trade from 1866. Secretary of state for India, 1867–9. Elected chairman of the Hudson’s Bay Company, 1869. Chancellor of the Exchequer and a lord of the Treasury, 1874–80. First lord of the Treasury, 1885–6. Foreign minister, 1886–7. Created earl of Iddesleigh and Viscount St Cyres, 1885. FRS 1875. (ODNB.) Norton, Charles Eliot (1827–1908). American editor, literary critic, and art historian. Graduated from Harvard College in 1846. Apprenticed himself in the East India trade, travelling widely in India and Europe. Gradually shifted to a literary career; wrote, translated, and edited books; contributed to the Atlantic Monthly; co-edited the North American Review, 1863–8; and co-founded and wrote for the Nation. Travelled and lived in England and continental Europe, 1868–73. Taught history of art and literature at Harvard, 1874–98. (ANB.) Noyes, John Humphrey (1811–86). American religious and social reformer. Expelled from Yale Divinity School, 1834, for declaring that he had reached a state of sinlessness. Formed a society of Bible communists in Putney, Vermont, practising ‘complex marriage’, a form of polygamy/polyandry. Moved the community to Oneida, New York, in 1848 following charges of adultery. Moved to Canada with a small group of followers in 1879. (ANB.) Noyes, Thomas Herbert (1827–1909). Civil servant and spiritualist. BA, Oxford, 1849. Entered Lincoln’s Inn in 1853. Worked in the office of the secretary of state for the Home Office; retired by 1871. Justice of the peace for Sussex. Found guilty of libel in 1878; in the course of the trial, he stated that he had been ‘charged with lunacy, being a spiritualist and planchette writer’. Committed to

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Broadmoor asylum by 1891. Author of Hymns of modern man. (Alum. Oxon.; BMD (Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1871 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG10/82/66/9), 1891 (RG12/1008/75/10); England, select births and christenings, 1538–1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed 6 October 2017); letter from T. H. Noyes, 19 November 1878; Old Bailey Proceedings Online, August 1878, trial of Thomas Herbert Noyes (60) (t18780806-665), www.oldbaileyonline. org, version 7.2 (accessed 1 August 2017).) 19 November 1878 Ogle, Parthenia (1837–1908). Daughter of Allen and Parthenia Block. Married William Ogle in 1864. (BMD (Marriage index); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–1995 (Ancestry.com, accessed 30 June 2017); London, England, Church of England births and baptisms, 1813–1906 (Ancestry.com, accessed 30 June 2017).) Ogle, William (1827–1912). Physician and naturalist. Took holy orders in 1853. MD 1861. Lecturer on physiology at St George’s Hospital, 1858–69; assistant physician, 1869–72. Medical officer for health for East Hertfordshire, 1873–9. Superintendent of statistics, General Register Office, 1880–1903. Translated Aristotle’s On the parts of animals into English in 1882. Published on flower structure and mechanisms for fertilisation. (Alum. Oxon.; Journal of the Royal Statistical Society 75 (1912): 659–61; Szreter 1996, p. 86 n. 37.) 17 August 1878, [after 27 November 1878], 16 December [1878] Oliver, Daniel (1830–1916). Botanist. Assistant in the herbarium of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, 1858; librarian, 1860–90; keeper, 1864–90. Professor of botany, University College, London, 1861–88. FRS 1863. (R. Desmond 1994; List of the Linnean Society of London, 1859–91.) Oppel, Albert (1831–65). German palaeontologist. Studied at Tübingen, 1851–3; student of Quenstedt. Travelled in Europe. Assistant in the Bavarian State Palaeontological Collection, Munich, 1858; professor extraordinarius, 1860; professor of palaeontology, 1861. Subdivided the Jurassic system into thirty-three zones using palaeontological content rather than lithographical features, allowing deposits to be correlated across countries. (DSB.) Orundellico ( Jemmy Button) (d. 1861). A Fuegian of the Yahgan tribe. Given the name Jemmy Button. Brought to England in 1830 by Robert FitzRoy; returned to Tierra del Fuego on the Beagle in 1833. (Hazlewood 2000.) Owen, Richard (1804–92). Comparative anatomist. Assistant conservator of the Hunterian Museum, Royal College of Surgeons of England, 1827; Hunterian Professor of comparative anatomy and physiology, 1836–56. Superintendent of the natural history departments, British Museum, 1856–84; prime mover in establishing the Natural History Museum, South Kensington, 1881. President of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1858. Described the Beagle fossil mammal specimens. Knighted, 1884. FRS 1834. (DSB; ODNB.) Owen, Robert Dale (1801–77). Scottish-born American reformer and congressman. Son of the industrialist and social reformer Robert Owen. Grew up at New

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Lanark, his father’s model village set up to improve conditions for mill-workers. Left Scotland in 1825 to participate in the utopian community at New Harmony, Indiana, set up by his father. When this collapsed in 1827, he edited free-thought periodicals, and became an advocate for public education. Opened a Hall of Science in New York to provide free-thought lectures, a library, and medical advice for workers. Published the first birth-control tract in the US in 1830. Fought for women’s rights for the rest of his career. Elected to the US House of Representatives, 1843. Practised spiritualism. (ANB; ODNB.) Paley, William (1743–1805). Clergyman and philosopher. Propounded a popular system of natural theology. (DSB; ODNB.) Parker, George (1825/6–97). Accountant and businessman. Had offices at 20 Great Norwood Street, Cheltenham. (Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/2567/31/4); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 24 August 2016); Post Office directory of Gloucestershire, with Bath, Bristol, Herefordshire, and Shropshire 1879.) Parker, Mary Jr (1774–1859). Schoolteacher. Natural daughter of Erasmus Darwin and Mary Parker. Brought up in Erasmus Darwin’s household. In 1794, established a girls’ school on property purchased by Erasmus Darwin in Ashbourne, Derbyshire, with her sister, Susanna Parker. Took charge of the school in 1809, after her sister’s marriage. Retired in 1827. (King-Hele 1999.) Parker, Mary Sr (1753–1820). Companion of Erasmus Darwin between his two marriages; originally hired in 1770 to look after his youngest son, Robert; had two children by him, Susanna and Mary Parker, born in 1772 and 1774 respectively. Married Joseph Day (1745–1811), a Birmingham merchant, in 1782. (King-Hele 1999.) Parker, William Kitchen (1823–90). Comparative anatomist. A general practitioner in Pimlico, London; also did a great deal of biological research. Hunterian Professor of comparative anatomy, Royal College of Surgeons, from 1873. Known for his research on the skull. FRS 1865. (ODNB.) 18 January 1878, 20 January [1878], 20 November [1878] Parr, Edward (1827/8–88). East-India merchant. At 20 Threadneedle Street, London. In business with Moritz August Herrmann in Hamburg, Germany, trading between London, Hamburg, and Manila in the Philippines. (Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/157/46/16); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 28 April 2017); London Gazette, 7 June 1864, p. 2944.) Paul, Carl Maria (1838–1900). Austrian geologist. Studied at the University of Vienna. Editor of Verhandlungen der Kaiserlich-Königlichen Geologischen Reichsanstalt, 1873–93. His work explored the Flysch sandstone in the Eastern Alps and the Carpathian mountains. (NDB.) Payne, George (1841/2–1924). Gardener. Gardener at Abinger Hall from 1870 until at least 1914. (Burial records of St James’s, Abinger, Surrey

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(http://www.stjameschurchabinger.org, accessed 17 November 2017); Census returns of England and Wales 1871 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG10/827/79/9), 1911 (RG14/3177/50); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 16 November 2017); Kew Guild Journal 2: 50 (www.kewguild.org.uk).) Peabody, George (1795–1869). American merchant banker and philanthropist. Settled permanently in England in 1837. From 1851, gave lavish 4 July dinners that became a feature of the London social season. Made large donations to educational establishments in America and England before focusing his philanthropic efforts on housing for the poor in London. The first American to be made a freeman of the City of London, 1862. Received a gold medal from the US Congress, 1867. (ANB; ODNB.) Peters, Wilhelm Karl Hartwig (1815–83). German zoologist and explorer. Professor of zoology, Berlin, 1858. (DBE.) Pfeffer, Wilhelm Friedrich Philipp (1845–1920). German botanist and plant physiologist. Studied chemistry at Göttingen and Marburg and qualified as an apothecary before moving to Berlin and Würzburg to study botany. Appointed privat-dozent in Marburg, 1871, and began studies of plant irritability and osmosis. Appointed professor extraordinarius of pharmacy and botany, Bonn, 1873; moved to Basel in 1877, and to Tübingen in 1878. Professor of botany at the University of Leipzig, and director of the Botanical Institute, from 1887. (DSB.) Phillips-Jodrell, Thomas Jodrell (1807–89). Barrister. Born Thomas Jodrell Phillips; assumed the name and arms of Jodrell by Royal Licence in 1868. BA, Cambridge, 1829. Fellow of Trinity College, 1830. Called to the bar, 1835. Donated money for scientific research. (Alum. Cantab.; Proceedings of the Royal Society of London 46 (1889): 453.) Pickard-Cambridge, Octavius (1828–1917). Clergyman and zoologist. Ordained deacon, 1858; priest, 1859. Succeeded his father as rector of Bloxworth, Dorset, 1860. Travelled in Europe and the Middle East in 1864 and 1865 and collected Lepidoptera. An expert on spiders, on which he published numerous papers and monographs. FRS 1887. (Pickard-Cambridge 1918; Proceedings of the Royal Society series B, 91 (1920): xlix–liii.) 26 August [1878] Pinker, Henry Richard Hope (1849–1927). Sculptor. Sculpted several men of science, including CD, for the Oxford University Museum of Natural History. (Benezit dictionary of artists; ‘The statues in the court’, Oxford University Museum of Natural History (http://www.oum.ox.ac.uk/learning/htmls/statues.htm (accessed 15 February 2017)).) Pitt, William, 1st earl of Chatham (Pitt the elder) (1708–88). Politician. Prime minister of Great Britain, 1766–8. (ODNB.) Placzek, Baruch Jakob (1835–1922). Austrian rabbi. Assistant to his father as rabbi of Moravia from 1861; Landesrabinner of Moravia from 1884. Chief rabbi of Brünn, 1905. Knight of the order of Francis Joseph. Curator of the

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Israelitische-Theologische Lehranstalt of Vienna. Founder of a number of philanthropic societies and honorary member of several political societies. Published poems, a novel, and works of natural history under the pseudonym Benno Planek. (Jewish encyclopedia; NUC.) 15 September 1878 Poiteau, Pierre Antoine (Antoine) (1766–1854). French botanist. Worked as a gardener before securing a position at the Jardin des plantes, Paris. In 1796, appointed naturalist to an expedition to the French colony of Saint-Domingue (Hispaniola), where he established a botanic garden and taught himself how to draw and describe plants. Returned to Paris in 1801 with a large botanical collection, which he deposited in the Muséum d’histoire naturelle. Gardener of the nursery at Versailles, 1815. Chief gardener, Fontainebleau park, 1817. The king’s botanist and director of farming and royal residences in French Guyana, 1817–20. Published several works on his return to Paris. Professor of horticulture, Institut horticole, 1829–30. Founded Revue Horticole in 1829. Worked in particular on fruit trees. (L’Horticulteur français (1872): 103–16.) Pole, Edward Sacheverel (1718–80). Landowner. Of Radbourne, Derbyshire. Married Elizabeth Collier in 1769; she married Erasmus Darwin in 1781. (Derbyshire, England, select Church of England parish registers, 1538–1910 (Ancestry.com, accessed 8 December 2015); England, select marriages, 1538–1973 (Ancestry.com, accessed 8 December 2015).) Potonié, Henry (1857–1913). German botanist and palaeontologist. Studied botany in Berlin, 1878–81. Assistant in the Berlin Botanic Garden and Museum, 1880. Palaeobotanist with the Prussian Geological Survey, 1885. Professor of palaeobotany at the School of Mines, 1891. Published on the flora of Germany and on palaeobotany. (Barnhart comp. 1965; Nature, 27 November 1913, p. 380; Sarjeant 1980–96.) 16 April 1878, 20 April 1878 Power, John (1818–80). University administrator. BA, Cambridge, 1841; DD 1873. Fellow of Pembroke College 1841; tutor, 1852–70; master, 1870–80. Vicechancellor of Cambridge University, 1870–2, 1878–9. (Alum. Cantab.) 3 December 1878 Preston, Alfred (1826–1905). Druggist and chemist. Of London. Connected with South Place Chapel and Ethical Society, Finsbury, London, where Moncure D. Conway was minister. Provisional committee member of the Association of Liberal Thinkers, 1878. (Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/175/19/33); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 26 September 2017); letter from M. D. Conway, 18 November 1878; London, England, freedom of the city admission papers, 1681–1930 (Ancestry.com, accessed 26 September 2017).) Preyer, William Thierry (1841–97). English-born German physiologist. Studied medicine and natural science at Bonn, Heidelberg, Berlin, and Vienna. PhD,

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Heidelberg, 1862. Habilitated at Bonn, 1865. MD, Jena, 1866. Professor of physiology, Jena 1869; Berlin, 1888–94. Worked mainly on developmental physiology. A proponent of science teaching in schools. (DBE.) 25 January 1878 Price, Bartholomew (1818–98). Mathematician. Sedleian Professor of natural philosophy at Oxford, 1853. Secretary of Oxford University Press, 1868–84. FRS 1852. (ODNB.) Price, John (1803–87). Scholar, schoolteacher, and naturalist. Educated at Shrewsbury School with CD, 1818–22; BA, Cambridge (St John’s College), 1826. Assistant master, Shrewsbury, 1826–7. Headmaster of the junior department at Bristol College, then classics principal at Liverpool High School, before settling in Chester. A founding member of the Chester Natural Science Society. Member of the Plymouth Brethren. (Alum. Cantab.; Eagle (St John’s College, Cambridge) 15 (1888): 169–72; Modern English biography.) 10 February [1878], 2 April [1878] Priestley, Joseph (1733–1804). Theologian and natural scientist. Educated for the dissenting ministry and spent most of his adult life as a teacher or preacher. Prolific writer on theology, history, education, metaphysics, and scientific subjects. Became the chief propagandist for Unitarian beliefs in England. Increasing signs of political persecution prompted his emigration to the United States in 1794. (DSB; ODNB.) Pringsheim, Nathanael (1823–94). German botanist. PhD, Berlin, 1848; privat-dozent, 1851; professor extraordinarius, 1864. Professor and director of the botanic garden, Jena, 1864–9; director, phytophysiological institute, 1865–9. Founding editor, Jahrbücher für wissenschaftliche Botanik, 1857–94. A founder and president of the German botanical society, 1882–94. Helped establish the biological station at Helgoland. Worked on algal sexuality and later on the function of chlorophyll. (NDB; DSB.) Proctor, Richard Anthony (1837–88). Astronomer and science writer. BA, theology, King’s College, London, 1856. BA, Cambridge, 1860. Admitted to Lincoln’s Inn, 1858. Turned to astronomy and popular science writing after losing his money by failure of a New Zealand bank, 1866. Founded Knowledge, a weekly scientific periodical, in 1881. Taught mathematics at private military school in Woolwich, and toured in America and Australia, lecturing on science. Lived in Missouri and then Florida from 1881. (Alum. Cantab.; ODNB.) Pucananlacitanjiz (William Beckenham Button) (b. c. 1869). Fuegian. Grandson of Orundellico ( Jemmy Button). Orphaned at the age of 8. Lived at the orphanage established by the South American Mission Society at Ushuaia in the Beagle Channel, Patagonia. Renamed William Beckenham when support was provided for him by the Beckenham and Shortlands Association. (Hazlewood 2000, p. 343; South American Missionary Magazine, 1 March 1877, p. 76; 1 February 1878, p. 32; 1 October 1879, p. 223.)

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Pusey, Edward Bouverie (1800–82). Clergyman and university professor. Regius professor of Hebrew, Oxford, from 1828. Ordained and installed as a canon of Christ Church, 1828. Member of the Oxford Movement. (ODNB.) Quatrefages de Bréau, Jean Louis Armand (Armand de Quatrefages) (1810–92). French zoologist and anthropologist. Doctorate in the physical sciences, University of Strasbourg, 1830; MD 1832. Founded Journal de médecine et de chirurgie de Toulouse, 1836. Moved to Paris and took a doctorate in the natural sciences, 1840. Professor of natural history at the Lycée Henri IV, Paris, 1850; professor of anthropology, Muséum d’histoire naturelle, 1855. Foreign member, Royal Society of London, 1879. (DSB; Record of the Royal Society of London.) Rachinskiĭ, Sergei Alexandrovich (Сергей Александрович Рачинский) (1833–1902). Russian botanist and educator. Received an advanced degree in botany in Moscow in 1859 with a thesis on movement in plants; professor of plant physiology, Moscow, 1859–67. Translated Origin into Russian, 1864. Resigned from the university for political reasons. Returned to Tatevo, Smolensk, his birthplace, where he founded a school for village childeren and contributed to the development of pedagogy. Corresponding member, Russian Academy of Sciences, 1891. (Bol’shaya entsiklopediya; Rogers 1988, p. 257 n.) Radetzky, Joseph (1766–1851). Austrian general. Served in the Napoleonic wars, becoming chief of staff of the Austrian army in 1809. Commanded Austrian troops against Italian forces at Custoza, 1848, and Novarra, 1849. (EB.) Radovanović, Marinko (fl. 1830–70s). Father of Milan Marinković Radovanović, CD’s Serbian translator. (Letter from Marinko Radovanović, 30 August 1878.) 30 August 1878 Radovanović, Milan Marinković (Milan) (1849–78). Serbian doctor and writer. Studied medicine in Berlin, after which he served in the Serbo-Turkish War in 1876. Translated Origin into Serbian. (Correspondence vol. 22, letter from M. M. Radovanović, 17 September 1874; PONS Medical Journal 9 (2012) supplement 1: 25.) [before 12 February 1878] Rais, Gilles de (Gilles de Retz) (1404–40). French noble. Breton baron, marshal of France. Fought several battles with Joan of Arc; retired to Brittany after her capture. Arrested in 1440 and tried before both ecclesiastical and civil courts for Satanism, abduction, and child murder. Condemned for heresy and sentenced to death for murder by the civil court. (EB (1970).) Ramsay, Andrew Crombie (1814–91). Geologist. Appointed to the Geological Survey of Great Britain, 1841; senior director for England and Wales, 1862; director-general, 1872–81. Professor of geology, University College, London, 1847–52; lecturer on geology at the Royal School of Mines, 1852–71. President of the Geological Society of London, 1862–4. Knighted, 1881. FRS 1862. (DSB; ODNB.) 3 November 1878

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Randolph, Richard (1822–1906). American poet. Lived in Philadelphia. A Quaker. (CDEL.) 19 and 20 February 1878, 23 August 1878 Ray, John (1627–1705). Naturalist and theologian. Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, 1649–62. Ordained priest, 1660, but did not accept a church position. Studied natural philosophy, especially botany, with the support of Francis Willoughby. Travelled through England, Scotland, and Wales in the summers of 1660 to 1663, and in mainland Europe with Willoughby, 1663–6. Produced a catalogue of English plants, and collaborated with Willoughby on several natural history works and accounts of their travels. Developed a system of classification. A proponent of natural theology. FRS 1667. (ODNB.) Reade, Thomas Mellard (1832–1909). Architect and geologist. Draughtsman for the London and North Western railway company, 1853–60. Set up in private practice as an architect and civil engineer, 1860; architect to the Liverpool School Board, 1870–1902. Joined the Liverpool Geological Society in 1870; fellow of the Geological Society of London, 1872; awarded its Murchison medal, 1896. Worked on local glacial and post-glacial deposits, and published nearly 200 scientific papers, including The origin of the mountain ranges (1886). (ODNB.) 18 February 1878, 20 February [1878], 8 April 1878 Reeve, Henry (1813–95). Translator and magazine editor. Familiar with British and European literary circles. Translated Alexis de Toqueville’s De la démocracie en Amérique (1835, 1840). Leader writer and foreigh correspondent to The Times, 1840–55. Editor of the Edinburgh Review, 1855–95. (ODNB.) Reinwald, Charles-Ferdinand (1812–91). German-born bookseller and editor. Founded a business exporting French books in Paris in 1849. Editor in particular of foreign scientific works, and of the Dictionnaire universel de la langue française, by M. P. Poitevin. Published the Catalogue annuel de la librairie française. (Dictionnaire universel des contemporains.) 8 October 1878 Reynolds, Joshua (1723–92). Portrait-painter. (ODNB.) Rich, Anthony (1804–91). Solicitor, author, and antiquary. BA, Cambridge (Caius College), 1825. Honorary fellow, Caius College, 1886. Admitted at Lincoln’s Inn, 1824. Lived in Italy, 1842–9. Published antiquarian works. Left nearly all of his property to CD’s heirs. (Alum. Cantab.; Freeman 1978; London, England, Church of England baptisms, marriages and burials, 1538–1812 (Ancestry.com, accessed 7 July 2017).) 7 December 1878, 9 December 1878, 10 December 1878, 12 December 1878, 25 December 1878, 29 December 1878 Rich, Fanny Ricarda (1813–96). Wife of Francis Henry Rich. Anthony Rich’s sister-in-law. (England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 18 July 2017); England, select marriages, 1538–1973 (Ancestry.com, accessed 18 July 2017); Gloucestershire, England, Church of England baptisms, 1813–1913 (Ancestry.com, accessed 18 July 2017).)

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Rich, Francis Henry (1802–78). Civil servant. Brother of Anthony Rich. Clerk in the registrar’s office, Court of Chancery, 1851; senior clerk, 1861. Living on his own means, 1871. Married Frances Ricarda Wetherall (1813–96) in 1842. (Census returns of England and Wales 1851 (The National Archives: Public Record Office HO107/1593/68/22), 1861 (RG9/2538/27/12), 1871 (RG10/1106/124/37); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 7 July 2017); England, select marriages, 1538–1973 (Ancestry.com, accessed 7 July 2017); Gloucestershire, England, Church of England baptisms, 1813–1913 (Ancestry.com, accessed 7 July 2017); London, England, Church of England baptisms, marriages and burials, 1538–1812 (Ancestry.com, accessed 7 July 2017).) Richard, Louis Claude Marie (Louis Claude) (1754–1821). French botanist. Studied mineralogy, zoology, comparative anatomy, and botany at the Collège Mazarin in Paris. Sent by the French government to French Guiana, where he was director of the botanic garden and took part in expeditions in that country, parts of Brazil, and the Antilles, 1781–9. Professor of botany at the École de médicine, Paris, 1795. ( JSTOR Global Plants, plants.jstor.org (accessed 24 June 2016); Urban ed. 1898–1928, 3: 111–12.) Richardson, Henry Downing (b. c. 1817 d. 1849). Irish naturalist and writer. Son of Alexander Richardson and Lucinda Siree, who married in Dublin in 1816. Lived in Edinburgh in his youth; member of the Holyrood Gymnastic Club and a champion in the running high leap, 1836. Resident in Dublin, 1840s. Wrote on deer, dogs, bees, pigs, horses, and boys’ sports. His niece was the Australian writer Henry Handel Richardson. (CDEL; A. Clark 1990, p. 12; Dublin, Ireland, probate record and marriage license index, 1270–1858 (Ancestry.com, accessed 20 December 2016); Scotsman, 10 August 1836, p. 3; Thom’s Irish almanac 1849.) Ridding, George (1828–1904). Headmaster, classicist, and clergyman. Educated at Winchester College and Balliol College, Oxford. Mathematical fellow of Exeter College, Oxford, 1851. Won the Latin essay prize in 1853; DD 1869. Tutor at Exeter College, 1853–63; helped develop the modern tutorial system. Second master at Winchester College, 1866; headmaster, 1866. Introduced history, modern languages, and natural sciences to the college. Chairman of the standing committee of the Headmasters’ Conference, 1870–4. A founder of the Oxford and Cambridge schools examination board, 1873. (ODNB.) Ridley, Henry Nicholas (1855–1956). Economic botanist. BA, natural science, Oxford (Exeter College), 1878. Employed in the botanical department, British Museum, 1880. Participated in an expedition to Brazil sponsored by the Royal Society of London, 1887. Director, botanical gardens, Singapore, 1888. Travelled in the Malay Peninsula as well as Borneo, Burma, India, Egypt, Java, and Jamaica. Helped to establish the rubber plantation industry in Malaya. Founder and editor, Agricultural Bulletin of the Straits and Federated Malay States, 1901. FRS 1907. (Agricultural Bulletin of the Straits and Federated Malay States n.s. 1 (1901): i; ODNB.) [before 28 November 1878], 28 November 1878

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Rimpau, Arnold Dietrich Wilhelm (Wilhelm) (1842–1903). German farmer and plant breeder. Studied agriculture at the Academy of Agriculture, Bonn-Poppelsdorf, 1861–3; economics, physics, and meteorology at Berlin, 1863–4. Caretaker of the domain Schlanstedt, 1865–8; co-leaseholder, 1868; leaseholder, 1877–1903. Landowner of manor Langenstein, 1892–1903. Co-founder of the Deutsche Landwirtschafts-Gesellschaft (German Agricultural Society). Developed new varieties of wheat, rye, barley, oats, peas, and sugar beets. Developed the first fertile wheat–rye cross (triticale) Received an honorary doctorate from Halle for his work in plant breeding. (Magdeburger biographisches Lexikon, www. uni-magdeburg.de/mbl/ (accessed 14 September 2015); Virtual Laboratory des Max-Planck-Instituts für Wissenschaftsgeschichte, vlp.mpiwg-berlin.mpg.de/ people/data?id=per432 (accessed 14 September 2015).) Rippon, Robert Henry Fernando (b. c. 1836 d. 1917). Naturalist and zoological illustrator. Travelled extensively making entomological collections. (Kirk-Spriggs 1995.) Rita, A. (fl. 1870s). Private medium. Exposed as a fraud and accomplice of Charles E. Williams at a séance in Amsterdam, 1878, where he impersonated the spirit John King. (Melton ed. 1996.) Roby, Henry John (1830–1915). Educational reformer and classical scholar. Educated at Bridgnorth grammar school and St John’s College, Cambridge. Fellow of St John’s College, Cambridge, 1854; lecturer, 1855. Member then secretary of the syndicate that set up the Cambridge local examinations. Second master, Dulwich College, 1861–5. Compiled a Latin grammar. Professor of jurisprudence, University College, London, 1866–8. Secretary to the endowed schools inquiry commission, 1869; commissioner, 1872–4. Supported the founding of Girton College, Cambridge, and the Manchester High School for Girls. Succeeded Friedrich Engels as junior partner in Ermen and Engels, a firm of sewing-cotton manufacturers in Manchester, 1874–94. Served on the council of Owens College, and as a governor of Manchester Grammar School. (ODNB.) Rogers, George (1828–78). Solicitor. Of 92 Adelaide Road, London, and 5 Fancy Lane, Calcutta. Took an interest in plant chemistry. Brother of J. I. Rogers. (Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG9/109/4/8); Correspondence vol. 10, letter from George Rogers, 4 June 1868; Correspondence vol. 24, letter from J. I. Rogers, 10 October 1876; England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 13 October 2015); India, select births and baptisms (Ancestry. com, accessed 26 February 2016); The Times, 10 September 1857, p. 6.) Rogers, John Innes (1840–1912). Wholesale grocer. Brother of George Rogers. Wholesale grocer’s clerk, 1861; wholesale grocer, 1891. (Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG9/109/4/8), 1891 (RG12/632/52/53); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 13 October 2015); London, England, births and baptisms, 1813–1906 (Ancestry.com, accessed 13 October 2015).)

Biographical register

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25 March 1878 (to Francis Darwin), 29 March 1878 (to Francis Darwin), 6 June 1878 (to Francis Darwin), 2 July 1878 (to Francis Darwin) Rolleston, George (1829–81). Physician and physiologist. Appointed physician to the British Civil Hospital at Smyrna (Izmir), Turkey, 1855, during the Crimean War. Physician to Radcliffe Infirmary, Oxford, and Lee’s Reader in anatomy at Christ Church, Oxford, 1857. Linacre Professor of anatomy and physiology, Oxford University, 1860–81. FRS 1862. (ODNB.) 16 August 1878 Romanes, Ethel. See Duncan, Ethel. Romanes, George John (1848–94). Evolutionary biologist. Of independent means. BA, Cambridge, 1871. Struggled to combine scientific reason and Christian faith. Carried out physiological studies on jellyfish, and wrote on the evolutionary psychology of animals and humans. Studied under John Scott Burdon Sanderson, 1874–6. Honorary secretary of the Physiological Society, set up to influence legislation on vivisection, 1876. FRS 1879. (Alum. Cantab.; DSB; ODNB; Record of the Royal Society of London.) [20 January 1878?], 7 March 1878, 9 April [1878], 10 April 1878, 15 April [1878], 11 [May 1878], 13 May [1878], 16 June [1878], 18 June 1878, 19 June [1878], 21 June 1878, 17 August 1878, 20 August 1878, 29 August 1878, 2 September [1878], 10 September 1878, 14 September [1878], 21 September [1878], 1 October [1878], 20 [November 1878], 5 December [1878], [8] December 1878, 11 December [1878], 27 December [1878] Romanes, Georgina Isabella (1842–78). Born in Ontario, Canada. Sister of George John Romanes. (UK and Ireland, Find a grave index, 1300s–current (accessed Ancestry.com, 24 August 2016).) Romanes, Isabella Gair Rose (1810–83). Scottish. Daughter of the Rev. Robert Smith, parish minister of Cromarty. Married, in Canada, the Rev. George Romanes; mother of George John Romanes. The family returned to London in 1848. (E. D. Romanes 1896, pp. 1–2, 148; UK and Ireland, Find a grave index, 1300s–current (Ancestry.com, accessed 27 February 2017).) Routh, Edward John (1831–1907). Mathematician. BA, Cambridge, 1854; senior wrangler, James Clerk-Maxwell coming second. From 1862 until his retirement from coaching in 1888 he was the best-known mathematics tutor at Cambridge, having twenty-eight senior wranglers and forty-three Smith prizemen among his pupils. (Alum. Cantab.; DNB.) Roxburgh, William (1751–1815). Scottish botanist and surgeon. Medical officer with the Madras Medical Service, 1776–80. Superintendent, Samulcotta Botanic Garden, 1781–93. Chief botanist to the East India Company and superintendent of the Calcutta Botanic Garden, 1793–1813. (R. Desmond 1994; ODNB.) Rudolph, crown prince of Austria (1858–89). Son of Emperor Franz Joseph I and his wife, Empress Elizabeth. Interested in the natural sciences and liberal causes. Committed suicide. (OBL.)

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Russell, Arthur John Edward (1825–92). Politician. Brother of the ninth duke of Bedford, Hastings Russell. Granted the rank of a duke’s younger son. Private secretary to Lord John Russell, 1849–54. Liberal MP for Tavistock, 1857–85. Member of the Royal Geographical, Linnean, and Zoological Societies of London, and the Anthropological Institute. (Grant Duff 1903, 2: 112–28; Stenton 1976.) Russell, Denise Juliette Laure (Laura) (1836/7–1910). Born in Brussels, the daughter of Vicomte Jules de Peyronnet and Frances de Peyronnet (ODNB). Married Lord Arthur Russell in Paris in 1865. (Burke’s peerage; Census returns of England and Wales 1871 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG10/101/80/4); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 1 November 2017); UK, foreign and overseas registers of British subjects, 1628–1969 (Ancestry.com, accessed 1 November 2017).) Russell, Francis Charles Hastings (Hastings), 9th duke of Bedford (1819–91). Agriculturalist. MP for Bedfordshire, 1847–72. Succeeded to the dukedom in 1872. Carried out agricultural experiments on his estate at Woburn. President of the Royal Agricultural Society from 1879. (ODNB s.v. Russell, Lord George William.) Sachs, Julius (1832–97). German botanist and plant physiologist. PhD, Prague, 1856. Research assistant, forestry academy, Tharandt, 1859. Professor of botany, agricultural training institute, Poppelsdorf, 1861; professor, Freiburg im Breisgau, 1867; Wurzburg, 1868. Founded the institute of plant physiology, Wurzburg. Ennobled, 1877. (DBE; DSB.) Sachsse, George Robert (Robert) (1840–95). German agricultural chemist. DPhil., Leipzig, 1862. Worked at the agricultural research station, Möckern, 1862–3; at the chemical factory in Leipzig-Plagwitz, 1863–5. Assistant at the agricultural–chemical laboratory, University of Leipzig, 1866–71. Habilitated in agricultural chemistry, University of Leipzig, 1871; lecturer in agricultural chemistry, 1871–84; professor extraordinarius, 1884–95. (Professorenkatalog der Universität Leipzig, research.uni-leipzig.de/catalogus-professorum-lipsiensium/ (accessed 22 March 2017).) Sackville-West, Lionel Sackville, 2d Baron Sackville-West (1827–1908). Diplomatist. Employed in the Foreign Office from 1845. Attaché to the British legation at Lisbon, 1847; Naples, 1848; Stuttgart, 1852; Berlin, 1853. Secretary of the legation at Turin, 1858; Madrid, 1864. Secretary of the embassy at Berlin, 1867; Paris, 1868. British envoy at Buenos Aires, 1873; Madrid, 1878; Washington 1881–8. Retired in 1889. Succeeded his brother as the second Baron SackvilleWest in 1888. Knighted, 1885. (ODNB.) Salkowski, Ernst Leopold (1844–1923). German physiological chemist. Studied medicine in Königsberg, receiving his doctorate in 1867. Studied in Vienna, Tübingen, and Heidelberg before becoming an assistant at the chemical laboratory of the Pathological Institute for Medical Chemistry in Berlin in 1872.

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Professor extraordinarius of medical chemistry, Berlin, 1874. Head of the chemical laboratory, Pathological Institute for Medical Chemistry, 1880. Honorary professor of physiology, 1909. Recognised the basic differences in metabolism of herbivores and carnivores, discovered tissue autolysis, and studied the chemistry of urine. (NDB.) Sanguinetti, Herbert Samuel (1848–1936). Financial agent and paper manufacturer. Son of Isaac Sanguinetti of Jamaica and his wife, Harrietta; born in London. Family wealth derived from West Indian slavery. In business as a financial agent in London in the 1870s; lent money at high rates of interest. Founded the Universal Barrel Company at Two Waters Mill, London, in 1888. Established the British Paper Company at Frogmore Mill, Hemel Hempstead, in 1890. Severed his connections with the company in 1898 due to financial troubles. (BMD (Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1851 (The National Archives: Public Record Office HO107/1499/348/4); 1881 (RG11/178/107/54); Manchester Times, 17 June 1882, p. 3; Pilkington 1990, pp. 3, 28–9, 67; Post Office London directory 1878.) July 1878 Herbert Sanguinetti & Co. Financial agents. At 6a Vigo Street, London, 1878, and 13 Pall Mall, 1879. (Post Office directory of London 1878, 1879.) Saporta, Louis Charles Joseph Gaston (Gaston) de, comte de (1823–96). French palaeobotanist. Specialist on the Tertiary and Jurassic flora. Wrote extensively on the relationship between climatic change and palaeobotany. (DSB.) 31 January 1878, 4 February [1878], 16 February 1878, 9 August 1878, 15 August 1878, 22 December 1878 Sayre, Lewis Albert (1828–1900). American surgeon. MD, College of Physicans and Surgeons, New York, 1842. A founder of Bellevue Hospital Medical College and a member of the faculty, 1845–61. (American medical biography (1984).) Sayre, Lewis Hall (1851–90). American surgeon. Son of Lewis Albert Sayre. MD, Bellevue Hospital Medical College, New York, 1876. A founder and secretary of the American Orthopaedic Assocation. (Directory of deceased American physicians, 1804–1929 (Ancestry.com, accessed 30 March 2017); U.S. passport applications, 1795–1925 (Ancestry.com, accessed 30 March 2017); Zampini and Sherk 2008.) Schacht, Hermann (1814–64). German botanist. Pharmacist until 1847. Private lecturer, Berlin, 1853–60. Professor of botany and director of the botanical garden at Bonn, 1860–4. Specialised in plant anatomy and embryology. (Taxonomic literature.) Scherzer, Julie Karoline (1820–1900). Née Kohn; married Karl von Scherzer in 1866. (NDB s.v. Scherzer, Karl von.) Scherzer, Karl von (1821–1903). Austrian scientific traveller and diplomat. Principal scientist of the Novara expedition. Austrian consul in London, 1875–8. (BLKO.) 4 January 1878, 1 April 1878, 26 April 1878 Schiller, Johann Christoph Friedrich (Friedrich) (1759–1805). German poet, historian, and philosopher. (NDB.)

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Schimmelpenninck, Mary Anne (1778–1856). Author. First child of Samuel Galton (1753–1832) and his wife, Lucy Barclay, Quakers. Married Lambert Schimmelpenninck in 1806. Baptised Methodist, 1808; joined the Moravians, 1818. Works included The theory and classification of beauty and deformity (1815) and Narrative of the demolition of the monastery of Port Royal des Champs (1816). Criticised of the character of Erasmus Darwin, whom she knew when she was a child, in her posthumously published autobiography. (Hankin ed. 1858; ODNB.) Schleiden, Matthias Jacob (1804–81). German botanist, author, and lecturer. Trained and practised as a lawyer but abandoned the profession in 1833 for medical and botanical studies at Göttingen and Berlin. Honorary professor of botany, University of Jena, 1846; professor, 1850–62. Professor of plant chemistry, University of Dorpat, 1863–4. Thereafter a private lecturer, residing in various German cities. (ADB; DBE; DSB.) Schmidt, Eduard Oskar (Oskar) (1823–86). German zoologist. Professor extraordinarius of zoology, Jena, 1849; director of the zoological museum, 1851. Professor of zoology and comparative anatomy, Graz, 1857; director of the agricultural and zoological museum, 1863. Professor of zoology and zootomy, Strasbourg, 1872. His major research interest was the anatomy of sponges. His inaugural lecture supporting Darwinism, made in 1865 at the University of Graz, led to conflict with the Catholic Church in Austria and sparked a wider debate between Catholics and German nationalists at the university. (ADB; OBL.) Schobloch, Anton (b. 1861). Prague-born industrialist and astronomer. Son of Anton Schobloch, industrialist. Doctorate in mathematics, German University of Prague, 1883. (Bečvářová 2016, p. 202; Deutsche Biographie, https:// www.deutsche-biographie.de/sfzS07559.html (accessed 29 May 2017); OBL s.v. Schobloch, Anton (1835–1900).) 9 March 1878 Schreiber, Ferdinand (1835–1914). Publisher. Ran J. F. Schreiber, a company publishing picture books and teaching aids, after the death of his father, Johann Ferdinand Schreiber (1809–67). (ADB s.v. Schreiber, Johann Ferdinand; Landesbibliographie Baden-Württemberg online, http://www.statistik. baden-wuerttemberg.de/LABI/PDB.asp?ID=139892 (accessed 14 February 2018).) Schwann, Theodor Ambrose Hubert (1810–82). German physiologist. MD, Berlin, 1834; became one of Johannes Peter Müller’s research assistants. Professor of general and descriptive anatomy, Louvain, Belgium, 1839. Professor of general and descriptive anatomy, Liège, 1849–72; of embryology, 1858–77; of physiology, 1858–79. Discovered pepsin and was one of the founders of cell theory. (DBE; NDB.) Sclater, Philip Lutley (1829–1913). Lawyer and ornithologist. One of the founders of Ibis, the journal of the British Ornithologists’ Union, 1858; editor, 1858–65 and 1878–1912. Secretary of the Zoological Society of London, 1860–1903. FRS 1861. (DSB; Scherren 1905.)

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Scott, Charles Brodrick (1825–94). College head. Educated at Eton College and Trinity College, Cambridge. Fellow of Trinity College, 1849; assistant tutor, 1852–5. Ordained deacon, 1854. Headmaster of Westminster School, 1855–83. Prebendary, St Paul’s, 1873–94. (Alum. Cantab.) Scott, John (1836–80). Scottish botanist. Gardener at several different country estates, before becoming foreman of the propagating department at the Royal Botanic Garden, Edinburgh, in 1859. Through CD’s patronage emigrated to India in 1864, and worked briefly on a Cinchona plantation before taking a position as curator of the Calcutta botanic garden in 1865. Seconded to the opium department, 1872–8. Carried out numerous botanical experiments and observations on CD’s behalf. Fellow of the Linnean Society of London, 1873. (Lightman ed. 2004; ODNB.) Sedgwick, Maria Theodora (Theodora) (1851–1916). American. Daughter of Sara Ashburner (d. 1856) and the American legal theorist Theodore Sedgwick (d. 1859). Grew up in New York and with her aunts in Massachusetts. Sister of William Erasmus Darwin’s wife, Sara. (Massachusetts, town and vital records, 1620–1988 (Ancestry.com, accessed 17 August 2016); Turner 1999, p. 172.) Semper, Anna Sophia (1826–1909). German. Née Herrmann. Married Carl Gottfried Semper in Manila in the Philippines, 1863. (Dürbeck 2007, p. 134; Hamburg, Germany, deaths, 1874–1950 (Ancestry.com, accessed 11 October 2017).) Semper, Carl Gottfried (1832–93). German zoologist. Studied engineering, Hannover, 1851–4. Studied zoology, histology, and comparative anatomy, University of Würzburg; completed his thesis in 1856. Travelled in the Philippines and Palau Islands, 1858–65, and acquired zoological and ethnographical collections. Appointed privat-dozent, University of Würzburg, 1866; professor and director of the Zoological Institute, 1869. Published on zoology (especially molluscs), geography, and ethnography. (DSB.) 19 July 1878, 22 July 1878, 24 July [1878], 5 October 1878, 26 November [1878], 30 November 1878, 6 December 1878, [after 6 December 1878] Sherlock, Thomas Travers (1830–82). Surgeon. BA, Trinity College, Dublin, 1852. MRCS, 1852. Appointed assistant surgeon in the Indian Medical Service, 1856; surgeon, 1868; surgeon major, 1873; retired to Bristol in 1880. His eldest son was Thomas Travers Sherlock (1853–1916). (England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 25 January 2017); UK, roll of the Indian Medical Service, 1615–1930 (Ancestry.com, accessed 25 January 2017).) 9 April 1878 (?) Sherlock, Thomas Travers (1853–1915). Congregational minister. Born in Dublin, son of Thomas Travers Sherlock (1830–82), surgeon. BA, London, 1875. Minister in Smethick, Staffordshire, 1883–1915. Prominent Christian Socialist. Advocated land reform and trade unionism. (Census returns of England and Wales 1911 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG14/17960/398); Congregational Year Book 1916, pp. 188–9; D’Alroy Jones 1968, p. 320; Irish

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church records (IrishGenealogy.ie, accessed 25 January 2017); University of London Historical Record 1836–1926, http://www.senatehouselibrary.ac.uk/ our-collections/special-collections/archives-manuscripts/university-oflondon-students-1836-1934 (accessed 25 January 2017); .) 9 April 1878 (?) Simon, John (1816–1904). Surgeon and public-health officer. Apprentice at St Thomas’s Hospital, London, 1833–9; demonstrator in anatomy at King’s College, London, 1839–47; senior assistant surgeon, King’s College Hospital, 1840–53; lecturer in anatomical pathology at St Thomas’s Hospital, 1847–71; full surgeon at St Thomas’s, 1863–76. President of the Pathological Society, 1867. Council of the Royal College of Surgeons of England, 1868–80; president, 1878. First medical officer of health to the Sewers Commission of the City of London from 1848; chief medical officer of the Board of Health and its successors, 1855–76. Important sanitary reformer and publiciser of public-health problems. Knighted, 1887. (ODNB.) 25 February 1878 Skertchly, Sydney Barber Josiah (1850–1926). Geologist. Attended the Royal School of Mines, London. Assistant curator to the Geological Society of London; assistant geologist to the khedive of Egypt from late 1869. Geologist in the Fenlands and East Anglia for the Geological Survey of Great Britain in the 1870s. Member of the Geological Society of London, 1871. Went to California, Borneo, and China as a geologist. Moved to Brisbane, Australia, in 1891. Assistant government geologist in the Geological Survey of Queensland, 1895–7. President of the Royal Society of Queensland, 1898. Retired to Nerang district in 1917. (Aust. dict. biog.) 27 February 1878, 2 March 1878, 4 March 1878, 17 March 1878 Smith, Charles Hamilton (1776–1859). Flemish-born army officer and writer on natural history. Wrote on historical costume and war, and produced many natural history illustrations. Knighted, 1834. FRS 1824. (ODNB.) Smith, Frederick (1805–79). Entomologist. Entomologist in the zoology department of the British Museum from 1849. Specialised in the Hymenoptera. President of the Entomological Society of London, 1862–3. (Entomologist 12 (1879): 89–92; Gilbert 1977.) 12 March 1878, 14 March 1878 Smith, Henry John Stephen (1826–83). Irish mathematician. Fellow of Balliol College, Oxford, 1849; lecturer in mathematics, 1850–73. Savilian Professor of geometry, University of Oxford, 1860. Fellow of Corpus Christi College, Oxford, 1873. Member of the Royal Commission on Scientific Instruction, 1870–5. FRS 1861. (DSB; ODNB.) Smith, John (1821–88). Scottish gardener. Gardener to the duke of Roxburgh; to the duke of Northumberland at Syon House, Middlesex, 1859–64. Curator, Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, 1864–86. (R. Desmond 1994.) Smith, Stephen (1823–1922). American surgeon and sanitary reformer. MD, College of Physicians and Surgeons, New York, 1850–1. Attending surgeon,

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Bellevue Hospital, 1854–96. Editor, New York Journal of Medicine, 1857–60; American Medical Times, 1860–4. Chief founder and president, 1872–4, of the American Public Health Association. (ANB.) Smithsonian Institution. 10 July 1878 (from R. A. Blair) Smyth, James David Hirst (1837/8–1908). Clergyman. Unitarian minister of Newington Green Chapel, London, 1881. Provisional committee member of the Association of Liberal Thinkers, 1878. (Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/168/65/15); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 28 September 2017); letter from M. D. Conway, 18 November 1878.) Sorby, Henry Clifton (1826–1908). Geologist. Pioneered microscopic petrology. President of the Geological Society, 1878–80. Established the chair of geology at Sheffield University. FRS 1857. (DNB; DSB.) Spencer, Herbert (1820–1903). Philosopher. Apprenticed as a civil engineer on the railways, 1837–41. Became subeditor of the Pilot, a newspaper devoted to the suffrage movement, in 1844. Subeditor of the Economist, 1848–53. From 1852, author of books and papers on transmutation theory, philosophy, and the social sciences. (DSB; ODNB.) Spitzka, Edward Charles (1852–1914). American neurologist and psychiatrist. MD, New York University, 1873. Studied in Leipzig and Vienna, 1873–6. Professor of anatomy, physiology, and medical jurisprudence, New York Post-Graduate Medical College, 1882–7. (American medical biography (1984).) Spottiswoode, William (1825–83). Mathematician and physicist. Succeeded his father as queen’s printer in 1846. Throughout his life pursued mathematical studies in which he supplied new proofs of known theorems and also did important original work; produced a series of memoirs on the contact of curves and surfaces. President of the mathematical section of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1865; of the Royal Society of London, 1878–83. FRS 1853. (DNB.) 7 July [1878], 10 July 1878, 3 December 1878 Sprengel, Christian Konrad (1750–1816). German botanist. Rector of the Great Lutheran Town School, Spandau, where he taught languages and natural science, 1780–94. Moved to Berlin, where he worked as a private tutor. Published his major work on insect-aided fertilisation of flowers in 1793. (ADB; DSB.) Stahl, Christian Ernst (Ernst) (1848–1919). Alsatian-born German botanist. Received his doctorate in botany from Strasbourg, 1873. Julius Sachs’s assistant, Würzburg, 1874; habilitated, 1877. Professor extraordinarius of botany, Strasbourg, 1880. Professor of botany and director of the botanic garden, Jena, 1881. Travelled to Java, where he collected mosses and liverworts, 1889–90; Mexico, 1894. Worked on various aspects of plant physiology, development, and ecology. (NDB.)

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Stanford, Edward (1827–1904). Publisher and map maker. Fellow of the Royal Geographical Society from 1853; published their Proceedings. Published maps and geographical works from his premises in Charing Cross Road, London. (ODNB.) Stanhope, Philip Henry, 5th Earl Stanhope (1805–75). Historian and politician. Styled Viscount Mahon from 1816 until 1855, when he succeeded to the earldom. Tory MP for Wootton Bassett, 1830–2; for Hertford, 1832 and 1835–52. Under-secretary for foreign affairs, 1834–5; secretary to the Board of Control for India, 1845–6. Instrumental in the founding of the National Portrait Gallery and the Historical Manuscripts Commission. FRS 1827. (DNB.) Stanley, Arthur Penrhyn (1815–81). Clergyman, ecclesiastical historian, and travel writer. Fellow of University College, Oxford, 1838–50; secretary of the Oxford University commission, 1850–2. Canon of Canterbury, 1851. Professor of ecclesiastical history, Oxford University, 1856; canon of Christ Church, 1858. Dean of Westminster, 1864–81. (DNB.) Stanley, Edward Henry, 15th earl of Derby (1826–93). Politician and diarist. BA (Trinity College), Cambridge, 1848. MP for King’s Lynn, 1848–69. Visited the West Indies twice, 1848–50. First secretary of state for India from 1858. Foreign secretary from 1874. Colonial secretary from 1882. Succeeded to the earldom in October 1869. (ODNB.) Stanley, Mary Catherine, countess of Derby (1824–1900). Political hostess. Daughter of George Sackville-West, fifth Earl De La Warr (1791–1869). Married James Brownlow William Gascoyne-Cecil in 1847. After his death, married Edward Henry Stanley, fifteenth earl of Derby, in 1870. Deeply involved in Conservative politics. (ODNB.) 24 May 1878 Staudinger, Otto (1830–1900). German lepidopterist and dealer. PhD, Berlin, 1854. Travelled extensively in Europe, collecting Lepidoptera. Wrote a standard catalogue of Palaearctic Lepidoptera. Amassed a large collection of insect specimens and became a dealer, specialising in Lepidoptera. (Iris 13 (1900): 341–58.) Stecker, Anton (1855–88). Bohemian naturalist, explorer, and cartographer. Studied natural sciences, particularly zoology and anatomy, at Prague, 1873–7; DPhil., 1877. Continued his studies at Heidelberg, where he met Gerhard Rohlfs and took part in his expeditions to Libya, 1878–9; to the Bornu empire and Lake Chad, 1880. Mapped Lake Tana, Ethiopia, and collected plants and fossils in the area, in 1881; mapped several parts of northern and central Ethiopia, sometimes in the company of Johannes IV, emperor of Ethiopia, 1882–3. (OBL.) 9 March 1878, 12 March 1878 (to Francis Darwin), 13 March 1878, 17 March 1878 (from Francis Darwin) C. A. Steinheil Söhne. Optical instrument company in Munich. Founded by Carl August von Steinheil and his son Hugo Adolph Steinheil in 1855. (Day and McNeil eds. 1996.) Stewart, Balfour (1828–87). Physicist and meteorologist. Assistant, Kew Observatory, 1856. Assistant lecturer, Edinburgh University, 1856–9. Director, Kew

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Observatory, 1859–71. Secretary to the government meteorological committee, 1867–9. Professor of natural philosophy, Owens College, Manchester, 1870–87. Worked on radiant heat and the phenomena of sunspots and terrestrial magnetism. With Peter Guthrie Tait, published Unseen universe (Stewart and Tait 1875), seeking to deduce the existence of immortal souls from scientific evidence. Co-founder, Society for Psychical Research. FRS 1862. (ODNB.) Stokes, Francis Griffin (1853–1949). Literary editor and translator. BA, Oxford, 1876. Teacher of mathematics and physical science, 1881. Journalist and tutor, 1901. (Alum. Oxon.; BMD (Birth index, Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/1324/21/20), 1901 (RG13/127/5/2).) 16 July [1878] Stokes, George Gabriel, 1st baronet (1819–1903). Physicist. Lucasian Professor of mathematics, Cambridge University, 1849–1903. Secretary of the Royal Society of London, 1854–85; president, 1885–90. President of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1869. Conservative MP for Cambridge University, 1887–91. Master of Pembroke College, Cambridge, 1902–3. Created baronet, 1889. FRS 1851. (DSB; ODNB.) 28 April 1878 Stone, William Henry (1830–91). Surgeon and musician. BA, Oxford, 1852. FRCS 1856. Studied at St Thomas’s Hospital, London, and in Paris. Medical registrar, St Thomas’s. Inspector to the Board of Health and superintendent of vaccination, Trinidad, until 1861. Assistant physician, St Thomas’s, and lecturer in materia medica and physics at the School, 1870; full physician from a year or two later until his retirement in 1890. Member of the amateur musical society the Wandering Minstrels; played in concerts and improved the double bassoon; invented a bassoon that played lower notes than had hitherto been played in orchestras. Lectured and wrote on acoustics. (Plarr 1930.) Stonor, Thomas, 3d Baron Camoys (1797–1881). Courtier. Lord-in-waiting to Queen Victoria, 1846–52, 1853–8, 1859–66, 1868–74. Succeeded to his title when the queen terminated its abeyance in his favour in 1839. (Complete peerage.) Strasburger, Eduard Adolf (Eduard) (1844–1912). German botanist. Inspired by Ernst Haeckel’s enthusiasm for CD’s theory of evolution. Studied natural sciences in Paris, Bonn, and Jena from 1862. PhD in botany, 1866. Professor extraordinarius and director of the Botanical Institute, Jena, 1869; professor, 1871. Taught at the University of Bonn from 1881; rector, 1891–2. Travelled through Italy and Egypt, and around the Red Sea. Co-editor of Jahrbuch für wissenschaftliche Botanik from 1894. Published histological–cytological works on plant fertilisation. (DBE; DSB.) 4 October 1878, 26 October 1878 Strauss, David Friedrich (1808–74). German theologian and writer. (ADB; DBE.) Street, James Christopher (1831/2–1911). Clergyman. Unitarian minister to the second congregation of Protestant dissenters, Belfast, 1871–90. Provisional

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committee member of the Association of Liberal Thinkers, 1878. (Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG9/2971/62/69); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 28 September 2017); England & Wales, non-conformist and non-parochial registers, 1567–1970 (Ancestry.com, accessed 28 September 2017); letter from M. D. Conway, 18 November 1878; Millin 1900, pp. 65–72.) Strutt, John William, 3d Baron Rayleigh (1842–1919). Experimental and mathematical physicist. BA, Cambridge (Trinity College), 1865; fellow of Trinity, 1866–71. Cavendish Professor of experimental physics, 1879–84. Professor, natural philosophy, Royal Institution of Great Britain, 1887–1905. Nobel prize, physics, 1904. Co-discoverer of the inert element argon. Became third Baron Rayleigh in 1873. FRS 1873. (Alum. Cantab.; ODNB.) Stuart Glennie, John Stuart (1830–1910). Barrister, folklorist, and sociologist. Of London. Educated at University of Aberdeen and University of Bonn. Provisional committee member of the Association of Liberal Thinkers, 1878. (Letter from M. D. Conway, 18 November 1878; Scotland old parish registers births 168/B 150 47 Old Machar (Scotlandspeople.gov.uk, accessed 26 September 2017); Sociological Review 3 (1910): 317–23.) Sturtevant, Edward Lewis (1842–98). American agronomist. Graduated from Bowdoin, 1863; Harvard Medical School, 1866. In 1867, with his two brothers, purchased Waushakum Farm, South Framingham, Massachusetts, which became renowned for agricultural experiment and innovation. Co-editor of the Scientific Farmer, 1876–9. First director of the New York State Agricultural Experiment Station, Geneva, 1882–7. Author of The dairy cow: a monograph on the Ayrshire breed (1875), and Sturtevant’s notes on edible plants (1919). Developed the Waushakum variety of yellow flint corn, and the New Christiana muskmelon. (DAB.) 12 January 1878 Suess, Eduard (1831–1914). Austrian geologist, palaeontologist, educational reformer, and politician. Palaeontologist at the Kaiserlich-königliche HofmineralienCabinett, Vienna, 1852. Professor extraordinarius of palaeontology, University of Vienna, 1857–62; of geology, 1862–7; professor of geology, 1867–1911. President of the Kaiserliche Akademie der Wissenschaften, Vienna, 1898–1911. Foreign member, Royal Society of London, 1894. (Almanach der kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften 63 (1914); Eisenberg 1893, Mitteilungen der Geologischen Gesellschaft Wien (1914): 1–32; Neue Österreichische Biographie.) Suess, Paula Aloisia (1861–1921). Austrian. Daughter of Eduard Suess. Married Melchior Neumayr on 2 April 1878. (Svojtka et al. 2009, p. 358 n. 3.) Sulivan, Bartholomew James (1810–90). Naval officer and hydrographer. Lieutenant on HMS Beagle, 1831–6. Surveyed the Falkland Islands in HMS Arrow, 1838–9. Commander of HMS Philomel, 1842–6. Resided in the Falkland Islands, 1848–51. Commanded HMS Lightning in the Baltic, 1854–5. Naval officer in the

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marine department of the Board of Trade, 1856–65. Admiral, 1877. Knighted, 1869. (ODNB.) [14–20] April [1878], 22 April 1878, 10 May 1878, 3 November 1878, 5 November [1878], 7 November 1878 Sulivan, Grace Mary (b. c. 1852 d. 1936). Née Griffin. Married Henry Norton Sulivan in 1878. (BMD (Death index); England, select marriages, 1538–1973 (Ancestry. com, accessed 27 July 2016).) Sulivan, Henry Norton (1848/9–1941). Merchant. Son of Sophia and Bartholomew James Sulivan; edited his father’s Life and letters. (BMD (Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/5070/67/20); Sulivan ed. 1896.) Sulivan, James Young Falkland (1844–1901). Naval officer. Eldest son of Sophia and Bartholomew James Sulivan. Thought by his family to be the first British subject born in the Falkland Islands. Sub-lieutenant on HMS Firefly in the Mediterranean, 1864; lieutenant on HMS Nassau, surveying the Straits of Magellan, 1866–7; on HMS Favorite in North America and the West Indies, 1868–9; on HMS Indus at Devonport, 1870. Stationed in China, 1870–5; studied at the Royal Naval College, Greenwich, 1875–6; lieutenant and commander of HMS Britomart at Southampton, 1876–9; served in the Coast Guard, 1882–8. Commander, 1889. Married Eleanor Evelyn Light, daughter of the rector of St James’s, Dover, in 1878. (BMD (Marriage index); National Archives, ADM 196/15/439; Navy list 1864–1901; ODNB s.v. Sulivan, Bartholomew James.) Sulivan, Sophia (1809/10–90). Daughter of Vice-Admiral James Young, of Barton End, near Stroud, Gloucestershire. Married Bartholomew James Sulivan in 1837. (County families 1871, s.v. Sulivan, Bartholomew James; ODNB s.v. Sulivan, Bartholomew James; Sulivan ed. 1896, pp. xii, 395.) Sulivan, Sophia Henrietta (1837/8–1914). Daughter of Sophia and Bartholomew James Sulivan. Married the surgeon Henry Bullock in 1882. (Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/1194/136); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 1 February 2017); Hampshire Telegraph & Sussex Chronicle, 21 October 1882, p. 3.) Symonds, William Samuel (1818–87). Geologist, author, and clergyman. Curate of Offenham, Worcestershire, 1843–5; rector of Pendock, Worcestershire, from 1845. Wrote papers on local archaeology and geology. Visited the Auvergne and the Ardèche, south-west France, 1874–6, to search for traces of ancient glaciers. (ODNB; Sarjeant 1980–96.) Symons, George James (1838–1900). Meteorologist. Studied under John Tyndall at the Royal School of Mines. Observer to the registrar-general, 1857. Held a junior post in the meteorological department of the Board of Trade, 1860–3, but resigned to devote himself to rainfall observations, which he maintained for forty-two years. Prominent member of the Meteorological Society. FRS 1878. (ODNB.)

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Syndics of Cambridge Botanic Garden. A committee of the University of Cambridge. 4 December 1878 Tait, Peter Guthrie (1831–1901). Scottish mathematician and physicist. Studied mathematics at Edinburgh University and Peterhouse, Cambridge. Fellow of Peterhouse, 1852–4. Professor of mathematics, Queen’s College, Belfast, 1854–60; of natural philosophy, Edinburgh, 1860–1901. Published widely on mathematics and physics; published Treatise on natural philosophy (1867) with William Thomson (later Lord Kelvin). (ODNB.) Tangl, Eduard Josef (1848–1905). Polish botanist. Studied botany at Lemberg (now Lviv, Ukraine) University, 1865–9; doctorate, 1870; privat-dozent, 1871–6. Professor of agricultural chemistry and botany, school of farming, Dublany, 1874–6; professor extraordinarius of botany at the K.k. Franz-Josefs-Universität in Czernowitz, Bukowina (now Chernivtsi, Ukraine), 1876–81; professor of botany and pharmacognosy, 1881–1905. First director of the Czernowitz University Botanical Garden and Botanical Institute, 1877–1905. Published on the anatomy and cytology of plants, and identified strands of cytoplasm connecting plant cells, later known as plasmodesmata. (Köhler and Carr 2006.) Taylor, Isaac Ebenezer (1812–89). American obstetrician. MD, University of Pennsylvania, 1834. Physician at Bellevue Hospital Medical College from 1851. (American medical biography.) Taylor, John Ellor (1837–95). Curator and populariser of science. With John Gunn, established the Norwich Geological Society in 1864. Fellow of the Geological Society of London, 1869. Curator of the Ipswich Corporation Museum, 1872–93, giving an annual free lecture series in the natural sciences. Editor, Hardwicke’s Science-Gossip, 1872–93. Fellow of the Linnean Society of London, 1873. (ODNB.) 25 June 1878, [after 25 June 1878] Temple, Frederick (1821–1902). Educator and clergyman. Fellow of Balliol College, Oxford, 1842–8. Principal of Kneller Hall, a training college for workhouse schoolmasters, 1849–55. Headmaster of Rugby School, 1857–69. Bishop of Exeter, 1869–85; of London, 1885–96. Archbishop of Canterbury, 1896–1902. Author of ‘The education of the world’, published in Essays and reviews (1860). (ODNB.) Thayer, James Bradley (1831–1902). American lawyer and scholar. Graduated from Harvard College in 1852; studied at Harvard Law School, 1854–6; practised law in Boston, 1856–74; professor at Harvard Law School, 1874–1902. Author of works in the fields of evidence and constitutional law, including Preliminary treatise on evidence at the common law (1898). (DAB.) 29 January 1878, 14 February 1878 Thiselton-Dyer, Frances Harriet (1878–1951). Daughter of Harriet Anne and William Turner Thiselton-Dyer. Married Leonard William Barnard (1870–1951) in 1912. (Allan 1967, s.v. ‘Hooker pedigree’.)

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Thiselton-Dyer, Harriet Anne (1854–1945). Second child of Frances Harriet and Joseph Dalton Hooker. Married William Turner Thiselton-Dyer in 1877. (Allan 1967 s.v. ‘Hooker pedigree’.) Thiselton-Dyer, William Turner (1843–1928). Botanist. Educated at Christ Church, Oxford. Professor of natural history at the Royal Agricultural College, Cirencester, 1868–70. Professor of botany, Royal College of Science, Dublin, 1870–2; Royal Horticultural Society, London, 1872. Directed botanical teaching at the Department of Science and Art, South Kensington, London, 1873, 1875, 1876. Appointed assistant director of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, by Joseph Dalton Hooker, 1875. Married Hooker’s eldest daughter, Harriet Anne, in 1877. Appointed director of Kew, 1885. Knighted, 1899. FRS 1880. (ODNB.) 29 January 1878, 31 January [1878], [before 3 February 1878], 3 February [1878], 16 February [1878], 19 and 21 February [1878], 14 March 1878, 5 April 1878, 9 May [1878], 11 May 1878, 14 May 1878, 19 [May 1878], 20 [May 1878], 2 June 1878, 18 June [1878], 23 June [1878], 25 June [1878], [27 June 1878], 14 July [1878], 16 July 1878, 19 July [1878], 2 August [1878], 24 August [1878], 30 August [1878], 31 August [1878], 24 October [1878], 30 October [1878], 21 November [1878], 30 December 1878 Thompson, D’Arcy Wentworth (1860–1948). Zoologist and physiologist. Studied medicine at Edinburgh University and natural sciences at Cambridge University. Worked with Michael Foster and F. M. Balfour. Professor of biology (later natural history), University College, Dundee, 1884. Senior professor of natural history, United College, St Andrews University, 1917. Author of On growth and form (1917). FRS 1916. (DSB; ODNB.) Thompson, Henry, 1st baronet (1820–1904). Surgeon. MB, University College, London, 1851; FRCS 1853. Specialised in treatment of urethral stricture, enlarged prostate, and bladder stones. He designed new surgical instruments for lithotrity (an operation to remove bladder stones). Professor of clinical surgery, University College, London, 1866. Knighted, 1867; created baronet, 1899. (ODNB.) Thomson, Charles Wyville (1830–82). Scottish naturalist and oceanographer. Professor of mineralogy and geology, Queen’s College, Belfast, 1854–62; of natural history from 1862. Professor of botany, Royal College of Science, Dublin, 1868–70. Appointed regius professor of natural history, University of Edinburgh, 1870. Interested in deep-sea researches; appointed chief of the civilian scientific staff of the Challenger expedition, 1872–6. Knighted, 1877. FRS 1869. (DSB; ODNB.) 22 June 1878 Thomson, Robert (1846–1927). American civil servant. Trial justice in Beaufort, South Carolina, 1880. Clerk in the US government Treasury Department, Washington, D.C., 1900, 1920. (United States Federal Census 1880 (Beaufort, Beaufort, South Carolina 41/25A), 1900 (Washington, Washington, District of Columbia 14/14A), 1920 (Washington, Washington, District of Columbia

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285/5B) (Ancestry.com, accessed 22 September 2016); U.S. Find a grave index, 1600s–current (Ancestry.com, accessed 22 September 2016).) 1 May 1878, 23 May 1878 Thomson, William, Baron Kelvin (1824–1907). Scientist and inventor. Professor of natural philosophy, Glasgow, 1846–99. Formulated laws of equivalence and transformation in thermodynamics and a doctrine of available energy. Pioneered telegraphic systems and assisted in the laying of the first transatlantic cable. Wrote on the age and cooling of the earth. Proposed a hydroelectric scheme for Niagara. Created Baron Kelvin of Largs, 1892. FRS 1851. Awarded the Copley Medal, 1883. (DSB; ODNB.) Thynne, John Alexander, 4th marquess of Bath (1831–96). Diplomat and politician. Fourth marquess of Bath, 1837. Ambassador to Lisbon, 1858; Vienna, 1867. Published Observations on Bulgarian affairs in 1880. (ODNB.) Tieghem, Philippe van (1839–1914). French botanist. Professor, École normale supérieure, Paris, from 1864. Doctorate in botany, 1867. Worked on cryptogamy, fermentation, the anatomy and biology of phanerogams, the application of anatomy to classification, and plant physiology (DSB.) Timiryazev, Kliment Arkadievich (Климент Арка́дьевич Тимиря́зев) (1843–1920). Russian plant physiologist. Studied in St Petersburg. Published an extended paper, ‘Darwin’s book, its critics and commentators’ (1864), published separately as A short précis of Darwin’s theory (1865). Graduated in 1865, then studied new methods of agrotechnology under Mendeleev in Simbirsk province. Worked in France and Germany, 1868–70. Worked at the Petrov Agricultural and Forestry Academy, Moscow, 1870–92; professor extraordinarius, 1871; professor, 1875. Professor of anatomy and plant physiology, University of Moscow, 1877. Studied photosynthesis. (Complete dictionary of scientific biography; Tort 1996.) Torbitt, James (b. c. 1822 d. 1895). Irish wine merchant and grocer. Premises at 58 North Street, Belfast. Attempted large-scale commercial production and distribution of potato seeds to produce plants resistant to blight fungus. (DeArce 2008.) 24 February 1878, 26 February 1878, 28 February 1878, [28 February 1878], 1 March 1878, 4 March 1878, 6 March 1878, 11 March [1878], 14 March 1878, 15 March 1878, 17 March 1878, 20 March 1878, 21 March [1878], 24 March 1878, 24 March 1878, 31 March 1878, 3 April 1878, 26 June 1878, 28 June 1878, 12 September 1878, 16 September 1878, 8 October 1878, [after 18 October 1878], 12 December 1878, [1]4 December 1878 Trattinnick (Trattinick), Leopold (1764–1849). Austrian botanist and author. Studied law then medicine at the University of Vienna but did not obtain a degree. Given the courtesy title of regional phytographer to the College of Lower Austria, 1806. Having donated his herbarium to the new royal natural history cabinet in Vienna in 1807, he was appointed curator of the botanical collection, 1808. A prolific author and member of many scientific societies; corresponded with Goethe and Humboldt. (ADB; ÖBL online.)

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Treat, Mary Lua Adelia (1830–1923). American botanist and entomologist. Née Davis; married Joseph Treat in 1863. In 1868, moved to Vineland, New Jersey, to join the intellectual and agricultural community established by Charles Landis. Wrote many scientific and popular works on plants and insects from 1869. Separated from her husband in 1874 and supported herself by her writing and by collecting plant and insect specimens. Corresponded with CD, Asa Gray, C. V. Riley, August Forel, and Gustav Mayr. Advocate of the theory of natural selection. Her most notable research was on the anatomy and behaviour of harvesting ants, and on carnivorous plants. (Burstyn ed. 1990.) Trevelyan, George Otto, 2d baronet (1838–1928). Politician and author. Educated at Harrow school and Trinity College, Cambridge. Travelled in India, 1857. Liberal MP and government minister. Took over as chief secretary of Ireland following the assassination of Frederick Cavendish in Dublin in 1882. An enthusiast for Latin and Greek classics. Author of works on Anglo-Indian politics and the American War of Independence. (ODNB.) Truelove, Edward (1809–99). Publisher and socialist. Follower of Robert Dale Owen. Publisher for the International Workingmen’s Association. A founder of the Malthusian League, 1877. Imprisoned for four months in 1878 for promoting literature on birth control. (Finn 2003, p. 116; Ledbetter 1976, p. 25; Modern English biography.) Truelove, Maurice Hawley (1849–1917). Barrister. Son of Edward Truelove. Registered as Edward Mazzini Truelove at birth; named Mazzini Truelove in a secular ceremony performed by George Holyoake in November 1849. Began using the name Maurice Hawley Truelove by the time he was a student at King’s College, London. (BMD (Birth index); Census returns of England and Wales 1851 (The National Archives: Public Record Office HO107/1494/154/15), 1861 (RG9/180/55/1), 1871 (RG10/346/32/6), 1881 (RG11/324/12/20); Reasoner 7 (1850): 305–7.) 1 July 1878 Tucker, Sabine Anne (b. c. 1806 d. 1873). Daughter of Vice-Admiral James Young and his wife Charlotte, of Barton End, near Stroud, Gloucestershire. Married John Jervis Tucker (1802–86) in 1830. Sister of Sophia Sulivan and mother of Janetta Tucker. (BMD (Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1861 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG9/1525/158/25); County families 1860 s.v. Tucker, Jedidiah Stephen; England, select births and christenings, 1538–1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed 22 July 2016); Prerogative Court of Canterbury will registers (The National Archives: Public Record Office PROB 11/1815/121).) Turpin, Pierre Jean François (1775–1840). French botanical artist and botanist. Joined the Battalion of Calvados at the age of 14 and was posted to the French colony of Saint Domingue. On his return to France became secretary and artist to General Charles Leclerc. Studied drawing at the École des beaux-arts in Vire. Learned botany from Antoine Poiteau in Haiti; collaborated with Poiteau in a study of Haitian flora. During a period of revolutionary unrest, he escaped to

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the US and eventually settled in France in 1802. In Philadelphia, met Alexander von Humboldt and was commissioned by him to make drawings of his South American collections. Collaborated on some of the most important botanical publications of the early nineteenth century. (DSB; JSTOR Global Plants, plants. jstor.org (accessed 24 June 2016).) Tyndall, John (1820–93). Irish physicist, lecturer, and populariser of science. Studied in Marburg and Berlin, 1848–51. Professor of natural philosophy, Royal Institution of Great Britain, 1853–87; professor of natural philosophy, Royal School of Mines, 1859–68; superintendent of the Royal Institution, 1867–87. Scientific adviser to Trinity House and the Board of Trade, 1866–83. FRS 1852. (DSB; ODNB.) 4 December [1878], 5 December 1878, 22 December [1878] Tyndall, Louisa Charlotte (1845–1940). Daughter of Lord Claud Hamilton. Married John Tyndall in 1876. (BMD (Birth index, Death index); Burke’s peerage.) Uechtritz, Rudolf Karl Friedrich von (1838–86). German botanist. Studied natural sciences at the University of Breslau, 1858–63. Member of the Silesian Society for National Culture. Interested in the botany of central Europe. Although he never published because of his failing health, he contributed his research material to floras of Silesia and Romania. (ADB.) Usborne, Alexander Burns (1808–85). Naval officer. Master’s assistant then master on HMS Beagle, 1831–5. Took command of a small schooner and surveyed the coast of Peru, 1835–6. Master on the Beagle in Australia, 1838–9. Surveyed the coasts of England and Ireland, 1847–65. Created staff commander, 1863; captain, 1867. Retired in 1868. (BMD (Death index); England, select births and christenings, 1538–1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed 21 April 2017); Freeman 1978; Narrative 2: 19–20; Navy list 1838–85.) Van Voorst, John (1804–98). Publisher. Employed by Longmans (publishers), 1826–33. Had premises in Paternoster Row, London, 1833–86. Published many works on natural history. (Modern English biography.) Varley, Cromwell Fleetwood (1828–83). Telegraph engineer. Chief engineer, Electric Telegraph Company, from 1861. Chief electrician, Atlantic Telegraph Company, from 1865. Formed a patent partnership with William Thomson (later Lord Kelvin) and Henry Charles Fleeming Jenkin. In 1874 used a cable galvanometer to investigate the ‘materialisations’ of the medium Florence Cook. FRS 1871. (ODNB.) Vaughan Williams, Margaret Susan (1843–1937). Daughter of Caroline Wedgwood and Josiah Wedgwood III. CD’s niece. Married Arthur Charles Vaughan Williams in 1869. Mother of Ralph Vaughan Williams (ODNB). (Emma Darwin (1915); Freeman 1978.) Vaughan, Charles John (1816–97). Clergyman and headmaster. Matriculated at Trinity College, Cambridge, 1834; fellow of Trinity, 1839–42; DD 1845. Vicar of St Martin’s, Leicester, 1841–4; headmaster of Harrow School, 1844–59; vicar of Doncaster, 1860–9; master of the Temple, 1869–94; dean of Llandaff, 1879–97. (ODNB.)

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Veitch & Sons (fl. 1800s–1920s). Nurserymen. The family ran nurseries in Chelsea and Exeter throughout the nineteenth century, with a tree nursery in Fulham and land at Coombe Wood, Kingston Hill, Surrey. (Shephard 2003.) Vignes, E. (fl. 1870s). Journalist. Science editor of La France. (La France, 1 May 1882.) 23 August 1878 Vines, Sydney Howard (1849–1934). Botanist. BSc, London, 1873. BA, Cambridge, 1876; ScD, 1887. Fellow, Christ’s College, Cambridge, 1876–88. University reader in botany, 1884–8. Sherardian Professor of botany, Oxford, 1888–1919. President, Linnean Society, 1900–4. Wrote a textbook on plant physiology. FRS 1885. (Alum. Cantab.) Virchow, Rudolf Carl (1821–1902). German physician, pathologist, medical reformer, and politician. Professor of pathological anatomy at the University of Würzburg, 1849–56. Professor of pathological anatomy and director of the Pathological Institute, University of Berlin, from 1856. Foreign member, Royal Society of London, 1884; awarded the Copley Medal, 1892. (BLA; DBE; DSB; Record of the Royal Society of London; Wrede and Reinfels eds. 1897.) Vries, Hugo de (1848–1935). Dutch botanist, cytologist, and hybridiser. Studied at Leiden, 1866–70; at Heidelberg with Wilhelm Hofmeister in 1870, and at Würzburg with Julius Sachs in 1871. Completed a doctorate in physiological botany in 1876. Professor extraordinarius, botany, Amsterdam, 1878; professor, 1881. Developed a theory of heredity inspired by CD’s hypothesis of pangenesis (Intracellulare pangenesis (1889)). Rediscovered Mendelian segregation laws in the 1890s, and published on them in Die Mutationstheorie (1901–3). (DSB; Tort 1996 s.v. de Vries, Hugo.) 8 August [1878], [10 or 11 August 1878], [15] August [1878], 17 August 1878 Wagner, Moritz Friedrich (1813–87). German zoologist and explorer. Studied at the natural history colleges in Erlangen and Munich, 1834–5. Made a scientific expedition to Algeria in 1836. Editor of the Augsburger allgemeine Zeitung, 1838. Continued his studies in Göttingen in 1840. Made research trips to the Caucasus, Armenia, Persia, and South Asia, 1843–5; to North and Central America, 1852–5; to Panama and Ecuador, 1857–9. Professor at Munich University from 1862. Formulated the migration theory for fauna and flora in 1868. (DBE.) Walker, Frederick William (1830–1910). Headmaster. Educated at St Saviour’s Grammar School in Southwark, Rugby School, and Corpus Christi College, Oxford. Philosophy tutor at Corpus, 1856–9; fellow, 1859–67. High master, Manchester Grammar School, 1858. Emphasised classics, but also introduced modern languages, art, and natural sciences into the curriculum. Increased the number of pupils from Manchester entering Oxford and Cambridge. Headmaster of St Paul’s School, London, 1876–1905; introduced science into the curriculum. (ODNB.) Wallace, Alfred Russel (1823–1913). Naturalist. Collector in the Amazon, 1848–52; in the Malay Archipelago, 1854–62. Independently formulated a theory of evolution by natural selection in 1858. Lecturer and author of works on protective coloration, mimicry, and zoogeography. President of the Land Nationalisation

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Society, 1881–1913. Wrote on socialism, spiritualism, and vaccination. FRS 1893. (DSB; ODNB.) 14 September 1878, 16 September 1878, 23 September 1878 Wallace, Donald Mackenzie (1841–1919). Journalist and author. Studied at various universities, including Glasgow and Edinburgh. Doctor of laws, Heidelberg, 1867. Travelled extensively in Europe, including Russia, 1870–5; published Russia (1877). Foreign correspondent for The Times in Saint Petersburg, 1877–8; Constantinople, 1878–84. Private secretary to the viceroy of India, 1884–8. Foreign assistant editor for The Times, 1891–9. Knighted, 1887. (ODNB.) Wallich, Nathaniel (1786–1854). Danish-born botanist and surgeon. Surgeon at Serampore, India, 1807–13. Superintendent of the Calcutta botanic garden, 1817–46. Made collections of plants in India and Burma. FRS 1829. (R. Desmond 1994; DNB.) Walters, Francis William (Frank) (1845–1908). Clergyman. Unitarian minister at the Vincent Street Chapel, Glasgow, 1877–85. Provisional committee member of the Association of Liberal Thinkers, 1878. (BMD (Birth index, Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1891 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG12/4195/45/24); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 28 September 2017); letter from M. D. Conway, 18 November 1878; MacWhirter 1959, p. 124.) Watkins, Frederick (1808–88). Clergyman. Attended Shrewsbury School, 1823–6. A friend of CD’s at Cambridge University. HM Inspector of Schools, 1841–73. Rector of Long Marston, Yorkshire, 1873–88. Archdeacon of York, 1874–88. (Alum. Cantab.) Watson, Henry William (1827–1903). Mathematician and clergyman. Educated at King’s College, London, and Trinity College, Cambridge. Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, 1851; assistant tutor, 1851–3. Mathematics master at the City of London School, 1854. Mathematical lecturer, King’s College, London, 1857. Ordained priest, 1858. Mathematics master, Harrow School, 1857–65. A founder of the Alpine Club, 1857. Incumbent of the parish of Berkswell, near Coventry, 1865–1902. Published on mathematics and the kinetic theory of gases. FRS 1881. (ODNB.) Watson, John (1847–1939). Scottish-born Canadian philosopher. Studied at Glasgow University. Professor of logic, metaphysics, and ethics at Queen’s University, Kingston, Ontario, 1872; of moral philosophy, 1889; vice-principal, 1901–24. Published extensively on idealism. Opposed positivist, empiricist, and evolutionist varieties of materialism. (ODNB.) Weber, Ernst Heinrich (1795–1878). German anatomist and physiologist. Studied medicine in Wittenberg and Leipzig. Obtained a doctorate in comparative anatomy in 1815. Professor of anatomy, University of Leipzig, 1821–71; of physiology, 1840–66. Accomplished significant work in sensory physiology, physiological acoustics, and other areas. (Complete dictionary of scientific biography; DBE.)

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Weddell, Hugh Algernon (1819–77). British-born botanist and physician. Assistant naturalist to the Muséum d’histoire naturelle, Paris, 1850–7. Specialised in South American flora. (R. Desmond 1994.) Wedgwood, Caroline Sarah (1800–88). CD’s sister. Married Josiah Wedgwood III, her cousin, in 1837. (Darwin pedigree.) Wedgwood, Frances Emma Elizabeth (Fanny) (1800–89). Second child of James Mackintosh and Catherine Allen. Married Hensleigh Wedgwood in 1832. (Freeman 1978; O’Leary 1989.) Wedgwood, Frances Julia (Snow) (1833–1913). Novelist, biographer, historian, and literary critic. Daughter of Hensleigh and Frances Emma Elizabeth Wedgwood. Published two novels in her mid-twenties, one under the pseudonym Florence Dawson. Wrote book reviews and an article on the theological significance of Origin. Conducted an intense friendship with Robert Browning between 1863 and 1870. Published a study of John Wesley (1870), and helped CD with translations of Linnaeus in the 1870s. Published The moral ideal: a historical study (1888). Active in the anti-vivisection movement. (Wedgwood and Wedgwood 1980; ODNB.) Wedgwood, Francis (Frank) (1800–88). Master-potter. Partner in the Wedgwood pottery works at Etruria, Staffordshire, until 1876. Emma Darwin’s brother. Married Frances Mosley in 1832. (Alum. Cantab.) Wedgwood, Hensleigh (1803–91). Philologist. Emma Darwin’s brother. Qualified as a barrister in 1828, but never practised. Fellow, Christ’s College, Cambridge, 1829–30. Police magistrate at Lambeth, 1831–7; registrar of metropolitan carriages, 1838–49. An original member of the Philological Society, 1842. Published A dictionary of English etymology (1859–65). Married Frances Emma Elizabeth Mackintosh in 1832. (Freeman 1978; ODNB.) Wedgwood, Josiah I (1730–95). Master-potter. Founded the Wedgwood pottery works at Etruria, Staffordshire. Grandfather of CD and Emma Darwin. Interested in experimental chemistry. Contributed several papers on the measurement of high temperatures to the Royal Society of London’s Philosophical Transactions. Associated with scientists and scientific societies. FRS 1783. (DSB; ODNB.) Wedgwood, Josiah III (1795–1880). Master-potter. Partner in the Wedgwood pottery works at Etruria, Staffordshire, 1841–4; moved to Leith Hill Place, Surrey, in 1844. Emma Darwin’s brother. Married CD’s sister Caroline, his cousin, in 1837. (Freeman 1978.) Wedgwood, Katherine Elizabeth Sophy (Sophy) (1842–1911). Daughter of Caroline Sarah Wedgwood and Josiah Wedgwood III. CD’s niece. (Darwin pedigree; Freeman 1978.) 24 March [1878–80] Wedgwood, Lucy Caroline. See Harrison, Lucy Caroline. Wedgwood, Margaret Susan. See Vaughan Williams, Margaret Susan. Wedgwood, Sarah Elizabeth (Elizabeth) (1793–1880). Emma Darwin’s sister. Resided at Maer Hall, Staffordshire, until 1847, then at The Ridge, Hartfield,

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Sussex, until 1862. Moved to London before settling in Down in 1868. (Emma Darwin (1915), Freeman 1978.) Weismann, Leopold Friedrich August (August) (1834–1914). German zoologist. Studied medicine at Göttingen, 1852–6; qualified as a doctor, 1858. Physician to Archduke Stephan of Austria, 1861–3. Studied zoology at Giessen in 1861; habilitated at Freiburg im Breisgau, 1863; privat-dozent in zoology and comparative anatomy, 1863; professor extraordinarius, 1866; professor of zoology, 1874. Best known for his work on heredity, especially the theory of continuity of the germ-plasm. (DBE; DSB.) Westcott, Brooke Foss (1825–1901). Biblical scholar. BA, Cambridge, 1848; fellow of Trinity College, 1849. Ordained deacon and priest, 1851. Assistant master at Harrow School, 1852–68. Examining chaplain to the bishop of Peterborough, 1868–83; residential canon, 1869–83. Regius professor of divinity at Cambridge, from 1870. Canon of Westminster, 1884–90; bishop of Durham, 1890–1901. (ODNB.) Westwood, Mary Ann (1854–1942). Children’s nurse. Daughter of Edward Westwood, cheesemonger and later cab proprietor, and Jane Westwood, of Finsbury, Middlesex. Bernard Darwin’s nurse. Married Arthur Parslow in 1881. (BMD (Birth index, Marriage index, Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/855/85/6 s.v. Mary A. Westbrook); letter from Emma Darwin to H. E. Litchfield, [11] April 1881 (DAR 219.9: 261); London, England, Church of England births and baptisms, 1813–1906 (Ancestry.com, accessed 26 September 2016).) Weyenbergh, Hendrik (1842–85). Dutch-born physician and zoologist in Argentina. MD, Amsterdam, 1863. Doctorate in zoology, Universities of Utrecht and Göttingen, 1871. Appointed professor of zoology and comparative anatomy, University of Córdoba, Argentina, 1871. Founded the Sociedad Entomològica Argentina, and was its first director and president, 1874; transformed this into the Sociedad Zoològica Argentina, 1875. Founder of the Faculty of Medical Sciences, and professor of anatomy and histology, 1878. President of the Academia Nacional de Ciencias of Argentina. Returned to the Netherlands in 1884. (Correspondence vol. 27, letter to Hendrik  Weyenbergh, 18 March 1879; NDBA.) Wharton, Barbara Ellen (1797–1867). Daughter of Thomas and Lucy Wharton of Ashbourne, Derbyshire. Companion to Mary Parker (1774–1859); living with her in Ashbourne in 1841 and 1851. Living with her sisters, Mrs Lucy Ann Vaudrey and Frances Wharton, at Hulland, Derbyshire, in 1861. (BMD (Death index); Census returns of England and Wales 1841 (The National Archives: Public Record Office HO107/197/1/15/24), 1851 (HO107/2146/305/45), 1861 (RG9/2521/86/2); England & Wales, national probate calendar (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966, 1973–95 (Ancestry.com, accessed 6 March 2017); England, select births and christenings, 1538–1975 (Ancestry.com, accessed 6 March 2017).)

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Wharton, William James Lloyd (1843–1905). Naval officer and hydrographer. Entered the navy in 1857; commander, 1872; captain, 1880; hydrographer, 1884. Published Hydrographical surveying (1882), which became the standard textbook on the subject. Knighted, 1895. (ODNB.) 14 August 1878 Whately, Richard (1787–1863). Clergyman and scholar. Principal of St Alban Hall, Oxford, 1825–31. Drummond Professor of political economy, Oxford University, 1829–31. Archbishop of Dublin, 1831–63. Wrote extensively on theology, philosophy, and political economy. (ODNB.) White, Francis Buchanan White (Francis Buchanan) (1842–94). Scottish botanist and entomologist. MD, Edinburgh, 1864, but did not practise. Founder member, Perthshire Society of Natural Science, 1867; president, 1867–72. Founder and editor, Scottish Naturalist, 1871–82. Founder and secretary, Cryptogamic Society of Scotland, 1874. Wrote the report on pelagic Hemiptera for the Challenger expedition, and on the flora and fauna of Perthshire. (ODNB.) 23 September [1878] White, Walter (1811–93). Librarian and writer. Son of a cabinet-maker. Left school at fourteen and worked with his father. In America, 1834–9. Employed as secretary to a music teacher, Joseph Mainzer, whom he accompanied to Edinburgh. Attendant in the library of the Royal Society of London from 1844; assistant secretary to the society, 1861–84. Granted a life pension on retirement. Author of many travel books. (ODNB.) Whitelegge, Thomas (1850–1927). Botanist. Son of an illiterate bricklayer in Cheshire. Attended school until the age of 8, when he became a piecer in a cotton mill. Apprenticed to a hatter at the age of 11, but broke his indentures and lived as a fugitive for two years on a farm in Lancashire, where he developed an interest in natural history. Worked as a journeyman hatter. Attended natural history lectures and began to collect fossils. Came into contact with local societies of artisan naturalists, and joined the Ashton-under-Lyne Linnean Botanical Society in 1874. Founded the Ashton-under-Lyne Biological Society. Became a teacher and taught botany at the Albion Schools, Ashton-under-Lyne, under the Science and Art Department. Published natural history articles. Emigrated to Australia in 1883. Worked as a plasterer and in a brewery in Sydney. Employed on a temporary basis in the Australian Museum before being given a permanent position in 1887. (Aust. dict. biog.; R. Desmond 1994; Records of the Australian Museum 17 (1929): 265–77.) 28 April 1878, 16 May 1878, 17 May 1878, 21 May 1878, 27 May 1878, 15 July 1878, 16 July 1878 Whitley, Charles Thomas (1808–95). Clergyman and mathematician. Attended Shrewsbury School, 1821–6. BA, Cambridge (St John’s College), 1830. Reader in natural philosophy and mathematics, Durham University, 1833–55. Vicar of Bedlington, Northumberland, 1854–95. (Alum. Cantab.; Modern English biography.) Wiesner, Julius (1838–1916). Austrian botanist. Lecturer in physiological botany, Polytechnical Institute, Vienna, 1861; professor extraordinarius, 1868. Professor

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of plant physiology, School of Forestry, Mariabrunn, 1870. Professor of the anatomy and physiology of plants, and founding professor of the Institute of Plant Physiology of the University of Vienna, 1873–1909. Ennobled, 1909. (DBE; DSB.) Wight, Robert (1796–1872). Scottish botanist. Assistant surgeon to the East India Company in Madras, 1819–26; naturalist, 1826–8; garrison surgeon, 1828–31; surgeon, 1831–6; revenue department, 1836–53. Published numerous works on the botany of India. FRS 1855. (R. Desmond 1994; ODNB.) Wild, George John (1825–1909). Clergyman and barrister. LLB, Cambridge, 1859. Admitted at Lincoln’s Inn, 1847. Ordained priest, 1852. Curate of Norton-leMoors, Staffordshire, 1852–4; vicar of Dodderhill with Elmbridge, Worcestershire, 1855–64; rector of Bisley, Surrey, 1865–72. Called to the bar, 1873. Provisional committee member of the Association of Liberal Thinkers, 1878. (Alum. Cantab.; letter from M. D. Conway, 18 November 1878.) Wilhelm I (1797–1888). German head of state. King of Prussia, 1861–88; German emperor, 1871–88. (DBE.) Wilkins, Augustus Samuel (1843–1905). Classical scholar. Excelled as a scholar at St John’s College, Cambridge, but as a nonconformist, was unable to take up a fellowship. Lecturer in Latin, Owens College, Manchester, 1868; professor, 1869–1903. Gave popular lectures on literary topics throughout Lancashire. A strong supporter of the claims of women to equal educational rights with men. (ODNB.) Willett, Henry (1823–1905). Businessman, property owner, collector, and geologist. Changed his name from Catt to Willett in 1863. Moved to Brighton in 1841; owned the West Street Brewery, Brighton, and successfully invested in other businesses. Bought property throughout Sussex. Carried out excavations on the Sussex Downs; established and managed the Wealden Exploration Fund to investigate the geology of the Sussex Weald, 1872–5. Collected natural history specimens, especially chalk fossils, also historical artefacts and artworks. One of the founders of Brighton Museum. (Royal Pavilion & Brighton Museums, 2011, ‘Personality of the month’, rpmcollections.wordpress.com/category/geology-2/ page/3/ (accessed 28 November 2012); [Willett] 1878.) Williams, Charles E. (fl. 1870s). Materialisation medium. Claimed the spirit control of ‘John King’, and gave public séances at 61 Lamb’s Conduit Street, London. An observer reported that King appeared at a séance held at the home of William Crookes while Williams was apparently asleep behind a curtain, observed by Crookes’s wife. (Melton ed. 1996.) Williamson, Annie Copley (1841/2–1931). Niece of Sir Henry Mitchell, textile merchant and philanthropist (ODNB). Married William Crawford Williamson, as his second wife, in 1874. (Census returns of England and Wales 1881 (The National Archives: Public Record Office RG11/3891/97/7); England & Wales, national probate calender (index of wills and administrations), 1858–1966 (Ancestry.com, accessed 13 September 2016, s.v. Williamson, Ann Copley); ODNB s.v. Williamson, William Crawford.)

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Williamson, William Crawford (1816–95). Surgeon and naturalist. Surgeon to the Chorlton-on-Medlock dispensary, Manchester, 1842–68; to the Manchester Institute for Diseases of the Ear, 1855–70. Professor of natural history, anatomy, and physiology, Owens College, Manchester, 1851–91. Began a comprehensive study of the plants of the coal measures in 1858. FRS 1854. (DSB; ODNB.) 19 January 1878, 20 September 1878, 21 September [1878] Wilson, Alexander Stephen (1827–93). Scottish civil engineer and botanist. Trained as a civil engineer and worked mostly on railways in the north of Scotland. After his marriage into the Stephen family of North Kinmundy, concentrated on botany; worked in particular on agricultural subjects, including ergot in grasses, and improving yields in turnips and wheat. (R. Desmond 1994; Gardeners’ Chronicle, 25 November 1893, p. 665.) 21 February 1878, 23 February 1878, 28 February 1878, 4 March 1878 (from Francis Darwin), 6 March 1878, 14 March 1878, 16 March [1878], 24 April 1878, 29 April [1878], 6 August 1878, 9 August [1878] Wilson, Andrew (1831–81). Traveller and writer. Educated at Edinburgh and Tübingen. Travelled extenisively in India, China, and Europe. Worked as a journalist in Bombay and Hong Kong. Settled in the Lake District in the late 1870s. (ODNB.) Wood, Charles Lindley, 2d Viscount Halifax (1839–1934). Ecumenist. Actively defended the Catholic heritage of the Church of England and supported moves to eventual reunification. Studied law and modern history at Christ Church, Oxford; graduated 1863. Groom of the bedchamber to the prince of Wales, 1862–77. President of the English Church Union, 1868–1919, 1927–34. Succeeded his father as second viscount Halifax in 1885. (ODNB.) Wood, James Rushmore (1813–82). American surgeon. MD, Castelton Medical College, Vermont, 1834. Professor of operative surgery and surgical pathology, Bellevue Hospital Medical College. (American medical biography (1984).) Wood, Thomas Fanning (1841–92). American medical editor and botanist. Resided in Wilmington, North Carolina; organised the state board of health. Founding editor, North Carolina Medical Journal, 1878. Wrote on the plants of North Carolina. (American medical biography.) Wood-Mason, James (1846–93). Entomologist. Educated at Oxford University. Went to India as assistant curator of the Indian Museum, 1869; later deputy superintendent; superintendent, 1887. Member of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1870; natural history secretary, 1873; vice-president, 1887. Fellow of the University of Calcutta, 1888. Professor of zoology and comparative anatomy at the Medical College. Explored the marine fauna of the Andaman Islands in 1872; the Nicobar Islands, 1873; naturalist of the Indian Marine Survey steamer, Investigator, 1888. (Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal (1893): 110–13.) Woolner, Alice Gertrude (1845–1912). Wife of Thomas Woolner. (ODNB s.v. Woolner, Thomas; The Times, 11 March 1912, p. 1.) Woolner, Thomas (1825–92). Sculptor and poet. Member of the Pre-Raphaelite brotherhood. Established his reputation in the 1850s with medallion portrait

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sculptures of Robert Browning, Thomas Carlyle, and William Wordsworth. Went on to make acclaimed busts of CD, Charles Dickens, Thomas Henry Huxley, Adam Sedgwick, and Alfred Tennyson, and life-size studies of Francis Bacon, John Stuart Mill, and William Whewell. (DNB.) 6 August [1878] Wright, Chauncey (1830–75). American mathematician and philosopher. Calculator for the newly established American ephemeris and nautical almanac, for which he devised new methods of calculation, 1852–72. Recording secretary, American Academy of Arts and Sciences, Boston, 1863–70. Published the first of a series of philosophical essays in the North American Review in 1864. (ANB.) Wright, Joseph (1734–97). Painter. Known as Wright of Derby. Known particularly for his use of strong effects of light and shade, his most famous paintings being those of figures illuminated by artificial light. A friend of Josiah Wedgwood I and Erasmus Darwin. (ODNB.) Yeo, Gerald Francis (1845–1909). Irish physiologist. Professor of physiology, King’s College, London, 1875–90. Founding member and first secretary of the Physiological Society, 1875–90. FRS 1889. (ODNB.) 29 March [1878] Young, Edward Mallet (1839–1900). Headmaster and clergyman. Educated at Eton College and Trinity College, Cambridge. Ordained deacon, 1869; priest, 1871. Assistant master at Harrow School, 1865–78. Headmaster of Sherborne School, 1878–92. (Alum Cantab.) Young, James (1811–83). Chemist and philanthropist. Laboratory assistant to Thomas Graham at Anderson’s University, Glasgow, 1831–7, and at University College London, 1837–9. Manager at James Muspratt & Sons at Newton-leWillows, Lancashire, 1839–44; at Tennant, Clow & Company, Ardwick Bridge, Manchester, 1844–51. Opened and ran an oilworks at Bathgate, Scotland, 1851–64. Established Young’s Paraffin Light and Mineral Oil Company at Addiewell in 1864. President of Anderson’s University, 1868–77. FRS 1873. (ODNB.) Zacharias, Otto (1846–1916). German journalist and zoologist. Edited several magazines and wrote articles and book reviews on evolution. Populariser of CD’s theories, and supporter of Ernst Haeckel. Had a second career as a zoologist, specialising in plankton. Founded a private research station in Plön, northern Germany, which later became the Max Planck Institute for Limnology. (Nöthlich et al. 2006.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY The following bibliography contains all the books and papers referred to in this volume by author–date reference or by short title. Short titles are used for some standard reference works (e.g. ODNB, OED), for CD’s books, and for editions of his letters and manuscripts (e.g., Descent, LL, Notebooks). Works referred to by short titles are listed in alphabetical order according to the title; those given author–date references occur in alphabetical order according to the author’s surname. Notes on manuscript sources are given at the end of the bibliography. Acheson, Graeme G. and Turner, John D. 2008. The death blow to unlimited liability in Victorian Britain: the City of Glasgow failure. Explorations in Economic History 45: 235–53. ADB: Allgemeine deutsche Biographie. Under the auspices of the Historical Commission of the Royal Academy of Sciences. 56 vols. Leipzig: Duncker & Humblot. 1875–1912. Agstner, Rudolf. 2012. Die k.(u.) k. Konsulate in Arabien, Lateinamerika, Lettland, London und Serbien. Vol. 2 of Von Kaisern, Konsuln und Kaufleuten. Vienna and Berlin: LIT Verlag. Alefeld, Friedrich. 1863. Ueber Linum. Botanische Zeitung, 18 September 1863, pp. 281–2. Allan, Mea. 1967. The Hookers of Kew, 1785–1911. London: Michael Joseph. Allen, Grant. 1877. Physiological aesthetics. London: Henry S. King & Co. ——. 1878a. The origin of flowers. Cornhill Magazine 37: 534–50. ——. 1878b. The origin of fruits. Cornhill Magazine 38: 174–88. ——. 1879. The colour-sense: its origin and development: an essay in comparative psychology. London: Trübner. Allen, J. A. 1877. The evolution of morality: a reply. Canadian Monthly and National Review 11: 490–501. Alum. Cantab.: Alumni Cantabrigienses. A biographical list of all known students, graduates and holders of office at the University of Cambridge, from the earliest times to 1900. Compiled by John Venn and J. A. Venn. 10 vols. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1922–54. Alum. Oxon.: Alumni Oxonienses: the members of the University of Oxford, 1500–1886: … with a record of their degrees. Being the matriculation register of the university. Alphabetically arranged, revised, and annotated by Joseph Foster. 8 vols. London and Oxford: Parker & Co. 1887–91. American medical biography: Dictionary of American medical biography. Lives of eminent physicians of the United States and Canada, from the earliest times. By Howard A. Kelly and Walter L. Burrage. New York and London: D. Appleton and Company. 1928.

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American medical biography (1984): Dictionary of American medical biography. Edited by Martin Kaufman et al. 2 vols. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press. 1984. Amphlett Micklewright, F. H. 1961. The rise and decline of English neo-Malthusianism. Population Studies 15: 32–51. ANB: American national biography. Edited by John A. Garraty and Mark C. Carnes. 24 vols. and supplement. New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press. 1999–2002. Ao, Chengqi and Tobe, Hiroshi. 2015. Floral morphology and embryology of Helwingia (Helwingiaceae, Aquifoliales): systematic and evolutionary implications. Journal of Plant Research 128: 161–75. Appel, Toby A. 1987. The Cuvier–Geoffroy debate: French biology in the decades before Darwin. New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press. Army list: The army list. London: printed for the compiler of the annual official army list; Her Majesty’s Stationery Office. 1815–1900. Ascherson, Paul. 1908. Hugo Lindemuth. Nachruf. Verhandlungen des Botanischen Vereins der Provinz Brandenburg 50: cxviii–cxxi. Aust. dict. biog.: Australian dictionary of biography. Edited by Douglas Pike et al. 14 vols. [Melbourne]: Melbourne University Press. London and New York: Cambridge University Press. 1966–96. Aveling, Edward Bibbins. 1878–9. Darwin and his work. Student’s Magazine and Science and Art, 2 September 1878, pp. 32–3; 1 October 1878, pp. 55–7; 2 December 1878, pp. 99–100; 1 February 1879, pp. 148–9; 1 March 1879, pp. 175–6; 1 April 1879, pp. 207–8; 1 September 1879, pp. 30–3. Axell, Severin. 1869. Om anordningarna för de fanerogama växternas befruktning. Stockholm: Iwar Hæggströms Boktryckeri. Bacon, Francis. 1826. The works of Francis Bacon, baron of Verulam, Viscount St. Alban, and lord high chancellor of England. New edition. 10 vols. London: C. and J. Rivington [and others]. Baily, Samuel L. and Míguez, Eduardo José. 2003. Mass migration to modern Latin America. Wilmington, Del.: Jaguar Books (an imprint of Scholarly Resources). Baker, Herbert G. 1965. Charles Darwin and the perennial flax—a controversy and its implications. Huntia 2: 141–61. Barbier, Edmond, trans. 1876. L’origine des espèces au moyen de la sélection naturelle ou la lutte pour l’existence dans la nature. By Charles Darwin. [Translation of Origin 6th edition.] Paris: Reinwald. ——, trans. 1880. L’origine des espèces au moyen de la sélection naturelle ou la lutte pour l’existence dans la nature. By Charles Darwin. [Translation of Origin 6th edition, final 1876 version.] Paris: C. Reinwald. Barnhart, John Hendley, comp. 1965. Biographical notes upon botanists … maintained in the New York Botanical Garden Library. 3 vols. Boston, Mass.: G. K. Hall. Barr, Ernest Scott. [1973.] An index to biographical fragments in unspecialized scientific journals. Alabama: University of Alabama. Barton, Ruth. 2014. Sunday lecture societies: naturalistic scientists, Unitarians, and secularists unite against Sabbatarian legislation. In Victorian scientific naturalism:

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NOTES ON MANUSCRIPT SOURCES The majority of the manuscript sources cited in the footnotes to the letters are either in the Darwin Archive, Cambridge University Library, or at Down House, Downe, Kent. Further details about the Darwin Archive are available in the Handlist of Darwin papers at the University Library Cambridge (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1960) and the unpublished supplementary handlist available at the library; a new catalogue of the papers is currently being prepared. Further details about the manuscripts at Down House are available in Philip Titheradge, ed. The Charles Darwin Memorial at Down House, Downe, Kent, revised ed. ([Downe: Down House Museum], 1981) and from the curator (The Curator, Down House, Downe, Kent, BR6 7JT). In addition, there are a number of named sources that are commonly used in the footnotes: for each of these, the editors have provided brief descriptive notes. Many manuscript sources are now available online through Cambridge Digital Library (cudl.lib.cam.ac.uk), the Darwin Manuscripts Project (www.amnh.org/ our-research/darwin-manuscripts-project), and at The complete work of Charles Darwin online (darwin-online.org.uk). CD’s Account books (Down House MS). This series of seventeen account books begins on 12 February 1839, a fortnight after CD and Emma’s marriage, and ends with CD’s death. The books contain two sets of accounts. From the start, CD recorded his cash account according to a system of double-entry book-keeping. On each left-hand page he recorded credits (i.e., withdrawals from the bank, either in the form of cash paid to himself or cheques drawn for others), and on each right-hand page he recorded debits (i.e., cash or cheques paid to others). CD also recorded details of his banking account from the start, but only noted them down in a single column at the bottom of the left-hand page of his cash account. In August 1848, however, he began a system of detailing his banking account according to double-entry book-keeping, in a separate chronological section at the back of each account book. On the left, he recorded credits to the account in the form of income (i.e., investments, rent, book sales, etc.). On the right, he recorded debits to the account (i.e., cash or cheque withdrawals). CD’s Classed account books (Down House MS). This series of four account books, covering the years 1839–81, runs parallel to CD’s Account books. For each year, September–August (after 1867, January–December), CD divided his expenditure into different classes; in addition, he made a tally for the year of his income, expenditure, cash in hand, and money in the bank. From 1843, CD also compiled at the back of each book a separate account of the total expenditure under the various headings in each year, and from 1844 he added a full

704

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account of his income in each year, and of capital invested and ‘paid’ up. CD’s Experimental notebook (DAR 157a). This notebook contains notes on some of the experiments carried out between 13 November 1855 (with some back references) and 20 May 1868; the majority of the notes date from before 1863. Often only the details of the experiment attempted are given, usually with cross-references to results recorded in CD’s portfolios of notes. The notebook also contains a number of letters to CD. CD’s Investment book (Down House MS). This book records for each of CD’s investments the income received during the period 1846–81. CD’s ‘Journal’. See Appendix II. CD’s Library catalogue (DAR 240). This manuscript catalogue of CD’s scientific library was compiled by Thomas W. Newton, assistant librarian of the Museum of Practical Geology, London, in August 1875. Additions to the catalogue were later made by Francis Darwin (who inherited most of his father’s scientific library) and by H. W. Rutherford, who apparently used this catalogue as a basis for compiling his Catalogue of the library of Charles Darwin now in the Botany School, Cambridge (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1908). However, there are items listed in this manuscript catalogue that do not appear in Rutherford’s published catalogue, and which must have been dispersed after being listed. Down Coal and Clothing Club account book (Down House MS). CD was for some years treasurer of this charitable organisation. The account book records subscriptions made by honorary subscribers between 1841 and 1876; between 1848 and 1869 the entries are in CD’s handwriting. For the years 1841–8 and 1868–76, there is also a statement of expenditures, though not in CD’s handwriting. Emma Darwin’s diary (DAR 242). This is a series of small pocket diaries, in which Emma recorded details of the health of family members, trips made by herself, CD, and their children, school holidays, and visits to Down by others. The collection at CUL comprises diaries for the years 1824, 1833–4, 1839–45, and 1848–96. H. E. Litchfield’s autobiography (DAR 246). This unfinished autobiography, written in 1926 on forty-two loose leaves, and chiefly concerning Henrietta Emma Darwin’s childhood, has never been published. List of pamphlets (DAR 252.4). This is a catalogue of CD’s pamphlet collection prepared by CD and Francis Darwin in 1878 (see the letter from Emma Darwin to Henrietta Emma Litchfield, [ June 1878] (DAR 219.9: 175)). From about 1878 CD began to arrange the articles, papers, and reprints he received into a numbered collection. CD maintained this reprint collection until his death, when it was taken over by Francis Darwin. Francis continued the collection, adding new items, the numbers running consecutively from those of his father. Evidently, until this catalogue was prepared, CD used a working index similar to that of his ‘List of reviews’. The catalogue is in two sections, a list of the quarto collection and one of the general collection. Both sections are alphabetically arranged with the entries pasted on sheets in a loose-leaf folder.

Notes on manuscript sources

705

List of reviews (DAR 262.8: 9–18 (English Heritage MS: 88206151– 60)). This manuscript, headed ‘List Reviews of Origin of Sp & of C. Darwins Books’, was CD’s working index to his collection of reviews of his own books. It corresponds approximately to the review collection in the Darwin Pamphlet Collection–CUL, but includes some items that were dispersed after being listed. Reading notebooks. See Correspondence vol. 4, Appendix IV. These notebooks are divided into sections entitled ‘Books Read’ and ‘Books to be Read’. CD’s entries in ‘Books Read’ often include a brief opinion of the work. Scrapbook of reviews (DAR 226.1 and 226.2). Many of the reviews contained in these two volumes bear CD’s annotations and thus were evidently collected by CD. However, the scrapbook seems to have been assembled by Francis Darwin: the tables of contents are in the handwriting of H. W. Rutherford, an assistant at Cambridge University Library who acted as a copyist for Francis on several occasions (see Francis Darwin and A. C. Seward, eds. More letters of Charles Darwin (London: John Murray, 1903), 1: x, and Francis Darwin, ed. The foundations of the Origin of Species. Two essays written in 1842 and 1844 by Charles Darwin (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1909)). In addition, the scrapbook is identified as Francis’s in a note (DAR 226.1: 132a) made in 1935 by Arthur Keith, whose appeal led to the purchase of Down House as a Darwin memorial (see Arthur Keith, An autobiography (London: Watts & Co., 1950)). DAR 226.1 bears the inscription ‘Reviews of C. Darwin’s works’ on the spine, and contains, among others, reviews of Origin and Orchids; DAR 226.2 is inscribed: ‘Reviews. Descent. Expression. Insect. Pl. Eras. D.’ W. E. Darwin’s botanical notebook (DAR 117). This notebook contains observational and experimental notes on plants made by William, often in consultation with CD. The first observation bears the date 13 July 1862, and, although the date of the last observation is 26 June 1870, most of the notes were made between 1862 and 1864. The notebook originally contained letters from CD, but these were later removed. William entered notes made from botanical textbooks in a separate notebook (DAR 234). W. E. Darwin’s botanical sketchbook (DAR 186: 43). This sketchbook, which contains entries dated 1862–72, was evidently begun in parallel to William’s botanical notebook. It contains ink drawings of various parts of plants, and of sections, together with descriptions, which are sometimes very extensive.

INDEX The dates of letters to and from Darwin’s correspondents are listed in the biographical register and index to correspondents and are not repeated here. Darwin’s works are indexed under the short titles used throughout this volume and listed in the bibliography. The abbreviation FD refers to Francis Darwin (CD is Charles Darwin). Abbott, Edwin Abbott 462 Abies nordmanniana (Caucasian fir) 294 & 295 n8 abundant flowering wood sorrel see Oxalis floribunda Acacia: Australian acacias 61 & n3; FD’s observations 284 & 285 n5; genus now split into five related genera 285 n5; leaves 271 n2 Acacia buxifolia 31 Acacia cultriformis (knife-leaf wattle) 208 & n3 Acacia iteaphylla 31 & 35 n14 Acacia lophantha see Albizia lophantha Acacia retinoides (swamp wattle) 289 & n6 Acaciella 285 n5 Academia Nacional de Ciencias (Argentina; National Academy of Sciences): elected CD honorary member 539–40 Académie des sciences (Academy of Sciences of the Institute of France): G. Bentham congratulates CD on election to 337 & n1; A. de Candolle congratulates CD on election to 341–2 & 342 nn 2–5, 525 & 526 nn 2–5; CD comments on his election 341 & n2, 344 & n4, 352 & n2, 353 & n2, 354 & 355 n2; CD nominated several times for zoological section 167 & 168 n3, 333 n3, 334 n2, 337 n2, 342 n3, n5, 514 & 515 n3, 523 n3, 524 n2, 526 n3, n5; elected CD corresponding member of botanical section xxi, 333 & n3, 334, 337 n1, 339 & 340 n2, 342 n2, 345 n4, 349 n1, 352 n2, 353 & n2, 355 n2, 367 n1, 523 & n3, 523, 524 & 525 n2, 526 n2, 538 & n1, 539 n2; L.A. Errera congratulates CD on election to 345 & n4; J. Priestley, foreign member 342 & n4, 525 & 526 n4; A. Gray, corresponding member 353; G. de Saporta, congratulates CD on election to

339–40 & 340 n2, n3, 355 n2, 524 & 525 n2, n3; G. de Saporta, corresponding member of botanical section 340 n3, 525 n3; E. Vignes, La France article 367 & n1 achenes: Compositae 226 & n3; Pumilo argyrolepis 226 & n2, n3 acids: application of to plants 279 & 280 n3 Acland, Lawford Maclean 1 & n2 Acraea thalia (Actinote thalia) 69 & 70 n4 Actonian prize 71 & n2 Adams, Andrew Leith: deer 369–70 & 370 nn 1–5; thanks CD for comments on career 369 & 370 n2 Adenanthera pavonina (red beadtree) 284 & 285 n4, 309 & 310 n9, 321 & 322 n13 Adenosacme 189 & 193 n1 Adenosacme acuminata (Lawia acuminata) 189 & 193 n3, 191 Adenosacme longifolia (Rondeletia longifolia) 189 & 193 n2, nn 4–6, 190; buds 191, 192 Adonibezek 347 & 349 n10 Aegilops 70–71 & 71 n1; CD’s observations 72 & 73 n3; A.S. Wilson 87 & n5 Aegilops ovata (A. geniculata; ovate goatgrass): CD thanks for seed 105 & n1, 124–5 & 125 n2; FD acknowledges seed received at Down 88 & n4, 98 & 99 n1; radicles 105 & n2; Variation 73 n2; A.S. Wilson sends 86 & 87 n2, 121 & n2 Aegilops triticoides 73 n2 Aeschynomene pfundii see Smithia pfundii Aesculus hippocastanum (horse chestnut) 329 & 330 n6, 446 & n2, 447 & 448 n6, 448 & 449 n6, 449 & 450 n2 Aeshna (hawker dragonflies; mosaic darner dragonflies) 429 & 430 n3

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Index

Afghanistan xxv, 436 & 436–7 n2, 437 n3, n4 Agaricus 6 n3 Agassiz, Louis 337 & n3 Agnotherium 217 & 218 n5 Agraulis vanillae see Dione vanillae Akebia (chocolate vines) 327 & 329 n3, 329 & 330 n2, 330 & 331 n2 Albizia julibrissin (silktree) 297 & 298 n3, 309 & 310 n8 Albizia lebbeck (woman’s tongue; siris tree) 309 & 310 n9 Albizia lophantha (Paraserianthes lophantha; plume albizia; Acacia lophantha) 284 & 285 n4, 297 & 298 n3 Alcock, Rutherford 534 Aldabra 351 & 352 n1 Alefeld, Friedrich: Linum 23 & 24 n12, 195 & 196 n2 Aleurothrixus floccosus (woolly whitefly) 114 n2 algae 404 n2 Algarotti, Francesco 482 n3 Alice: and Blanche request CD’s autograph 216 & n1; and Blanche thank CD for autograph 222 & n1 aliphera longwing (Eueides aliphera) 69 & 70 n4 alkaline matter exuded from leaves 461 n4 Allen, Grant: colour in plants 129–30 & 131 n6, n7; Physiological aesthetics 323 & 324 n5; G.J. Romanes’s animal intelligence lecture 361 & 362 n5; sends manuscript 116 & nn 2–5; sent J.A. Allen’s paper to CD 322–3 & 323 n2, 324 n3; thanks CD for comments on manuscript 129 & 130 n2 Allen, Joseph Antisell: thanks CD for comments on Allen’s paper 322–3 & 323 n2, 324 nn 3–5 Allium cepa (common onion) 65 & n4 alpine geological formations 171–2 & 172 n1, 228 & n2 Altai 402 & 403 n8, 407 & 408 n8 Amanita agaricus (fly agaric) 6 n4 Amaranthus retroflexus (red-root amaranth) 415 & n7, 418 n3 Amblycerus see Spermophagus Ambystoma mexicanum (axolotl) 309 & 310 n12, n13 America: Rocky Mountains vegetation 402 & 403 n8, 407 & n7; social change in 443 & 444 n5 American hog peanut (Amphicarpea monoica; A. bracteata) 325 & 326 n1 ammonia: carbonate of 301 & 303 n14 Ampelopsis tricuspidata (Parthenocissus tricuspidata; Boston ivy) 381 & 383 n4 Amphicarpa (Amphicarpaea; hog peanut) 40 & 41 n4, 43 & 44 n5 Amphicarpea monoica (A. bracteata; American hog peanut) 325 & 326 n1

Anacamptis 388 & n2 Anaea 318 n4 Anaea fabius (Consul fabius; tiger leafwing) 318 n4 Anagallis arvensis (scarlet pimpernel) 329 n4, 329 & 330 n5 Anagallis pratensis 328 & 329 n4 Anartia amathea (scarlet peacock butterfly) 153 & 154 n5 Anas discors see Querquedula discors Anchiphlebia archaea (Antirrhea archaea) 152 & 154 n3 Anchitherium 230 & 231 n3 ancient climates 58 & 60 n2, 508 & 510 n2 ancon sheep 500 & 501 n6 angiosperms: G. de Saporta 59, 509 animal behaviour: G.J. Romanes 238 n3 animal intelligence: examples of xxi Animal intelligence (G.J. Romanes): included material from CD on instinct xxi, 242 n2, 244 n3; published 371 n2, 377 n2; Romanes working up subject for 371 ‘Animal intelligence’ (G.J. Romanes, lecture) 238 n2, 241 & 242 n1, 361 & 362 n4, n5, 375 n3; CD comments on 364 & 365 n1 animal intelligence (G.J. Romanes, work on): CD agrees to lend species book chapter 10 to Romanes xxi, 244 n1 animal rights 346–8 & 348 nn 2–6, 349 nn 7–11 animals: domesticated 107; instincts of see instincts of animals Annularia 21 & n5, 39 n5 Anoda 329 n9 Anoda wrightii (A. lanceolata; lanceleaf anoda) 329 n9 Anser anser (common European goose; domestic variety of wild greylag goose) 359–60 & 360 n1, n2, 364 n2, n3, 366–7 n2, 374 n1, n2, 376 n2, n3 Anser cygnoides (Chinese goose; domestic variety of wild swan goose) 359–60 & 360 n1, n2, 364 n2, n3, 366–7 n2, 374 n1, n2, 376 n2, n3 Anteos menippe see Callidryas menippe Antirrhea archaea see Anchiphlebia archaea ants 118 & n2 apheliotropism 306 n12 apogeotropism: terminology 43 n5 apogeotropism (CD’s work): CD works on 381 & 383 n5; Movement in plants 383 n5; oats 267 & n9; observations of several plants 301 & 302 n7, see also geotropism apples 84 & n5, 92 & 93 n3, 106 & 108 n9; growing from seed 113 & 114 n5 D. Appleton & Co.: Climbing plants US ed. 201; Cross and self fertilisation US ed. 202; Descent US ed. 201; Expression US ed. 200; Forms of flowers US

Index ed. 201; Insectivorous plants US ed. 201; Orchids US ed. 201; Origin US ed. 200; royalties paid to CD 200–202 & 202 n1 Araceae see Aroideae Arachis: CD requests 138; W.T. Thiselton-Dyer 30 & 35 n10, 154 & n2 Arachis hypogaea (peanut): ovaries buried 208–9 n11; stalk development 35 n10 Arachis hypogaea (peanut; CD’s work): burying of pods 368 & n4; CD asks W.T. Thiselton-Dyer for help observing burying of pods as his plant not doing well 208 & n11, 305 & n10; flowering but not setting pods 242 & n5; gynophores 326 & 327 n2; injured in experiments 138 & n5, 208 & n11; received from Kew 305 n10, 326 & 327 n2; seedlings raised 144 & 145 n4 Araliaceae 59 & 60 n5, 510 & n5 Araujia sericifera (common moth-vine; cruel plant; Physianthus albens): CD sent fruits to Kew 208 & n10; CD will give W.T. Thiselton-Dyer fruit 43 & 44 n3; H. Lettington 44 n4; W.T. Thiselton-Dyer identified for CD 31 & 35 n12 Aristolochia sipho (Dutchman’s pipe) 247 & 248 n2, 263 & n4, 274 & 275 n6 Armoracia rusticana (horseradish) 132 & n3 Armstrong, Richard Acland 439 Arnold, Francis Sorell: asks about apparently contradicting passages in Origin 6th ed. 494 & 495 n3; CD responds to comment on Origin 6th ed. 500 & n2 Arnold, Matthew 462 Aroideae (Araceae) 38 & 39 n3 arreoi societies 437 & 438 n5, 442 & 444 n3 arrowleaf sida (Sida rhombifolia) 329 & 330 n4 arrowroot (Marantaceae) 294 & 295 n6, 305 n2, 315 & 316 n6 Ascension 406 & 407 n5 ‘ash leaf kidney’ potato 127 & 128 n4 Asher, George Michael: asks CD to send his photograph to M.N. Galkin-Vraskoi 53 & n2, 57 & n1; CD sends on wheat specimens to A.S. Wilson 168 & 169 n1, n2; requested wheat seeds for CD from Galkin-Vraskoi 53 & n1, n2, 58 & n2, 508 & n2; wheat seeds delivery arrangements 57 & n1, 58 & nn 2–5, 58 n2, 508 n2 Ashley-Cooper, Anthony, 7th earl of Shaftesbury 204 & 205 n4 Ashton-under-Lyne Linnean Botanical Society 211 n3, 293 n2 Assembly of German Naturalists and Physicians: E. Haeckel’s speech xxii, 37 & 38 n4, 504 & n4; R.C. Virchow’s address xxii, 49 & 50 n5, 141 & 143 n3, 511 & 512–13 n3

709

Association of Liberal Thinkers 438–9 & 439 nn 1–5, 440 n6 Asteraceae see Compositae Astrolepis 347 & 348–9 n6 atolls 351–2 & 352 nn 1–3 Atriplex (saltbush) 372 & 373 n4 aubergine (Solanum melongena; eggplant) 413 & 414 n3 Aurelia aurita 401 n2 Austin, Albert Duncan: F. Galton publishes his letter (forwarded by CD) 213 & 215 n3; on rapid and slow change and development theory 319–20 & 320 n1 Australasia: A.R. Wallace 386 & n3 Australian acacias 61 & n3 Australian orchids 406 & n1 Austrian scientists see German and Austrian scientists photograph album authors: as judges of their own work 452 autographs (CD’s): É. Beneden requests 174 & n2, 516 & n2; Blanche and Alice request and receive autographs 216 & n1, 222; CD will send to S.B.J. Skertchly 96 & 97 n5; O.C. Marsh requests 280 & 281 n2, 291 n2, n4; R. Meldola requests 134; Skertchly requests 81 autumn crocus (Colchicum autumnale) 199 & n4 Auwers, Arthur Julius Georg Friedrich 541 Aveling, Edward Bibbens: CD thanks for article and requests others 397 & n2; sends article on CD’s works 394 & n1 Avena 10 n2 Avena sativa see oats AWARDS AND POSITIONS (CD) see Darwin, Charles Robert, AWARDS AND POSITIONS Axell, Johan Severin: Silene inflata 335 & 336 n6; Viola palustris 26 & 27 n4; Viola tricolor 26 & 27 n4 ‘axles’ (Darwin family word) 424 & 426 n8 axolotl (Ambystoma mexicanum) 309 & 310 n12, n13 ‘Azorean Honeysuckle’ (Bignonia capensis; Tecoma capensis; Cape honeysuckle) 247 & 248 n2, 263 n4 Aztec tobacco (Nicotiana rustica; wild tobacco) 415 n3 BAAS see British Association for the Advancement of Science bacteria: F.J. Cohn 332 n5; J.D. Hooker on discovery of 403 n7; J. Lister 408 & n1 Baillière, Gustave-Germer: CD thanks for French translation of Coral reefs 2d ed. and congratulates L. Cosserat on translation 271–2 & 272 n2

710

Index

Baker, John Gilbert: CD sends thanks for help (via W.T. Thiselton-Dyer) 39 & n2; Echeveria 30 & 35 n11; ferns identified 31 & 35 n15; house at Kew 485 & 486 n3, 489 n2; Royal Society, fellowship 485 Balanus 167 & 168 n5, 514 & 515 n5 baldness 366 n2 Balfour, Cecil Charles: offers (via F.M. Balfour) to make observations on Keeling islands 36–7 & 37 nn 1–5 Balfour, Francis Maitland: career 266 & 267 n5, 287 n2; lent microscope to G.H. Darwin 286 & 287 n2; reports his brother offers to make observations on Keeling islands 36–7 & 37 nn 1–5; visits Down 534 Ball, John: and J.D. Hooker work on Moroccan book 268 & 269 n5, 402 & 403 n9 bank failures 455 & n5, 483 n7 barberry bush (Berberis) 380 n9 Barbier, Edmond: Origin French eds., translated 409 & n5, 529 & n5 Bardfield oxlip (Primula elatior Jacq.) 2 & n1 Barmby, Goodwyn 439 barnacles see cirripedes William Barron & Sons 326 & 327 n3 Bartlett, Abraham Dee 375 & n4, 377 & n1 Barton, Charles Robert 123 & 124 n5 Bartsch, Carl Friedrich 541 & 542 n2, 542 & n2 Bary, Anton Heinrich de: Agaricus 5 & 6 n3; A. Dodel-Port’s botanical atlas 233 & 235 n5, 234, 519 & n5; Phytophthora infestans 108 n7; Utricularia vulgaris 352 & 353 n5 Basque peoples 55 & 55–6 n2 bassoon: FD played xix, 464 n2 Batalin, Alexander Fedorovich 261 & 262 n4, 380 & n8 Bates, Dr 94 & 95 n6 Bates, Henry Walter 236 & 237 n2, 414 n1, 450 & 451 n3 Batrachia 347 & 349 n7 bats: whether exist in Galápagos Islands 158–9 & 159 n1, 159 & n2 Bauhinia discolor 297 & 298 n3 Bauhinia forficata (Brazilian orchid tree) 297 & 298 n3 Bauhinia pauletia 298 n3 Bauhinia richardiana 284, 297 & 298 n3, 308 & 310 n8 Baxter, William Walmisley: CD asks about composition of spermaceti ointment 10 & n2; spermaceti ointment composition 10–11 & 11 n1, n2 Beagle voyage 163 n4, n5, 166 n1, 422 n4, n5, 423 n3, n6

Beal, William James: CD thanks for review and article 209 & n1, n2 bean radicles 170 n1, n2, 185 n5 beavertail cactus (Opuntia basilaris) 225 & n3 Beckhard, Martin: CD thanks for L. Geiger’s books 47–8 & 48 n2 bed bug (Cimex lectularius) 430–31 & 431 n3, 530–31 & 531 n3 Bedford, duke of, Hastings Russell 82 & n2, 204 & 205 n4 bee fly (Bombylius) 429 & 430 n2 bee orchid (Ophyrys apifera) 428–30 & 430 n1, n4 beech 59 & 60 n4, 509 & 510 n4 bees: CD’s 1848 notes on instinct in bees and wasps xxi, 238 n2, 242 n1, 244 n2, 472 n5; humble-bees 399 & n4; A.S. Wilson 335, 341 n3 beetles: in Cassia neglecta 199–200 & 200 n3, 202 & 203 n3, 212 & n3, 215–16 & 216 n1 Behrens, Wilhelm: CD comments on Behrens’s book on pollination theory 370 & n2, n3, 371 nn 4–6; flower nectaries 412 & n3; thanks for CD’s comments 412 & nn 1–3 Beneden, Édouard van: sends circular and requests CD’s photograph and autograph 174 & n2, 516 & n2; thanks CD for willingness to participate in display honouring T. Schwann 377 & n2, 527 & n2 Benghal dayflower (Commelina benghalensis) 499, 499 & n1 Benoît, René: Expression French ed., S.J. Pozzi and R. Benoît translated 409 n4, 529 n4; Expression French 2d ed., S.J. Pozzi and R. Benoît translated 409 & n4, 529 & n4 Bentham, George: Acacia iteaphylla 31 & 35 n14; burying of seed capsules 40 & 41 n3, 43 & 44 n5; CD thanks for congratulations on election to Académie des sciences 341 & n2; CD will use cyclamen information in new edition of Forms of flowers 39 & 40 n3; congratulates CD on election to Académie des sciences 337 & nn 1–3; Helianthemum procumbens 30 & 35 n7, 40 & 41 n3 benzoic acid 408 & n2 Berberis (barberry bush) 380 n9 Bergson, Edouard: asked CD about difference between plants and animals 431 n2, 531 n2; Cimex lectularius 430–31 & 431 n3, 530–31 & 531 n3 Berlin, Treaty of 322 n11 Bernard, Claude 148 & n2, n3 Bertrand, Joseph: Académie des sciences, botanical section elects CD corresponding member 334 & n2, n3, 523 & 524 n2, n3, 538 & 539 n2; CD thanks for membership 344 & n2

Index Berula bracteata see Sium helenianum Berula erecta see Sium thunbergii Besant, Annie 438 n4 Bible: N. Lewy comments on hybridism in the Bible 196–7 & 198 nn 2–14, 516–17 & 517 nn 2–7, 518 nn 8–14 Bignonia 184 & 185 n3 Bignonia capensis (Tecoma capensis; Cape honeysuckle; ‘Azorean Honeysuckle’) 247 & 248 n2, 263 n4 Bignonia capreolata (crossvine): CD finds valuable and will return to Kew 372 & 373 n3; CD will request from Veitch & Sons 350 & 351 n4, 368 & n5, 373 n3; Climbing plants 2d ed. 298 n5, 306 n12, 351 n4; negatively heliotropic 298 n5, 305 & 306 n12; received from Kew 372 & 373 n3; tendrils 305 & 306 n12, 368 & n5 Binns, William 439 ‘Biographical sketch of an infant’ (CD): Greek translation (from German translation) xxi, 46 & n4, n5, 505 & n4, n5; Kosmos, German translation of 46 & n4, 505 & n4 bird-of-paradise shrub (Poinciana gilliesii; Caesalpinia gilliesii) 309 & 310 n9 birds: trained to talk xxi, 142 & 143 nn 7–9, 511–12 & 513 nn 7–9 bird’s-nest orchid (Neottia nidus-avis) xviii, 137 & n2 Birmingham and Midland Institute 435 n7 birth control (contraception) xxiii, 265 & n1, 437 & 438 n4 birthday greetings (to CD): W.D. Fox 51; E. Haeckel 47 & n2, 505 & 506 n2; C. Kraus xxii, 48 & 49 n4, 506 & 508 n4 birthday greetings responses from CD 50 & n2, 52 bismuth 501 & 502 n10 bittersweet (Solanum dulcamara; woody nightshade) 381 & n1, 387 & n1 black bryony (Tamus communis) 263 & n4, 274 & 275 n6 black-flowered lotus (Lotus jacobaeus) 380 & n10 bladder campion (Silene inflata; S. vulgaris) 335 & 336 n6 bladderwort (Utricularia) 115 n2 bladderwort, common (Utricularia vulgaris) 352 & 353 n5 Blainville, Henri de 217 & 218 n4 Blair, Jessie Alice: photograph of gosling with turned back feathers 161, 162 Blair, Reuben Almond: CD comments on experimental work 473; CD corresponds with W.H. Flower about goose wing sent by Blair 76 & 77 n1, 78 & n3, 158 & n2, 160 & 161 n2, 332 & 333 nn 2–4; CD informs of Flower’s report on goose wings 473 & nn 1–3, 474 & n2; CD

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sends Flower’s observations; and asks for more goose wings 161 & nn 1–3; CD thanks for letter and has written to Flower with particulars 330 & nn 1–3; discusses malformed goose wings 299–300 & 300 nn 1–3; Flower reports to CD on additional goose wings sent by Blair 466–7 & 468 nn 2–6; Flower suggested to CD that Blair send more goose wing samples 160 n2, n3, 161 n2, 161 n2; J.G. Garson, report on goose wings 467 & 468 n2, n6; reports sending goose wings to Flower as requested 299 & 300 n1, 473 n1; writes to Smithsonian Institution to arrange sending of goose wings requested by CD 279 & n1, n2 Blakeway, Herbert Samuel: sent pig’s head with wattles to G. Rolleston 356–7 & 357 nn 1–5 Blanche: and Alice request CD’s autograph 216 & n1; and Alice thank CD for autograph 222 & n1 blood corpuscles 390 & n2 bloom on plants: fern 39 & 40 n4; Polypodium aureum 31 & 36 n16; stomata 327 n6 bloom on plants (CD’s work): Acacia cultriformis 208 n3; Acacia retinoides 289 & n6; Australian Acacias 61 & n3; cabbages 252 & n6; CD asks A. Ernst about in Venezuela 16 & n2; CD began studying 246 n7; CD did not publish on 16 n2; CD resumed work on 16 n2, 246 n7; CD works on 338 n4, 533; geraniums 447 & n1, n3; seakale 88 n5, 252 & n6; Trifolium resupinatum 60 & 61 n2, 327 & n6; works on bloom with FD 16 n2, 23 & 24 n9, 88 n5, 289 n6, 311 n15, 316 n8, 358 n3, 373 n4, 379 n3, 388 n1, 447 n4 bloom on plants (FD’s work): CD on FD’s attitude to 320; experiments testing for nitrogenous matter 447 n4, 448 n5; geraniums 446 & 447 n4, 447 n1, 448 & 449 n2; Helvingia ruscifolia 309 & 311 n15, 320 & 321 n8, 325 n4, 330 & 332 n3, n4; Lactuca serriola 331 & 332 n6; Primula species 378 & 379 n7; some results published 16 n2; stomata 16 n2, 358 n3, 372 & 373 n4, 378 & 379 n3, n5, n6; Trifolium resupinatum 368 n2, 373 & n4; Vicia sativa 378 & 379 n6; works on bloom with CD 16 n2, 23 & 24 n9, 88 n5, 289 n6, 311 n15, 316 n8, 358 n3, 373 n4, 379 n3, 388 n1, 447 n4 bloom on plants ( J. Sachs’s work): protective functions of 245, 252 & n6, 326–7 & 327 n6, 380 n4; Sachs suggests experiments 331 & 332 n4, n5, 447 n4; Sachs’s view of CD’s and FD’s work 315 & 316 n8; stomata 315 & 316 n8, 327 n6, 380 n4 blue flax see Linum perenne

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blue pigeon (Columbia livia; rock pigeon) 393 n9 blue-winged teal (Querquedula discors; Anas discors) 181 & n4 Board of Trade: T.H. Farrer, permanent secretary 79 & n2, 91 n1 bog-bean, common (Menyanthes trifoliata) 334 & 336 n2 Bohn, Henry George 450 & 451 n3 Bőke, Gyula 183 & n3 Bombylius (bee fly) 429 & 430 n2 Boothby, Brooke 253 & 255 n2 boracic acid 408 & n3 Borneo caves expedition 28 & n1 Boston and Albany Railway (formerly Western Railroad of Massachusetts) 307 & n1 Boston ivy (Ampelopsis tricuspidata; Parthenocissus tricuspidata) 381 & 383 n4 botanical observations and experiments xvii botanical taxonomy: CD never worked on xxi, 344 & n5, 353 & n2 Botrychium 38 & 39 n2 Botrydium granulatum 404 n2 Botrytis infestans: renamed Phytophthora infestans by A.H. de Bary 108 n7 bottle gentian (Gentiana andrewsii) 43 n9 boulder clays 81 & 82 n8 Boussingault, Jean-Baptiste 447 & n4 Bowman, William: CD comments on Actonian prize subject 71 & n2; Royal Institution 71–2 n2; visits Darwins 534 brachiopods 347 & 348 n6 Bradlaugh, Charles 438 n4 brain anatomy: chimpanzee 94–5 & 95 n1, n7, 96 nn 8–10 Brandon flint-knapping 81 & 82 n9 Brassey, Annie 422 & 423 n6 Brassica napus (rape) 327 & 328–9 n2 Braun, Alexander Carl Heinrich 164 & 165 n2, n3, 166 n2, 513 & 514 n2, n3 Braun, Julie 439 Brazilian butterflies 2 & n2, 4 n2, 69 & 70 nn 3–7, 152–3 & 154 n5, n7, 237 n2, 368 & n3 Brazilian orchid tree (Bauhinia forficata) 297 & 298 n3 Brazilwood (Caesalpinia echinata) 297 & 298 n3 Breckland thyme (Thymus serpyllum) 220 n3, 335 & 336 n5 breeding: deerhounds 217–18 & 218 nn 1–8 Brefeld, Oscar: A. Dodel-Port’s botanical atlas 240, 520 Bremer, Peter Petersson 138 n3 Bridges, Thomas 422 n1, 423 n2 bristly hawkbit (Leontondon hastilis; L. hispidus) 415 n3

Bristow, Edward Jones Agnew: writes to H.E. Litchfield 111 & n1, n2, 117 n5, 141 n5 British Association for the Advancement of Science (BAAS): 1878 meeting 326 n3, 326 n4; G.H. Darwin, ‘On the precession of a viscous spheroid’ 263 & 263–4 n2, 359 n3, 362 n3, 416 n3; A.H. Everett, Borneo caves expedition 28 & n1; D.S. Galton, general secretary 263 n2; T.H. Huxley 326 & n4; G.J. Romanes, ‘Animal intelligence’ 238 n2, 241 & 242 n1, 361 & 362 n4, n5, 375 n3; J. Torbitt, paper on potato disease 94 n4 British Museum: W. Carruthers 91; Chiroptera 159 & n1; W. Davies 369 & 370 n3; W.C. Hewitson’s Lepidoptera collection 313 & n7 broad bean see Vicia faba broadleaf wood sorrel (Oxalis latifolia; O. vespertilionis) 284 & 285 n4, 295 & 298 n3 Broca, Adèle-Augustine 333 & n4, 523 & n4 Broca, Paul: invites CD to international congress of anthropological sciences 333 & nn 2–4, 522–3 & 523 nn 2–4 Bronn, Heinrich Georg: Origin 6th ed. German ed., translated 198 n4, 517 n4 Brooke, Simpson, and Spiller 420 n2 Broussonetia (paper mulberries) 378 & 379 n5 Broussonetia papyrifera 379 n5 Brown-Séquard, Charles Édouard 76 & 77 n2; cited in Variation 2d ed. 77 n2; inherited effects of injury 311 & n2, 332 & 333 n3 brown vetchling (Lathyrus setifolius) 30 & 35 n9, 41 n4 Bruce, Henry Austin, Baron Aberdare 462 & 463 n5 Brydges Willyams, Sarah 482 n3 Buckland, Frank 371, 375 & n4 Buckman, James 174 & 175 n3 buckthorns (Rhamnus) 3 & n5, 22 & 24 n6 bulbous buttercup (Ranunculus bulbosus) 293 & n3 bulbs: from G. Francis 72 & n1 Bulletin of the Torrey Botanical Club: T. Meehan 24 n11, 61 n4, 171 n3, 195 n1, 196 n3 Bulwer-Lytton, Edward Robert 436–7 n2 Bunsen, Robert Wilhelm Eberhard 246 n2 Burdon Sanderson, John Scott: assisted R. Koch with an experiment 5–6 n2; FD hears of effect of thymol from 5; showed CD Koch’s photographs of bacteria 5 & 5–6 n2 Burnaby, Emma 471 & n1, 475 & 476 n4, 478 & n1, 484 & 485 n3, 487 n9 Burnaby, William Dyott 475 & 476 n4 Burnaby, William Edward 471 & n1 burying of seeds: Amphicarpa 43 & 44 n5; Arachis hypogaea 208 & n11, 305 & n10, 368 & n4;

Index G. Bentham 40 & 41 n3, 43 & 44 n5; CD’s interest in 499 & n1; Commelina benghalensis 499 & n1; Form of flowers 2d ed. 39 & 40 n3; W.T. Thiselton-Dyer 40 & n2, 41 n4, 43 & 44 n5, 499 & n1; Trifolium subterraneum 322 n12; underground development of seeds (hypogean habit) 43 & 44 n5, 499 & n1 Butler, Arthur Gardiner: Anchiphlebia archaea 152 & 154 n3; Pyrrhosticta 25 & n3 Butler, Henry Montagu 462 butterflies: Brazilian 2 & n2, 4 n2, 69 & 70 nn 3–7, 152–3 & 154 n5, n7, 237 n2, 368 & n3; F. Müller, ‘Notes on Brazilian entomology’ 152 & 153 n1, 200 n2, 203 n1, 213 n4, 216 n2, 236 & 237 n2; odoriferous 69 & 70 n6, n7, 152 & 154 n3, n4, 165 & n4; sexual selection 236 & n2, 237 n1, n2 butterwort (Pinguicula): W.C. Marshall’s observations 397–8 & 398 n3, 399 & n2 Button, Jemmy (Orundellico) 163 n2, 166 n1, 185 n1 Button, Jimmy FitzRoy (Cooshaipunjiz) 163 n2, 166 & n1, 185 & n1 Button, William Beckenham (Pucananlacitanjiz) 162 & 163 n2, n3 Byron, 6th Baron 46 n6 cabbage caterpillars 245 & 247 n10 cabbage moth (Mamestra brassicae) 247 n10 cabbages 252 & n6, 357 & 358 n3; radicles 56 & 57 n4 Cacteae (Cactaceae): CD requests seedlings xvii, 184 & 185 n4, 225 & n2; CD requests seeds or fruit 206; cotyledons xvii, 207 n4; movement of seedlings 223 & 225 n1 Caesalpinia: FD’s observations 284 & 285 n5 Caesalpinia echinata (Brazilwood) 297 & 298 n3 Caesalpinia gilliesii see Poinciana gilliesii Caesalpinia pectinata (Coulteria tinctoria; Caesalpinia spinosa) 309 & 310 n9 Caird, James: W. Carruthers’ memorandum 102 & n2; CD lent Caird CD’s letter to T.H. Farrer 102 & n5; CD returned Caird’s letter 112 & n1; CD sent J. Torbitt’s testimonials on potato varieties to 132 & 133 n6, 133 n1; CD works with T.H. Farrer and Caird to obtain support for Torbitt’s project xxv, 98 n4, 102 n1, 107 n1, 113 & n3, 117 & n4, 131 & 132 n1, 136, 140 & 141 n4, 147 & n1, 149 & n1, 149 & 150 n3, 488 & n5; fungus-proof potato variety grown in Scotland 102, 257 & 258 n2; meeting with CD 91 n5, 97 & 98 n4, 98 n1, 99 & n3, 101 & 102 n1, 102; returns enclosed item as CD requested 98 & n1; Royal Agricultural Society, Caird reports

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no good for Torbitt’s project 97 & 98 n4, 99 & n4; Royal Agricultural Society, Caird will see about Torbitt’s potato project 82 & n1, 89 & 90 n3, 90 & n2; Royal Agricultural Society, member of xxv, 82 & n1, 83 n3, 98 n4; supports Torbitt’s project 82 & n1, 89 & 90 n3, 90–91 & 91 nn 1–5, 101 & 102 n1, 105 & 107 n1, 113 & n3, 133 & nn 1–3, 149 & 150 n3; Torbitt’s project finance 133 & nn 1–3, 140 & 141 n4; visited CD in London 91 n5, 97 & 98 n4, 98 n1, 99 & n3, 534; writes to T.H. Farrer about Torbitt’s project 90–91 & 91 nn 1–5 Cairina moschata (musk duck; muscovy duck) 374 & 375 n4 Caladium 250 n2 Caladium esculentum (Colocasia esculenta; coco yam; wild taro) 250 n3, 259 & n1, n2 Calathea 294 & 295 n6, n7; CD’s observations 304 & 305 n3 Calathea zebrina see Maranta zebrina Callidryas (Phoebis) 25 & n3 Callidryas menippe (Anteos menippe; orangetip angled-sulphur) 312 & n3, 368 n3, 521 & 522 n3 Callwell, George 413 Cambridge Botanic Garden: CD’s testimonial for R.I. Lynch 464 & n1, n2; R.I. Lynch, curator 418 n5, 464 n2; R.I. Lynch, curatorship application 463 & n2, 464 & n2 Cambridge University: memorial about Greek in Previous Examination 462–3 & 463 nn 1–9 Cambridge University awarded CD honorary degree: CD does not use title Dr xxi, 151 & n2; CD thanks J. Price for congratulations on xxi, 49 & 50 nn 2–4; F. Delpino comments on 167 & 168 n3, 514 & 515 n3; A. Moschkau congratulates CD on 141 & 143 n2, 511 & 512 n2 camelids 390 n2 Cameron, Julia Margaret: photograph of CD 281 n2; portrait photographs 281 n7 Cameron, Peter 236 & 237 n3 Campbell, George 9 & 9–10 n3 Campbell, George Douglas, 8th duke of Argyll: CD discusses well-marked species 394–5 & 395 nn 1–3 Campbell, John Frederick Vaughan, 2d Earl Cawdor of Castlemartin 356 & 357 n3 Canada, Prentice A. 135 & n2 canary grass (Phalaris canariensis) 244 & 246 n2 Canary Islands 402 & 403 n9, 404 cancer 77 & n1 Candolle, Alphonse de: and C. de Candolle, eds., Monographiæ phanerogamarum prodromi nunc continuatio nunc revisio 342 & n6, 525 & 526 n6; CD

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sends message to C. de Candolle about A. de Bary’s work 352 & 353 n5; CD thanks for book 352 & 352–3 n3; CD thanks for congratulations on election to Académie des sciences 352 & n2; congratulates CD on election to Académie des Sciences 341–2 & 342 nn 3–5, 525–6 & 526 nn 2–5, 525 & 526 nn 3–5; sends greetings to CD’s sons 342 & 343 n8, 526 & n8 Candolle, Casimir de: and A. de Candolle, eds., Monographiæ phanerogamarum prodromi nunc continuatio nunc revisio 342 & n6, 525 & 526 n6; Dionaea muscipula 353 n5; research interests shared with FD 343 n8, 526 n8 Canis lupus (wolf) 347 & 349 n7 Canis spelaeus 217 & 218 n5 Canna (canna lilies) 315 & 316 n6 Cape honeysuckle (Bignonia capensis; Tecoma capensis; ‘Azorean Honeysuckle’) 247 & 248 n2, 263 n4 Cape sundew (Drosera capensis) 389 & n2, 391 n3 Caracus wigandia (Wigandia urens) 415 & n7 carbonate of ammonia 301 & 303 n14 Cardamine pratensis (lady’s smock; cuckoo flower) 178 & 179 n4 Carduus arvensis (Cirsium arvense; creeping thistle) 26 & 27 n2, n3 Carlyle, Thomas: forged letter purportedly written by him 22 & 23 n5; signatory to memorial to Cambridge University 462 Carniola caves 309 & 310 n12 Carpenter, Joseph Estlin 439 Carpenter, William Benjamin 348 n5 Carret, Jules: paper on polar displacement 421 n2, 424 & 426 n6 Carruthers, William: British Museum 91; J. Caird met 91 & n3; memorandum by 91 n5, 102 & n2, 106 & 108 n11; objections to J. Torbitt’s project xxv, 99 & n4, 102 & n2, 105 n3, 107; Royal Agricultural Society 97 & 98 n4, 99 n4, 102; suggested new potato varieties be trialled in Ireland 105 n6 James Carter & Company 79 & n4, 85 & n4, 86 & 87 n3 Carum carvi (wild caraway) 362 & 363 n2 Carus, Julius Victor: CD comments on Zoologische Anzeiger 395 & n4; CD and FD are not publishing on inheritance 395 & n1; CD on German collected edition of his works 395 & n3; German collected edition of CD’s works, translated 390 n1, 395 n3; inheritance, if CD or FD about to publish on inheritance then E. Koch would like to publish German translation 389 & 390 n1; Movement in plants German ed., trans-

lated 395 n2; Origin 6th ed. German ed., translated 198 n4, 517 n4; Zoologische Anzeiger 389 & 390 n2, 395 n4 Cassia: CD asks F. Müller to observe in rain 202; CD sends memorandum to FD 252 & n9; CD sends seeds to Kew 312 n2, 368 & n3, 522 n2; CD’s earlier interest in 252 n9, 318 n1; injured in experiments 138 & n5; Movement in plants 138 n6, 146 n3; returned to Kew 208 & n7; seeds sent by F. Müller 202 & 203 n4, 312 & n2, 318 n1, 368 & n3, 521 & 522 n2; withstanding frost 146 & n3 Cassia baccata 284 & 285 n4 Cassia ferruginea 312 n3, 368 n3, 522 n3 Cassia floribunda (Senna floribunda) 138 n6 Cassia glauca (Senna surattensis ssp. sulfurea; smooth senna) 297 & 298 n3 Cassia neglecta (Senna neglecta): beetles in 199–200 & 200 n3, 202 & 203 n3, 212 & n3, 215–16 & 216 n1; CD studied 285 n4; sent by F. Müller 318 n1 Cassia pubescens (Senna hirsuta) 146 & n3 Cassia suffruticosa (Senna surattensis ssp. surattensis) 309 & 310 n9 Cassia tomentosa L. (Senna multiglandulosa) 309 & 310 n9 Cassia tora (Senna tora) 203 n4, 318 n1 Castanea (chestnuts) 60 & n5, 510 & n5 Castanea sativa (Spanish chestnut) 329 & 330 n6, 447 & 448 n6, 448 & 449 n6, 449 & 450 n2 Castle Morton trust 44 n1 Castlemartin cattle 356 & 357 n2 Catasetum 288 & 289 n4, 290 n3, 291 & 292 n2 caterpillars: F. Müller 153 & 154 nn 5–7, 312 & n3, 318 n4, 368 & n3, 521 & 522 n3; J. Sachs 245 & 247 n10; A. Weismann 2 & n2, 25 n1 cattle: Castlemartin 356 & 357 n2; niata 153 & 154 n9; Tierra del Fuego 421 & 422 n1, 422 & 423 n2 Caucasian fir (Abies nordmanniana) 294 & 295 n8 Cavagnari, Pierre Louis Napoleon 436 & 437 n3 cave hyena 347 & 349 n7 Cavendish, Frederick Charles 462 Celaenorrhinus eligius see Plesioneura eligius Centaurium see Erythraea Centaurium erythraea see Erythraea centaurium centaury (Erythraea; Centaurium) 336 n1, 341 n2 Ceratopteris 40, 41 n5, 45 & n2, 58 & 60 n2, 65 & n3, 509 & 510 n2 Cereus speciosissimus (Heliocereus speciosus; sun cactus) 31 & 35 n13 Cervus elaphus (red deer) 369 & 370 n4 Cervus megaceros (Megaloceros giganteus; Irish elk) 369 & 370 n3

Index chalk dudleya (Cotyledon pulverulenta; Dudleya pulverulenta) 30–31 & 35 n11 Challenger expedition: H.N. Moseley 188 n5, 449 & n1, 453 n3; orchids 188 & n5; Radiolaria 47 & n3, 505–6 & 506 n3 ‘Champion’ potato 257 & 258 n2 Charissa obscurata see Gnophos obscurata Cheeseman, Thomas Frederick: CD sent letter to Nature 294 n1 Chemical Society 295 n4 Chenopodium album (common lambsquarters) 415 & n7, 418 n3 chestnuts (Castanea) 60 & n5, 510 & n5 children: children’s sounds before speech 293–4; deafness 183 & n4; development, CD’s work based on his children xx Chilean yellow-sorrel see Oxalis valdiviensis Chilobrachys stridulans see Mygale stridulans chimpanzee (Troglodytes niger ; Pan troglodytes): brain anatomy 94–5 & 95 n1, n7, 96 nn 8–10 Chinchona officinalis 193 n7 Chinchona pubescens 193 n7 Chinese: in America 443 & 444 n5 Chinese goose (domestic variety of wild swan goose; Anser cygnoides) 359–60 & 360 n1, n2, 364 n2, n3, 366–7 n2, 374 n1, n2, 376 n2, n3 Chiroptera 159 & n1, 159 n2 chlorophyll: K.A. Timiryazev 246 n2 chlorophyll (FD’s work): canary grass 244 & 246 n2; oats xix, 244 & 246 n2, 274 & 275 n7, 278 & n4, 284 & 285 n2 chocolate vines (Akebia) 327 & 329 n3, 329 & 330 n2, 330 & 331 n2 Church, Arthur Herbert 294 & 295 n3, n4 Church, Richard William 204 & 205 n4 Ciesielski, Theophil: FD sends a publication of Ciesielski’s to CD 274 & 275 n5, 276 n7; J. Sachs on Ciesielski’s radicles observations xviii, 195 & n3, 239 n2, 244–5 & 246 n4, 268 n10 cilia 151 & n2 Cimex lectularius (bed bug) 430–31 & 431 n3, 530–31 & 531 n3 Cinchona 189 & 193 n7 circumnutation: barberry bush 380 & n9; CD knew little about cause of when writing Climbing plants 301; CD works on 533; ceasing of 297; conspicuous 301; exaggerated 239; FD comments on CD’s work 297 & 298 n5; and growth 380 & n8; modified 288, 301, 321 n5, n6; non-climbing plants 320 & 321 n6; sleep in plants 288, 321 n5; terminology 289 & n5; twiners and tendrils 301 & 302 nn 7–11, 320 & 321 n5

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cirripedes (barnacles): F. Delpino comments on 167–8 & 168 nn 4–11, 514–15 & 515 nn 4–10, 516 n11; Origin 168 n7, 515 n7 Cirsium arvense see Carduus arvensis Cissus 184 & 185 n3 City of Glasgow Bank 455 & n5, 483 n7 Clark, Andrew: CD consulted while in London 96 n2, 97 & 98 n8; CD on dry diet 97 & 98 n8; CD wished to see in London 89 & n3 Clarke, Alexander Ross 425 & 426 n10 Clarke, Charles Baron: dimorphism case 188–9 & 193 nn 1–8 Clarke, Hyde: development of language 9 & nn 1–3, 10 n4 Clarke, Richard Trevor: career 46 nn 3–5; sends pod from pea ‘Woodford’s marrow’ 45 & 46 nn 2–6 Clifford, William Kingdon 438 & 439 n3 climates: ancient 58 & 60 n2, 508 & 510 n2 climbing plants: J. Sachs 284, 297 & 298 n4, 301 & 302 n7, 327 & 329 n3, n4, 330 n2; H. de Vries 285 n5, 320 & 321 n7, 353 & n1 climbing plants (CD’s work): experiments 320 & 321 n5, see also twiners and tendrils (CD) climbing plants (FD’s work): circumnutation 297 & 298 n5, see also twiners and tendrils (FD) ‘Climbing plants’ (CD): paper read at Linnean Society 321 n5 Climbing plants (CD): CD knew little about cause of circumnutation when writing 301; published 302 n12, 321 n5 Climbing plants 2d ed. (CD): Akebia and Stauntonia 329 & 330 n2; Bignonia capreolata 298 n5, 306 n12, 351 n4; circumnutation of tendrils 301 & 302 n7, n8, n10; cites H. de Vries 285 n6; Cobaea scandens 310 n4; Echinocystis lobata 353 n3; published 321 n5 Climbing plants US ed. (CD): sales 201 Clostridium tetani (tenus) 260 & 261 n4 clovers 138 club-foot 466 & 468 n3 Clusius, Carolus 30 & 35 n6, 31, 36 n22 Cobaea 308 & 310 n4, 320 & 321 n6 Cobaea scandens 310 n4 Coccus viridis 84 & n5, 92 & 93 n3, 106 & 108 n9 coco yam (Caladium esculentum; Colocasia esculenta; wild taro) 250 n3, 259 & n1, n2 Cocos Islands (Keeling Islands) 36 & 37 n3 Codariocalyx motorius see Desmodium gyrans Coffeaceae see Rubiaceae coffee cultivation 93 & 94 n3, 99 & 100 n8, 106 & 108 n10, 114 & n2

716

Index

Coghlan, John: eightlegged horse exhibit 230–31 & 231 nn 2–5; sent information in response to Variation 230 & 231 n1 Cohn, Ferdinand Julius: bacteria 332 n5; CD comments on achenes 226 & n2, n3; CD discussed carbonate of ammonia and Euphorbia 303 n14; CD on FD’s Dipsacus work 5 & 6 n3, n4; CD forwards letter to FD 226 & n2; CD on R. Koch’s work 5 & 5–6 n2; CD thanks for letter which he will forward to FD 225–6 & 226 nn 1–3; A. Dodel-Port’s botanical atlas 233 & 235 n5, 519 & n5 Colaenis julia (Dryas iulia; Julia longwing) 69 & 70 n4, n5 Colbourne, Louis 230 & 231 n2 Colchicum autumnale (autumn crocus) 199 & n4 Coleridge, John Duke, 1st Baron Coleridge 204 & 205 n4 Colocasia esculenta see Caladium esculentum colonization: CD comments on xxiii, 437; G.A. Gaskell on 442–3 & 444 n5 colour in plants 129–30 & 131 n6, n7 colour-sense 130 & 131 n8 colouring: animal and vegetable colouring matter 72 & n2 Columbia livia (rock pigeon; blue pigeon) 393 n9 Columbus, Christopher 323 & 324 n4 Combretum acuminatum 189 & 193 n8 Commelina benghalensis (Benghal dayflower) 499, 499 & n1 common bladderwort (Utricularia vulgaris) 352 & 353 n5 common bog-bean (Menyanthes trifoliata) 334 & 336 n2 common centaury (Erythraea centaurium; Centaurium erythraea) 334 & 336 n1, n3, 335 & 336 n7, 341 n2 common descent (of species): CD acknowledged J-B. de Lamarck and J.W. von Goethe as advocates of 316 n5; J.F. Fisher 348 n4; H. Potonié 165 n2, 166 n2, 514 n2 common European goose (domestic variety of wild greylag goose; Anser anser) 359–60 & 360 n1, n2, 364 n2, n3, 366–7 n2, 374 n1, n2, 376 n2, n3 common groundsel (Senecio vulgaris) 26 & 27 n5 common hazel (Corylus avellana) 55 n2 common honeysuckle (Lonicera periclymenum) 247 & 248 n2, 263 & n4 common lambsquarters (Chenopodium album) 415 & n7, 418 n3 common moth-vine see Araujia sericifera common onion (Allium cepa) 65 & n4 common pea (Pisum sativum) 238 & 239 n5, 262 n11

common pin mould (Phycomyces nitens) 188 n3 common sundew see Drosera rotundifolia common teasel see Dipsacus sylvestris common toothwort (Lathraea squamaria) 137 & n3, 138 n5 common vetch (Vicia sativa) 378 & 379 n6 compass plant (Lactuca serriola; prickly lettuce) 331 & 332 n6 Compositae (Asteraceae): achenes 226 & n3 composite photographs (portraits) 213 & 215 nn 2–5, 214 conifers 406 & 407 n4 Conil, P. Augusto 540 conspicuous circumnutation 301 conspicuous flowers 127, 220 n2 Consul fabius see Anaea fabius contraception (birth-control) xxiii, 265 & n1, 437 & 438 n4 Conurus guianensis (Psittacara leucophthalmus; whiteeyed parakeet) xxi, 414 & n1 convergence of character 395 n3 Convolvulus arvensis (field bindweed) 274 & 275 n5 Conway, Moncure Daniel: asks CD to be a vice-president of Association of Liberal Thinkers 438–9 & 439 nn 1–5, 440 n6 Coofyinuganjiz 163 n2 Cook, Joseph: A. Gray’s review of Cook’s lectures on biology 22 & 23 n4, 42 & 42–3 n2 Cooke, Robert Francis: Cross and self fertilisation 2d ed., asks CD how many copies to print 77–8 & 78 n1; Descent 454 & 455 n2; Forms of flowers, awaiting CD’s corrections 78 & n2; Journal of researches 454 & 455 n2; Origin 6th ed., sales 78 & n3; sends report of books sales and titles for reprint 454 & n1, 455 n2 Cooper, James Davis: CD discusses diagrams and use of photographs 483 & n2; engraved diagrams for CD 481 n1; photographs 481; sends proof of subject CD left him 481 & n1 Cooshaipunjiz ( Jimmy FitzRoy Button) 163 n2, 166 & n1, 185 n1 copyright law 401 n4 coral reefs: Red Sea 101 & n4; Triassic period xxii Coral reefs 2d ed. (CD): Farquhar Islands ( Juan de Nova) 351 & 352 n1; Red Sea coral reefs 101 n4 Coral reefs 2d ed. French ed. (CD): L. Cosserat translated 271–2 & 272 n2 corn see Zea mays Cornhill, London property (A. Rich’s) 475–6 & 476 nn 1–6, 478 & n2, 479 & n3, 482 & 483 n6, 493 n2, 496 n1, n3 corolla: reduction in size 336 n9 correlated variation cases 366 n2

Index Corylus avellana (common hazel) 55 n2 Cosmoledo 351 & 352 n1 Cosserat, Louis: Coral reefs 2d ed. French ed. translated 271–2 & 272 n2 cotton (Gossypium) 284 & 285 n5, 289 & 290 n10, 308 & 310 n7, 328 & 329 n6 cotton mouse (Hesperomys cognatus; Peromyscus gossypinus) 350 n2 cotton-plant 276 Cotyledon orbicularis 31 & 35 n11 Cotyledon orbiculata (pig’s ear) 35 n11 Cotyledon pulverulenta (Dudleya pulverulenta; chalk dudleya) 30–31 & 35 n11 cotyledons: asks FD to compare pulvini of species with great cotyledon movement and Oxalis corniculata 350 & 351 n3; Avena 10 n2; Cacteae xvii, 207 n4; Cassia 252 & n9; CD began work on 403 n2; CD and FD work on 52 n3, 225 & n5; CD works on xviii, 239 & n3, n4; glass tubes 378 & n2; grasses 267 n9; growth patterns studied xvii; Lotus jacobaeus 380 & n10; Mimosa pudica 140 n3; oats 266–7 & 267 n9; Oxalis 242 & n3, 252 & n8, 401 & 402 n3; Oxalis corniculata 242 & n3, 252 & n9; Oxalis floribunda 239 & n4, 242 & n3, 252 & n9; Oxalis rosea 239 & 239–40 n4, 242 & n3, 252 & n9; Oxalis valdiviana 239 & n4, 242 & n3, 252 & n9, 402 n3; Phalaris 10 n2; sensitivity to light 412 n3; terminology 55 n2, 65 & n4, see also pulvini Coulteria pertinata 309 & 310 n9 Coulteria tinctoria see Caesalpinia pectinata Coutance, Amédée 409 & n3, 528 & 529 n3 Cowie, Benjamin Morgan 462 Cowper, Francis Thomas de Grey, 7th earl Cowper 204 & 205 n4 cowslip (Primula veris) 2 & n1, 178 & 179 n2 crayfishes 229 & 230 n4 creeping buttercup (Ranunculus repens) 218–19 & 219 n1, n2, 293 & n3 creeping thistle (Carduus arvensis; Cirsium arvense) 26 & 27 n2, n3 creeping wood sorrel see Oxalis corniculata Creighton, Charles 77 n1 Creole cotton (Gossypium brasilense; G. maritimum; G. barbadense) 285 n5 Creswell Crags engraved bones 81 & 82 n6 crimson wood sorrel (Oxalis incarnata; pale pink-sorrel) 243 n8 Crocq, Jean: Royal Society of Medical and Natural Sciences of Brussels awards CD honorary membership 354 & n2, 527 & n2, 539 Croll, James 404 & 405 n5 Crookes, William 441 & 442 n1

717

cross-breeding: Chinese and common European geese 359–60 & 360 nn 1–4, 363–4 & 364 n2, n3, 366 & n2, 367 n3, 374 & n1, n2, 376 & n2, n4 cross-fertilisation 92 & 93 n4 Cross and self fertilisation (CD): W.J. Beal’s review 209 & n1; L.A. Errera and G. Gevaert, summary of 338 n2; T. Meehan’s review 43 n7; published 363 & n3; Salvia, major study of 235 n6, 520 n6; Salvia sclarea 241 n4, 521 n4; seed and capsules weight measurements 487 & 488 n3; sterility in plants 132 n2; vigour of crossed plants 75 & 76 n5, 93 n3 Cross and self fertilisation 2d ed. (CD): numbers to print and stereotyping of 77–8 & 78 n1; published 388 n2 Cross and self fertilisation French ed. (CD): É. Heckel translated 349 n1, 409 & n4, 529 & n4 Cross and self fertilisation US ed. (CD): sales 202 crossed plants: vigour of xxv, 76 n5, 92 & 93 n4, 106–7 & 108 n12 crossvine see Bignonia capreolata cruel plant see Araujia sericifera ‘Cruffle’ potato 127 & 128 n3, 257, 259 n3 crustaceans 167 & 168 n6, 514 & 515 n6 cuckoo flower (lady’s smock; Cardamine pratensis) 178 & 179 n4 Cucurbita pepo (field pumpkin) 353–4 n3 Cupples, Anne Jane 218 & n9 Cupples, George: deerhounds 216–18 & 218 nn 1–8; refers to CD’s works 217 & 218 nn 2–4, n7 Currie, John Lang 8 & n2 Curtius, Ernst 541 cushion-pink (Silene acaulis; moss campion) 335 & 336 n4, n6 Cuvier, Georges 339 & 340 n3, 349 n7, 524 & 525 n3 cycads 406 & 407 n4 Cycas: CD asks W.T. Thiselton-Dyer for observed plant’s identity 223 & 225 n2; CD reports trying to germinate 199 & n6; planted 88 & n2; seedlings requested 184 & 185 n4; seeds received 84 & n7, 88 n2 Cycas pectinata: Movement in plants 84 n7; seedlings sent to CD 185 n4 cyclamen: CD will use W.T. Thiselton-Dyer and G. Bentham’s information in new edition of Forms of flowers 39 & 40 n3 Cyclamen 154 n3 Cyclamen europaeum (C. purpurascens) 30 & 35 n2, 36 n21 Cyclamen persicum (florist’s cyclamen): CD’s observations 65 & n5, 154 & n3; W.T. Thiselton-Dyer 30 & 35 n3

718

Index

Cygnopsis 376 n3 Cytisus adami (+Laburnocytisus adamii ) 366 & n3 Cytisus laburnum (Laburnum anagyroides) 366 n3 Cytisus purpureus 366 n3 Czech, Karl 379 n6 Dabney, Virginius: CD discusses supposed hybrid tomato 413 & 414 nn 1–4 daisies 353 & n2 Daktulosphaira vitifoliae (phylloxera) 76 & n7, 84 & n5, 92 & 93 n2, 106 & 108 n8 Dallas, William Sweetland: translated F. Müller’s Für Darwin 400 n2, n3 Dallinger, William Henry: CD comments on Dallinger’s work 265 & 266 n1; sends paper and discusses his septic organisms work 260 & nn 1–3, 261 n4 Dalton, Edward Tuite 9 & 9–10 n3 Dalziel, Hugh: dew-claws in dogs 19–20 & 20 nn 1–3 Dama dama (fallow deer) 369 & 370 n4 Dana, James Dwight: A. Gray’s review of J. Cook’s lectures on biology 42 & 42–3 n2 daphnoids 236 & n2, 236 & 237 n1; sexual selection 237 n1 D’Arcy, Mary Catherine Georgiana 266 & 267 n4 Darling, William 94 & 95 n5 Darwin, Amy: death of 276 n6 Darwin, Bernard: CD compares B. Darwin’s intellectual ability to monkey’s (eyeglass case) xvii, 365 & n8, 372 n4; CD mentions 186 & 187 n7, 447 & 448 n7; CD sends news of to FD 239 & 240 n7, 248 & n4, 266 & 267 n4, 276 & n6, 289 & 290 n7, 302 & 303 n15, 330 & n8, 380 & n12; FD comments on news of from CD 378 & n10; FD sends news of to CD 88 & n8, 193–4 & 194 n10, 446 & 447 n5, 448 & 449 n7, 450 & n8; and FD visit (with Darwins) at Leith Hill 358 n5; language development 238 & n3, 248, 302 & 303 n15, 330 & n8; lives with Darwins 1 n2, 276 n2; nickname Ubbadubba 447 n5; photograph: frontispiece; visits Wales with FD 199 n7 Darwin, Caroline Sarah see Wedgwood, Caroline Sarah Darwin, Charles Robert: Beagle voyage 423 n6; birthday (aged 69 on 12 February 1878) 38 n3, 47 n2, 49 n4, 50 n2, 506 n2, 508 n4; Cambridge University student 54 n2; children 474 & 475 n2, 479–80, 490 n2, 497 & n4; children’s illnesses 232 & n3; Christmas 1877 family party 51 & 52 n3; comments on marriage 258; death of 497 n4; W.D. Fox comments on

CD’s handwriting 313; Galápagos Islands 159 & n1; on religious belief 103 n1, 112 & n2, 455, 458; school 50 n7; sense of humour 451, see also OPPONENTS OF CD’s THEORIES; PUBLICATIONS (CD); READING (CD); SCIENTIFIC VIEWS (CD); SCIENTIFIC WORK (CD); SUPPORT FOR CD’s THEORIES AWARDS AND POSITIONS: Downe Coal and Clothing Club, treasurer (1848–69) 473 n1; Franklin Literary Society, honorary member 134–5 & 135 n1, n2; Institución Libre de Enseñanza, honorary professor 16–17 & 17 n2, 345 n2, 457 n2, 503 & n2, 527 n2, 531 n2, see also Cambridge University awarded CD honorary degree DIPLOMAS 536–42; Académie des sciences, corresponding member of botanical section 333 & n3, 334, 337 n1, 339 & 340 n2, 342 n2, 345 n4, 349 n1, 352 n2, 353 & n2, 355 n2, 523 & n3, 523, 524 & 525 n2, 538 & n1, 539 n2; Medicinisch-Naturwissenschaftliche Gesellschaft zu Jena, honorary member 24 & n1, 536–7; National Academy of Sciences (Argentina; Academia Nacional de Ciencias), honorary member 539–40; Royal Literary and Scientific Academy of Bavaria, foreign member 322 & n3, 324 & n1, 522 & n3, 537 & 538 n1; Royal Prussian Academy of Sciences, foreign associate 426–7 & 427 n1, 540–41; Royal Society of Medical and Natural Sciences of Brussels, honorary member 354 & n2, 527 & n2, 539; Silesian Society for National Culture (Schlesische Gesellschaft für vaterländische Cultur), honorary member 541–2 FINANCES: R.A. Blair, CD offers to pay for goose wings 161; Borneo caves expedition subscription 28 & 29 n1; Boston and Albany Railway, payment from 307 n1; Castle Morton tithes 44 & n1; CD regards himself a rich man xxvi, 474; CD’s heirs inherited A. Rich’s bequest to CD 496 n3, 497 n4; G.H. Darwin, CD offers financial help with proposed lunar gravity instrument 428 & n3; Downe Coal and Clothing Club 473 & n1; FD, payment to 194 & n12; E.A. Greaves, payment to for Erasmus Darwin’s portrait 6 & 7 n4, 255 n1; J.J. Griffin & Sons, payment to 266 & 267 n3; Knockholt & Chevening Footpath Fund 221 & 222 n4; W.C. Marshall, payment for Down House extension 399 n3; Morris furniture, payment for 307 n2; F. Müller, payment to 400 n2; J. Murray, presentation copies 400 n2; Pennsylvania Central

Index Railway, payment from 307 n1; Royal Society publications fund 264 & n1, 268 & n1, 271 & n2; South American Missionary Society, donation to (1867) 163 n4; B.J. Sulivan, subscription payment for Jimmy FitzRoy Button’s education 166 & n1, 185 & 186 n2; J. Torbitt, CD pledges financial contribution 90, 93 & 94 n5, 97 & 98 n5, 99 & n5; J. Torbitt, CD’s financial contribution xxv, 102 & 103 n6, 106 & 107 n5, 132 n1, 133 n3, 136 & n2, 136 & 137 n3, 140 & 141 n7, 149–50 & 150 n1, n2, 258 n1, 481 n3; Union Bank 202 n1; US investments 307 & n1; US publications, D. Appleton & Co. 200–202 & 202 n1; view on purchasing instruments 266 & 267 n7; Western Railroad of Massachusetts, shares bought (1852) 307 n1; will, bequest to CD’s daughters 490 & n2, 492 & 493 n3, 495 n1; will, codicils for 131 & n1, 143–4, 479 n3, 492 & 493 n4, 495 & n1; will, implications for due to A. Rich’s bequest 474, 479 & n3, 480 & n3, 490 & n2, 492 & 493 n2, n3 HEALTH: always doubtful 419; asks for bad hand-writing to be excused as he is not well 364; away from home for three weeks rest for health reasons 338 & n3, 362 n3; better of late 52; better than a few years ago, but with discomfort and fatigue 258; better than usual 259; A. Clark, consulted while in London xxvi, 96 n2, 97 & 98 n8; A. Clark, put CD on dry diet 97 & 98 n8; complete rest required after rather too hard work 174; constant attacks of swimming of the head 97 & 98 n8; daily discomfort 365; dog-tired 154; health has failed and CD forced to rest 96 & n2; J.D. Hooker comments on CD looking well when Hooker visited Down 93 & n1; little strength 487; lives a most retired life on account of health 237; in London (Litchfields) on account of giddiness xxvi, 63 n2, 78 n2, 89 n1, 534 & 535 n10; in London (Litchfields) for change as has had bad time for fortnight 78 & n2; in London (Litchfields) for change and rest as poorly 79 & n2, 84 & n6; in London (Litchfields) for reasons of poor health 99 n1, 100 n1; in London for rest 446 & n4, 455 & n4; moderately well, but always feel half-dead 388; much out of health 112; not good 125; not much to boast of 113 & n2; not well 311, 350; out of health 343; partial recovery 256; poor health 93 n1; S.B.J. Skertchly sorry that CD in feeble health 101; somewhat better 89; state of health does not allow CD to converse with anyone for a long time 269; suffering from overwork (L. Darwin reported

719

to G.H. Darwin) 63 n2; tired 358; too unwell to call on T.H. Farrer in London 85; unusually well of late 166; visiting E.A. Darwin for rest after working rather too hard 22 & 24 n7; wants rest 305 & 306 n11; weak health 48 OPPONENTS OF CD’s THEORIES see OPPONENTS OF CD’s THEORIES PUBLICATIONS see PUBLICATIONS (CD) READING see READING (CD) SCIENTIFIC VIEWS see SCIENTIFIC VIEWS (CD) SCIENTIFIC WORK see SCIENTIFIC WORK (CD) SUPPORT FOR CD’s THEORIES see SUPPORT FOR CD’s THEORIES TRIPS AND VISITS: August 7–22 visits to Leith Hill; Abinger and Barlaston xxvi, 303 & 304 n2, 305 & 306 n11, 324 & 325 n3, 324 n3, 332 n9, 336 & n3, 337 & 338 n1, 338 & n3, 339 & n2, 341 n4, 343 & n3, 344 & n6, 345 n3, 351 n5, 352 n3, 362 n3, 401 n2, 534 & 535 n22; E.A. Darwin (London; 17–23 Jan) 8 & 9 n2, 17 & n1, 21 n2, 22 n1, 22 & 24 n7, 533 & 534 n2; W.E. and S. Darwin (Bassett, Southampton; 27 Apr–13 May) xxvi, 155 & n3, 158 n3, 170 & n2, 174 & 175 n2, 180 n2, 185 n1, 186 & 187 n6, 187 n1, 194 n9, 534 & 535 n14; T.H. Farrer (Abinger; 1875) 180 n6; T.H. and K.E. Farrer (Abinger; 12–15 Aug) xxvi, 338 n3, 343 n3, 344 n6, 351 n5, 365 n7, 401–2 n2, 534 & 535 n22; Kew 18 n2, 22 n1, 22 & 24 n7, 23 & 24 n13, 30 & 35 n1, 188 & n5, 188 n5, 327 n7; H.E. and R.B. Litchfield (London; 27 Feb–5 Mar) 63 n2, 78 & n2, 79 & n2, 84 & n6, 88 n7, 89 n1, 96 n2, 98 n2, 100 n1, 113 n2, 534 & 535 n10; H.E. and R.B. Litchfield (London; 19–27 Nov) 419 & n4, 440 & 441 n1, 444 & n1, 445 n4, 446 & n4, 447 n7, 450 n1, 453 n4, 455 & n4, 464 n3; Osmaston Hall (1828) 53 & 54 n2; visits to family xxvi; C.S. Wedgwood (Leith Hill; 7–12 Aug) 332 n9, 338 n3, 341 n4, 343 n3, 358 n5, 401–2 n2, 534 & 535 n22; F. Wedgwood (Barlaston; Aug) 338 n3, 344 n6, 358 n1, 358 n1, 363 n1, 365 n6, 534 & 535 n22; J. Wedgwood III (Leith Hill 7–12 Aug) 534 & 535 n22 Darwin, Charles Waring: death of 232 n3 Darwin, Elizabeth (1747–1832) 253 & 255 n7 Darwin, Elizabeth (1847–1926): CD’s daughter 475 n2; CD’s will 490 & n2; FD sends thanks (via CD) for her letter and will write 285; Knockholt Footpath Fund 221 & 222 n2, n4, 222 & n2; translated A. Dodel-Port’s letter 238 & n3; visits H.E. Litchfield 266 & 267 n4; writes to FD 194 & n11

720

Index

Darwin, Emma: as amanuensis for CD 474 n3; attended concert in London 445 & n4; Down House well 489 n2; FD tells (via CD) that he will write 285; E.S. Fox sends greetings 313 & 314 n9; E. Harrison writes to 1 & n2, n3; health when nursing babies 225; interested in news of Marian Huxley 344; W. Nash’s book read aloud 220; W.E. and S. Darwin send love to 482; scarlet fever 232 & 232–3 n3; C.G. Semper sends greetings to 405; sends sympathy to W.D. and E.S. Fox on the death of their daughter 281; J. Simon sends greetings 77; B.J. Sulivan sends greetings 162, 185, 422; taking CD on holiday visiting family 305 & 306 n11; A.R. Wallace sends greetings 386; writes to FD 194; writes to T.W. Higginson 206 & n2 Darwin, Erasmus: daughter 7 n3; family history 253, 255 & nn 2–12, 256 nn 13–17; E.F. Lubbock’s article mentions 303 n4; A plan for the conduct of female education in boarding schools 255 & n11; portrait, by J. Wright 6 & 7 n1, n3, 253 & 255 n1, 254; portrait, in National Portrait Gallery 253; views of his character 255 & 256 n15 Darwin, Erasmus Alvey: T. Carlyle and forged letter 22 & 23–4 n5; CD tells of A. Rich’s bequest 478 & nn 1–5, 479 & n5, 484 n3; G.H. Darwin stays with 283 n3; Darwins visit 8 & 9 n2, 17 & n1, 21 n2, 22 n1, 22 & 24 n7, 533 & 534 n2; FD stays with 379 n8; health 263 & 264 n3, 282 & 283 n3, 378 & 379 n8; hosted séance (1874) 442 n1; Queen Anne Street, London home 534 n2; Rich’s bequest to CD 482 & n2, n3; sends tithes for CD and G.H. Darwin 44 & n1; Sunday Evenings for the People 275 n9 Darwin, Francis: CD sends an item just received that he thinks FD would like to read 1 & n2; CD sends a letter from G.H. Darwin 357 & 358 n4; CD’s secretary and assistant 389 n3, 474 & 475 n2, 483 n2; CD’s son 490 n2; B. Darwin, CD sends news of to FD 239 & 240 n7, 248 & n4, 266 & 267 n4, 276 & n6, 289 & 290 n7, 302 & 303 n15, 330 & n8, 380 & n12; B. Darwin, FD sends news of to CD 88 & n8, 193–4 & 194 n10, 446 & 447 n5, 448 & 449 n7, 450 & n8; B. Darwin, language development 238 & n3; and G.H. Darwin suggest inviting A. Newton to Down 483 & 484 n1; and B. Darwin visit (with Darwins) at Leith Hill 358 n5; Elizabeth Darwin writes to 194 & n11; Emma Darwin writes to 194; finance 194 & n12; health 315, 324 & 325 n2; F. Müller sends greetings to 153 & 154 n10; Müller’s letters to CD later sent to A. Möller by FD 312 n1, 521–2 n1; news from

Down 88 & nn 2–10; plans return from Germany 309, 321 n3; plans to be at Leith Hill 331 & 332 n9; played bassoon xix, 464 n2; returned to Down from Germany 332 n9; J.I. Rogers writes to 139 & 140 nn 1–4, 147–8 & 148 n1, n2, 228–9 & 229 n1, n2; G.J. Romanes (Physicus), A candid examination of theism 465 n3; C.G. Semper, CD would like FD to call on 261 & 262 n10; Semper, FD asks CD if he should call on 261 & 262 n10; Semper sends greetings to 405 & n2; sends thanks to Elizabeth Darwin for her letter 285; stayed with E.A. Darwin 379 n8; A. Stecker writes to 115 & n1, n2; typewriter, discusses as gift to C.G. Semper 292 & n2, n3, 309 & 310 n11; typewriter, reminds CD about 298 & 299 n10; typewriter, requests address of typewriter manufacturer from CD for Semper 285 & n8, 292 & n3; typewriter, use of 289; visits Cambridge 193 & 194 n8, 220 & 221 n4; visits late wife Amy’s family in Wales 187 n3, 193 & 194 n8, 195 n2, 199 n7 Darwin, Francis (letters written on CD’s behalf): A. Stecker 125 & n1; unknown correspondent 365–6 & 366 n2, n3 Darwin, Francis (scientific work): Amanita agaricus 6 n4; ‘The analogies of plant and animal life’ (lecture) 88 & n10, 139 & 140 n1, 193 & 194 n6, 271 n4; ‘The analogies of plant and animal life’ (lecture, French translation) 193 & 194 n6; bloom, work published 16 n2, 316 n8; bloom, works with CD on 16 n2, 23 & 24 n9, 88 n5, 289 n6; CD asks FD for Oxalis carnosa observations while at Kew 381 & 383 n2, 382, 383; CD asks him to ask J. Sachs about mould and light 320; CD asks him to ask Sachs about roots and heliotropism 306 & 307 n5, 316 n2, 320, 330 n3; CD asks him to check terminology query with Sachs 289 & n5; CD asks him to observe pulvini 350 & 351 n3; CD asks him to read T. Ciesielski’s radicles article 239 & n2, 246 n3, 252 n4; CD asks him to read H. de Vries on epinasty 381 & 383 n4; CD asks him to read J. Wiesner on heliotropism 301 & 302 n5; CD asks for Sachs’s paper 186 & n4; CD comments on FD’s Drosera rotundifolia paper 186 & n2; CD comments on their (CD’s and FD’s) hard work 12 & 13 n4; CD comments on work required on CD’s return to Down 350; CD comments on work without FD xix, 195, 225 & n5, 276; CD forwards F.J. Cohn’s letter 226 & n2; CD gives instructions for tendrils experiments 350 & 351 n4; CD has plant observation requests for FD at Kew 381 & 383 nn 2–5, 382, 383;

Index CD has tasks for FD while CD away 445 & nn 2–6, 447 & nn 1–4; CD hopes FD can be at Down for experimental work 194–5 & 195 n2, n3; CD on instruments 266 & 267 n7; CD invites Sachs to Down 321, 329 & 330 n3, 331 & 332 n8; CD on maize radicles 273 & 274 n4; CD on movement in plants 379–80 & 380 nn 7–10; CD offers to send twisted stems of plants 247–8 & 248 n2; CD received Porlieria hygrometrica 273 & 274 n2; CD reports FD works on plant physiology 7 & n2, 242 & n4; CD reports on movement of leaves and cotyledons 239 & n3; CD requests Impatiens noli-me-tangere seeds be sown 445 & n3; CD requests Oxalis seeds be sown 350 & n2; CD requests Trifolium resupinatum seeds be sown 357 & 358 n2; CD requests Trifolium strictum observations 445 & n2, 449 n5; CD sends Nature issues 248 & n2, 276 & n5, 289 & 290 n8, 292 & 293 n3; CD speculates on generalised view of movement in plants 306; CD on stomata 379 & 380 nn 2–6; CD suggests experiments 262, 266–7 & 267 n6, n9, 275 n4, n7, 276 & n7, 324 & 325 n4; CD suggests investigating aggregation of roots from carbonate of ammonia 301 & 303 n14; CD on Thalia dealbata 288 & 289 n4, 301 & 302 n6; CD thanks for all FD has done for CD and asks him to keep notes 288; CD thinks Oxalis cotyledons a promising field of study 252 & n8; CD will send M. Micheli’s article 292 & 293 n2; CD will send twisted stems 262, 263 & n4; CD writes to FD about work while FD at Sachs’s laboratory xix, 226 & nn 2,3, 239 & nn 2–4, 240 n5, n6, 247–8 & 248 n2, 250, 252 & nn 2–9, 262–3 & 263 nn 2–4, 266–7 & 267 nn 2–9, 268 n10, 300–302 & 302 nn 2–12, 303 n13, n14, 306 & 307 n4, n6, 320–21 & 321 nn 2–10, 322 nn 11–13, 324–5 & 325 nn 2–7, 329 & 330 nn 2–6; cotyledons, works with CD on 52 n3, 225 & n5; G.H. Darwin sent W.S. Jevons’s article 193 & 194 n7; declines R. Meldola’s invitation to give lecture 487 & n3; Eucharis 448 & 449 n3; geotropism 297 & 298 n5; Gossypium 328 & 329 n6; on growth in pulvinus (joint) 261 & 262 n4; heliotropism (with CD) 12 & 13 n4, 22 & 24 n8; J.D. Hooker, FD supplies CD’s and his publication details to 404 & 405 n7; Hooker’s Royal Society presidential address mentions FD’s work 403 n6, 486 n5; Hyrdrocharis 245 & 246 n8; A. Kerner von Marilaun, Flowers and their unbidden guests 456 & n3; klinostat xix, 297 & 298 n6; Lathraea squamaria 137 & 138 n5; Leguminosae 290 n10, 309 & 310 n9, 320 &

721 321 n4; likes hearing about CD’s work 298 & n9; R.I. Lynch assisted at Kew 378 & 379 n3; Marchantia 261 & 262 n6; R. Meldola asks CD to ask if FD would give a biological lecture 477 & n5, 487 n3; Meldola tells CD he wishes to propose FD for membership of Entomological Society 4 & n6, 7 n2; M. Micheli refers to 292 & 293 n2; Movement in plants (CD with FD) 52 n3, 54 n6, 229 n1, 388 n2, 445; plant physiology, works on with CD 395 & n2; publications list 363 & n2, n3, 404 & 405 n7, 407 & n6; radicles, assisting CD 188 & n4, 225 & n5; radicles, discarded notes on failed experiments 186, 193 & 194 n3; read T. Ciesielski and reports Sachs’s views on Ciesielski’s observations 244–5 & 246 n3, n4; reports on books received while CD away 449 & 450 nn 3–5; reports on work at Kew 378 & n2, 379 nn 3–9; research interests shared with C. de Candolle 343 n8, 526 n8; Sachs’s laboratory, FD may return to work there in 1879: 327–8; seakale 88 & n5; secondary roots development 261 & 262 n9; ‘Self-defence among plants’ (lecture) 445 & n6, 449 & 450 n3; sends T. Ciesielski’s publication 274 & 275 n5, 276 n7; sends glass tubes to CD 378 & n2, 380 n13; sends Sachs’s paper 194 & n13; sends O. Schmidt’s article to CD 446 & 447 n6; Stipa pennata 178 & 179 n5, 180 n3; suggests G.J. Romanes keeps an idiot, a deafmute, a monkey and a baby xxi, 375 & n5, 377 n3; Sunday Lecture Society 274 & 275 n9; E. Tangl sent pamphlet 248 & n5; thanks CD for twisted stems 274 & 275 n6; thermograph 88 & n6; visited Kew 188 & n4; visited C.G. Semper at his laboratory 309 & 310 n11; on J. Wiesner 308 & 310 n5; worked at Sachs’s laboratory in Würzburg, Germany xvii, xix, 119 n2, 225 & 226 n1, 239 n2, 242 & n4, 246 n2, 249 n4, 289 n5, 302 n5, 307 n5, 328 n2, 358 n5, 405 n2, 416 n3, 448 n5, 530 n3, 534; writes to CD about work while at Sachs’s laboratory xix, 244–6 & 246 nn 2–8, 247 nn 9–11, 261 & 262 nn 2–10, 274–5 & 275 nn 2–8, 277–8 & 278 nn 2–4, 279 n5, n6, 284–5 & 285 nn 2–8, 295, 297–8 & 298 nn 2–9, 307–9 & 310 nn 2–13, 311 n14, n15, 314–15 & 316 nn 1–8, 317 n9, n10, 327–8 & 328 n2, 329 nn 3–9, 330–31 & 331 n2, 332 nn 3–8; writes to A.S. Wilson acknowledging arrival of Aegilops ovata and pamphlets 98 & 99 n1, n2, see also bloom on plants (FD); chlorophyll (FD); climbing plants (FD); Dipsacus sylvestris (FD); Drosera rotundifolia (FD); movement in plants (FD); oats (FD); pulvini (FD); roots (FD); sleep

722

Index

in plants (FD); stomata (FD); twiners and tendrils (FD); woody stems (FD) Darwin, Francis Sacheverel 213 & 215 n5, 255 & 256 n13 Darwin, George Howard: asks CD’s advice about responding to S. Haughton’s paper on geological time xxiv, 27 & n1, 28 n2, 173 n1; attended séance 442 n1; Castle Morton trust share 44 n1; CD advises on responding to S. Haughton’s paper xxiv, 41 & n2; CD comments on G.H. Darwin’s work 358 & 359 n3, 416 & nn 2–6, 428 & n2; CD comments to W.D Fox on G.H. Darwin’s character 54; CD on deaf-mutism 183 & 184 n1; CD on C.H. Lagrange’s similar work 283 & n2; CD offers financial help with proposed lunar gravity instrument 428 & n3; CD on Royal Society fellowship election (G.H. Darwin’s candidacy) 183 & 184 n2; CD sends J. Carret’s paper 420 & 421 n2; CD sends G.H. Darwin’s letter to FD 357 & 358 n4; CD sends note to forward to Mr Paul 358 & 359 n2; CD’s codicil to will returned to W.M. Hacon 493 n4; CD’s son 490 n2; E.A. Darwin’s health 263 & 264 n3; drawings for CD’s botanical research 280 n2; and FD suggest inviting A. Newton to Down 483–4 & 484 n1; health 41 & n4, 54 & n5, 263, 474 & 475 n2; helped with illustrations for Movement in plants 276 n3; J.D. Hooker supports G.H. Darwin’s Royal Society candidacy 183 & n6; on C.H. Lagrange’s work 263 & n2, 282 & 283 n2; maize radicles sketches 276 & n3; on mathematical work (and ‘axles’) 424 & 426 n8; met G.J. Romanes 361 & 362 n3; obliquity of the ecliptic 424 & 426 n4; ‘On the bodily tides of viscous and semi-elastic spheroids, and on the ocean tides upon a yielding nucleus’, 293 n3, 425–6 n1 426 n5, 428 n2; ‘On the bodily tides of viscous and semi-elastic spheroids, and on the ocean tides upon a yielding nucleus’, W. Thomson’s report on 424–5 & 425–6 n1, 428 n2; ‘On the precession of a viscous spheroid’ (BAAS; preliminary results) 263 & 263–4 n2, 359 n3, 362 n3, 416 n3; ‘On the precession of a viscous spheroid, and on the history of a remote earth’ (Royal Society; detailed paper) 283 n6, 286 & 287 n3, 359 n3, 417 n4, 426 n4; ‘On Professor Haughton’s estimate of geological time’ 28 n2; papers modelling composition of earth and effects of gravitational forces over time, 421 n2, 425–6 n1; parents of deaf children 183 & nn 2–4; A. Rich’s bequest to CD 478 & n3, 479 & n5, 484 & n3; E.J. Routh’s view of his work 358 & n4;

Royal Society candidacy 183 & n5, n6, 184 n2; Royal Society fellowship 183 n5, 416 & 417 n6; sea-tidal observations 424 & 525 n5; sends W. Thomson’s report on G.H. Darwin’s tides of spheroids paper to CD 424–5 & 425–6 n1, 428 n2; sensitivity to light 410–411 & 411 n1, 412 nn 2–4; sent W.S. Jevons’s article to FD 193 & 194 n7; stays with E.A. Darwin 283 n3; Thalia dealbata, CD comments on 283 & n3, 290 & n3, n4; Thalia dealbata, CD comments on drawings of 288 & n2, n3, 290 & n2; Thalia dealbata, CD requests drawings of 279–80 & 280 n2, 283 n3; Thalia dealbata, drawings of 286 & 287 n1, 286, 287; W. Thomson suggests Down as possible location for instrument to measure lunar gravity 424 & 426 n2, 428 n3; Trinity College, Cambridge 494 n4; visited A. Rich 498 n2; visits Algiers 27 n1, 54 & n5 Darwin, Horace: Cambridge University student 398 n2, 463 n3; CD’s son 490 n2; Down House well 488 & 489 n2; and D.S. Galton 248 & 249 n5; health 474 & 475 n2; klinostat xix, 298 n6; and W.C. Marshall 398 n2; nicknames, Jimmy; Jemmy 88 n6; Porliera hygrometrica experiment suggested 289 & 290 n9; A. Rich’s bequest to CD 478 & n3, 484 n3; typewriter 290 n11; visits FD at E.A. Darwin’s home 378 & 379 n8 Darwin, Leonard: career 474 & 475 n2; CD suffering from overwork 63 n2; CD’s son 490 n2; FD uses L. Darwin’s measurement ‘dodge’ 308 & 310 n3; lamp black analysis 11 & n1; nickname Pouter 308 n3; scarlet fever 232 & n3; sends two photographs to CD 169 & 170 n1 Darwin, Reginald 213 Darwin, Robert (1682–1754) 213 & 215 n5 Darwin, Robert Waring: W.D. Fox reminisces about 313 & n3; portrait 313 & n3; Shrewsbury home 313 & n3 Darwin, Sara (née Sedgwick): Bassett, Southampton home 77 n2, 313 & n8, 535 n14; CD sends love to 479 & n4; CD thanks for note and hopes to visit 89 & n4; and W.E. Darwin, marriage 23 & 24 n10, 43 n6, 52 n4, 54 & n7, 89 n4; Darwins visit xxvi, 170 n2, 180 n2, 186 & 187 n6, 194 n9, 534 & 535 n14; sends love to Darwins 482 & 483 n5; visits America 281 n3, 379 n8, 422 & 423 n5, 534; visits Down 276 n6, 280 & 281 n5 Darwin, Susan Elizabeth 313 & n3 Darwin, William (1655–82) 213 & 215 n5 Darwin, William Erasmus: Bassett, Southampton home 77 n2, 313 n8, 535 n14; bequest to Royal Society 482 & 483 n4; career 474 & 475 n2;

Index CD tells of A. Rich’s bequest 479 & nn 1–5; CD’s son 490 n2; Christmas 1877 family party 51 & 52 n3; Darwins visit xxvi, 155 & n3, 158 n3, 170 & n2, 174 & 175 n2, 180 n2, 185 n1, 186 & 187 n6, 187 n1, 194 n9, 534 & 535 n14; helped CD with botanical observations 389 n3; O.C. Marsh’s arrangements for photographs of CD purchased 280 & 281 n2, 291 n2; A. Rich’s bequest to CD xxvii, 478 & n4, 482 & 483 nn 2–6; and S. Sedgwick, marriage 23 & 24 n10, 43 n6, 51 & 52 n4, 54 & n7, 89 n4; sends Athenæum extract about R.I. Lynch’s paper 211 & 212 n2; sends love to Emma Darwin 482; sent CD letter from FD 329 & 330 n7; submerged leaves 380 n6; visits America 281 n3, 379 n8, 422 & 423 n5, 534; visits Down 276 n6, 280 & 281 n5; visits FD at E.A. Darwin’s home 378 & 379 n8; wrote to W.D. Fox 313 Darwinian theory: terminology 316 n5, see also evolution Darwinism: in Germany 37 & 38 n4, 504 & n4 date palm (Phoenix dactylifera) 391 & 392 n2, n6 dates 391–2 & 392 nn 2–6 Davies, Llewelyn 462 Davies, William 369 & 370 n3 Dawson, John William 348 n5 Day, Joseph 253 & 255 n4 De la Rue, Warren 402 & 403 n4, 407 & n6 de Vries, Hugo see Vries, Hugo de deaf children 183 & n4 deaf-mutes 183 & 184 n1, 364 & 365 n2 Decaisne, Joseph: grasses, seed structures 66 & 67 n4; hairs on pericarp of some Compositae 226 & n3 declaration regarding threat of war with Russia 205 n2 deer 369–70 & 370 n3, n4, 376 n4 deerhounds: breeding 216–18 & 218 nn 1–8 Delboeuf, Joseph: CD lends Delboeuf ’s book to G.J. Romanes 371 & n3, 375 & n7, 376 & 377 n1; La psychologie comme science naturelle, son présent et son avenir 364 & 365 n5 Delpino, Federico: career 168 n5, 515 n5; CD learns of Delpino’s Maranta observations from W.T. Thiselton-Dyer 301 & 302 n6, 304 & 305 n2; CD recommends as correspondent 219 & 220 n5; comments on cirripedes 167–8 & 168 nn 4–11, 514–15 & 515 nn 4–10; comments on Forms of flowers 167 & 168 n2, 514 & 515 n2; F. Hildebrand reviews dichogamy work of 295 n7; Maranta 302 n6, 304 & 305 n2, 305; sends ‘Rivista botanica’ (1877) 167 & 168 n2, 514 & 515 n2; Thalia dealbata 302 n6

723

Denton, William 24 Descendenz-theorie (German term for evolution) 316 n5, see also descent theory; evolution Descent (CD): cites H. von Helmholtz 350 n1; J.D. Cooper, engravings 481 n1; G.A. Gaskell influenced by 432 & 435 n3, 433 & 435 n5; hermaphroditism 110 n1; J.L. Houston comments on 55 & n1, 55–6 n2; human population growth 435 n5, n10; hybrids 376 n4; inheritance of moral tendencies 146 n2; A.J. Lecomte, critique of 349 n14; moral sense, social instincts and social virtues 434 & 435 n8, 435 n5; natural selection in human development 435 n2, n5; orang-outan 37 n5; E.B. Pusey quotes from 457 n3; religious beliefs 103 n1; reprint needed 454 & 455 n2; stridulation in insects and spiders 4 n5; sympathy 433 & 435 n6, 437 & 438 n2 Descent 2d ed. (CD): cites H. von Helmholz 350 n1; cites A. Moschkau 141 & 143 n4, 511 & 513 n4; cites W.K. Parker 21 n3; indolence 434 & 435 n10; T.T. Sherlock comments on 156 & 157 n2 Descent Russian ed. (CD): V.O. Kovalevksy translated 118 n2 Descent US ed. (CD): sales 201 descent theory: Entomological Society of London, discussion 134 & n2; and geological age 258 & n4; German terminology 316 n5; Germany xxii; R. Meldola on some continental writings 452 n1; Meldola on A. Weismann’s work 417, 451 & 452 n2; E. Mojsisovics von Mojsvár regards as established xxii, 222–3 & 223 n1, 258 & n4; M. Neumayr regards as established 258 & n4; J. Sachs on 315 & 316 n5; R.C. Virchow’s view of 143 n3, 150 n2, 512–13 n3, see also evolution design: CD comments to W.R. Greg on P. Greg’s ‘Design in development’ chapter 500–501 & 501 nn 1–8, 502 n9, n10 Desmodium gyrans (Codariocalyx motorius; telegraph or semaphore plant) 139 & 140 n4 Dew-Smith, Albert George 193 & 194 n8 Dhairyaban, V.K. 439 & 440 n6 Dichoneuron hookeri 41 n5, 60 n2, 510 n2 dicotyledons: G. de Saporta 59, 60, 509, 510 Dill, Samuel 462 ‘Dimorphic condition in Primula’: polyanthus and Primula auricula 179 n3 dimorphism: Adenosacme longifolia 189 & 193 n2, nn 4–6, 190 Dionaea muscipula (Venus fly trap): C. de Candolle 353 n5

724

Index

Dionaea muscipula (Venus fly trap; CD’s work): sensitiveness 283 & n4, 288 & 289 n4; transmitted sensitiveness 239–40 n4 Dione vanillae (Agraulis vanillae; gulf fritillary) 153 & 154 n7 Diplacus glutinosus (D. aurantiacus ssp. aurantiacus; orange bush monkey-flower) 294 & n2 DIPLOMAS (CD) see Darwin, Charles Robert, DIPLOMAS Dipsacus sylvestris (common teasel: FD’s work): CD comments on protoplasmic filaments paper 5 & 6 n3, n4; CD on J. Sachs’s response to 248 & n3, 248 & 249 n4; J.D. Hooker mentions in Royal Society presidential address 403 n6 Disraeli, Benjamin: bequest from S. Brydges Willyams 482 & n3; memorial sent to Disraeli concerning ultimatum to Amir of Afghanistan (CD a signatory) xxv, 436 & n1, n2, 437 n3, n4; threat of war with Russia xxv, 205 n2 Doblhoff-Dier, Josef von 38 n7, 504 n7 Dobson, George Edward: asks whether CD observed any bats in the Galápagos Islands 158–9 & 159 n1; CD did not observe bats in Galápagos Islands 159 & n2; sends monstrous fuchsia flowers 158 Dodel-Port, Arnold: CD thanks for botanical atlas and offers to be a subscriber 237–8 & 238 nn 1–3; first part of botanical atlas sent xxii, 233–5 & 235 nn 2–7, 241 n2, 518–19 & 519 nn 2–5, 520 n6, n7, 521 n2; more news of botanical atlas 240–41 & 241 nn 2–5, 520–21 & 521 nn 2–5; thanks for English publisher’s address and CD’s offer of subscription which he declines in appreciation of CD’s work 240–41 & 241 n3, 520–21 & 521 n3 Dodel-Port, Carolina: botanical atlas 235 n2, 519 n2 dog violet (Viola canina) 26 & 27 n4 dogs: breeding deerhounds 216–18 & 218 nn 1–8; dew-claws 19–20 & 20 n2; extinct great dogs 217 & 218 nn 4–6; hindfeet 20 n1 domestic breeds 459 & n3 domesticated animals and plants 107 doubleness in flowers 179 & 180 n4 Down House: extension to 399 & n3; Orpington railway station 208 n2, 418 n3, 419, 461 & n3; well 488 & 489 n2 Down House visitors: F.M. Balfour 534; S. Darwin 276 n6, 280 & 281 n5; W.E. Darwin 276 n6, 280 & 281 n5; T.W. Higginson 205 n1, 534; H. Hooker 41 & n5, 61 & n3, 93 n1, 271 n3, 534; J.D. Hooker (1876) 17 n1, 93 & n1; J.D. Hooker (1878) 36 n18, 41 & n3, 61 & n3, 269 & n6, 317 &

318 n2, 320 & 322 n11, 326 n2, 534; H.A. Huxley 534; T.H. Huxley 534; V.O. Kovalevsky (1872) 111 n2; J.F. McLennan 269 & 270 n2, 273 & 274 n3, 534; O.C. Marsh 272 & n1, 281 n2, 291 & n3, 534; H.N. Moseley (1876) 453 n3; A. Newton (1870) 484 n1; G.J. Romanes 155 n5, 158 n3, 187 n2, 196 n3, 534; H.A. Thiselton-Dyer 534; W.T. Thiselton-Dyer 35 n1, 534; K.A. Timiryazev (1877) 119 n3; J. Tyndall 465 n4, 466 n1, 534; L.C. Tyndall 534; F.J. Wedgwood (Snow) 380 & n11 Downe Coal and Clothing Club 473 & n1 Downing, Helena Paulina 439 downy woundwort (Stachys germanica) 293 & n1, 295 & n2 Draper, John William 346 & 348 n3, 347 & 349 n13 Drosera (sundews; CD’s work): Australian species 208 & n5; benzoic acid 408 & n2; boracic acid 408 & n3; colouring of hairs 72 n2; movement 379–80 & 380 n7; seedlings failed to grow 391, see also Insectivorous plants Drosera (sundews; FD’s work): could test for nitrogen in water from cleaned leaves 331 & 332 n7 Drosera anglica 121 & 122 n3 Drosera capensis (Cape sundew) 389 & n2, 391 n3 Drosera filiformis (thread-leaved sundew) 115 n2 Drosera rotundifolia (common or round-leaved sundew): A. Dodel-Port 233 & 235 n6, 519 & 520 n6 Drosera rotundifolia (common or round-leaved sundew; CD’s work) 121 & 122 n3; inflection of tentacles 206 & 207 n8 Drosera rotundifolia (common or round-leaved sundew; FD’s paper on nutrition of): CD checked proofs 266 & 267 n2; CD comments on 186 & n2, 266 & 267 n2; FD thanks CD for checking proofs 278 & 279 n6; full paper published in Journal of Linnean Society (Botany) 186 n2, n3, 193 & 194 n4, n5; J.D. Hooker mentions in Royal Society presidential address 403 n6; paper read at Linnean Society 18 n1, 21 n2, 186 & n2, 533; summarised in Nature 186 & n2, 193; W.C. Williamson congratulates FD on 20 & 21 n2 Drosera spatulata (spoon-leaved sundew) 20 & 21 n1, 388–9 & 389 n1, 391 & n2 Drosera whittakerii (scented sundew) 199 & n3, 208 n5 Druitt, Thomas: income tax on CD’s US investments 307 & n1 Drummond, Robert 439 Dryas iulia see Colaenis julia Drysdale, John James 260 & n3 Du Bois-Reymond, Emil: CD thanks Royal Prussian Academy of Sciences for membership

Index 431 & 432 n1, n2; Royal Prussian Academy of Sciences elected CD foreign associate 426–7 & 427 n1, 540 & 541 n3, 541 & n3; secretarial address 427 & n2 Ducharte, Pierre Etienne Simon 67 & n8 duck’s foot with freshwater shell attached 180–81 & 181 nn 1–6, 181 & n3, 210 & n3 Dudleya pulverulenta see Cotyledon pulverulenta Dumas, Jean-Baptiste: Académie des sciences, botanical section elects CD corresponding member 334 & n2, n3, 523 & 524 n2, n3, 538 & 539 n2; CD thanks for membership 344 & n2 Duncan, Ethel 465 & n2, 471 & 472 n2 Dupuy, Eugène: CD comments on Dupuy’s work 311 & n2, n3, 312 n4 Dutchman’s pipe (Aristolochia sipho) 247 & 248 n2, 263 & n4, 274 & 275 n6 Duthie, John Firminger 499 & n2 Dutrochet, René Joachim Henri 489 & 490 n6 Duval-Jouve, Joseph 266 & 267 n6 dwarf erythrina (Erythrina princeps; E. humeana) 297 & 298 n3 dyes 451 & 452 n4, 452 & 453 n2 ear features 141 & 143 n5, 511 & 513 n5 earth: age of see geological time; composition of 424 & 426 n6, n7; heat within 416 & 417 n4; obliquity of the ecliptic 424 & 426 n4; shape of 426 n10 earthquake waves 175–7 & 177 n1, 213 & n2 earthworms: CD on castings 317; F. Müller’s observations 12 & 13 n1, 317 eastern elliptio see mussel ‘eastern question’ see Ottoman Empire Echeveria 30 & 35 n11 Echeveria pulverulenta 30 Echinocystis lobata (wild cucumber; wild mockcucumber) 306 & 307 n4, 353 & n1 Ecroyd, Edward 8 n1 Edinburgh Review: CD comments on copyright article 401 & n4; editor H. Reeve 401 n4 Edwards, Mary Elizabeth 216 n1 Edwardsia chrysophylla (Sophora chrysophylla; mamani) 284 & 285 n4 eelgrass (Vallisneria spiralis; V. americana) 35 n4 eggplant (Solanum melongena; aubergine) 413 & 414 n3 electrical discharge in a gas 403 n4 elephants’ tears 1 & n2 Elisena 45 & 46 n5 Elliott & Fry 384 n2 Elliptio complanata (Unio complanatus; mussel; eastern elliptio) 181 & n5, 210 n3

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Elliptio complanatus 182 Ellis, Alexander John 439 Ellis, Edwin 439 Encyclopaedia Britannica 9th ed.: T.H. Huxley, ‘evolution in biology’ 229 & n1, 232 & n2 English public’s reading tastes 488 engraved bones 81 & 82 n6 Entomological Society of London: descent theory discussion, R. Meldola sends copy of 134 & n2; Meldola, exhibited beetles (in seeds sent to CD by F. Müller) 203 n3, 212 & n3; Meldola, exhibited insect photographs (sent to CD by O. Zacharias) 165 n2, 177 & 178 n2; Meldola, secretary 4 n6, 202; F. Müller, letter (27 Nov 1877) extracts read by Meldola at 13 n2, 25 n2, 134 n1; Müller, ‘Notes on Brazilian entomology’ 153 n1, 200 n2, 203 n1, 212 & 213 n4, 236 & 237 n2; F. Smith 115 n3, 118 & n2 Eozoon canadense 347 & 348 n5 Epigaea: CD asks A. Gray for observations 22 & 24 n6; A. Gray will see about observations 42 & 43 n4 Epigaea repens (ground-laurel; mayflower) 24 n6, 43 n4 epinasty: CD’s observations 383 n3; terminology 289 & n5, 308 & 310 n6; H. de Vries 381 & 383 n4 Epipactis (helleborine) 381 & 383 n4 Episcopal Church of Scotland 461 n2 Epping Forest 386 & n1, 388 n1, 396 & n2 Equus 354 & 355 n4 Eresia langsdorfi (Langsdorf ’s crescent; false erato) 153 & 154 n5 Eriosoma mali (E. langierum; woolly apple aphid) 93 n3 Ernst, Adolf: CD asks about bloom on plants in Venezuela 16 & n2; CD thanks for book 16 & n1 Errera, Léo Abram: CD regrets Errera went to Down while CD away 337–8 & 338 n1, n2; congratulates CD on election to Académie des sciences 345 & n4; and G. Gevaert, summary of Cross and self fertilisation 338 n2; visited Down while CD away 345 & n3 Erythraea (Centaurium; centaury) 336 n1, 341 n2 Erythraea centaurium (Centaurium erythraea; common centaury) 334 & 336 n1, n3, 335 & 336 n7, 341 n2 Erythrina princeps (E. humeana; dwarf erythrina) 297 & 298 n3 Erythrina spathacea (E. variegata; tiger’s claw) 297 & 298 n3 Espinas, Alfred 375 n8, 377 & n1

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Eucharis 448 & 449 n3 Eueides 69 & 70 n4, n5 Eueides aliphera (aliphera longwing) 69 & 70 n4 Eueides isabella (Isabella longwing) 69 & 70 n4 Eueides pavana (pavana longwing) 69 & 70 n4 Euphorbia 302 & 303 n14 European goose, common (domestic variety of wild greylag goose; Anser anser) 359–60 & 360 n1, n2, 364 n2, n3, 366–7 n2, 374 n1, n2, 376 n2, n3 Evans, John: asks for subscription contribution for A.H. Everett’s Borneo caves expedition 28 & n1; CD will subscribe to expedition 28–9 & 29 n1, n2; composition of the earth 424 & 426 n6, n7 Everett, Arthur Hart: Borneo caves expedition 28 & n1 evolution: W. Behrens on 371 n6; E. Haeckel on 37 & 38 n4, 150 n1, n2, 504 & n4; T.H. Huxley, Encyclopaedia Britannica, ‘evolution in biology’ 229 & n1, 232 & n2; H.N. Ridley on E.B. Pusey’s interpretation of evolution 456–7 & 457 nn 2–5; teaching of in schools 150 n2; terminology 229 & n1, 232 n2, 316 n5; R.C. Virchow on 50 n5, 141 & 143 n3, 150 & n2, 511 & 512–13 n3, see also descent theory evolution (CD comments on): CD on Haeckel’s and others role in continuing evolution work 52; CD reflects on in the light of E.B. Pusey’s sermon 458 & n2; CD regarded A.R. Wallace as co-discoverer of theory of evolution by natural selection 82 n4; CD on a work showing orthodox Jews may accept evolution 387 & n3; development of plants 354 & 355 n4; differences of opinion regarding means of evolution 458; inheritance 311 & 312 n4; principles of evolution in movement in plants 306; public opinion 458; reception of CD’s work xxii; reception of CD’s work in Germany 48, 150 & n2, 234 & 235 n7, 506, 519 & 520 n7; as well established principle 150, 458, see also descent theory Ewald, Julius Wilhelm 426 & 427 n1 exaggerated circumnutation 239 experimental work: CD accustomed to get definite results only once in three or four times 473; failures 186; fool’s experiments 174, 194, 266 & 267 n7; how few people have patience for long experimental work 83; lack of people doing experimental work on plants in Britain 71, 72; patience required for 107; pitfalls and traps in 372; success in 184 expression: photographs of a boy’s change of expression 384 & n1, 385

Expression (CD): cites H. von Helmholtz 350 n1; J.D. Cooper, engravings 481 n1; elephants’ tears 1 n2; A.J. Lecomte, critique of 349 n14 Expression French ed. (CD): S.J. Pozzi and R. Benoît translated 409 n4, 529 n4 Expression French 2d ed. (CD): S.J. Pozzi and R. Benoît translated 409 & n4, 529 & n4 Expression US ed. (CD): sales 200 Expression Russian ed. (CD): V.O. Kovalevksy translated 118 n2 external conditions 501 & n7 extinct great dogs 217 & 218 nn 4–6 eye: inherited effects of lesions in nerves in 311 n2 Eyton, T.C. 376 Fagaceae 60 n5, 510 n5 fallow deer (Dama dama) 369 & 370 n4 false erato (Eresia langsdorfi; Langsdorf ’s crescent) 153 & 154 n5 false oxlips 179 n2 false shamrock (Oxalis regnellii; O. triangularis) 284 & 285 n4 Farn, Albert Brydges: Gnophos obscurata 440 & n1 Farquhar Islands ( Juan de Nova) 351 & 352 n1 Farrar, Frederic William 462 Farrer, Emma Cecilia (Ida) 446 & 447 n5 Farrer, Katherine Euphemia (Effie): Abinger Hall, home 535 n22; Darwins visit xxvi, 338 n3, 343 n3, 344 n6, 534 & 535 n22; spiritualism 44 & n2 Farrer, Thomas Henry: Abinger Hall, home 179 & 180 n6; advises CD about his financial contribution to J. Torbitt 147 & n1, n2, 149 & n2, 149 & 150 n1, 152 n1; asks CD how much finance Torbitt needs to continue experiments 131 & 132 n1, 134 n3; Board of Trade permanent secretary 79 & n2, 91 n1; CD asks for advice about cheque returned by Torbitt 140 & 141 n7; CD comments on his seedlings work 179 & 180 n5; CD on double flowers 179 & 180 n4; CD on involving J. Caird and Royal Agricultural Society in Torbitt’s project 83 & n2, n3, 99 & 100 n7; CD reports progress of Torbitt’s project 99 & nn 2–5, 100 nn 6–8; CD suggests Torbitt sends copy of his letter to Northcote to Farrer 79 & n2, 89 n2, 92 n1; CD supports Torbitt’s project 99 & nn 2–5, 100 nn 6–8; CD thanks Farrer and J. Caird for help 149 & n1, n2; CD thanks for Ledum 180 & n2; CD works with Farrer and J. Caird to obtain support for Torbitt’s project xxv, 98 n4, 102 n1, 107 n1, 113 & n3, 117 & n4, 131 & 132 n1, 136, 140 & 141 nn 2–7, 147 & n1, 149 & n1, 149–50 & 150 n1, n2, 488 & n5; CD would investigate Ledum if he

Index had time 179 & 180 n2; copy of Torbitt’s letter to Northcote sent to Farrer 85 & n2; copyright 401 n4; Darwins visit xxvi, 338 n3, 343 n3, 344 n6, 351 n5, 365 n7, 401–2 n2, 534 & 535 n22; Darwins visited (Abinger; 1875) 180 n6; ‘eastern question’ 86 & n6; meets CD in London xxiv, 83 & 84 n3, 85, 97 n2, 534; responds to CD’s request on Torbitt’s behalf to obtain government funding for potato variety development 82 & n1, n2; sends Ledum specimen 178 & 179 n1, 180 n2; supports Torbitt’s project 82 & n1, 99 n2, 101 & 102 n1, 105 & 107 n1, 113, 149 & 150 n2; Torbitt’s project, Farrer’s view of xxiv, 83–4, 90 & n2; H. de Vries visited CD at Farrer’s home 325 n3, 339 n3, 343 n3, 350 & 351 n5, 353 n1, 355 & n2, see also potatoes ( J. Torbitt’s project, CD’s letter to T.H. Farrer of support for) Farrer, William: requests reading recommendations for stock breeding 8; sends account of new variety of merino sheep 7–8 & 8 n2, n3 fava bean see Vicia faba feather grass (Stipa pennata) 179 n5 Fechner, Gustav Theodor 411 n1, 412 n2 Fechner’s law 410 & 411 n1, 411 fenland Palaeolithic deposits 80–81 & 82 n3 ferns: J.G. Baker identified 31 & 35 n15; bloom 39 & 40 n4; Silurian fern 21 & n5; specimen 33, 34, 36 n24 fertilisation of plants: CD’s interest in 388 & n2 fertility of hybrids 376 & n4 Ffinden, George Sketchley: CD sends cheque for Downe Coal and Clothing Club 473 & n1 Ficaria verna see Ranunculus ficaria Field: J. Torbitt’s potato project 488 n4 Field & Co. 442 n4 field bindweed (Convolvulus arvensis) 274 & 275 n5 field corn (Zea mays var. indentata) 13 & 16 n2, 14 field pansy (Viola tricolor var. arvensis; V. arvensis) 272 & 273 n2 field pumpkin (Cucurbita pepo) 353–4 n3 Figuerola Ballester, Laureano: sends material relating to Institución Libre de Enseñanza 457 & n2, n3, 531 & n2, n3 FINANCES (CD) see Darwin, Charles Robert, FINANCES fir trees 242 & n2, 304 & 305 n6 Fisher, John Francis: animal rights 346–8 & 348 nn 2–6, 349 nn 7–11; CD will not read Fisher’s manuscript but invites abstract of 338 & n2, n4 Fisher, Walter William 129 & 131 n5 Fithian, Edward William: CD sends payment for Knockholt path fund 222 & n2; Knockholt &

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Chevening Footpath Fund 221 & n1, 222 nn 2–4 Fitzgerald, Robert David: CD thanks for publication on Australian orchids 406 & n1 FitzRoy, Fanny 163 n4 FitzRoy, George 163 n4 FitzRoy, Katherine 163 n4 FitzRoy, Laura Maria Elizabeth 163 n4 FitzRoy, Maria Isabella 163 n4, 185 & n1 FitzRoy, Robert 163 n2, 166 n1, 185 n1 FitzRoy, Robert O’Brien 163 n4 Fizeau, Hippolyte 538 n1 fleshy sorrel see Oxalis carnosa Florida harvester ant (Pogonomyrmex crudelis; P. badius) 118 n2 florist’s cyclamen see Cyclamen persicum Flower, William Henry: R.A. Blair arranges for goose wings to be sent to (via Smithsonian Institution) 279 & n2, 299 & 300 n1, 473 n1; career 160 n1, 279 n1, 333 n2; CD asks about goose wing 158 & n1; CD comments on goose wing 100 & n2; CD has not called on Flower 100 & n1; CD reports that Blair has sent more goose wings and encloses letters 332 & 333 nn 2–5; CD reports to Blair that he has written to Flower with particulars 330 & n3; CD sends goose wing and asks for description of 76 & 77 nn 1–3, 158 n1, 161 n1; CD sends photographs received recently 474 & n3; CD thanks Flower and J.G. Garson for work on goose wings 473–4 & 474 n1, n2; CD thanks for goose wing observations 160 & 161 n2; CD will bring more goose information when he calls on Flower 78 & n2, n3; Darwins visited 467 & 468 n5, 474 n4, 534; observations on goose wing 159– 60 & 160 nn 1–3, 300 n1, 332 & 333 n4; reports on additional goose wings and sends J.G. Garson’s report on them 466–7 & 468 nn 2–6, 473 & n2; G.J. Romanes’s animal intelligence lecture 361 & 362 n5; suggested to CD that Blair send more goose wing samples 160 n2, n3, 161 n2, 161 n2, 300 n1 flowers: beauty of 360; conspicuous 127, 220 n2; doubleness in 179 & 180 n4; and general observers 360–61; inconspicuous 3 n5, 220 n3, 335, 338 n2; and insects 25–6 & 27 nn 1–6, 273 n3, 335 & 336 n8, n9, 361 n2, 370 n3, 371 n4, 399 & n3; nectaries 412 & n3; proterandrous 219 n2; proterogynous 220 n2; subterranean 144–5 & 145 n4 Floyer, Ernest Ayscoghe: enclosure in Arabic 393 & 394 n4, 528 & n2; pigeons 392 & 393 n9; sends dates 391–2 & 392 nn 2–6; waterbuffalo 393 & 394 n3

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Index

Floyer, Frederick Anthony 392 & 393 n7 fly agaric (Amanita agaricus) 6 n4 fly orchid (Ophrys muscifera; O. insectifera) 273 n3 fool’s experiments: CD comments on 174, 194, 266 & 267 n7; J. Sachs 245 & 247 n10, 266 & 267 n7 Forms of flowers (CD): androdioecious species, none identified 211 n4; Arachis 30 & 35 n10; CD thinks it not likely there will be a new edition 295 & n1; cites W.E. Hart 25–6 & 27 n1; copy sent to T. von Heldreich 46 & n3, 504 & 505 n3; corolla, reduction in size 336 n9; corrections 2 & n2, 78 & n2; F. Delpino comments on 167 & 168 n2, 514 & 515 n2; grass 44 n2; A. Gray’s review 22 & 23 n2, 43 n9, 62 n5, 543; Lathyrus nissolia 219 n2; Leersia oryzoides 318 n3; Linum perenne 171 n3; H. Müller’s review 3 & n2, n5, 543; Nepeta glechoma 25 & 27 n1; Pontederia 13 n3; published 5 n1, 363 & n3, 388 n2, 423 n2, 530 n2, 543; Ranunculus aquatilis 204 n3; reviews 543–4 & 544 n1; J.E. Taylor cites 249 n1; terminology 43 n5; W.T. Thiselton-Dyer’s review 154 & n1, 208 n11, 544; Thymus serpyllum 336 n5 Forms of flowers 2d ed. (CD): CD must soon prepare this 39 & 40 n3; cites H. Müller 3 n4, n5, 43 n3; cites T. Whitelegge 204 & n2, 293 n1, 295 n1; cyclamen, information from W.T. Thiselton-Dyer and G. Bentham 39 & 40 n3; Erythraea centaurium, information from A.S. Wilson 336 n3; Linum perenne 62 n5; new material added to preface 78 n2; published 5 n1; Ranunculus acris 204 n2, 211 n1; Stachys germanica 293 n1 Forms of flowers French ed. (CD): corrections 2 n2; A. Gaudry, presentation copy 423 & n2, 530 & n2; É. Heckel translated 2 & n1, 349 n1, 408 & 409 n2, 528 & 529 n2; Primula 2 & n1; G. de Saporta, presentation copy 423 n2, 530 n2 Forms of flowers US ed. (CD): sales 201 Forster, William Edward 462 Fossil Cirripedia (CD) 168 n4, 515 n4 fossil horses 354 & 355 n4 fossil plants: O. Heer 353 n4; J.D. Hooker 352 & 353 n4; Silurian 21 & n5, 39 & n5 Fox, Ellen Sophia 51 & 52 n6, 281 n2, 313 & 314 n9 Fox, Theodora 51 & 52 n5, 53 & 54 n3, 313 & n8; death of 281 n1, 313 & n2 Fox, William Darwin: CD reports family news 53–4 & 54 nn 2–7; CD writes after learning of the death of Fox’s daughter 281 & n1, n2, 313 & n2; W.C. Hewitson 313 & nn 4–7; on looking at many of CD’s letters 313 & n3; sends birthday greetings and reports family news 51 & 52

nn 2–6; thanks CD for condolences on death of his daughter 313 & n2 France: human population 434 & 435 n9, 437; reception of CD’s work in 337 & n2, 349 & n1 La France 367 & n1 Francis, George: CD thanks for bulbs 72 & n1, n2 Frankland, Edward: assisted CD with chemical aspects of research 332 n10; CD on arrangements for procuring pure water and Wenham ice 461 & n3, n4; CD hopes to visit 447 & n2, 448 & n2, n3, 450 n7; CD thanks for Blue Book (London water quality report) 461 & n2; CD visited Frankland 461 & n4, 534 Franklin Literary Society: elected CD honorary member and wishes to purchase portrait of CD 134–5 & 135 n1, n2 Fraser, James, bishop of Manchester 462 & 463 n9 Free Institute of Education (Institución Libre de Enseñanza): names CD honorary professor 16–17 & 17 n2, 345 n2, 457 n2, 503 & n2, 527 n2, 531 n2 freezing temperatures, effects on plants of 138 & n5, 146 & n3 French Association for the Advancement of Sciences 60 n2, 510 n2 frost heaving 355 & n3 Froude, James Anthony 204, 401 n4 Fry, Clarence Edmund: sends series of photographs of a boy’s change of expression 384 & n1, 385 Fry, Clarence Edmund, Jr 384 n2 fuchsia 158, 159 & n1 Fumana procumbens see Helianthemum procumbens funded loans 307 n1 Gable Island 428 & n3 Gaertner, Joseph 66 & 67 n6, n8, 68 n9 Galápagos Islands: bats, whether exist on islands 158–9 & 159 n1, 159 & n2 Galkin-Vraskoi, Mikhail Nikolaevich: career 58 n5; CD thanks for wheat seeds 58 & n2, 508 & n2; wheat seeds from 53 & n2, 57 & n1, 168 & 169 n1, 175 n4 Galton, Douglas Strutt: BAAS, general secretary 263 n2; G.H. Darwin sought advice from 263 & n2; and H. Darwin 248 & 249 n5; and J.D. Hooker 248 & 249 n5; G.J. Romanes’s animal intelligence lecture 361 & 362 n5 Galton, Francis: attended séances 442 n1; CD refers G.A. Gaskell to an article by Galton xxiii, 437 & 438 n3, 443 & 444n7; composite portraits 213 & 215 nn 2–5, 214; ‘Hereditary improvement’ 438 n3; human development 433 & 435 n5

Index Galton, Samuel Tertius 253 & 255 n8 Galton, Violetta 253 & 255 n8 Gandamak, Treaty of 437 n4 Gardeners’ Chronicle : Abies nordmanniana 294 & 295 n8; CD ceased keeping 304; R.T. Clarke 45 n5; editor M.T. Masters 295 n8, 544 n1; G. Nicholson 294 & 295 n6 Gardeners’ Chronicle (CD’s notes): Pumilo argyrolepis observations 226 & n2, n3 Garibaldi voyage 168 n5, 515 n5 Garrod, H. 439 & 440 n6 Garson, John George: report on goose wings 466, 467 & 468 n2, 473 & 474 n1 gas: electrical discharge in 403 n4 Gascoyne-Cecil, Robert Arthur Talbot, 3d marquess of Salisbury: CD a signatory to letter to Gascoyne-Cecil requesting a meeting to present signed declaration on Eastern European affairs xxv, 204 & 205 nn 1–4; refused to meet a deputation 205 n3 Gaskell, George Arthur: CD comments on Gaskell’s letter xxiii, 437 & 438 nn 1–5; discusses condition of human race xxiii, 432–5 & 435 nn 1–11, 436 n12, 442–3 & 444 nn 1–8; A new theory of heredity 436 n12 Gaudry, Albert: Les enchaînements du monde animal dans les temps géologiques: mammifères tertiaires 28 & n3; thanks CD for Forms of flowers French ed. 423 & n2, 530 & n2 Gay, Jacques 31 & 36 n18 geese: cross-breeding Chinese and common European geese 359–60 & 360 nn 1–4, 363–4 & 364 n2, n3, 366 & n2, 367 n3, 374 & n1, n2, 376 & n2, n4; gosling with turned back feathers 161, 162; supposed inheritance of injury case 76 & 77 n1, 78 n3, 100 & n2, 158 & n1, n2, 159–60 & 160 nn 1–3, 279, 299–300 & 300 nn 1–3, 332 & 333 nn 2–4, 466–7 & 468 nn 2–6, 473 & nn 1–3 Geiger, Lazarus 47 & 48 n2 Geikie, James: confirmed S.B.J. Skertchly’s Palaeolithic implements discovery 80 & 82 n3; fenland Palaeolithic deposits 82 n4; Skertchly’s notes included in Geikie’s book on ice age 80 & 82 n2, 96 & n4 Geinitz 500 Gentiana andrewsii (bottle gentian) 43 n9 Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire, Isidore 316 n5 geographical distribution: W.T. Thiselton-Dyer’s lecture on plant-distribution 248 & 249 n3, 304 & 305 n9, 368 & n6 geographical isolation and new species: C.G. Semper 454 n3, 468–9 & 469 nn 1–4; M.F.

729

Wagner 453 & 454 n2, 469 n1, n2, n4; A. Weismann 459 & n2, 469 & n4 geographical isolation and new species (CD comments on) 453–4 & 454 nn 2–4, 458–9 & 459 nn 1–3, 460 n4, n5, 469 n3; Origin 6th ed. 453 & 454 n2 geological formations: age of 223 n1, 228 n2, 258 & n4; alpine 171–2 & 172 n1, 228 & n2 geological record’s imperfections: CD comments on 223 & n2; E. Mojsisovics von Mojsvár 172 & n2; Origin 6th ed. 172 n2 geological time: CD comments on 155, 258 & n4; CD comments on S. Haughton’s work xxiv, 172–3 & 173 n1, n2; G.H. Darwin 417 n4; G.H. Darwin comments on S. Haughton’s work xxiv, 27 & n1, 28 n2, 173 n1; disputes about 417 n4; T.M. Reade 62 & n1, n2, 70 n2, 155 n1; W. Thomson 62 & n2, 417 n4 geology: progress in 96 geotropism: terminology 43 n5 geotropism (CD’s work): cabbage radicle 56 & 57 n4; CD sends thanks to W.T. Thiselton-Dyer for plants 146 & n2; working on 119 & n5, see also apogeotropism geotropism (FD’s work) 297 & 298 n5 geraniums 446 & 447 n4, 447 & n1, n3, 448 & 449 n2 German and Austrian scientists photograph album 49 n6, 508 n6; J. von Doblhoff-Dier 38 n7, 504 n7; C. Kraus, hopes his photograph may be included 49 n3, n6, 506, 508 n3, n6; C. Kraus, unable to participate in album 37 & 38 n5, 504 & n5 German collected edition of CD’s works (CD) 389 & 390 n1, 395 & n3; J.V. Carus translated 390 n1, 395 n3 Germany: cultural situation 150 n2; Descendenztheorie, terminology 316 n5; descent theory xxii; natural history 431; reception of CD’s work in xxii, 48, 150 & n2, 234 & 235 n7, 506, 519 & 520 n7 Geum 173 & n1, n2 Geum intermedium 211 & n3 Geum rivale (water avens) 173 n2, 211 & n3 Geum urbanum (wood avens) 211 & n3 Gevaert, Gustave 338 n2 giant granadilla (Passiflora quadrangularis) 153 & 154 n6 giant tortoises 351 & 352 n3 Giner de los Ríos, Hermenegildo: requests list of CD’s publications 345 & n2, 363 n2, 526 & 527 n2 glacial periods 405 n5

730

Index

glass tubes 378 & n2, 380 & n13, 381 & 383 n2 Glechoma hederacea see Nepeta glechoma Glossostigma elatinoides 294 & n1 Gnophos obscurata (Charissa obscurata; Scotch annulet) 440 & n1 Godron, Dominique Alexandre 30 & 35 n5, 36 n21, 23; Aegilops triticoides 73 n2 Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von 315 & 316 n5 golden polypody (Polypodium aureum; Phlebodium aureum) 31 & 36 n16 Goldfuss, Georg August 217 & 218 n5 Goliath birdeater (Theraphosa blondi ) 311 n14 Goodacre, Francis Burges: CD declines offer of geese and suggests Goodacre carries on cross-breeding them 363–4 & 364 n2, n3, 366 n2; CD reconsiders and accepts offer of geese 366 & n2, 367 n3; CD thanks for geese, and comments on varieties and species 376 & nn 2–4; cross-breeding Chinese and common European geese 359–60 & 360 nn 1–4, 364 n3, 374 & n1, n2; offers CD geese for experimenting 359 & 360 n1, 364 n2; sends geese 374 & n1 goose, common European (domestic variety of wild greylag goose; Anser anser) 359–60 & 360 n1, n2, 364 n2, n3, 366–7 n2, 374 n1, n2, 376 n2, n3 gooseberries 268 & 269 n6, 271 & n3 Göppert, Heinrich Robert 541 & 542 n1, 542 & n1 Gordon-Lennox, Charles Henry 84 n3, 86 n4, 89–90 n2, 90 n4 gosling: with turned back feathers 161, 162 Gossypium (cotton) 284 & 285 n5, 289 & 290 n10, 308 & 310 n7, 328 & 329 n6 Gossypium brasilense (G. barbadense; Creole cotton) 285 n5 Gossypium maritimum (G. barbadense; Creole cotton) 285 n5 Gossypium tomentosum 329 n6 graft-hybrid experiments (for pangenesis research; G.J. Romanes): onions for 108 & n1, n2, 155 n4, 157 & 158 n3, 196 & n2, 238 & 239 n4, 361 & 362 n2, 384 & 386 n1, n3; root vegetables 108 n2, 384 grafting: CD considers confined to vegetable world 168 n7, 515 n7; trees 132 & n2, 136 & 137 n2 Graminieae (Poaceae; grasses) 355 & n3 Grant, James Miller: asks CD how his doctrines affect idea of existence of God 103 & n1; CD on religious belief xxiii, 112 & n2; thanks CD for his comments 124 & n2 Grant, Robert Edmond 151 & n2 Grant-Duff, Mountstuart Elphinstone 462

grapevines 76 & n7, 84 & n5, 92 & 93 n2, 106 & 108 n8 grass vetchling (Lathyrus nissolia) 219 & n2 grasses (Poaceae; Graminieae): CD’s observations 317 & 318 n3; cotyledons 267 n9; G. Henslow on seed structures 65 & 66 n7, 66–7 & 67 nn 2–8, 68 n9, 68 & n6; J.D. Hooker on seed structures 68 & nn 2–6; pulvini 267 n9, 316 n7; roadside 43 & 44 n2; roots 355 & n3; J. Sachs 66 & 67 n5, 68 & n4, 315 & 316 n7; terminology 67 n3, 68 n5, 246 n2 Gray, Arthur Fairfield: CD thanks for letter and has sent it to Nature 209 & n1, 210 n1, n3; duck’s foot with freshwater shell attached 180–81 & 181 nn 1–6, 210 & n3 Gray, Asa: Académie des sciences, corresponding member 353; CD asks about bloom 23 & 24 n9; CD comments on his election to Académie des sciences 353 & n2; CD heard from J.D. Hooker of American tour 23 & 24 n13; CD on J.D. Hooker and H. Hooker’s visit to Down 61 & n2; CD on H. Müller’s Valeriana dioica work 22 & 24 n6; CD requests Echinocystis lobata seeds for H. de Vries 353 & n1, 362 & 363 n4; CD thanks for review of Forms of flowers 22 & 23 n2; comments on his own work 42 & n2; encourages CD to work on movement in plants 42 & 43 n5; Forms of flowers, review 22 & 23 n2, 43 n9, 62 n5, 543; J.L. Gray accompanies him on American tour 42 & 43 n8; and J.D. Hooker, paper on vegetation of Rocky Mountains 402 & 403 n8, 407 n7; and Hooker toured in America 24 n7, 43 n8, 61–2 n2; Linum perenne 43 n9, 62 n5; Linum perenne, CD comments on xxiii–xxiv, 23 & 24 n11, 61 & n4, 62 n5, 171 n4; Linum perenne, CD suggests experiment 61 & 62 n5; T. Meehan, CD comments on xxiii–xxiv, 23 & 24 n11, 43 n7, 61 n4; Meehan, Gray comments on 42 & 43 n7, n9; Meehan, Gray wrote to 171; religious belief 112 n2; review of J. Cook’s lectures on biology 22 & 23 n4, 42 & 42–3 n2; terminology 42 & 43 n5, 68 & n3 Gray, Jane Loring: toured America with A. Gray 42 & 43 n8 Greaves, Elizabeth Anne (née Hadley): family history 253, 255 & nn 2–12, 256 nn 13–17; sale to CD of portrait of Erasmus Darwin 6 & 7 nn 1–5, 253 & 255 n1 Greaves, Richard 255 & 256 n14 Greece: reception of CD’s work in xxii, 46, 505 Greek: Cambridge University, Previous Examination 462 & 463 n3, n4

Index greenbrier (Smilax) 342 & n7, 352 & 352–3 n3, 525–6 & 526 n7 Greg, Percy: CD comments to W.R. Greg on P. Greg’s ‘Design in development’ chapter 500–501 & 501 nn 1–8, 502 n9, n10; The devil’s advocate 501 n1 Greg, William Rathbone 433 & 435 n5; CD comments on P. Greg’s ‘Design in development’ chapter 500–501 & 501 nn 1–8, 502 n9, n10; ‘Obligations of the soil’ 442 & 444 n4 Grenfell, Alfred Masini 231 & n5 Grenfell, John Pascoe 231 & n5 Grenier, Charles 30 & 35 n5, 36 n21, n23 Griffin, Grace Mary 163 n6 J. J. Griffin & Sons 267 n3 Gris, Arthur 67 n8 Grosvenor, Hugh Lupus, 1st duke of Westminster 204, 205 & n3, 436–7 n2 ground ivy (Nepeta glechoma; Glechoma hederacea) 25–6 & 27 n1 ground-laurel (Epigaea repens; mayflower) 24 n6, 43 n4 groundsel, common (Senecio vulgaris) 26 & 27 n5 Guaiacum 285 n4 Guaiacum officinale 315 & 316 n6 Guardian (London) 455 n2, 458 & n1 Guiana-chestnut (Pachira aquatica; provision tree) 199 n5, 206 & 207 n6, 211 & 212 n2 gulf fritallary (Dione vanillae; Agraulis vanillae) 153 & 154 n7 Günther, Albert 352 n3 gynodioecious species 203 n1 gynodioecy 220 n2 Hacon, William Mackmurdo: acknowledges CD’s instructions for a codicil to his will 131 & n1; acknowledges receipt of A. Rich’s letters 490 & n1; advises CD on will in light of Rich’s bequest 490 & n2, 492 & 493 n2, n3; on CD’s bequest to daughters 490 & n2, 492 & 493 n3; CD’s solicitor 480 n3; returns Rich’s letters 492 & 493 n1; sends will codicils for signing 143–4 & 144 n1, 495 & n1 Hadley, Elizabeth Susanna 255 & n12 Hadley, Henry (1762–1830) 6 & 7 n3, 253 & 255 n3, n5 Hadley, Henry (1812–74) 253 & 255 n5 Hadley, Susanna (née Parker) 6 & 7 n3, 253 & 255 n2, n5 Hadley, Ursula 253 & 255 n9 Haeckel, Ernst: CD comments on Haeckel’s and others’ role in continuing evolution work 52; CD comments on his own work strategy and

731

current work xvii, 52 & n3; CD sent paper by W.H. Dallinger and J.J. Drysdale 260–61 n3; evolution, lecture tour popularising 150 & n1; evolution, speech on impact of evolution on science 37 & 38 n4, 504 & n4; introduced term phyletische 477 n4, 487 & n1; Radiolaria specimens from Challenger expedition 47 & n3, 505–6 & 506 n3; sends birthday greetings 47 & n2, 505 & 506 n2 Hairby, Edward 231 & n4 Hammond, John Lempriere 462 Hammond, William Alexander 94 & 95 n5 Hamond, Almeria Blanche 422 & n5 Hamond, Philip Walpole 163 n5, 422 & n5 Hamond, Robert Nicholas (1809–83) 162 & 163 n5, 422 & n5 Hamond, Robert Nicholas (1844–94) 163 n5 Hand, Frederick James 475 Hardwick & Bogue 450 & 451 n3 hares 376 n4 Harker, James Allen: Ophyrys apifera 428–30 & 430 nn 1–4 Harrison, Ellen: writes to Emma Darwin and sends greetings to CD 1 & n2, n3 Harrison, John 1 & n3 Hart, William Edward: cited in Forms of flowers 25–6 & 27 n1; flowers and insects 25–6 & 27 nn 1–6 Harte, Richard 442 & 444 n2 harvesting ants 118 & n2 Harvey, William 323 & 324 n4; T.H. Huxley’s lecture and publications on 25 & n4 Haughton, Samuel: CD advises G.H. Darwin on responding to Haughton’s paper xxiv, 41 & n2; G.H. Darwin comments on Haughton’s views of geological time xxiv, 27 & n1, 28 n2, 173 n1; ‘Notes on physical geology’, CD comments on to G.G. Stokes xxiv, 172–3 & 173 n1, n2; ‘On a new method of finding the limits to the duration of certain geological periods’, G.H. Darwin asks CD’s advice about response to xxiv, 27 & n1, 28 n2, 173 n1 hawker dragonflies (Aeshna; mosaic darner dragonflies) 429 & 430 n3 Hawksley, Thomas Paton 378–9 n2 Hayden, Ferdinand Vanderveer 9 & 10 n4 hazel, common (Corylus avellana) 55 n2 HEALTH (CD) see Darwin, Charles Robert, HEALTH heart’s-ease see Viola tricolor Heckel, Édouard: CD suggests using scientific names for Primula 2 & n1; CD thanks for note and appreciates Heckel’s support 349 & n1;

732

Index

Cross and self fertilisation French ed. translated 349 n1, 409 & n4, 529 & n4; Forms of flowers French ed. translated 2 & n1, 349 n1, 408 & 409 n2, 528 & 529 n2 Hedychium and sphinx-moth 237 & n5 Heer, Oswald: fossil plants 353 n4 Heldreich, Theodor von: thanks CD for Forms of flowers 46 & n3, 504 & 505 n3 Helianthemum procumbens (Fumana procumbens; sprawling needle sunrose; procumbent rock-rose) 30 & 35 n7, 40 & 41 n3 Heliconiinae 153 & 154 n6 Heliocereus speciosus see Cereus speciosissimus Helioconius eucrate (H. ethilla) 69 & 70 n4 heliostat 119 & n4 heliotropism: as induction phenomenon 302 n5, 308 & 310 n5; roots 327 & 328–9 n2; J. Sachs 315 & 316 n2, 327 & 328–9 n2, 328 & 329 n7; E. Strasburger 404 n2; terminology 43 n5; W.T. Thiselton-Dyer 187–8 & 188 n2, n3, n5, 320 & 321 n10; S.H. Vines 307 n6; J. Wiesner 302 n5, 310 n5 heliotropism (CD’s work): CD asks FD to read J. Wiesner on, and to ask J. Sachs about Wiesner’s term induction 301 & 302 n5, 310 n5; CD asks W.T. Thiselton-Dyer about heliotropic roots 305 & 306 n12, 368; CD comments on 198 & 199 n2; CD and FD work on 12 & 13 n4, 22 & 24 n8; CD resumes experiments on 239 & 240 n6; CD works on 381 & 383 n5, 404 & n2, 415 & 416 n3, 529 & 530 n3; low light-levels 381 & 383 n5; moulds 306 & 307 n6, 320 & 321 n10, 330 n3; oats 267; roots, CD asks FD to ask Sachs about 306, 316 n2, 320, 330 n3; terminology 306 n12 helleborine (Epipactis) 381 & 383 n4 Helmholtz, Hermann von 350 & n1, 410 & 411 n1, 426 & 427 n1 Helvingia rusciflora (Helwingia japonica) 309 & 311 n15, 320 & 321 n8, 324 & 325 n4, 332 n3, n4 Helwingia 311 n15, 332 n4 Helwingia japonica (Helvingia rusciflora) 309 & 311 n15, 320 & 321 n8, 324 & 325 n4, 332 n3, n4 Hemileia vastatrix 114 & n2 Henslow, George: note for CD on grasses 65 & 66 n7, 66–7 & 67 nn 2–8, 68 n9, 68 & n6 Heracleum 88 & n2 Herbert, John Maurice 52 n2 hermaphroditism 110 n1 Herrmann, Moritz August 314 & n2, 318 & 319 n4 Hesperomys 350 & n2 Hesperomys cognatus (Peromyscus gossypinus; cotton mouse) 350 n2

Hewitson, Hannah 313 & n5 Hewitson, William Chapman 313 & nn 4–7 Higginson, Thomas Wentworth: CD looks forward to his visit 205 & n1; Emma Darwin writes to 206 & n2; visits Down 205 n1, 534 higher idiots 364 & 365 n3 Hildebrand, Friedrich: Linum perenne 23 & 24 n11, 195 & 195–6 n1; Maranta zebrina 295 n7 Hill, Alfred 356, 357 Hind, John Russell 183 & n5 Hitchcock, Edward 347 & 349 n12 Hobhouse, Arthur 365 & n7 Hobhouse, Mary 365 & n7, 375 & n6 Hofmeister, Wilhelm Friedrich Benedikt 66 & 67 n5 hog peanut (Amphicarpa; Amphicarpaea) 40 & 41 n4, 43 & 44 n5 Holyoake, George Jacob 438 & 439 n3 honeysuckle, common (Lonicera periclymenum) 247 & 248 n2, 263 & n4 Hood, Charles 122 Hooker, Hyacinth: J.D. Hooker’s wife 405 n2; visits Down 41 & n5, 61 & n3, 93 n1, 271 n3, 534; visits her father 326 & n3 Hooker, Joseph Dalton: Adenosacme longifolia 189 & 193 n4; answers CD’s queries 325–6 & 326 n1, n2; arranges CD’s visit to Kew 17–18 & 18 n2; arranges house at Kew for J.G. Baker 485 & 486 n3, n4; asks CD’s opinion on translating and publishing K. Sprengel and H. Müller as one volume 54 & n1; Atriplex 373 n4; BAAS 1878: 326 & n3; and J. Ball work on Moroccan book 268 & 269 n5, 402 & 403 n9; CD arranges to visit 17 & n1, 21 n2; CD asks Hooker to thank W.T. Thiselton-Dyer for help 146 & n2, 489 & 490 n5; CD asks for Oxalis identification 401 & n2; CD asks Thiselton-Dyer to thank Hooker for G. Henslow’s note on grasses 65 & 66 n7; CD comments on cabbage radicle 56 & 57 n4; CD discusses sleep in plants xvii, 138 & nn 2–6; CD offers contribution to Royal Society fund 264 & n1, 268 & n1, 271 & n2; CD passes on some seeds from F. Müller 317 & 318 n2; CD requests heliotropic aerial roots 320 & 322 n11; CD requests seeds and plants 56 & 57 n2, 138 & n6, 264 & 265 n3, 267 n6; CD sends thanks (via Thiselton-Dyer) for plants which he is returning to Kew 208 & n8; CD on K. Sprengler and H. Müller publication idea 56 & 57 n1; CD tells of A. Rich’s bequest xvii, xxvii, 484–5 & 485 n3, n4; CD thanks for Oxalis 56 & 57 n2; CD thanks for Oxalis valdiviensis identification 404 & 405 n8; CD thanks for seeds and plants

Index 84 & n7, 146 & n2, 489 & 490 n4; CD visits at Kew 18 n2, 22 n1, 22 & 24 n7, 23 & 24 n13, 30 & 35 n1; CD welcomes him and family for gooseberry feast 271 & n3; CD’s conversations with about Royal Society fellowship selection 163 & 164 n3; coffee cultivation 93 & 94 n3, 114 & n2; consults CD about C. Lyell’s correspondence 128–9 & 129 n1; G.H. Darwin’s Royal Society candidacy 183 & n6; daughter see Thiselton-Dyer, Harriet Anne; discusses publications Hooker is working on 402 & 403 n8, n9; Drosera whittakerii 199 n3; FD called on but Hooker away 378 & 379 n9; Flora of British India 193 n1; on flora of St. Helena 406 & 407 nn 1–5; on fossil plants 352 & 353 n4; and D.S. Galton 248 & 249 n5; J. Gay’s herbarium purchased (1868) 36 n18; gooseberry season and visits to Down 268 & 269 n6, 271 n3; grasses, seeds structures 68 & nn 2–6; and A. Gray toured in America 24 n7, 43 n8, 61–2 n4; and Gray’s paper on vegetation of Rocky Mountains 402 & 403 n8, 407 & n7; on T.H. Huxley and BAAS 326 & n4; Huxley, Hooker intends consulting on spontaneous generation 402 & 403 n7; on Huxley’s crayfishes paper 486 & n7; invites CD to ask for plants from Kew 184; Linum perenne 61, 171 n4; lived in Glasgow 232 n2; Morocco 268 & 269 n5; Oxalis valdiviensis 402 & 403 n1; Paris Universal International Exhibition 402–3 & 403 n10; on A. Rich’s bequest to CD 485 & 486 n1, 486 & 487 n9, 489 n2; G.J. Romanes’s animal intelligence lecture 361 & 362 n5; Royal Agricultural Society’s support for potato disease research 91 n4; Royal Botanic Gardens, director 24 n13, 45 n2, 185 n2, 379 n9, 381 n1; Royal Institution, lecture on distribution of North American flora 268 & 269 n4; Royal Society, CD comments on government grant fund 489 & 490 n7; Royal Society, conversations with CD on fellowship selection 163 & 164 n3; Royal Society, Hooker announced new government grant in presidential address 486 & n8; Royal Society, presidency ends 232 & n4, 486 & n6, 489 & n3; Royal Society, president 164 n3, 183 n6, 232 & n1, 326 n5, 403 n3, 446 n5, 489 n3; Royal Society, presidential address 326 & n5, 402 n4, 402 & 403 n3, 403 n4, 404 & 405 n7, 446 n5, 484 & 485 n2, 485–6 & 486 n5, 486 n8, 489 n3, 491 & n2; Royal Society, presidential address, CD comments on 401 & 402 n4, 404 & 405 n7, 484 & 485 n2; Royal Society, publication fund and membership fees 231–2 & 232 nn 1–4, 264 n1, 268 & n2, 271 n2;

733

G. de Saporta, L’ancienne végétation polaire 491 & n2; G. de Saporta’s Permian leaf drawing 38 & 39 n1, 39 & 40 n5, 40 & 41 n5, 45 & n2, 58 & 60 n2, 509 & 510 n2; signatory to memorial to Cambridge University 462; Silene acaulis 335 & 336 n6; Sunningdale house 403 & n11; supplied CD with Carl von Linné book reference 138 n3; thanks CD for offer of contribution to Royal Society publication fund 268 & n1, n2; Thiselton-Dyer helped Hooker with Royal Society presidential address 486 & n5; J. Torbitt offers (via CD) Solanum dulcamara 381 & n1; J. Torbitt’s project, CD comments on Torbitt’s personality xxv, 97 & 98 n7; Torbitt’s project, CD intends to get Hooker’s opinion on CD’s Torbitt supporting letter to T.H. Farrer 97 & n3; Torbitt’s project, CD reports meeting with J. Caird 97 & n4; Torbitt’s project, CD reports on Torbitt’s potato breeding experiments 83–4 & 84 nn 2–5, 97 & 98 n3, n4; Torbitt’s project, CD requests Hooker read Torbitt’s letter 83 & 84 n2, 85–6 & 86 n4; Torbitt’s project, CD requests note from Hooker of support if he favours project 89 & n2, 110 n2; Torbitt’s project, CD sends corrected Torbitt supporting letter to Hooker 112 & n2, 113 & 113–14 n3; Torbitt’s project, CD suggests Torbitt sends copy of his letter (to Northcote) to Hooker 79 & n3, 84 n2, 89 n2; Torbitt’s project, copy of Torbitt’s letter (to Northcote) sent to Hooker 85 & n2; Torbitt’s project, Hooker supports 93 & 94 n2, 99 & 100 n8, 102 & n4, 106 & 107 n3, 108–9 & 109 n1, 110 n2, 114 & n1, n2, 117 & n1, 128 n6, 133 & n2; Trifolium striatum 326 & 327 n6; visited Down (1876) 17 n1, 93 & n1; visits Down 36 n18, 41 & n3, 61 & n3, 269 & n6, 317 & 318 n2, 320 & 322 n11, 326 n2, 534; A.R. Wallace’s application for Epping Forest superintendent 386 & n2; F.B. White, CD sends White’s paper to Hooker 404 & 405 n3; F.B. White’s paper 406 & 407 n1; workload 402–3 & n10, n11; workload, CD comments on 242 & 243 n7, 264, 404 & 405 n2, 489 & n3 Hooker, Joseph Symonds 61 n3, 271 & n3, 534 Hooker, William Jackson 407 n3 Hope, Samuel Wilson 432 & 435 n1 horeoka (Pseudopanax crassifolius; lancewood) 320 n1 Hornby, James John 462 Horner, Leonard 128 & 129 n2 horse chestnut (Aesculus hippocastanum) 329 & 330 n6, 446 & n2, 447 & 448 n6, 448 & 449 n6, 449 & 450 n2 horseradish (Armoracia rusticana) 132 & n3

734

Index

horses: eightlegged exhibit 230–31 & 231 nn 2–5; fossil horses 354 & 355 n4 Houston, James Lennox: comments on Descent 55 & n1, 55–6 n2 Howells, William Dean 449 & 450 n4 Howlett, Frederick: CD comments on blood corpuscles 390 & n1, n2 Hudson, Thomas 255 & 256 n16 human development: CD discussed role of natural selection in 435 n2, n5 human population: CD comments on artificial checks to xxiii, 437 & 438 nn 3–5; Descent 435 n5, n10; France 434 & 435 n9, 437; T.R. Malthus 432 & 435 n2 human race: F. Galton 437 & 438 n3; G.A. Gaskell discusses xxiii, 432–5 & 435 nn 1–11, 436 n12, 442–3 & 444 nn 1–8 humble-bees 399 & n4 Hungarian oak (Quercus pannonica; Q. frainetto) 304 & 305 n5 Hunt, Thomas Marshall 356 & 357 n4 Hunter, William Wilson 9 & n3 Hunterian Museum, Royal College of Surgeons 160 n1, 279 n1, 333 n2, 474 n1 Huxley, Henrietta Anne: daughter’s illness 229 & 230 n3; visits Darwins (London) 534; visits Down 534 Huxley, Marian 229 & 230 n2, 232 n3, 269 & n2, 343 & 344 n2 Huxley, Noel 344 n3 Huxley, Thomas Henry: asks if O.C. Marsh may visit CD 269 & n1; Association of Liberal Thinkers 438 & 439 n2; bequest from A. Rich 496 n2; career 257 n3, 305 n7; CD comments on Huxley’s evolution article for Encyclopaedia Britannica 232 & n2; CD on hearing Huxley’s daughter is still unwell 343 & 344 n2; CD on Huxley’s visit to A. Rich 497 & nn 1–3; CD mentions to C.G. Semper 470 & n5; CD on misery of children’s illnesses 232 & n3; CD thanks for congratulations on election to Académie des sciences xxi, 344 & n4; crayfishes 229 & 230 n4, 486 & n7; daughter’s illness 229 & 230 n2, n3, 232 n3, 269 & n2, 344 n2; J.D. Hooker intends consulting on spontaneous generation 402 & 403 n7; and J.W. Judd 256 & 257 n3; Miohippus 230 & 231 n3; natural selection 25 n4; on A. Rich’s bequest to CD 496 & nn 1–4; G.J. Romanes’s animal intelligence lecture 361 & 362 n5; Royal Institution, lecture in honour of W. Harvey 25 & n4; sends evolution article to CD 229 & n1, 232 & n2; signatory to memorial to Cambridge University

462; visits Darwins (London) 534; visits Down 534; visits A. Rich 496 & nn 1–4, 498 & n4 hybridism in the Bible: N. Lewy comments on 196–7 & 198 nn 2–14, 516–17 & 517 nn 2–7, 518 nn 8–14 hybrids: fertility of 376 & n4 hypogean habit see burying of seeds hyponasty: terminology 289 & n5, 308 & 310 n6; H. de Vries 383 n4 Hyrdrocharis 245 & 246 n8 ice: Wenham 461 & n4 idiots: higher idiots 364 & 365 n3 Impatiens noli-me-tangere (I. noli-tangere; western touch-me-not) 418 & n3, 445 & 446 n2, 445 & n3 Imperial Academy of Sciences, Vienna 302 n5 inconspicuous flowers 3 n5, 220 n3, 335, 338 n2 India 437 n4 Indigofera teysmannii (I. zollingeriana; Zollinger’s indigo) 284 & 285 n4 Indigofera tinctoria (true indigo) 284 & 285 n4 Indigofera zollingeriana see Indigofera teysmannii indolence: Descent 2d ed. 434 & 435 n10 induction: J. Sachs 308 & 310 n5; J. Wiesner’s use of term 301 & 302 n5, 310 n5 infants and wet nurses 141, 511 inheritance: baldness 366 n2; evolution and embryology 311 & 312 n4; laws of, little known about 501; of moral tendencies 146 n2; mutilations associated with morbid action 311 & n3; of mutilations and deformities 141 & 143 n5, 161, 511 & 513 n5; supposed inheritance of effects of injury 76 & 77 n1, 78 n3, 100 & n2, 158 & n1, n2, 161, 311 & n2, n3, 312 n4, 332 & 333 n3, 466–7 & 468 nn 2–6, 473 & nn 1–3 Innes, John Brodie: CD comments on religion and science 455 & nn 1–3; on CD’s qualities as naturalist xxiii, 460–61 & 461 nn 1–3; science and religion 460; sent CD E.B. Pusey’s sermon (Guardian version) xxii, 455 & n2, 458 n1, 461 n1 insectivorous plants: W.C. Marshall’s observations 398 n2 Insectivorous plants (CD): cites M. Treat 115 n2; Dionaea, transmitted sensitiveness 239–40 n4; Drosera, Australian species 208 n5; Drosera, benzoic acid 408 & n2; Drosera, boracic acid 408 n3; Drosera, hairs 72 n2; Drosera, major study of 235 n6, 520 n6; Drosera, transmitted sensitiveness 239–40 n4; Drosera rotundifolia, inflection of tentacles 207 n8; Euphorbia 303 n14; E. Frankland’s experiments for CD 332 n10; published 363 & n3

Index Insectivorous plants US ed. (CD): sales 201 insects: and flowers 25–6 & 27 nn 1–6, 273 n3, 335 & 336 n8, n9, 361 n2, 370 n3, 371 n4, 399 & n3; insect larva adaption to environment 24–5 & 25 n1; and sensitive plants 139, 147–8, 228–9 & 229 n1, 270 & n1 instincts of animals: CD’s work xxi, 238 n2, 244 n3, 472 n5; G.J. Romanes 241 & 242 n2 Institución Libre de Enseñanza (Free Institute of Education): names CD honorary professor 16–17 & 17 n2, 345 n2, 457 n2, 503 & n2, 527 n2, 531 n2 instruments: CD’s work 266 & 267 n7; Jodrell laboratory 118–19 & 119 n1, n4; klinostat xix, 296, 297 & 298 n6; micro-telescope 246 & 247 n11, 266 & 267 n7; J. Sachs (laboratory) xix, 298 n6; thermograph 88 & n6; thermometer 266 Ipomoea: CD note to add to list 262 & n11 Irish elk (Cervus megaceros; Megaloceros giganteus) 369 & 370 n3 Irish greyhound pig 356 & 357 n1 Isabella longwing (Eueides isabella) 69 & 70 n4 Ismene 45 & 46 n5 ivy 311 n15; submerged leaves 379 & 380 n5 Jackson, Henry 306 n12 Jäger, Gustav 469 & n4 James, William 495 & n1 Janeway, Edward Gamaliel 94 & 95 n5 Jebb, Richard Claverhouse 462 jellico (Sium helenianum; Berula bracteata) 407 n3 Jenkins, Henry Michael 90–91 & 91 n2 Jevons, William Stanley: ‘On the movement of microscopic particles suspended in liquid’ 193 & 194 n7 Jews: and evolution 387 & n3 Jex-Blake, Thomas William 462 Jeyes, Jeannie Frances 256 & 257 n4 Jodrell laboratory 118–19 & 119 n1, 295 n4 W. & A.K. Johnston 238 n2, 241 n3, 521 n3 Johnston, William 127 & 128 n5 Journal of researches (CD): earthquake waves 177 n1; reprint needed 454 & 455 n2 Journal of researches 2d ed. (CD): niata cattle 154 n9 Juan de Nova (Farquhar Islands) 351 & 352 n1 Judd, John Wesley: career 256 & 257 n3, n4; CD comments on geological age 258 & n4; CD sends good wishes for Judd’s marriage and career 258 & n2; and T.H. Huxley 256 & 257 n3; Royal Society fellowship, CD supported 257 n3; sends M. Neumayr’s paper 256 & n1, n2 Julia longwing see Colaenis julia

735

Junonia lavinia (J. evarete; tropical buckeye) 153 & 154 n5 Jussieu, Adrien de 66 & 67 n5, n8 Kalisch, Isidor 438 & 439 n3 Kant, Immanuel 88 n7 Kareltschikoff, S. 379 n6 Kaup, Johann Jakob 217 & 218 n5 Keeling Islands (Cocos Islands) 36 & 37 n3 Kennedy, Victor Coates 120 & 121 n2; reports on potatoes to J. Torbitt 410 & n1, 412 & 413 n2 Kerner von Marilaun, Anton: Flowers and their unbidden guests 360–61 & 361 n1, 449 & 450 n3, 456 & n2, n3, 488 & 489 n3; Ledum palustre 180 & n3 Kesteven, William Henry: CD comments on tumbler pigeons 227 & nn 1–3 Kew see Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew Khan, Sher Ali 436–7 n2 kidney bean (Phaseolus vulgaris) 247 & 248 n2 Kingsley, William Lathrop 42 n2 Kirby, William Forsell 313 n6, n7 Kirchhoff, Gustav Robert 246 n2 klinostat xix, 296, 297 & 298 n6 knife-leaf wattle (Acacia cultriformis) 208 & n3 Knight, Thomas Andrew: apples 92 & 93 n3; grafting of trees 132 & n2, 136 & 137 n2; potato yields 74 & 76 n4 Kniphofia see Tritoma Knockholt & Chevening Footpath Fund 221 & n1, 222 nn 2–4 knotted clover (Trifolium striatum) 325 & 326 n1, 326 & 327 n6 Knox, Robert Bent 122–3 & 124 n4 Kobell, Franz Ritter von: CD thanks academy for membership 324 & n1; Royal Literary and Scientific Academy of Bavaria elected CD foreign member 322 & n3, 522 & n3, 537 & 538 n1 Koch, Eduard: E. Schweizerbart’sche Verlagshandlung, director of 390 n1; informs J.V. Carus that CD or FD may be publishing on inheritance 389 & 390 n1 Koch, Robert: J.S. Burdon Sanderson showed CD Koch’s photographs of bacteria 5 & 5–6 n2 Kölle, Sigismund Wilhelm 9 & n2 Königliche Preussischer Akademie der Wissenschaften (Royal Prussian Academy of Sciences): elected CD foreign associate 426–7 & 427 n1, 540–41 Kőrösy, József 183 & n2 Kosmos: ‘Biographical sketch of an infant’, translation published 46 & n4, 49 n5, 505 & n4, 508 n5; CD’s copies of 2 n2; CD’s and E. Haeckel’s

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names appear in full title of 49 n5, 508 n5; C. Kraus hopes for another paper for Kosmos from CD 48, 506; R. Meldola’s interest in 13 n2; F. Müller, Brazilian butterflies (three-part article) 2 & n2, 4 n2; H. Müller’s publications 273 n3; W. Preyer, biographical sketch of CD 450 n5 Kovalevsky, Vladimir Onufrievich: lives in Germany 117; translated Variation, Descent and Expression 118 n2; visited Down (1872) 111 n2 Kraus, Carl: asks CD for photograph of his family 49, 506; hopes for another paper for Kosmos from CD 48, 506; photograph of Kraus 38, 49 & n3, n6, 504, 506 & 508 n3, n6, 507; sends birthday greetings xxii, 48 & 49 n4, 506 & 508 n4; sends greetings for name day xxii, 37–8 & 38 nn 2–7, 503–4 & 504 nn 2–7 Krause, Ernst 450 n5 Krauss’s clubmoss (Selaginella kraussii; S. kraussiana) 31 & 36 n17 Labrador tea (Ledum palustre; Rhododendron tomentosum) 179 n1, 180 & n3 +Laburnocytisus adamii see Cytisus adami Laburnum anagyroides see Cytisus laburnum Lactuca 331 & 332 n6 Lactuca serriola (prickly lettuce; compass plant) 331 & 332 n6 lady’s smock (cuckoo flower; Cardamine pratensis) 178 & 179 n4 Lagrange, Charles Henri 263 & n2, 282 & 283 n2 Laird, Agnes Mary 111 n1 Lamarck, Jean Baptiste de: descent theory 315 & 316 n5; T.H. Huxley on Lamarck’s use of word ‘evolution’ 229 n1, 232 & n2; Philosophie zoologique 337 & n2 lambsquarters, common (Chenopodium album) 415 & n7, 418 n3 lamp-black 10 & n2; L. Darwin analyses 11 & n1, 11–12 & 12 n1 lanceleaf anoda (Anoda wrightii; A. lanceolata) 329 n9 lancewood (Pseudopanax crassifolius; horeoka) 320 n1 land and sea: distribution of 223 & n4 Lane, Arthur George Percy 150 & n3 Lane, Edward Wickstead 150 & n3 Langsdorf ’s crescent (Eresia langsdorfi; false erato) 153 & 154 n5 Langton, Catherine: Castle Morton trust legacy 44 n1 Langton, Charles 421 & 422 n2 language: G.J. Romanes 375 n3 language development 9 & n2, 9–10 n3, 10 n4; B. Darwin’s 238 & n2, 248, 302 & 303 n15, 330 & n8

Lankester, Edwin Ray 477 n4 Laplace, Pierre Simon 88 n7 Lapp (Sami) people 55 & n2 Lathraea squamaria (common toothwort) 137 & n3, 138 n5 Lathyrus 40 & 41 n4 Lathyrus nissolia (grass vetchling) 219 & n2 Lathyrus sativus (white pea) 40 & 41 n4 Lathyrus setifolius (brown vetchling) 30 & 35 n9, 41 n4 Law, Harriet Teresa 439 Lawes, John Bennet 82 & n2 Lawia acuminata see Adenosacme acuminata Lawrence, John Laird Mair, Baron Lawrence 436 n2, 462 & 463 n8 Layton, Charles: payment to CD for US publications 200–202 & 202 n1 leaf-mimic katydids (Pterochroza) 212 & n1, 236 & 237 n4 leaves: CD’s experiments on alkaline matter exuded from 461 n4; Permian leaf drawing 38 & 39 n1, 39 & 40 n5, 40 & 41 n5, 44 & n6, 58 & 60 n2, 509 & 510 n2; submerged in water 317 n10, 324 & 325 n5, 379 & 380 n5, n6 Lecomte, Alphonse Joseph 347 & 349 n14 Ledeganck, Kasimir: Royal Society of Medical and Natural Sciences of Brussels awards CD honorary membership 354 & n2, 527 & n2, 539 Ledum 178 & 179 n1, 179 & 180 n2, 180 & 180 n2 Ledum palustre (Rhododendron tomentosum; Labrador tea) 179 n1, 180 & n3 Leersia oryzoides (rice cutgrass) 317 & 318 n3 Leguminosae: CD’s work 289 & 290 n10, 320 & 321 n4; FD’s work 290 n10, 309 & 310 n9, 320 & 321 n4; W.F.P. Pfeffer 329 n8 Leontondon hastilis (L. hispidus; bristly hawkbit) 415 n3 Lepidodendron 21 & n5 Lepidoptera: W.C. Hewitson 313 & n6, n7, see also butterflies; moths Lesquereux, Leo: fossil plants in Silurian beds 21 & n5, 39 & n5 lesser celandine (Ranunculus ficaria; Ficaria verna) 132 & n3 lesser water-parsnip (Sium thunbergii; Berula erecta) 406 & 407 n3 Lestiboudois, Thémistocle 66 & 67 n5, 67 & n8 Lettington, Henry: given plant as a Caladium 249 & 250 n2; Impatiens noli-me-tangere 445 & n3; onions 108 & n1; Opuntia nigricans 225 & n3; Oxalis corniculata 350 & n2; Pinus pinaster 304 & 305 n6; praised by R.I. Lynch 43 & 44 n4 Leveson-Gower, Frederick 204

Index Lewy, Naphtali: hybridism in the Bible 196–7 & 198 nn 2–14, 516–17 & 517 nn 2–7, 518 nn 8–14; Toldot Adam 387 & n3 Light, Eleanor Evelyn 421 & 422 n3 light intensity: proportional response to 321 n9; sensitivity to 410–411 & 411 n1, 412 nn 2–4 Ligophyllum guaiacum 284 & 285 n4, 316 n6 limestone beds: formation 62 & n1, 70 & n3 Lindemuth, Hugo 478 & n2 Linné, Carl von (Carolus Linnaeus) 138 & n3 Linnean Society: CD attends for reading of FD’s paper 17 & 18 n1, 533; ‘Climbing plants’ (CD) 321 n5; FD, Drosera rotundifolia paper 17 & 18 n1, 21 n2, 186 n2, n3, 193 & 194 n4, n5, 533; R.I. Lynch, Pachira aquatica 199 n5, 212 n2; R.I. Lynch, papers in Journal of the Linnean Society (Botany) 464 & n1; J. Murie, assistant secretary 194 n5, 267 n2; W.K. Parker, fellow of 19 n2 Linum 23 & 24 n12, 195 & 196 n2 Linum lewisii 62 n5, 171 n4 Linum perenne (blue flax; L. sibiricum): CD’s experiment suggestion 61 & 62 n5; CD’s observations 23 & 24 n11, 61 & n4, 62 n5, 171 n3, n4, 195 n1, 196 nn 2–4; A. Gray 43 n9, 62 n5; F. Hildebrand 23 & 24 n11, 195 & 195–6 n1; J.D. Hooker 61, 171 n4; T. Meehan xxiii, 23 & 24 n11, 43 n9, 61 n4, 62 n5, 170–71 & 171 n3, n4 Linum sibiricum see Linum perenne Lister, Joseph: CD suggests experimenting with benzoic acid on bacteria 408 & nn 1–3 Listera: CD’s interest in 388 & n2 Litchfield, Henrietta Emma: attended FD’s lecture ‘Self-defence among plants’ 445 & n6; E.L.A. Bristow writes to 111 & n1, n2, 117 n5, 141 n5; Bryanston Street, London home 534 & 535 n10; CD’s daughter 475 n2; CD’s will 490 & n2; Elizabeth Darwin visits 267 n4; Emma Darwin writes to about Down House well 489 n2; Darwins’ visit (27 Feb–5 Mar) 63 n2, 78 & n2, 79 & n2, 84 & n6, 88 n7, 89 n1, 96 n2, 98 n2, 99 n1, 100 n1, 113 n2, 534 & 535 n10; Darwins visit (19–27 Nov) 419 n4, 440 & 441 n1, 444 & n1, 445 n4, 446 n4, 447 n7, 448 n3, 450 n1, 453 n4, 455 & n4, 464 n3; Darwins’ visits to xxvi, 534 & 535 n10; visited Shrewsbury 111 n1 Litchfield, Richard Buckley: attended FD’s lecture ‘Self-defence among plants’ 445 & n6; Bryanston Street, London home 534 & 535 n10; Darwins visit (27 Feb–5 Mar) 88 n7, 89 n1, 96 n2, 98 n2, 534 & 535 n10; Darwins visit (19–27 Nov) 445 n4, 446 n4, 447 n7, 448 n3, 453 n4, 464 n3; Darwins’ visits to xxvi, 534 & 535 n10;

737

health 41 & n6, 54 & n4; siren seen at J. Tyndall’s lecture 464 & n3 lithium method for transpiration rates in plants 331 & 332 n4 Little, James Lawrence 94 & 95 n5 Living Cirripedia (CD) 168 n4, 515 n4 Lockyer, Joseph Norman: CD sends A.F. Gray’s letter 209–210 & 210 n2, n3 London Institution: FD, lecture ‘Self-defence among plants’ 445 n6, 449 & 450 n3; FD, lecture ‘The analogies of plant and animal life’ 88 n10, 139 & 140 n1, 193 & 194 n6, 271 n4 London water quality report 461 n2 Longman & Co. 237, 241 n3, 521 n3 Lonicera periclymenum (common honeysuckle) 247 & 248 n2, 263 & n4 Loocoīliceepa 163 n2 Lotus 56 Lotus gebelia 297 & 298 n3 Lotus jacobaeus (black-flowered lotus) 380 & n10 Lubbock, Ellen Frances: CD thanks for her article about his work in natural history 303 & nn 2–4; home 21 n3 Lubbock, John: home 21 n3; paper discussed at Entomological Society 134 & n2; A.R. Wallace’s application for Epping Forest superintendent 386 & n2 Ludwig, Friedrich: CD comments on Plantago 219–20 & 220 n1, 220 nn 2–4; Plantago lanceolata 219–20 n1, 220 n2, n3 luminosity 377 & n4 lunar gravity 424 & 426 n2, 428 n3 Lycorea 69 & 70 n7 Lyell, Charles: correspondence of 128–9 & 129 n1 Lyell, Henry 486 n2 Lyell, Katharine Murray 128–9 & 129 n1, 485 & 486 n2 Lynch, Richard Irwin: Arachis hypogaea 208 & n11; assistance to CD 44 n4, 185 n4, 414, 463 n3, 464; assists FD at Kew 378 & 379 n3; Cacteae 184 & 185 n4, 206; Cambridge Botanic Garden, curator 418 & n5; Cambridge Botanic Garden, curatorship application 463 & n2, 464 & n2; CD requests Cacteae seeds 206; CD requests Cycas seedlings 184 & 185 n4; CD sends thanks for help (via W.T. Thiselton-Dyer) 206 & 207 n3, 304 & 305 n3; CD’s testimonial on behalf of Lynch 463 & n2, n3, 464 & n1, n2; comment on H. Lettington’s work 43 & 44 n4; dealing with CD’s requests 187 & 188 n1; Mimosa pudica 140 n3; Pachira aquatica paper 199 n5, 211 & 212 n2; papers in Journal of the Linnean Society (Botany) 464 & n1; plant movement work

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to help CD 44 n4, 185 n4, 414; Royal Botanic Gardens, propagating department foreman 44 n4, 185 n4, 188 n1, 207 n3, 208 n11, 295 n5, 415 n4, 463 n3; Thalia 294 & 295 n5 Lyon, George Lewis 439 lysimnia tigerwing (Mechanitis lysimnia) 69 & 70 n4 Lythrum: CD’s interest in 388 & n2 Lythrum salicaria: ‘Three forms of Lythrum salicaria’ 318 n3 McLennan, John Ferguson: visits Down 269 & 270 n2, 273 & 274 n3, 534 McNab, William Ramsay 252 & n7 Mahonia 311 n15 maize see Zea mays Mallet, Robert: earthquake dynamics 213 & n2 mallow (Malva) 415 n3 Malpighi, Marcello 66 & 67 n3, n8 Malthus, Thomas Robert: population growth 432 & 435 n2 Malva (mallow) 415 n3 Malvaceae 329 n5, 329 & 330 n4 mamani (Edwardsia chrysophylla; Sophora chrysophylla) 284 & 285 n4 Mamestra brassicae (cabbage moth) 247 n10 Manners, Charles Cecil John, 6th duke of Rutland 204 & 205 n4 Mantegazza, Paolo 434 & 435 n11 Maranta: CD’s observations 304 & 305 n3, 305; F. Delpino 302 n6, 305 Maranta zebrina (Calathea zebrina; zebra-plant) 295 n7, n9 Marantaceae (arrowroot) 294 & 295 n6, 305 n2, 315 & 316 n6 Marchantia (liverworts) 261 & 262 n6, 327 & 328–9 n2 Mariosousa 285 n5 maritime pine (Pinus pinaster) 242 & n2, 305 n6, 326 & 327 n3 Marsh, Othniel Charles: career 281 n3; CD confirms visit to Down 272 & n1; CD invites to Down 269 & 270 n1, n2; CD returns photographs 291 & n2; fossil horses 354 & 355 n4; T.H. Huxley asks CD if Marsh may visit him 269 & n1, 270 n1; photographs of CD 280 & 281 n2, 291 & n2; visits Down 272 & n1, 281 n2, 291 & n3, 534 marsh valerian (Valeriana dioica) 3 n5, 22 & 24 n6, 42 & 43 n3 marsh violet (Viola palustris) 26 & 27 n4 Marshall, Sarah 439 Marshall, William Cecil: CD thanks for plant 399 & n2; extension to Down House 399 & n3;

insectivorous plants observations for CD 398 n2; Pinguicula 397–8 & 398 n3, 399 & n2; sends plant he thinks is insectivorous 397 & 398 n2 Martineau, James 438 & 439 n3 Maskelyne 230 & 231 n4 Masters, Maxwell Tylden: Gardeners’ Chronicle editor 295 n8, 544 n1 mastodons 347 & 349 n7 Mather, William 204 Matthews, Washington 9 & 10 n4 Matthiola 45 & 46 n3 Max, Gabriel: asks CD about A.R. Wallace 491, 532; recounts dream encounter with CD (after reading Wallace) 490–91 & 491 n2, n3, 531–2 & 532 n2, n3 mayflower (Epigaea repens; ground-laurel) 24 n6, 43 n4 Mayor, Joseph Bickersteth 462 meadow buttercup (Ranunculus acris) 203 & n1, 204 n2, 210–211 & 211 n3, 218 & 219 n1, 293 & n4 Meadows, Alfred 359 & 360 n3, n4, 364 n3, 374 & 375 n3 Mechanitis lysimnia (lysimnia tigerwing) 69 & 70 n4 Medicinisch-Naturwissenschaftliche Gesellschaft zu Jena (Medical and Natural Sciences Society of Jena): elected CD honorary member 24 & n1, 536–7 medusae: G.J. Romanes 163 & 164 n4, 238 n3, 244 & n3, 377 & n4, 401 n2 Meehan, Thomas: CD differs with xxiii–xxiv, 23 & 24 n11, 43 n7, 61 n4, 62 n5, 195 & n1, 196 nn 2–4; CD responds to Meehan’s letter xxiv, 195 & n1, 196 nn 2–4; Cross and self fertilisation, review 43 n7; A. Gray comments on 42 & 43 n7, n9; Gray wrote to 171; Gray’s review of Forms of flowers 62 n5; Linum perenne 23 & 24 n11, 43 n9, 61 n4, 170–71 & 171 n3, n4; published letter, Bulletin of the Torrey Botanical Club 24 n11, 61 n4, 171 n3, 195 n1, 196 n3; sends T.F. Wood’s paper on insectivorous plants 170 & 171 n2; writes to CD on Linum perenne after hearing from A. Gray 170–71 & 171 n3, n4 Megaloceros giganteus see Cervus megaceros Megatherium 347 & 349 n7 Meldola, Raphael: asks CD to ask if FD would give a biological lecture 477 & n5; asks to visit CD 417 & 418 n3; career 177 & 178 n1, 420 & n2; CD asks for identification of insect shown in enclosed photographs sent by O. Zacharias 165 & n1, n2, 200 & n4; CD comments on beetles in Cassia neglecta seeds sent by F. Müller 199–200 & 200 n3, 215–16 & 216 n1; CD declines proposed membership for FD of

Index Entomological Society 7 & n2; CD offers to lend Kosmos (Dec 1877) issue with F. Müller’s article 2 & n2; CD offers A. Weismann’s essay on daphnoids 236 & n2; CD on petunia 317 & n2; CD on phyletische terminology 487 & n1, n2; CD reports FD declines invitation to lecture 487 & n3; CD sends his photograph 135; CD sends Kosmos issue 7 & n1; CD thanks for card and says not to take any more trouble 207 & n1; CD thanks for ‘Entomologial notes bearing on evolution’ 52 & 53 n1; CD thanks for Entomological Society meeting report and asks Meldola to send copy to F. Müller 135 & n1, 144 & 145 n2; CD thanks for A. Weismann’s essay received 317 & n3; CD welcomes visit 419 & n4, 440–41 & 441 n1; comments on beetles in Cassia neglecta seeds sent by F. Müller 212 & n3; Entomological Society of London, secretary 4 n6, 202; exhibited beetles (in seeds sent to CD by F. Müller) at Entomological Society 203 n3, 212 & n3; exhibited insect photographs (sent to CD by O. Zacharias) at Entomological Society 165 n2, 177 & 178 n2, 236 & 237 n4; interest in Kosmos 13 n2; mimicry 177; F. Müller receives Meldola’s entomological notes on evolution from CD 152 & 153 n1; F. Müller’s curious Lepidoptera case sent to Meldola by CD 317 n4, 318 & n4; F. Müller’s Hedychium specimen 237 & n5; F. Müller’s Kosmos (Dec 1877) article, Meldola accepts CD’s loan offer 4 & n2; F. Müller’s ‘Notes on Brazilian entomology’ 152 & 153 n1, 200 n2, 203 n1, 213 n4, 216 & n2, 236 & 237 n2; reports on O. Zacharias’s insect photographs 212 & n1; requests CD’s photograph and autograph 134; returns Kosmos issue 24 & 25 n1; sends identification of insects (O. Zacharias’s photographs of) 207 n1, 212 & n1; thanks for insect photographs and will identify and exhibit 177 & 178 n2; visited CD in London 419 n4, 451 & 452 n5, 534; will borrow A. Weismann’s essay on daphnoids 236 & 237 n1, 317 n3; will visit CD in London 420; wishes to propose FD for membership of Entomological Society 4 & n6, 7 n2, see also Müller, Fritz (letters to CD forwarded to R. Meldola); Weismann, August (Studien zur Descendenz-Theorie translated by R. Meldola) Meldola’s blue 452 n4 Mellersh, Arthur 422 & n4 Melocactus 206 & 207 n4 Menispermum (moonseed) 327 & 329 n3, 330 n2, 331 n2 Menobranchus 309 & 310 n12

739

Menyanthes trifoliata (common bog-bean) 334 & 336 n2 Mer, Émile 316 & 317 n10, 324 & 325 n5; submerged leaves 379 & 380 n5 mercury micrometer 245 & 247 n9 merino sheep 7–8 & 8 n2, n3 Mesía, Jacinto: Institución Libre de Enseñanza named CD honorary professor 16–17 & 17 n2, 503 & n2 methodical selection 459 & 460 n6 Micheli, Marc 292 & 293 n2 Michels, John: alleged discovery of fossil man in Colorado 95 & 96 n11; chimpanzee brain anatomy 94–5 & 95 nn 1–7, 96 nn 8–10 micro-telescope 246 & 247 n11, 266 & 267 n7 Micropogonias furnieri (whitemouth croaker) 215 n1, n2 Middleton, Robert Morton: Conurus guianensis (Psittacara leucophthalmus; white-eyed parakeet) xxi, 414 & n1 mildew 84 & n5, 92 & 93 n3, 106 & 108 n9 Miliarakis, Spyridon: translated ‘Biographical sketch of an infant’ 46 & n4, n5, 505 & n4, n5 Mill, John Stuart 432 & 435 n2 Miller, G.A. 135 & n2 Miller, Philip 30 & 35 n6 Milnes, Richard Monckton, Baron Houghton 462 & 463 n7 mimicry: R. Meldola 177; F. Müller 177 & 178 n4 Mimosa (sensitive plants): CD asks F. Müller to observe in rain and hot weather 13 & n5, 153 n2; CD’s observations 379; characteristics of plants 271 n2; genus of sensitive plants 140 n3; and insects 139, 147–8, 228–9 & 229 n1; F. Müller 152 & 153 n2, 200 n2, 202 & 203 n2; pulvini 316 n7; J.I. Rogers 139 & 140 nn 1–4, 147–8 & 148 n1, n2, 228–9 & 229 n1, 270 & n1, 271 n2, n3; sleep in 140 n1, 284 & 285 n4 Mimosa albida 208 & n4 Mimosa farnesiana (Vachellia farnesiana; sweet acacia) 245 & 246 n6 Mimosa pudica (shame plant; sensitive plant): flowers 271 n3; J.I. Rogers 148 n2, 228–9 & 229 n1, 270 n1 Mimosa pudica (shame plant; sensitive plant; CD’s work): cotyledons 140 n3; experiments on leaves 229 n1; Movement in plants 73 n4, 140 n3, 229 n1; splitting of seed coat 73 n4; used for most experiments for Movement in plants 140 n3 Miocene 406 & 407 n4 Miohippus 230 & 231 n3 Mirbel, Charles François Brisseau de 66 & 67 n3, n8

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Index

mistletoe (Viscum album) 490 n6 mistletoe cactus (Rhipsalis cassytha; R. baccifera) 206 & 207 n5 Mitra, K.N. 439 & 440 n6 modified circumnutation 288, 301, 321 n5, n6 Mojsisovics von Mojsvár, Edmund: CD comments on first chapter of Dolomit-Riffe xxii, 222–3 & 223 nn 1–4, 228 n1, n4; Die Dolomit-Riffe von Südtirol und Venetien xxii, 171 & 172 n1, 222–3 & 223 n1, n4, 228 & n1, n2, n4; ‘Kleine Beiträge zur Kenntniss der Anneliden’ 258 & n4; sends publications xxii, 171–2 & 172 nn 1–3; thanks for CD’s comments 227–8 & 228 nn 1–4 Möller, Alfred: Fritz Müller: Werke, Briefe und Leben 312 n1, 521–2 n1 molluscs 167 & 168 n6, 514 & 515 n6 Mommsen, August 540 & 541 n2, 541 & n2 monkeys: A.D. Bartlett suggested by CD for advice on 375 & n4, 377 & n1; CD compares intellectual ability of monkey and B. Darwin (eyeglass case) 365 & n8, 372 n4; CD wonders if G.J. Romanes has thought of keeping xxi, 365; FD suggests Romanes keeps one (and an idiot, a deaf-mute and a baby) xxi, 375 & n5, 377 n3; A. and M. Hobhouse keep 365, 375 & n6; Romanes has thought of keeping 371 & 372 n4, 375 n4 Montero Ríos, Eugenio: Institución Libre de Enseñanza named CD honorary professor 16–17 & 17 n2, 503 & n2; speech sent to CD 457 & n3, 531 & n3 moon: lunar gravity 424 & 426 n2, 428 n3; orbital period 416 n3 moonseed (Menispermum) 327 & 329 n3, 330 n2, 331 n2 Moore, Norman 41 Moore, Spencer Le Marchant 31 Moore, William James 227 n2, n3 moral sense: Descent 435 n5 Morocco 268 & 269 n5, 402 & 403 n9 morphological features: C.W. von Nägeli 470 n3 Morren, Édouard 379 n6 mosaic darner dragonflies (Aeshna; hawker dragonflies) 429 & 430 n3 Moschkau, Alfred: CD comments on his observations 146 & n1, n2; congratulates CD on Cambridge honorary degree 141 & 143 n2, 511 & 512 n2; sends various observations xxi, 141–3 & 143 nn 2–9, 511–12 & 512 n2, n3, 513 nn 4–9 Moseley, Henry Nottidge: asks to dedicate his Challenger book to CD 449 & n1; CD comments on Moseley’s work 453 & n3; CD thanks for

proposed dedication 453 & n2; orchid specimen 188 & n5; visited Down (1876) 453 n3 moss campion (Silene acaulis; cushion-pink) 335 & 336 n4, n6 moth-vine, common see Araujia sericifera moths: A.B. Farn 440 & n1, n2; F. Müller, ‘Notes on Brazilian entomology’ 152 & 153 n1, 200 n2, 203 n1, 213 n4, 216 n2, 236 & 237 n2; odoriferous 152; Origin 6th ed. 376 n4 Mott, Alexander Brown 94 & 95 n5 moulds: CD on heliotropism in 306 & 307 n6, 320 & 321 n10, 330 n3; J. Sachs 315 & 316 n2, 327; W.T. Thiselton-Dyer 187–8 & 188 n2, n3, 321 n10; S.H. Vines 187 & 188 n3, 307 n6 mountain wood sorrel (Oxalis montana; O. acetosella; wood sorrel) 26 & 27 n6, 284 & 285 n4, 295 & 298 n3 movement in plants: W.F.P. Pfeffer 329 n8, 414 & 415 n3; J. Sachs xix, 275 n2; terminology 42 & 43 n4 movement in plants (CD’s work): acids, application of 279 & 280 n3; CD comments on to F. Müller 317; CD reports on to FD 239 & n3, n4, 379–80 & 380 nn 7–10; CD speculates on generalised view of 306, 317; CD thanks W.T. Thiselton-Dyer for all his help 445–6 & 446 n3; CD works on xvii, 213 & 215 n6, 338 n4, 391 n2, 422 & 423 n4, 533; CD works on with FD xvii, xix, 12 & 13 n4, 22 & 24 n8, 52 & n3, 54 & n6, 144 & 145 n5, 188 & n4, 229 n1, 239 n2, 388 n2, 388 & n1, 415 & n6, 445–6; Cyclamen persicum 65 & n5, 154 & n3; epinastic or hyponastic movement 381 & 383 n4; evolution principles 306; experimental work almost finished 415 & n6; experiments to exclude light 10 & n2; experiments with water 259 n2; fir trees 242 & n2; A. Gray encourages CD’s work on 42 & 43 n5; lamp-black and spermaceti ointment mixture used 10 & n2; leaves submerged in water 317 n7, 324 & 325 n5, 379 & 380 n6; R.I. Lynch, experimental work for CD 185 n4; Lynch supplied plants for experimental work 185 n4; Mimosa albida 208 n4; Pinus pinaster 242 & n2, 305 n6, 326 & 327 n3; Pisum sativum 238 & 239 n5, 262 n11; requests plants or seeds from Thiselton-Dyer 414–15 & 415 n2, n7; Trifolium repens 373 & 374 n4; Tropaeolum 326 & 327 n5; Vicia faba 185 n5, 262 n9, 274 n4, see also apogeotropism; Arachis hypogaea; Bignonia capreolata; burying of seeds; circumnutation; climbing plants; cotyledons; geotropism; heliotropism; Movement in plants; movement in plants (FD’s work); Oxalis; Oxalis species; plumule; pulvini;

Index roots; seedling plants; sleep in plants; stomata; Thalia dealbata; twiners and tendrils movement in plants (FD’s work): Adenanthera pavonina 322 n13; Movement in plants (CD), FD assisted CD with work for 52 n3, 54 n6, 229 n1, 388 n2; Oxalis tropaeoloides 446 & 447 n3, 448 & 449 n4, 450 & n6; Trifolium strictum 445 n2, 448 & 449 n5; Trifolium subterraneum 446 & 447 n3; works on with CD xvii, xix, 12 & 13 n4, 22 & 24 n8, 52 & n3, 54 & n6, 144 & 145 n5, 188 & n4, 229 n1, 239 n2, 388 n2, 388 & n1, 415 & n6, 445–6, see also movement in plants (CD’s work); Movement in plants (CD) Movement in plants (CD): Aesculus hippocastanum 330 n6; Ampelopsis tricuspidata 383 n4; apogeotropism 383 n5; cabbage radicle 57 n4; Cacteae xvii, 207 n4; Caladium esculentum 250 n3, 259 n2; Cassia 138 n6, 146 n3; Cassia pubescens 146 n3; Cassia tora 203 n4, 318 n1; CD works on with FD 24 n8, 52 n3, 54 n6, 229 n1, 388 n2, 445; Cereus speciosissimus 35 n13; cites J. Sachs 275 n2; cites E. Stahl 316 n4; cites H. de Vries 321 n7; cites W.C. Williamson 391 n3; Cycas pectinata 84 n7; Cyclamen persicum 35 n3, 65 n5; G.H. Darwin helped with illustrations 276 n3; Desmodium gyrans 140 n4; Drosera 379–80 & 380 n7; Echinocystis lobata 307 n4; engravings, J.D. Cooper 481 n1, 483 n2; fern 36 n24; freezing temperatures, effects on leaves of 138 n5; geotropism 119 n5; glass tubes 378 n2; grasses, cotyledons 267 n9; heliotropism 383 n5; Lathraea squamaria 137 n3, 138 n5; R.I. Lynch assisted CD with observations for 44 n4; maize 274 n3; Mimosa pudica 73 n4, 140 n3, 229 n1; Mimosa pudica, used for most experiments 140 n3; Oxalis 57 n2, 402 n3; Oxalis carnosa 374 n4, 383 n3; Oxalis cornicula 267 n8; Oxalis rosea 239– 40 n4; Oxalis tropaeoloides 447 n3; Pinus pinaster 242 n2; Pisum sativum 239 n5; published 13 n4, 24 n8, 180 n5, 215 n6, 395 n2, 415 n6; pulvini xviii, 267 n8, 445 n2; radicles 105 n2; radicles, sensitivity of apex xviii, 185 n8, 276 n3; Selaginella kraussii 36 n17; Sida rhombifolia 330 n4; sleeping plants, list of 262 n11, 289 n2; Smithia pfundii 383 n4; Stapelia sarpedon 243 n8, 249 n2; Strephium floribundum 243 n8; terminology 43 n5, 55 n2, 246 n2, 306 n12; Thalia dealbata 276 n4; W.T. Thiselton-Dyer’s help acknowledged 446 n3; Trifolium repens 374 n4; Trifolium resupinatum 449 n5; Trifolium strictum 445 n2, 449 n5; Trifolium subterraneum 322 n12, 447 n3; Tropaeolum majus 330 n6; twiners and tendrils 321 n6; Vicia faba 185 n5, 274 n4

741

Movement in plants German ed. (CD): J.V. Carus translated 395 n2 Müller, Anna 272 & 273 n1 Müller, Emma 272 & 273 n1 Müller, Fritz: Anaea 318 n4; ‘Beobachtungen an brasilianschen Schmetterlingen’ (Kosmos article) 2 & n2, 4 n2, 25 n1; butterflies, Brazilian 2 & n2, 4 n2, 69 & 70 nn 3–7, 152–3 & 154 n5, n7, 237 n2, 368 & n3; butterflies, odoriferous 69 & 70 n6, n7, 152 & 154 n3, n4, 165 & n4; career 154 n9; Cassia neglecta seeds sent to CD contained beetles 199–200 & 200 n3, 202 & 203 n3, 212 & n3; Cassia seeds sent by 202 & 203 n4, 312 & n2, 318 n1, 368 & n3, 521 & 522 n2; caterpillars 153 & 154 nn 5–7, 312 & n3, 318 n4, 368 & n3, 521 & 522 n3; CD asked R. Meldola to send Müller Entomological Society Proceedings with Müller’s letter extracts 135 & n1, 144 & 145 n2; CD asks Müller for plant observations 13 & n5, 153 n2, 202; CD comments on cleistogamic grasses 317 & 318 n3; CD comments on his own work 12 & 13 n4, 317; CD comments to H. Müller on F. Müller’s recent papers 3 & n6; CD gives Meldola permission to use Müller’s letter to CD (27 Nov 1877) 12 n1; CD on Müller’s work 13, 202, 369; CD reports he is working with FD on biology of seedling plants 144–5 & 145 n4, n5; CD reports on Pontederia 145 & n6, 202 & 203 n5; CD sends payment for sales of Facts and arguments for Darwin 400 & n2, n3; CD thanks for 1877 (27 Nov) letter (flower colours and Lepidoptera) 12–13 & 13 nn 1–5; CD thanks for 1878 (20 Feb) letter (Lepidoptera) and will send it to Meldola 144 & 145 n1; CD thanks for earthworms observations 12 & 13 n1, 317; CD thanks for Pontederia seeds 12 & 13 n3; CD thanks for seeds some of which he passed on to J.D. Hooker 317 & 318 n1; Für Darwin (Facts and arguments for Darwin; translated by W.S. Dallas) 400 n2, n3; grass 43 & 44 n2; Hedychium and sphinx-moth 237 & n5; home 70 n4, 312 n3, 522 n3; letters to CD written in English 312 n1, 521 n1; R. Meldola’s entomological notes paper includes extracts from Müller’s 1871 letter to CD 53 n1; mimicry 177 & 178 n4; Mimosa 152 & 153 n2, 200 n2, 202 & 203 n2; A. Möller, Fritz Müller: Werke, Briefe und Leben 312 n1, 521–2 n1; ‘Notes on Brazilian entomology’ 152 & 153 n1, 200 n2, 203 n1, 213 n4, 216 n2, 236 & 237 n2; spiders 369 & n1; thanks for Meldola’s entomological notes on evolution 152 & 153 n1; ‘Ueber Haarpinsel, Filzflecke und ähnliche Gebilde auf den

742

Index

Flügeln männlicher Schmetterlinge’ 165 & n4; Viola 69 & n2, see also Müller, Fritz (letters to CD forwarded to R. Meldola) Müller, Fritz (letters to CD forwarded to R. Meldola): 1871 letter, extracts published 4 & n4, 53 n1; 27 Nov 1877 letter, CD permits Meldola use of 12 & n1; 27 Nov 1877 letter, extracts read by Meldola at Entomological Society 13 n2, 25 n2, 134 n1; 27 Nov 1877 letter, Meldola published extracts from 134 & n1, 135 n1; 27 Nov 1877 letter, Meldola thanks CD for permission to use 25 & n2, 134 & n1; 20 Feb 1878 letter, CD sends to Meldola 144 & 145 n1, 165 & n3; 20 Feb 1878 letter, Meldola comments on 177 & 178 n4; 20 Feb 1878 letter, Meldola made copy of 70 n8, 144 n1; 5 Apr 1878 letter, CD sends to Meldola 199 & 200 n2, 202 & 203 n1; 5 Apr 1878 letter, Meldola publishes enclosure from 199 & 200 n2; CD sends Müller’s curious Lepidoptera case to Meldola 317 n4, 318 & n4; CD tells Müller of permitting Meldola’s use of Müller’s letters 12 & 13 n2, 144 & 145 n2; Meldola and CD correspond about Müller’s 1877 letter extracts 12 & n1, 13 n2, 25 & n2, 134 & n1, 135 & n1 Müller, Hermann: Alpenblumen, ihre Befruchtung durch Insekten 399 n3; Alpine flowers and insects 399 & n2, n3; Die Befruchtung der Blumen 54 & 54–5 n2, 56 & 57 n1, 371 n4, n5; Die Befruchtung der Blumen, English translation published as Fertilisation of flowers (with preface by CD) 370 & 371 n5, 399 n1; W. Behrens on work of 370 & 371 n4; career 399 n2; CD advised on Viola tricolor crossing experiments 273 n2; CD comments on Müller as observer 219; CD comments on Müller’s perianths article 3 & n3, n5; CD on his own interest in fertilisation of plants 388 & n2; CD thanks for review of Forms of flowers 3 & n2; Cirsium arvense 26 & 27 n3; cited in Forms of flowers 2d ed. 3 n4, n5, 43 n3; A. Dodel-Port’s botanical atlas 234, 235, 240, 519, 520; Erythraea centaurium 335 & 336 n7; Forms of flowers, review 3 & n2, n5, 543; Geum rivale, T. Whitelegge’s observation 173 n2; inconspicuous flowers 220 n3; ‘Die Insekten als unbewuβte Blumenzüchter’ 273 n3; Maranta zebrina 295 n9; pollination theory 370 & 371 n4; sends seeds collected by F. Müller 272 & 273 n1; Senecio vulgaris 26 & 27 n5; Silene acaulis 336 n6; thanks CD for help with translation of his book 398 & 399 n1; Viola tricolor 272–3 & 273 n2; A.S. Wilson refers to 335 & 336 n3 Müller, Hugo 403 n4

Mumbo Jumbo 347 & 349 n8 muntjac deer 376 n4 Murie, James: FD’s Drosera rotundifolia nutrition paper 193 & 194 n5, 266 & 267 n2, 267; Linnean Society, assistant secretary 194 n5, 267 n2 Murray, Andrew 310 n12 Murray, John: advertised new works by CD in Nature 363 n3; CD comments on his book sales 400 & n3; CD sends cheque for presentation copies 400 & n2; sale dinners (November) 78 & n3, 454–5 n1 musical perception 350 & n1, n2 musk duck (muscovy duck; Cairina moschata) 374 & 375 n4 mussel (Unio complanatus; Elliptio complanata; eastern elliptio) 181 & n5, 210 n3 Mutisia clematis 490 n4 Myers, Arthur Thomas 6 & 7 n2 Myers, Frederic William Henry 6 & 7 n2 Myers, Joel A. 135 & n2 Mygale 309 & 311 n14 Mygale stridulans (Chilobrachys stridulans) 4 & n5 mygalomorph spiders 309 & 311 n14 Nägeli, Carl Wilhelm von 233 & 235 n5, 234, 519 & n5; CD comments to C.G. Semper on morphological features 469–70 & 470 n3; perfectibility principle 315 & 316 n3, 470 n3 Nash, Louisa A’hmuty 145 & n2, 220 & n2, n3 Nash, Wallis: CD thanks for book dedication 145 & n1, n2, 220 & nn 1–3 nasturtium (Tropaeolum majus) 329 & 330 n6 nasturtiums (Tropaeolum) 326 & 327 n5 Nathusius, Hermann Engelhard von 8 & n4 National Academy of Sciences (Argentina; Academia Nacional de Ciencias): elected CD honorary member 539–40 native peoples: Tierra del Fuego 423 n2, 427 natural history: CD comments on his work encouraging in others a taste for natural history 453; Germany 431 natural sciences: CD on his work encouraging a few Serbians towards natural sciences 50 & 51 n5 natural selection: G. Allen 116; W. Behrens 412 & n3; J. Delboeuf 365 n5; G.A. Gaskell 432, 433, 443; human development 435 n5; T.H. Huxley 25 n4; C.W. von Nägeli 470 n3; T.T. Sherlock 156; H. Spencer 435 n4 natural selection (CD comments on): P. Greg’s design chapter, response to 501 & n7; movement in plants 306; E.B. Pusey’s sermon, response to 458; and religious belief 112 n2;

Index role in human development 435 n2, n5; A.R. Wallace as co-discoverer of theory of evolution by natural selection 82 n4 Natural selection (CD): instincts of animals 238 n2; species book (second part) published as Charles Darwin’s Natural selection (1975) xxi, 242 n2, 243 n2, 244 n1 natural theology 471–2 & 472 n4 naturalists: younger naturalists continue spirit of CD’s work xxi–xxii, 47, 505 Nature: G.D. Campbell publishes CD’s letter on species 395 n1; CD sends issues to FD while he is in Germany 248 & n2, 276 & n5, 289 & 290 n8, 292 & 293 n3; T.F. Cheesman, letter sent to Nature by CD 294 n1; A.H. Church, vegetable albinism 295 n4; F. Darwin, ‘The analogies of plant and animal life’ 140 n1, 193 & 194 n6, 271 n4; F. Darwin, Drosera rotundifolia paper summarised 186 & n2, 193; G.H. Darwin, ‘On the bodily tides of viscous and semi-elastic spheroids, and on the ocean tides upon a yielding nucleus’ (abstract) 293 n3; Forms of flowers, review 154 & n1; F. Galton, ‘Composite portraits’ 213 & 215 n2; A.F. Gray, letter sent to Nature by CD 181 n1, n3, 209 & n1; E. Haeckel, ‘The present position of the evolution theory’ 150 n2; S. Haughton, ‘Physical geology’ 173 n1, n2; J.D. Hooker, presidential address to Royal Society 484 & 485 n2; C.H. Lagrange, report of work 263 & n2; R.I. Lynch, Pachira aquatica paper summarised 199 n5; F. Müller’s copies of 153 & 154 n8; J. Murray advertised new works by CD in Nature 363 n3; published weekly 154 n8; S.B.J. Skertchly, Palaeolithic flint implements discovery, 80 & 82 n3; R.C. Virchow, address on liberty of science in the modern state 150 n2; T. Whitelegge, gynodioecious plants 295 n1 Nature (CD’s letters): G.D. Campbell publishes CD’s letter on species 395 n1; cross-breeding Chinese and common European geese 367 n3; on E. Dupuy’s observations confirming C.É. Brown-Séquard’s results 311 n2; transplantation of shells 210 & nn 1–3 Naudin, Charles Victor 409 & n2, 528 & 529 n2 Navarino Island 427 & 428 n2 nebular hypothesis 87 & 88 n7 nectarines (Prunus persica) 394 & 395 n2 Neottia nidus-avis (bird’s-nest orchid) xviii, 137 & n2 Nepeta glechoma (Glechoma hederacea; ground ivy) 25–6 & 27 n1 Neptunia oleracea (water mimosa) 271 n3 Neumayr, Melchior: career 256 & n2; CD mentions to C.G. Semper 470 & n5; and C.M. Paul, Die

743

Congerien- und Paludinenschichten Slavoniens und deren Faunen: ein Beitrag zur Descendenz-Theorie 223 & n3, 258 & n3, 500 & 501 n4; ‘Ueber unvermittelt auftretende Cephalopodentypen im Jura Mittel-Europa’s’ 256 & n1 Nevill, Dorothy Fanny: CD will call on when in London if possible 63 n2 Newcomb, H.L. 181 & n4 Newton, Alfred 483–4 & 484 n1 Newton, Francis Milner 255 & 256 n17 Newton, John 347 & 349 n9 niata cattle 153 & 154 n9 Nicholson, Edward Williams Byron 129 & 131 n4, 130 Nicholson, George 294 & 295 n6, 304 & 305 n2 Nicols, Arthur: rats gnaw lead water pipes 18 & 19 n1, n2 Nicotiana glauca (tree tobacco): CD sends seeds to Kew 248 & 249 n6; CD will send seeds to Kew 208 & n9; FD’s observations 448 & 449 n3 Nicotiana rustica (Aztec tobacco; wild tobacco) 415 n3 noble natures: development of 156–7 & 157 n2 Noel, Gerard James 225 n7, 485 & 486 n4 noonday sleep 329 n8 Norman, Ebenezer 117 n2 Northcote, Cecilia Frances 79 n2 Northcote, Stafford Henry: Royal Society, fellowship 485 & 486 n4; J. Torbitt writes to on potato cultivation xxiv, 74–6 & 76 nn 2–7, 89 n2, 104 & 105 n4, 106 & 107 n6, 114 n4, 387 n2 Norton, Charles Eliot: A. Gray’s review of J. Cook’s lectures on biology 42 & 42–3 n2; J.B. Thayer consulted about publishing extracts of CD’s letters to C. Wright 29 & 30 n2 Noyes, John Humphrey 443 & 444 n8 Noyes, Thomas Herbert: offers CD health advice xxvi, 441 & 442 nn 1–4 nucellar embryony 416 n5, 530 n5 oaks (Quercus) 60 & n5, 510 & n5 oats (Avena sativa; CD’s work): cotyledons 266–7 & 267 n9 oats (Avena sativa; FD’s work): CD asks about chlorophyll in seedlings 250 & 252 n3, 278 n4; CD suggests cutting sections of cotyledons to look at cell size 276 & n7, 278 n4; CD suggests observing cotyledons 266–7 & 267 n9; chlorophyll xix, 244 & 246 n2, 274 & 275 n7, 278 & n4, 284 & 285 n2; plans to sow 261 & 262 n2 obliquity of the ecliptic 424 & 426 n4 observing (CD comments on): CD more interested in observing than writing 243; flowers

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Index

and general observers 360–61; observations and wasps 340 & 341 n3 odoriferous butterflies 69 & 70 n6, n7, 152 & 154 n3, n4, 165 & n4 Ogle, Parthenia 488 & 489 n4 Ogle, William: CD on Ogle’s translation and editing of A. Kerner von Marilaun’s work 360 & 361 n1, n2, 488 & 489 n3; CD thanks for assistance to H. Darwin about well at Down 488 & 489 n2; CD thanks for translation of Kerner von Marilaun’s book 456 & n2; comments on CD’s work and assistance 488 & 489 n5; translated A. Kerner von Marilaun’s Die Schutzmittel der Blüthen gegen unberufene Gäste 449 & 450 n3, 456 n2, 488 & 489 n3 Oliver, Daniel: CD sends thanks for help (via W.T. Thiselton-Dyer) 39 & n2; G. de Saporta’s Permian leaf drawing 38 & 39 n1 Onchidium 266 & 267 n5 onion, common (Allium cepa) 65 & n4 onions: graft-hybrid experiments 108 & n1, n2, 155 & n4, 157 & 158 n3, 196 & n2, 238 & 239 n4, 361 & 362 n2, 384 & 386 n1, n3 Ophrys 273 n3 Ophrys apifera (bee orchid) 428–30 & 430 n1, n4 Ophrys arachnites (late spider orchid; O. fuciflora subsp. fuciflora): CD’s observations 235 n6, 520 n6; A. Dodel-Port 234 & 235 n6, 519 & 520 n6 Ophrys fuciflora subsp fuciflora see Ophrys arachnites Ophrys muscifera (O. insectifera; fly orchid) 273 n3 Oppel, Albert 223 & n3, 500 & 501 n4 OPPONENTS OF CD’S THEORIES: Académie des sciences, some members 342 & n5, 367 n1, 525 & 526 n5; L. Agassiz 337 & n3; P. Greg 500 & 501 n1; S. Haughton xxiv, 28 n2; A.J. Lecomte 349 n14; C.W. von Nägeli 316 n3; E.B. Pusey 455 n2, 456 & 457 n2; A. de Quatrefages 342, 525; R.C. Virchow xxii, 50 n5, n6, 141 & 143 n3, 511 & 512–13 n3 Opuntia basilaris (beavertail cactus) 225 & n3 Opuntia nigricans (O. elatior; prickly pear) 206 & 207 n5, 225 & n3 orang-utan (Pongo pygmaeus; Simia satyrus) 36 & 37 n5, 336 & n2, 347 & 349 n8 orange bush monkey-flower (Diplacus glutinosus; D. aurantiacus ssp. aurantiacus) 294 & n2 orangetip angled-sulphur (Callidryas menippe; Anteos menippe) 312 & n3, 368 n3, 521 & 522 n3 orchids: Australian 406 & n1; CD returned plant to Kew 372 & 373 n2, 373 & n3; Challenger expedition 188 & n5; positively heliotropic aerial roots 188 & n5 Orchids (CD): Neottia nidus-avis 137 n2; Ophrys 273 n3

Orchids 2d ed. (CD): Catasetum 289 n4, 290 n3, 292 n2; Epipactis 383 n4; Ophrys apifera 428 & 430 n1, 430 & n4; Ophrys fuciflora subsp. fuciflora 235 n6, 520 n6; published 388 n2 Orchids US ed. (CD): sales 201 Origin (CD): CD has no plans to correct again 166 & n3; CD on origins of xxiii, 458 & n2; cirripedes, parasitism in 168 n7, 515 n7; cites J. Buckman 175 n3; cross-breeding Chinese and common geese 360 n2; domestic pigeons 393 n8; duck’s foot and freshwater shells 181 n2; existence of life before Silurian period 348 n5; S. Haughton critical of xxiv; hermaphroditism 110 n1; insect larva adaption to environment 24–5 & 25 n1; methodical and unconscious selection 460 n5; no further changes to text after 1876 printing of 6th ed. with corrections and additions 165 n4, 166 n3, 514 n4; published 393 n7; E.B. Pusey’s comments on xxii, 456 & 457 n3; S.B.J. Skertchly comments on xxii; species book chapter 10 abstracted for Origin 243 & n2; A. Stecker plans to publish Czech translation 110 & 111 n1, 115 & n1, 117 & 118 n1; transportal of shells 210 & n2; twentieth thousand copy 78 n3; A. Weismann’s ‘degeneration’ prefigured in 452 n2 Origin 3d ed. (CD): Carniola caves 310 n12; CD’s understanding of J.W. von Goethe 316 n5; historical sketch 165 n2, 514 n2 Origin 4th ed. (CD): Eozoon canadense 348 n5 Origin 5th ed. (CD): C.W. von Nägeli’s critique responded to 470 n6; tropical species 405 n5; variation in placentation 470 n3 Origin 6th ed. (CD): F.S. Arnold comments on 494 & 495 n3; CD responds to F.S. Arnold’s comment 500 & n2; convergence of character 395 n3; external conditions 501 n7; fertility of hybrids 376 n4; geological record, imperfection of 172 n2; historical sketch 164 & 165 n2, 513 & 514 n2; sales 78 & n3; species book chapter 10 abstracted for Origin 6th ed. 243 n2; M.F. Wagner’s views on geographical isolation discussed 453 & 454 n2 Origin 6th ed. German translation (CD): H.G. Bronn and J.V. Carus translated 198 n4, 517 n4; N. Lewy quotes from 196–7 & 198 n4, 516 & 517 n4 Origin 6th ed. Serbian ed. (CD): M. Radovanović translated 50 & n4, 372 & n1 Origin (1876) (CD): 6th ed., no further changes to text after 1876 printing of 6th ed. with corrections and additions 165 n4, 166 n3, 514 n4

Index Origin French eds. (CD): E. Barbier translated 409 & n5, 529 & n5 Origin Russian ed. (CD): S.A. Rachinskiĭ translated 111 n2, 118 n2 Origin US ed. (CD): sales 200 Orpington railway station 208 n2, 418 n3, 419, 461 & n3 Orundellico ( Jemmy Button) 163 n2, 166 n1, 185 n1 Osmaston Hall 53 & 54 n2 ostracods 167 & 168 n8, 515 & n8 ostriches 390 n2 Ottoman Empire: Berlin, Treaty of 322 n11; ‘eastern question’ 86 n6; instability of 86 n6; Russian advances on xxv; San Stefano, Treaty of 205 n2, 322 n11; Serbia declared war on 51 n5 ovate goatgrass see Aegilops ovata Owen, Richard 501 & 502 n9 Oxalidaceae 298 n3 Oxalis: cotyledons 242 & n3, 252 & n8, 401 & 402 n3; Movement in plants 57 n2, 402 n3; movement of seedlings at night 249 n2; pulvini xviii, 266 & 267 n8; returned to Kew 208; seeds received 248 & 249 n2, 326 & 327 n5; sleep of 56 & 57 n2, 242 Oxalis acetosella (wood sorrel; O. montana; mountain wood sorrel) 26 & 27 n6, 284 & 285 n4, 295 & 298 n3 Oxalis bupleurifolia 57 n2 Oxalis carnosa (fleshy sorrel): CD requests again 373 & n2; CD requests observations of from FD while at Kew 381 & 383 n3, 382, 383; injured during experiments 138 & n4; Movement in plants 374 n4, 383 n3; returned to Kew 208 & n6; sent from Kew 57 n2, 138 n4, 208 n6 ‘Oxalis colorata’ 243 n8 Oxalis cornicula 267 n8 Oxalis corniculata (creeping wood sorrel) 252 & n9, 350 & n2; var. atropurpurea (O. tropaeoloides) 446 & 447 n3, 448 & 449 n4, 450 & n6 Oxalis floribunda (abundant flowering wood sorrel): CD requests seeds sown 350 & n2; cotyledons 239 & n4, 242 & n3, 252 & n9; FD finds as sleeping plant at Würzburg 284 & 285 n4; seeds sent from Kew 243 n8; sleep of 242 & n3, 327 n5 Oxalis frutescens see Oxalis plumieri Oxalis hirta see Oxalis rubella Oxalis incarnata (pale pink-sorrel; crimson wood sorrel) 243 n8 Oxalis latifolia (O. vespertilionis; broadleaf wood sorrel) 284 & 285 n4, 295 & 298 n3 Oxalis montana see Oxalis acetosella

745

Oxalis ortgiesii 57 n2 Oxalis pentaphylla (O. polyphylla) 57 n2 Oxalis plumieri (O. frutescens; shrubby woodsorrel) 57 n2 Oxalis polyphylla see Oxalis pentaphylla Oxalis purpurea see Oxalis variabilis Oxalis regnellii (O. triangularis; false shamrock) 284 & 285 n4 Oxalis rosea (pink sorrel): CD requests seeds sown 350 & n2; cotyledons 239 & 239–40 n4, 242 & n3, 252 & n9; sleep of 327 n5 Oxalis rubella (O. hirta; tropical woodsorrel) 57 n2 Oxalis rusciformis (winged oxalis) 284 & 285 n4 Oxalis stricta (yellow wood sorrel) 243 n8 Oxalis triangularis see Oxalis regnellii Oxalis tropaeoloides (O. corniculata var. atropurpurea; creeping wood sorrel) 446 & 447 n3, 448 & 449 n4, 450 & n6 Oxalis valdiviensis (O. valdiviana; Chilean yellow-sorrel): CD referred to as O. valdiviana 402 n3, 403 n1; CD requests identification of 401–2 n2; CD requests seeds sown 350 & n2; CD thanks J.D. Hooker for identification 404 & 405 n8; cotyledons 239 & n4, 242 & n3, 252 & n9, 402 n3; Hooker identified 402 & 403 n1; seeds sent from Kew 243 n8; sleep of 242 & n3, 327 n5 Oxalis variabilis (O. purpurea; purple wood sorrel) 297 & 298 n3 Oxalis vespertilionis see Oxalis latifolia Oxford and Cambridge Undergraduate’s Journal 458 n2 Oxford Museum of Natural History: statue of CD xxi oxlip 2 & n1 Pachira aquatica (Guiana-chestnut; provision tree) 199 n5, 206 & 207 n6, 211 & 212 n2 Pagurus 167 & 168 n9, 515 & n9 Palaearctic 406 & 407 n2 Palaeolithic deposits: fenland 80–81 & 82 n3 Palaeolithic flint implements 80 & 82 n3 Palaeolithic people 81 & 82 n3 Palaeolithic period 100 & 101 n2, 126 n2 pale pink-sorrel (Oxalis incarnata; crimson wood sorrel) 243 n8 Paley, William 124 n2 palm trees 347 & 348–9 n6 Pan troglodytes see chimpanzee pangenesis hypothesis: CD’s work 108 n2, 311–12 n3, 386 n3; G.J. Romanes, graft-hybrid experiments on 108 n2, 155 n4, 157 & 158 n3, 239 n4, 362 n2, 386 n3; Variation 2d ed. 311–12 n3 paper mulberries (Broussonetia) 378 & 379 n5 Papilio 25 n3, 69 & 70 n6

746

Index

Papilio scamander (P. grayi ) 70 n6 Paraserianthes lophantha see Albizia lophantha Paris Universal International Exhibition 402–3 & 403 n10 Parker, George 6 & 7 n1 Parker, Mary, Jr 253 & 255 n2, 10 Parker, Mary, Sr 253 & 255 n2, n4 Parker, William Kitchen: CD hopes to meet next time in London 21 & n2, 444 n2; CD welcomes him to visit in London 444 & n1, n2; cited in Descent 2d ed. 21 n3; cited in Variation 21 n3; comments on missing CD’s visit to him 19 & n2; Royal Society government grant fund 489 & 490 n7 Parr, Edward 314 & n2 parsnips 355 & n2 Parthenocissus tricuspidata see Ampelopsis tricuspidata Passiflora 153 & 154 n7 Passiflora incarnata (purple passionflower) 154 n7 Passiflora lutea (yellow passionflower) 154 n7 Passiflora quadrangularis (giant granadilla) 153 & 154 n6 Mr Paul 358 & 359 n2 Paul, Carl Maria: M. Neumayr and C. Paul, Die Congerien- und Paludinenschichten Slavoniens und deren Faunen: ein Beitrag zur Descendenz-Theorie 223 n3, 501 n4 pavana longwing (Eueides pavana) 69 & 70 n4 Payne, George 178 & 179 n3, 180 n3 pea, common (Pisum sativum) 238 & 239 n5, 262 n11 Peabody, George 281 n3 peaches 84 & n5, 92 & 93 n3, 106 & 108 n9, 394 & 395 n2 peacock katydid (Pterochroza ocellata) 212 & n2 peanut see Arachis hypogaea peas 353 & n2 Pelargonium 406 & 407 n3 Pelargonium endlicherianum 407 n3 Pennsylvania Central Railway 307 & n1 perfectibility principle: C.W. von Nägeli 315 & 316 n3, 470 n3 Périgord engraved bones 81 & 82 n6 Permian leaf drawing 38 & 39 n1, 39 & 40 n5, 40 & 41 n5, 44 & n6, 58 & 60 n2, 509 & 510 n2; Ceratopteris, identification as 40, 41 n5, 45 & n2, 58 & 60 n2, 65 & n3, 509 & 510 n2; G. de Saporta’s thanks for help from Kew 65 & n3 Peromyscus gossypinus see Hesperomys cognatus Peronospora infestans (Phytophthora infestans) 76 & n7, 114 & n2 Persian clover see Trifolium resupinatum Peters, Wilhelm 426 & 427 n1 petunia 317 & n2

Pfeffer, Wilhelm Friedrich Philipp: leaf movements 414 & 415 n3, 418 & n4; Leguminosae 329 n8; W.R. McNab cites 252 & n7; pulvini 261 & 262 n4; Siegesbeckia flexuosa 415 n7, 418 n6; turgescence during plant growth 274 & 275 n3 Phalaris canariensis (canary grass) 244 & 246 n2 Phaseolus multiflorus (runner-bean; P. coccineus) 247 & 248 n2 Phaseolus vulgaris (kidney bean) 247 & 248 n2 pheasants 376 n4 Phillips-Jodrell, Thomas Jodrell 119 n1 Phlebodium aureum see Polypodium aureum Phoebis see Callidryas Phoenix dactylifera (date palm) 391 & 392 n2, n6 Phoenix sylvestris (wild date palm) 392 & n4 photographs: G.M. Asher asks CD to send his photograph to M.N. Galkin-Vraskoi 53 & n2, 57 & n1; bean radicles 170 n1; É. Beneden requests CD’s photograph 174 & n2, 516 & n2; R.A. Blair sent photograph of goose 161, 467 & 468 n5; J.S. Burdon Sanderson showed CD Koch’s photographs of bacteria 5 & 5–6 n2; by J.M. Cameron 281 n2, n7; CD asks R. Meldola for identification of insect shown in enclosed photographs 165 & n1, n2; CD discusses images for Movement in plants with J.D. Cooper 483; CD sends his photograph to E. Duncan 465 & n2; CD sends his photograph to R. Meldola 135; CD sends his photograph to M. Radovanović 50; CD sends photographs received recently to W.H. Flower 474 & n3; composite portraits 213 & 215 n2, 214; J.D. Cooper on use of 481; B. Darwin: frontispiece; L. Darwin sends two photographs to CD 169 & 170 n1; J. von Doblhoff-Dier 38 n7, 504 n7; E. Duncan and G.J. Romanes thank CD for photograph 471 & 472 n2; gosling with turned back feathers 161, 162; C. Kraus 38 & n7, 49 & n3, n6, 504 & n7, 506 & 508 n3, n6, 507; C. Kraus requests photograph of CD’s family 49, 506; O.C. Marsh acquires photographs of CD and seeks autographs on them 280 & 281 n2, 291 & n2; R. Meldola exhibited O. Zacharias’s insect photographs sent by CD at Entomological Society 165 n2, 177 & 178 n2, 236 & 237 n4; R. Meldola requests CD’s photograph 134; H.R. Pinker used photograph of CD for statue xxi; series of photographs of a boy’s change of expression 384 & n1, 385; O. Zacharias sent insect photographs 165 & n2, 178 n2, 200 & n4, 207 n1, 212 & n1, see also German and Austrian scientists photograph album photosynthesis 307 n6

Index Phycomyces 187 & 188 n3 Phycomyces nitens (common pin mould) 188 n3 phyletic: terminology 477 & n4, 487 & n2 phyletische: terminology 477 & n4, 487 & n1, n2 Phyllostomus discolor 298 n3 phylloxera (Daktulosphaira vitifoliae) 76 & n7, 84 & n5, 92 & 93 n2, 106 & 108 n8 Physianthus albens see Araujia sericifera Physicus: pseudonym used by G.J. Romanes 465 n3, 500 & 501 n2 physiology: CD’s view of 148 & 149 n4 Phytophthora infestans: renamed from Botrytis infestans by A.H. de Bary 108 n7, see also Peronospora infestans Pickard-Cambridge, Octavius: CD sends spider specimens from F. Müller 369 & n1 pickerel-weed (Pontederia) 12 & 13 n3, 145 & n6, 202 & 203 n5 Pieris rapae (small cabbage white butterfly) 247 n10 pigeons: domestic 393 n8; Persia 392 & 393 n9; pigeon born without eyes 332 & 333 n5; tumbler 227 & nn 1–3 pigs: breeds 356 & 357 n1, n5; pig’s head with wattles 355–7 & 357 nn 1–5 pig’s ear (Cotyledon orbiculata) 35 n11 pin mould, common (Phycomyces nitens) 188 n3 Pinguicula (butterwort): W.C. Marshall’s observations 397–8 & 398 n3, 399 & n2 pink sorrel see Oxalis rosea Pinker, Henry Richard Hope: W.E. Darwin comments on busts at Royal Academy of Arts 280 & 281 n4; plan to present bust of CD to Royal Institution xxi, 277 & n2, 282 & n1; statue of CD xxi Pinus pinaster (maritime pine) 242 & n2, 305 n6, 326 & 327 n3 Pistia stratiotes (water lettuce; tropical duckweed) 490 n4 Pisum sativum (common pea) 238 & 239 n5, 262 n11 Pitt, William (the elder) 482 & n3 placentation: variation in 470 n3 Placzek, Baruch Jakob: CD mentions work showing orthodox Jews may accept evolution 387 & n3; CD will read his essay 386 & 387 n2 plant physiology: CD and FD working on 395 & n2; CD works on 344 n5, 388, 395 & n2; J. Sachs’s laboratory of plant physiology, Würzburg 119 n2, 188 n3, 240 n8, 328 n2, 405 n2, 416 n3, 530 n3 Plantago lanceolata (ribwort plantain) 219–20 n1, 220 nn 2–4 plants: colour in, G. Allen on 129–30 & 131 n6, n7; development of plants, G. de Saporta on

747

58–60 & 60 nn 2–5, 339–40 & 340 n4, 508–510 & 510 nn 2–5, 524 & 525 n4; plant-distribution, W.T. Thiselton-Dyer’s lecture 248 & 249 n3, 304 & 305 n9, 368 & n6; properties of plants, J. Sachs on 315 & 316 n3, 324 & 325 n6 plants (CD’s work): development of plants 354 & 355 n3, n4; domesticated 107; functional importance of very slight differences 459, 470 n2; lack of people doing experimental work on plants in Britain 71, 72; properties of plants, CD agrees with J. Sachs on 324 & 325 n6; and sound, sensitivity to xviii–xix, 464 & n2, 466 n1, 491 & 492 n2, see also bloom on plants; Climbing plants; Cross and self fertilisation; Forms of flowers; Insectivorous plants; movement in plants; Movement in plants; Orchids; seedling plants; sterility in plants plasmolysis 5 & 6 n4 Plesioneura eligius (Celaenorrhinus eligius) 153 & 154 n4 Plesiosaurus 347 & 349 n7 plume albizia (Albizia lophantha; Paraserianthes lophantha; Acacia lophantha) 284 & 285 n4, 297 & 298 n3 plumule: Cacteae xvii; onion 65 & n4; terminology 55 n2, 56 & 57 n3 Poaceae (Graminieae; grasses) 355 & n3 Podosphaera 84 n5 Pogonomyrmex crudelis (P. badius; Florida harvester ant) 118 n2 Poinciana gilliesii (Caesalpinia gilliesii; bird-of-paradise shrub) 309 & 310 n9 Poiteau, Antoine 66 & 67 n3 Poland China pig 356 & 357 n5 polar displacement 421 n2, 424 & 426 n6 Pole, Edward Sacheverel 253 & 255 n2 pollen: foreign pollen acting on mother plant 413 & 414 n2 pollination theory: W. Behrens on 370 & n2, n3, 371 nn 4–6; CD’s contributions 370 & 371 n6; H. Müller 370 & 371 n4 polyanthus 178 & 179 n3 polyembryony 415–16 & 416 n4, n5, 529 & 530 n4, n5 Polypodium aureum (Phlebodium aureum; golden polypody) 31 & 36 n16 Pongo pygmaeus (orang-utan; Simia satyrus) 36 & 37 n5, 336 & n2, 347 & 349 n8 Pontederia (pickerel-weed) 12 & 13 n3, 145 & n6, 202 & 203 n5 popcorn (Zea mays var. everta) 13 & 16 n2, 14, 15 poplars (Populus) 66 & 67 n7 population see human population Populus (poplars) 66 & 67 n7

748

Index

Porliera hygrometrica see Porlieria hygrometrica Porlieria chilensis 246 n6, 278 n3 Porlieria hygrometrica (Porliera hygrometrica): CD requests plant 264 & 265 n3, 266 & 267 n6, 271 & n4; CD suggests experiments to FD 266 & 267 n6, 289 & 290 n9, 316 n1; CD’s observations 288 & 289 n3; CD’s sleep observations xix, 275 & 276 n2, 300 & 302 n4, 320 & 321 n4, 325 & n7; H. Darwin suggests experiment for FD 289 & 290 n9; differences between Würzburg plants and CD’s specimen 277 & 278 n3, 289 n3, 298 n8, 302 n4, 325 n7; FD suggests CD’s specimen different species to Würzburg plant 277 & 278 n3, 289 n3, 302 n4, 325 n7; FD’s sleep observations xx, 245 & 246 n6, 261 & 262 n3, 261 & 262 n8, 264 & 265 n3, 267 n6, 277 & 278 n3, 278, 290 n9, 297 & 298 n8, 309 & 310 n10, 314 & 316 n1, 321 n4; likely that CD’s specimen was species now recognised as Porlieria hygrometra 278 n3; likely that Würzburg specimens were species now recognised as Porlieria chilensis 278 n3; plant borrowed from Kew 252 & n5, 271 n4, 273 & 274 n2, 276 n2, 278 n3, 289 n3; stomata 275 & 276 n2, 297 & 298 n8, 300 & 302 n4; taxonomic issues 246 n6, 262 n3, 274 n2, 278 n3 portraits: Erasmus Darwin 6 & 7 n1, n3, 253 & 255 n1, 254; R.W. Darwin 313 & n3; W. Darwin (1655–82) 215 n5; Franklin Literary Society wishes to buy a portrait of CD 134–5 & 135 n1, n2; Institución Libre de Enseñanza, governing board members 457 & n3, 531 & n3; statue of CD xxi potato blight: CD’s interest in xxiv, 76 n2 potato late blight 108 n7 potato varieties: fungus-proof variety grown in Scotland 102, 257 & 258 n2; new varieties 104, 105 n6, 113 & 114 n5, 120; potato cultivation, CD comments on 113 & 114 n5; J. Torbitt comments on 126–7 & 128 nn 1–5, 257 & 258 n2, 259 n3, 387 & n2 potatoes (Solanum tuberosum): CD on cross-fertilisation xxv, 92 & 93 n4, 107 & 108 n12, 259 & n2, 481 & n2; genus Solanum 381 n1; Royal Agricultural Society trials (1874) 91 & n4, 102 & n3, 106 & 108 n7; Variation 93 n5 potatoes ( J. Torbitt’s project): G. Callwell’s report 413; CD on cross-fertilising xxv, 259 & n2, 481 & n2; CD on J. Torbitt’s work xxv, 79, 83 & n3, 83–4 & 84 nn 2–5, 89 & n2, 90 & nn 1–4, 101–2 & 102 nn 1–5, 103 n6, n7, 113 & n3, 259 & nn 1–3, 410 n2, 487–8 & 488 nn 2–6; CD trying to get government support for xvii, 88 n9, 89

& n2, 90 & nn 1–4, 97 & 98 n3, n4, 101–2 & 102 nn 1–5, 103 n6, n7, 258 n1, 481 n3; CD works with T.H. Farrer and J. Caird to obtain support xxv, 98 n4, 102 n1, 107 n1, 113 & n3, 117 & n4, 131 & 132 n1, 136, 140 & 141 nn 2–7, 147 & n1, 149 & n1, 149–50 & 150 nn 1–3, 488 & n5; CD’s financial contribution xxv, 102 & 103 n6, 106 & 107 n5, 132 n1, 133 n3, 136 & n2, 136 & 137 n3, 140 & 141 n7, 149–50 & 150 n1, n2, 258 n1, 481 n3; CD’s financial pledge 90, 93 & 94 n5, 97 & 98 n5, 99 & n5; experiments to develop disease-resistant variety of potato xvii, xxiv, xxv, 481 n1; Field, some results published 488 n4; financing of xxv, 75, 83, 84 & 85 n1, n3, n5, 84 & n4, 86 & n6, 90, 93 & 94 n5, 97 & 98 n5, 109, 109 & 110 n2, 113, 131 & 132 n1, 133 & nn 1–3, 133 & 134 n3, 136 & n2, 136 & 137 n3, 140 & 141 nn 2–7, 147 & n1, n2, 149 & n2, 149–50 & 150 n1, n2, 151 & 152 n1, 258 n1; V.C. Kennedy’s report 410 & n1, n2; new varieties 104, 105 n6, 113 & 114 n5, 120; potatoes sent to Down 85 & 86 n3, 88 & n3; Royal Agricultural Society 91, 97 & 98 n4, 99 & n4, 101–2 & 102 n2, 104 & 105 n3; specimen seedlings sent to Down 257 & 258 n2, 259 & n1; Torbitt corresponded with CD on potatoes from 1876: 481 n1; Torbitt describes his plan 104 & 105 nn 4–7, 126–8 & 128 nn 1–6, 151, 179 & 180 n7; Torbitt discusses 84–5 & 85 nn 1–5, 104 & n2, 105 & nn 3–7, 119–20 & 121 nn 2–4, 122, 257 & 258 n1, n2, 387 & n2, 480–81 & 481 nn 1–3; Torbitt seeks advice about cross-fertilising 257, 259 n2; Torbitt sends testimonials on varieties grown to CD 122–3 & 124 n3; Torbitt will report on year’s activities 387 & n2, 410, 413; Torbitt’s interest in 381 n1; Torbitt’s letter to S.H. Northcote xxiv, 74–6 & 76 nn 2–7, 89 n2, 104 & 105 n4, 106 & 107 n6, 114 n4, 387 n2; Torbitt’s paper on potato disease 94 n4, see also Caird, James; Carruthers, William; Farrer, Thomas Henry; Hooker, Joseph Dalton; potatoes (J. Torbitt’s project, CD’s letter to T.H. Farrer of support for); Torbitt, James potatoes ( J. Torbitt’s project, CD’s letter to T.H. Farrer of support for): 2 March 1878 letter 91–2 & 92 n1, 93 nn 2–6; 7 March 1878 letter, revised version xxv, 106–7 & 107 n6, 108 nn 7–12, 108–9 & 109 n1, 110 n2; J. Caird took letter with him (from meeting with CD) 102 & n5; CD reports on to J. Torbitt 113 & n2, n3; CD sends revised version to Farrer xxv, 117 & nn 1–5; CD sent corrected version to J.D. Hooker

Index 112 & n2; CD will lend to Torbitt when Caird returns letter 102 & n5; CD works on revisions xxv, 97 & n3, 105–6 & 107 nn 1–5, 112 & n1, n2, 113 & n3; CD wrote at T.H. Farrer’s request 102 & n5; Farrer asks about experimental details 109; Farrer reports Caird’s comments on 109–110 & 110 n2, 131 & 132 n1; Farrer suggests CD obtain Hooker’s endorsement for letter 108–9 & 109 n1; Torbitt returns to CD having made a copy 122 & 124 n1 Potonié, Henry: CD has no plans to correct Origin again 166 & n2, n3; comments on Historical sketch, Origin 6th ed 164 & 165 nn 2–4, 513 & 514 nn 2–4 powdery alligator-flag see Thalia dealbata Power, John: memorial requesting Greek be dropped from Previous Examination (CD a signatory) 462–3 & 463 nn 1–9 Pozzi, Samuel Jean: Expression French ed., S.J. Pozzi and R. Benoît translated 409 n4, 529 n4; Expression French 2d ed., S.J. Pozzi and R. Benoît translated 409 & n4, 529 & n4 Preston, Alfred 439 Previous Examination (Cambridge University) 462 & 463 n3 Preyer, William: biographical sketch of CD 450 n5; CD thanks for honorary membership of Medicinisch-Naturwissenschaftliche Gesellschaft zu Jena 24 & n1 Price, Bartholomew 54 & n1 Price, John: CD on cilia 151 & n2; CD comments on R.C. Virchow’s address to Assembly of German Naturalists and Physicians 49–50 & 50 n5, n6; CD requests Price does not address him as Dr Darwin 151 & n3; CD thanks for congratulations on Cambridge honorary degree xxi, 49 & 50 nn 2–4 prickly lettuce (Lactuca serriola; compass plant) 331 & 332 n6 prickly pear (Opuntia nigricans; O. elatior) 206 & 207 n5, 225 & n3 Priestley, Joseph 342 & n4, 525 & 526 n4 primrose see Primula vulgaris primroses (Primulaceae) 329 n4 Primula: bloom 378 & 379 n7; CD’s interest in 388; ‘Specific difference in Primula’ 179 n2; terminology 2 & n1 Primula auricula 179 n3 Primula capitata (round-headed Himalayan primrose) 378 & 379 n7 Primula elatior Jacq. (Bardfield oxlip) 2 & n1 Primula marginata (silver-edged primrose) 378 & 379 n7

749

Primula veris (cowslip) 2 & n1, 178 & 179 n2 Primula vulgaris (primrose): CD on crossed primroses 179 & 180 n8; T.H. Farrer 178 & 179 n2; terminology 2 n1 Primulaceae see primroses Pringsheim, Nathanael 233 & 235 n5, 234, 426 & 427 n1, 519 & n5 Prioneris, A.R. Wallace’s observations 25 & n3 Proceedings of the Zoological Society of London: CD subscribed to 405 n6, 407 n2 Proctor, Richard Anthony 416 & 417 n7 procumbent rock-rose (Helianthemum procumbens; Fumana procumbens; sprawling needle sunrose) 30 & 35 n7, 40 & 41 n3 Prosopis juliflora 309 & 310 n9 proterandrous flowers (now protandrous flowers) 219 n2 proterogynous flowers (now protogynous flowers) 220 n2 protoplasm: CD comments on 206 & 207 n7, n8; FD’s discovery of protoplasmic filaments in Dipsacus sylvestris 6 n3, 248 n3, 249 n4, 403 n6; J. Sachs 274; W.T. Thiselton-Dyer comments on 185 n7, 187–8, 206 & 207 n8; S.H. Vines 187 & 188 n3, 207 n8; H. de Vries 5 & 6 n4 provision tree (Pachira aquatica; Guiana-chestnut) 199 n5, 206 & 207 n6, 211 & 212 n2 Prunus persica (nectarines) 394 & 395 n2 Pseudopanax crassifolius (horeoka; lancewood) 320 n1; A.D. Austin describes ‘umbrellar tree’ (botanical name unknown) 319, 319–20 & 320 n1 Psilophytum (Psilophyton) 21 & n5, 39 Psittacara leucophthalmus see Conurus guianensis Psygmophyllum 60 n2, 510 n2 Pterochroza (leaf-mimic katydids) 212 & n1, 236 & 237 n4 Pterochroza ocellata (peacock katydid) 212 & n2 Pterolobium 310 n9 Pterolobium abyssinicum 309 & 310 n9 PUBLICATIONS (CD): in Bohemia and Moravia CD’s works usually read in German 111 n1; book sales 400 & n3; books sales report sent by R.F. Cooke 454 & n1, 455 n2; CD comments on his principle of publishing what he believes to be the truth xxiv, 41; CD has sometimes thought worth looking at species book with view to publication 243; CD unlikely to prepare species book for publication as so much material collected since Origin published 243; FD to provide list of publications 363 & n2, n3, 404 & 405 n7, 407 & n6; Fossil Cirripedia 168 n4, 515 n4; German collected edition of CD’s works 389 & 390 n1, 395 & n3; H. Giner de

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Index

los Ríos requests list of publications 345 & n2, 363 n2, 526 & 527 n2; Living Cirripedia 168 n4, 515 n4; J. Murray’s advertising in Nature often included list of earlier works 363 n3; preface to H. Müller’s Fertilisation of flowers 371 n5, 399 n1; presentation copies 400 n2; ‘Specific difference in Primula’ 179 n2; ‘Three forms of Lythrum salicaria’ 318 n3, see also ‘Biographical sketch of an infant’; Climbing plants; Coral reefs; Cross and self fertilisation; Descent; Expression; Forms of flowers; Insectivorous plants; Journal of researches; Movement in plants; Natural selection; Nature (CD’s letters); Orchids; Origin; Variation Pucananlacitanjiz (William Beckenham Button) 162 & 163 n2, n3 pulvini: Mimosa 316 n7 pulvini (CD’s work): asks FD to compare species with great cotyledon movement at night and Oxalis corniculata 350 & 351 n3, 445 n2; CD’s interest in xviii, 266 & 267 n8, 445 n2; development 266 & 267 n8; grasses 267 n9; Lotus jacobaeus 380 & n10; Movement in plants xviii, 267 n8, 445 n2; movements due to 262 & 263 n3, 445 n2; Oxalis xviii, 266 & 267 n8; Oxalis floribunda 252 & n9; role of in cotyledon movement and sleep in plants 445 n2, 449 n5; suggested observations of cell size to FD 262, 275 n4, 276 & n7, 278 n4; Trifolium strictum 445 & n2, 449 n5 pulvini (FD’s work): CD suggested observations of cell size 262, 275 n4, 276 & n7, 278 n4; FD will look for 448; growth in pulvinus of plants that sleep 261 & 262 n4 Pumilo argyrolepis (Siloxerus multiflorus) 226 & n2, n3 purple passionflower (Passiflora incarnata) 154 n7 purple wood sorrel (Oxalis variabilis; O. purpurea) 297 & 298 n3 Pusey, Edward Bouverie: CD comments to J.B. Innes on Pusey’s sermon 455 & nn 1–3; H.N. Ridley on Pusey’s interpretation of evolution 456–7 & 457 nn 2–5; sermon xxii, 455 n2, 456 & 457 n2, n3, 461 n1 Pyrrhosticta: A.G. Butler’s observations 25 & n3 Quatrefages, Armand de 337 & n2, 342 & n5, 525 & 526 n5 Queen’s College, Cork 369 & 370 n1, n2 Quercineae 60 & n5, 510 & n5 Quercus (oaks) 60 & n5, 510 & n5 Quercus pannonica (Q. frainetto; Hungarian oak) 304 & 305 n5 Querquedula discors (blue-winged teal; Anas discors) 181 & n4 quills 378 & n2

rabbits 376 n4 Rachinskiĭ, Sergei Alexandrovich: Origin Russian ed., translated 111 n2, 118 n2 Raddia brasiliensis see Strephium floribundum radicles: T. Ciesielski 195 & n3, 239 n2, 244–5 & 246 n4, 252 & n4; J. Sachs xviii, 184 & 185 n5, 186 & 187 n5, 194–5 & 195 n3, see also roots radicles (CD’s work): Aegilops ovata 105 & n2; bean radicles 170 n1, n2, 185 n5, 262 n9; cabbage 56 & 57 n4; CD reports on inconclusive work to FD 239 & 240 n5, 246 n4; CD reports on work xviii, 184 & 185 n8, 186 & 187 n5, 225; CD studying as part of movement in plants work 145 n4; experimental notes 240 n5; FD assisting CD 188 & n4, 225 & n5; FD discarded notes on failed experiments 186, 193 & 194 n3; and light 306; maize 273 & 274 n3, n4, 276 & n3, 298 & n9; J. Sachs and T. Ciesielski’s experimental results xviii, 252 & n4, 268 n10, 275 n5; sensitivity of xviii, 185 n8, 186 & 187 n5, 276 n3; Tropaeolum majus 329 & 330 n6; Vicia faba 274 n4, see also roots Radovanović, Marinko: CD sends photograph 50; informs CD of death of Milan Radovanović and sends Serbian translation of Origin 372 & n1 Radovanović, Milan: CD wishes him success with Serbian translation of Origin 50 & n4; death of 372 Rais, Gilles de 347 & 349 n8 Ramsay, Andrew Crombie: CD thanks for his book 421 & n1; supported S.B.J. Skertchly’s views 80 & 82 n3 Randolph, Richard: poems 64 & n3; sends pamphlet 367 & n2; sends paper on polarity in character 63–4 & 64 n1 Ranunculus acris (meadow buttercup) 203 & n1, 204 n2, 210–211 & 211 n3, 218 & 219 n1, 293 & n4 Ranunculus aquatilis (water crowfoot) 204 n3 Ranunculus bulbosus (bulbous buttercup) 293 & n3 Ranunculus ficaria (Ficaria verna; lesser celandine) 132 & n3 Ranunculus repens (creeping buttercup) 218–19 & 219 n1, n2, 293 & n3 rape (Brassica napus) 327 & 328–9 n2 rats: and lead water pipes 18 & 18 n1, n2 Ray, John: descent theory 315 & 316 n5 Reade, Thomas Mellard: asks CD about conditions for increased limestone deposits 62 & n1; CD has no opinion on limestone question 70 & n3; CD thanks for essay 155 & n1; geological time 62 & n1, n2, 70 n2; Liverpool Geological Society presidential address (1876) 62 n1

Index READING (CD): G. Allen, Colour-sense 131 n8; G. Allen, ‘The origin of flowers’ 116 n4; G. Allen, Physiological aesthetics 324 n5; J.A. Allen, ‘The evolution of morality: a reply’ 323–4 n2; W. Behrens, Beiträge zur Geschichte der Bestäubungstheorie 370 & n2, 412 n2; W. Behrens, Die Nectarien der Blüthen 412 n3; A. Brassey, Around the world in the yacht ‘Sunbeam’ 422 & 423 n6; CD on reading German 48, 386, 418, 427, 431; CD regrets not having faculty for new languages 3; T. Ciesielski, Untersuchungen über die Abwärtskrümmung der Wurzel 275 n5; W.H. Dallinger, ‘On the life history of a minute septic organism’ 265 & 266 n1; J. Decaisne, ‘Sur la structure des poils qui couvrent le péricarpe de certaines Composées’ 226 & n3; J. Delboeuf, La psychologie comme science naturelle, son présent et son avenir 364–5 & 365 n5, 371 n3; F. Delpino, ‘Brief remarks on the biology and genealogy of the Marantaceæ’ 304 & 305 n2; P. Greg, ‘Design in development’ chapter in The devil’s advocate 500–501 & 501 nn 1–8, 502 & n9, n10; E. Du Bois-Reymond, Darwin versus Galiani 431 & 432 n2; E. Dupuy, ‘Note on inherited effects of lesions of the sympathetic nerve and corpora restiformia on the eye’ 311 & n2, 312 n4; J. Geikie, The great ice age and its relation to the antiquity of man 96 & n4; I. Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire 316 n5; A. Gray, review of J. Cook’s lectures on biology 22 & 23 n4; A. Gray, review of Forms of flowers 22 & 23 n2; S. Haughton, ‘Notes on physical geology’ xxiv, 172–3 & 173 n1, n2; T.H. Huxley, ‘Evolution in biology’ (for Encyclopaedia Britannica) 232 & n2; W. James, ‘Brute and human intellect’ 495 & n1; A. Kerner von Marilaun 360 & 361 n1, 456; A. Kerner von Marilaun, Flowers and their unbidden guests 488 & 489 n3; J.B. de Lamarck, 229–30 n1; R.I. Lynch, papers in Journal of the Linnean Society (Botany) 464 & n1; J.F. McLennan, Primitive marriage 270 n2; W.R. McNab, Botany: outlines of morphology and physiology 252 & n7; R. Mallet, ‘On the dynamics of earthquakes’ 213 & n2; T. Meehan, on Linum perenne 23 & 24 n11; R. Meldola, ‘Entomological notes bearing on evolution’ 52 & 53 n1; É. Mer, ‘Des effets de l’immersion sur les feuilles aériennes’ 317 n10; M. Micheli, ‘Revue des principales publications de physiologie végétale en 1877’ 292 & 293 n2; E. Mojsisovics von Mojsvár, Die Dolomit-Riffe von Südtirol und Venetien 222–3 & 223 n1, 228 n1, n4; E. Mojsisovics von Mojsvár, ‘Kleine Beiträge zur Kenntniss der Anneliden’ 258 & n4; W.J. Moore, article on Columbidae

751 227 & n2; H.N. Moseley, papers with Challenger voyage observations 453 & n3; F. Müller, ‘Beobachtungen an brasilianishen Schmetterlingen’ 2 & n2, 4 n2, 25 n1; F. Müller, recent paper on butterflies 3 & n6; F. Müller, ‘Ueber Haarpinsel, Filzflecke und ähnliche Gebilde auf den Flügeln männlicher Schmetterlinge’ 165 & n4; H. Müller, ‘Die Insekten als unbewußte Blumenzüchter’273 n3; H. Müller, review of Forms of flowers 3 & n2, n5; H. Müller, ‘Das Variiren der Größe gefärbter Blüthenhüllen und seine Wirkung auf die Naturzüchtung der Blumen’ 3 & n3; M. Neumayr and C. Paul, Die Congerien- und Paludinenschichten Slavoniens und deren Faunen: ein Beitrag zur Descendenz-Theorie 223 n3, 258 & n3; W.F.P. Pfeffer, Die periodische Bewegungen der Blattorgane 418 & n4; R.A. Proctor, Pleasant ways in science 416 & 417 n7; E.B. Pusey’s sermon (Guardian version) 455 & n2, 458 & n1; T.M. Reade, ‘The age of the world’ 155 & n1; W. Rimpau, papers on grains 72 & 73 n6, n7; G.J. Romanes, ‘Animal instinct’ (BAAS lecture) 364 & 365 n1; G.J. Romanes, ‘The beginnings of nerves in the animal kingdom’ 401 & n2; G.J. Romanes (writing as Physicus), A candid examination of theism 465 & n3, 500 & 501 n2; J. Sachs, ‘Ablenkung der Wurzel von ihrer normalen Wachsthumsrichtung durch feuchte Körper’ xviii, 186 & 186–7 n4; R. Sachsse, Die Chemie und Physiologie der Farbstoffe, Kohlehydrate und Proteïnsubstanzen 129 & 131 n3; G. de Saporta, L’ancienne végétation polaire 491 & n2; C.G. Semper, The natural conditions of existence as they affect animal life 469 n2; E. Strasburger, ‘Wirkung des Lichtes und der Wärme auf Schwärmsporen’ 403 & 404 n1; E.L. Sturtevant, ‘Indian corn’ 16 n5; J.B. Thayer, Letters of Chauncey Wright 56 & n1; W.T. Thiselton-Dyer, ‘Plant-distribution as a field for geographical research’ 368 & n6; K.A. Timiryazev, ‘Sur la décomposition de l’acide carbonique dans le spectre solaire, par les parties vertes des végétaux’ 320 & 321 n9; E. Vignes, ‘Le nouveau membre correspondant de l’Institut’ 367 & n1; R.C. Virchow, address to Assembly of German Naturalists and Physicians 49 & 50 n5; M.F. Wagner 453 & 454 n2, 459; A. Weismann, ‘Ueber die Schmuckfarben der Daphnoiden’ 236 & n2; F.B. White, ‘Contributions to a knowledge of the hemipterous fauna of St. Helena’ 396 & n2, 404 & 405 n3, n4, 407 n2; J. Wiesner, abstract of ‘Die natürliche Einrichtungen zum Schutze des Chlorophylls der lebenden Pflanze’ 329 n8;

752

Index

J. Wiesner, first part of monograph on heliotropism in plants 301 & 302 n5; A.S. Wilson, ‘Experiments with turnip seeds’ 105 & n1; A.S. Wilson, several papers 72 & 73 n5 red beadtree (Adenanthera pavonina) 284 & 285 n4, 309 & 310 n9, 321 & 322 n13 red clover (Trifolium pratense) 355 n2 red deer (Cervus elaphus) 369 & 370 n4 red-hot poker (Tritoma; Kniphofia; torch lily) 340 & 341 n3 red-root amaranth (Amaranthus retroflexus) 415 & n7, 418 n3 Reeve, Henry: Edinburgh Review editor 401 n4 regeneration 165 n2, 514 n2 Reinwald, Charles-Ferdinand: news of French editions of CD’s books 408–9 & 409 nn 2–5, 528–9 & 529 nn 2–5 religious belief: CD’s views xxiii, 103 n1, 112 & n2, 455; J.M. Grant xxiii, 103 & n1, 124 & n2; J.B. Innes 460 reversion: eightlegged horse exhibit 230 & 231 n3 reversion bequest 471 & n2 Rhamnus (buckthorns) 3 & n5, 22 & 24 n6 Rhipsalis cassytha (R. baccifera; mistletoe cactus) 206 & 207 n5 rhizomorphs 328 & 329 n7 Rhododendron tomentosum see Ledum palustre ribwort plantain (Plantago lanceolata) 219–20 n1, 220 nn 2–4 rice cutgrass (Leersia oryzoides) 317 & 318 n3 Rich, Anthony: bequest to CD xvii, xxvi, 470–71 & 471 n1, n2, 475 n1, 478 & n1, 479 & n2, 484 n3; bequest to CD, details of (property in Cornhill, London) xxvii, 475–6 & 476 nn 1–6, 478 & n2, 479 & n3, 482 & 483 n6, 493 n2, 496 n1, n3; bequest to T.H. Huxley 496 n2; Cambridge University xxvi, 494 & n4, 498 & n3; career xxvi; CD on implications of bequest for his heirs 479–80 & 480 n2; CD invites to Down 480, 494 n1; CD offered to vist 497 & n3; CD tells J.D. Hooker of Rich’s bequest xvii, xxvii, 484–5 & 485 n3, n4; CD thanks for bequest xxvi, 474–5 & 475 n1, n2; CD thanks further for bequest and for its details 479–80 & 480 nn 1–3; CD’s heirs inherited Rich’s bequest to CD 496 n3, 497 n4; G.H. Darwin visited 498 n2; Darwins hoped to accept Rich’s invitation 498 n1; death of 496 n3, 497 n4; declines visit to Down due to ill-health and invites Darwins to visit him xxvii, 493–4 & 494 nn 1–4, 497 & n3; W.M. Hacon writes to CD on implications of Rich’s bequest for CD’s will 490 & n2, 492 & 493 n2, n3; health xxvii, 476, 493 & 494

n2, 497; Hooker comments to CD on Rich’s bequest xxvii, 485 & 486 n1, 486 & 487 n9, 489 n2; hopes Darwins will visit him 497–8 & 498 nn 1–4; Huxley consulted by Rich about intended bequest to CD xxvi, 496 & n2; Huxley visited Rich xxvi–xxvii, 496 & nn 1–4, 498 & n4 Rich, Fanny Ricarda 475 & 476 n3 Rich, Francis Henry 470 & 471 n1, 476 n3 Richard, Louise Claude 66 & 67 n5, n8 Richardson, Henry Downing 217 & 218 n6 Ridding, George 462 Ridley, Henry Nicholas: asks CD questions regarding E.B. Pusey’s sermon xxii, 456–7; CD responds to Ridley’s questions xxiii, 458 & n1, n2; on Pusey’s interpretation of evolution 456–7 & nn 2–5; quoted from CD’s reply in letter to Oxford and Cambridge Undergraduate’s Journal 458 n2; wrote to Pusey 456 Rimpau, William: CD lends some Rimpau papers to A.S. Wilson 72–3 & n7, 87 n4, 105 & n3, 121 & n1, 169 & n3; wheat 72–3 & 73 n6, n7, 87 n4 Rippon, Robert Henry Fernando 313 n6 Rita, A. 391 n2, 400 n1 Robinia 329 n8 Roby, Henry John 462 rock pigeon (Columbia livia; blue pigeon) 393 n9 Rocky Mountains vegetation 402 & 403 n8, 407 & n7 Rogers, George: sensitive plants movements 228 & 229 n2, 270 Rogers, John Innes: writes to FD about sensitive plants movements 139 & 140 nn 1–4, 147–8 & 148 n1, n2, 228–9 & 229 n1, n2, 270 & n1, 271 & nn 2–4 Rolleston, George: sends account of pig’s head with wattles 355–7 & 357 nn 1–5; signatory to letter to R.A.T. Gascoyne-Cecil 204 Romanes, George John: and G. Allen 116 n2, n4; animal behaviour 238 n3; Animal intelligence, included material from CD on instinct xxi, 242 n2, 244 n3; Animal intelligence, published 371 n2, 377 n2; Animal intelligence, working up subject for 371; ‘Animal intelligence’ (lecture) 238 n2, 241 & 242 n1, 361 & 362 n4, n5, 375 n3; ‘Animal intelligence’ (lecture), CD comments on 364 & 365 n1; animal intelligence (work on), CD agrees to lend species book chapter 10 to Romanes xxi, 244 n1; on borrowing books from CD 371; A candid examination of theism (By Physicus) 465 & n3, 500 & 501 n2; career 155 n4; CD arranges to call on 22 n1, 444 & n1; CD asks when to sow onions 108 & n2; CD

Index comments on ‘The beginnings of nerves in the animal kingdom’ 401 & n2; CD comments (including an imaginary theologian’s question) on A candid examination of theism 465 & n3, 500 & 501 n2; CD comments on Romanes’s work 375 & nn 2–8; CD comments on C.E. William 390 & 391 n1, n2; CD on B. Darwin’s language development 238 & n3; CD on Edinburgh Review article on copyright law 401 & n4; CD has not received papers Romanes returned 478 & n3; CD invites Romanes to Down 155 & n5, 187 & n2, n3, 196 & n3; CD on loss of onions 384 & 386 n1, n3; CD offers to lend H. Lindemuth’s book 478 & n2; CD recommends W. James, ‘Brute and human intellect’ 495 & n1; CD reports on onions’ growth 155 & n4, 238 & 239 n4; CD on Romanes’s Fortnightly Review articles 108 & n3; CD says Romanes welcome to use instincts of animals chapter (chapter 10 in species book) 243 & n2; CD sends condolences on death of Romanes’s sister 155 & n2; CD sends red onions 196 & n2; CD sends two pages from instincts of animals chapter in species book 238 & n2, 472 n5; CD sent his 1848 notes on instinct in bees and wasps xxi, 238 & n2, 242 n1, 244 n2, 472 n5; CD suggests A.D. Bartlett for advice on monkeys 375 & n4, 377 & n1; CD suggests radishes, carrots or beets for grafthybrid experiments 384; CD visited in London 444 n1, 445 & n5, 472 & n4, 534; CD wonders if Romanes has thought of keeping monkeys xxi, 365; comments on FD’s ‘happy family’ idea 377 & n3; deaf-mutes 365 n2; discusses natural theology 471–2 & 472 n4; and E. Duncan thank CD for photograph 471 & 472 n2; FD suggests (via CD) Romanes keep an idiot, a deaf-mute, a monkey and a baby xxi, 375 & n5, 377 n3; graft-hybrid experiments (pangenesis hypothesis) 108 n2, 155 n4, 157 & 158 n3, 239 n4, 362 n2, 386 n3; higher idiots 365 n3; illness 157 & 158 n2; luminosity 377 & n4; medusae 163 & 164 n4, 238 n3, 244 & n3, 377 & n4, 401 n2; Mental evolution in animals, included material from CD on instinct 242 n2, 244 n3; met G.H. Darwin 361 & 362 n3; monkeys 371 & 372 n4; onions, loss of 361 & 362 n2; plans visit to Down 157 & 158 n3; returns papers to CD and will return books when read 472 & n5; Royal Society, candidacy 163–4 & 164 nn 1–5; Royal Society, CD comments on Romanes’s candidacy 163–4 & 164 nn 1–5; Royal Society, CD proposed Romanes for election to 164 & n2; Royal Society, fellowship 164 n5; selec-

753

tion of instincts 364 & 365 n4; thanks CD for condolences 157 & 158 n1, n2; thanks CD for congratulations on lecture 371 & n2; thanks CD for Delboeuf ’s book 376 & 377 n1; thanks CD for permission to use observations and for notes and discusses publication xxi, 241 & 242 n1, 243–4 & 244 nn 1–3; visits Down 155 n5, 158 n3, 187 n2, 196 n3, 534 Romanes, Georgina Isabella 155 & n2, 157 & 158 n1, n2 Romanes, Isabella Gair Rose 377 & n3 Rondeletia longifolia see Adenosacme longifolia roots: contractility in 362 & n1, 363 n3; heliotropism 327 & 328–9 n2; orchid, positively heliotropic aerial roots 188 & n5, see also radicles roots (CD’s work): CD asks FD to ask J. Sachs about heliotropism and roots 306, 316 n2, 320, 330 n3; CD asks W.T. Thiselton-Dyer about heliotropic roots 305 & 306 n12, 368; contractility in 355 & n2, 362 n1; Gramineae 355 & n3; growth patterns studied xvii; horse chestnut 447 & 448 n6; Spanish chestnut 447 & 448 n6, see also radicles roots (FD’s work): CD suggests FD investigates aggregation of roots from carbonate of ammonia 301 & 303 n14; horse chestnut 446 & n2, 448 & 449 n6, 449 & 450 n2; secondary roots development 261 & 262 n9; Spanish chestnut 448 & 449 n6, 449 & 450 n2 Rosicrucians 442 n4 Rothamsted Agricultural Station 82 n2 rough bindweed (Smilax aspera var. maculata) 490 n4 round-headed Himalayan primrose (Primula capitata) 378 & 379 n7 round-leaved sundew see Drosera rotundifolia Routh, Edward John 358 & n4 Roxburgh, William 193 n2 Royal Agricultural Society: J. Caird xxv, 82 & n1, 83 & n3, 89, 98 n4; W. Carruthers 97 & 98 n4, 99 n4, 102 & n2, 105 n3; C.H. Gordon-Lennox, president 86 n4, 89–90 n2, 90 n4; H.M. Jenkins, secretary 90–91 & 91 n2; Phytophthora infestans 108 n7; potato trials (1874) 91 & n4, 102 & n3, 106 & 108 n7; J. Torbitt’s project 91, 97 & 98 n4, 99 & n4, 101–2 & 102 n2, 104 & 105 n3; Woburn experimental station 82 & n2, 83 n3 Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew: J.G. Baker to occupy house by herbarium 485 & 486 n3, n4, 489 n2; CD visited 18 n2, 22 n1, 22 & 24 n7, 23 & 24 n13, 30 & 35 n1, 188 & n5, 188 n5, 327 n7, 534; C.B. Clarke 193 n1; dispute over running of 249 n5; FD visited 188 & n4, 378 & 379 n3;

754

Index

J.D. Hooker, director 24 n13, 45 n2, 185 n2, 379 n9, 381 n1; Jodrell laboratory 118–19 & 119 n1; R.I. Lynch, propagating department foreman 44 n4, 185 n4, 188 n1, 207 n3, 208 n11, 295 n5, 415 n4, 463 n3; G. Nicholson, clerk to curator 294 & 295 n6; opening hours 224, 225 & n7; J. Smith, curator 294 & 295 n6, 326 & 327 n4; staff assist CD xviii; W.T. Thiselton-Dyer, assistant director 45 n2, 87 n3, 146 n2, 185 n2, 379 n9 Royal College of Surgeons: Hunterian Museum 160 n1, 279 n1, 333 n2, 474 n1 Royal Geographical Society: W.T. Thiselton-Dyer, lecture 249 n3, 305 n9, 368–9 n6 Royal Horticultural Society: scientific committee 46 n4 Royal Institution of Great Britain: Actonian prize 71 n2; W. Bowman 71–2 n2; W.H. Dallinger, lecture 260 & n2; J.D. Hooker, lecture 268 & 269 n4; T.H. Huxley, lecture 25 & n4; H.R.H. Pinker and H. Willett’s plan to present a bust of CD to the Royal Institution 277 & n2, n3, 282 & n1; W. Spottiswoode, secretary 277 n3, 282 n2; W.T. Thiselton-Dyer, lectures 185 n7; J. Tyndall, lectures 464 n3 Royal Literary and Scientific Academy of Bavaria: elected CD foreign member 322 & n3, 324 n1, 522 & n3, 537 & 538 n1 Royal Prussian Academy of Sciences (Königliche Preussischer Akademie der Wissenschaften): elected CD foreign associate 426–7 & 427 n1, 540–41 Royal School of Mines 230 n4, 257 n3 Royal Society of London: J.G. Baker, fellowship 485; candidates proposed or supported by CD 164 n2, 257 n3; G.H. Darwin, candidacy and fellowship 183 & n5, n6, 184 n2, 417 n6; G.H. Darwin, ‘On the bodily tides of viscous and semi-elastic spheroids, and on the ocean tides upon a yielding nucleus’ 425–6 n1; G.H. Darwin, paper on geological time 28 n2; G.H. Darwin, paper on the precession of a viscous spheroid 283 n6, 286 & 287 n3, 359 n3, 417 n4, 426 n4; W.E. Darwin’s bequest to 482 & 483 n4; A.H. Everett, Borneo caves expedition 28 & n1; fellowship election 183 & n5; government grant, and donation fund 424 & 426 n3, 428 n3; government grant, new one announced in J.D. Hooker’s presidential address 486 & n8; S. Haughton’s papers xxiv, 27 n1, 173 n1; J.D. Hooker, presidency ends 232 & n4, 486 & n6, 489 & n3; J.D. Hooker, president 164 n3, 183 n6, 232 & n1, 326 n5, 403 n3, 446 n5, 489 n3;

J.D. Hooker, presidential address 326 & n5, 402 n4, 402 & 403 n3, 403 n4, 404 & 405 n7, 446 n5, 484 & 485 n2, 485–6 & 486 n5, 486 n8, 489 n3, 491 & n2; J.W. Judd, fellowship 257 n3; S.H. Northcote, fellowship 485 & 486 n4; publication fund and membership fees 231–2 & 232 nn 1–3, 264 & n1, 265 n2, 268 & n2, n3, 271 n2; G.J. Romanes, candidacy and fellowship 163–4 & 164 nn 1–5; W. Spottiswoode, president 232 n4; W. Spottiswoode, treasurer 232 n3, 265 n2; G.J. Symons, fellowship 183 & n5; W. White, assistant secretary 164 & n5 Royal Society of Medical and Natural Sciences of Brussels, awards CD honorary membership 354 & n2, 527 & n2, 539 Rubiaceae (Coffeaceae) 189, 193 n6 Rudolph, Prince 9 n3 runner-bean (Phaseolus multiflorus; P. coccineus) 247 & 248 n2 rusa deer (Rusa timorensis) 369 & 370 n4 Russell, Arthur John Edward 204, 534 Russell, Hastings, 9th duke of Bedford 82 & n2, 204 & 205 n4 Russell, Laura 534 Russia: Russo-Turkish War xxv, 86 n6, 147 n2, 180 n5, 322 n11; threat of war with xxv, 86 n6, 180 n5, 205 n2 Russian steppe wheat 53 & n1, 57, 58 n3, 58 & n2, 168–9 & 169 n1, n2, 508 & n2 Russo-Turkish War xxv, 86 n6, 147 n2, 180 n5, 322 n11 Sachs, Julius: cabbage caterpillars 245 & 247 n10; career xix; CD asks FD to ask about roots and heliotropism 306 & 307 n5, 316 n2, 320, 330 n3; CD asks FD to ask about Wiesner’s term induction 301 & 302 n5, 310 n5; CD comments on xix, 320 & 321 n9; CD comments on knowledge from 324 & 325 n2; CD familiar with Sachs’s laboratory 119 n2; CD invites Sachs to Down 321, 329 & 330 n3, 331 & 332 n8; chlorophyll in oats 244, 278 & 279 n5, 284 & 285 n2; T. Ciesielski’s radicles observations xviii, 195 & n3, 239 n2, 244–5 & 246 n4, 268 n10; cited in Movement in plants 275 n2; climbing plants 284, 297 & 298 n4, 301 & 302 n7, 327 & 329 n3, n4, 330 n2; descent theory 315 & 316 n5; A. Dodel-Port’s botanical atlas 233, 235, 240, 519, 520; FD may work at Sachs’s laboratory in 1879: 327–8; FD worked at Sachs’s laboratory in Würzburg, Germany xvii, xix, 119 n2, 225 & 226 n1, 239 n2, 242 & n4, 246

Index n2, 249 n4, 289 n5, 302 n5, 307 n5, 328 n2, 358 n5, 405 n2, 416 n3, 448 n5, 530 n3, 534; FD’s Dipsacus sylvestris discovery 248 & n3, 248 & 249 n4; fool’s experiment 245 & 247 n10, 266 & 267 n7; grasses 66 & 67 n5, 68 & n4, 315 & 316 n7; heliotropism 315 & 316 n2, 327 & 328–9 n2, 328 & 329 n7; helped FD when he felt unwell 315; Helvingia rusciflora 309 & 311 n15, 321 n8, 325 n4, 331 & 332 n3; induction 308 & 310 n5; instruments (laboratory) xix, 298 n6; klinostat 298 n6; laboratory of plant physiology, Würzburg xix, 119 n2, 188 n3, 240 n8, 328 n2, 405 n2, 416 n3, 530 n3; Lehrbuch der Botanik 274 & 275 n2, 327 & 328 n2, 328 & 329 n7, 418 n7; lithium method for transpiration rates in plants 331 & 332 n4; moulds 315 & 316 n2, 327; movement in plants 275 n2, 308; on C.W. von Nägeli 315 & 316 n3; plants, properties of 315 & 316 n3; Porliera hygrometrica 276 n2; properties of plants 315 & 316 n3, 324 & 325 n6; publications 186 & n4, 194 & n13; radicles xviii, 184 & 185 n5, 186 & 187 n5, 194–5 & 195 n3; sleep in plants 245, 274 & 275 n2, n3, 315 & 316 n6; stems loss of water 245; stomata 315 & 316 n8, 324 & 325 n5, 327 n6, 378 & 379 n4, 379 & 380 n4; Text-book of botany 2d ed. 418 & n7; K.A. Timiryazev’s view of 320 & 321 n9; view of CD’s suggestion of cutting sections of cotyledons to look at cell size 276 n7; on H. de Vries xx; on J. Wiesner xx, 308; Würzburg botanic garden, director 240 n8, see also bloom on plants ( J. Sachs’s work) Sachsse, Robert 129 & 131 n3 Sackville-West, Lionel Sackville 215 & n1 St. Helena 396 n2, 405 n3, n4, 406 & 407 n1 Salix (willows) 66 & 67 n7 Salkowski, Ernst Leopold 408 n2 saltbush (Atriplex) 372 & 373 n4 Salvia: Cross and self fertilisation 235 n6, 520 n6 Salvia sclarea: Cross and self fertilisation 241 n4, 521 n4; A. Dodel-Port 233 & 235 n6, 240 & 241 n4, 519 & 520 n6, 520 & 521 n4 Sami (Lapp) people 55 & n2 San Stefano, Treaty of 205 n2, 322 n11 Sanguinetti, Herbert Samuel: change of address 264 & n1, n2 Saporta, Gaston de: CD comments on L’ancienne végétation polaire 491 & n2; CD on development of plants 354 & 355 n3, n4; CD mentions to W.R. Greg 500 & 501 n4; CD mentions to C.G. Semper 470 & n5; CD notices not mentioned in W.T. Thiselton-Dyer’s plant-distribution lecture 368 & 369 n7; CD reports J.D. Hooker’s

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suggestion of Ceratopteris for Permian leaf 45 & n2; CD reports L. Lesquereux’s Silurian fossil plants discovery 39 & n5; CD reports Permian leaf drawing sent to Hooker 38 & 39 n1; CD thanks for book on plants before appearance of man 491 & n1; CD thanks for congratulations on election to Académie des sciences 354 & 355 n2; comments on Hooker’s identification of Permian leaf 58 & 60 n2, 509 & 510 n2; conference on ancient climates and plant development 60 n2, 510 n2; congratulates CD on election to Académie des sciences 339–40 & 340 n2, n3, 524 & 525 n2, n3; development of plants 58–60 & 60 nn 2–5, 339–40 & 340 n4, 508–510 & 510 nn 2–5, 524 & 525 n4; Forms of flowers French ed., presentation copy 423 n2, 530 n2; Forms of flowers French ed., view of 423, 530; Le monde des plantes avant l’apparition de l’homme 340 & n4, 524 & 525 n4; Permian leaf drawing 38 & 39 n1, 39 & 40 n5, 41 n5, 44 & n6, 45 & n2, 65 n3; sends lecture on ancient climates 58, 60 n2, n3, 508, 509, 510 n2, n3; Silurian fern 21 & n5 Sayre, Lewis Albert 94 & 95 n5, n6 Sayre, Lewis Hall 94 & 95 n6 scarlet peacock butterfly (Anartia amathea) 153 & 154 n5 scarlet pimpernel (Anagallis arvensis ) 329 n4, 329 & 330 n5 scented sundew (Drosera whittakerii ) 199 & n3, 208 n5 Schacht, Hermann 66 & 67 n4 Scherzer, Julie Karoline 150 n2 Scherzer, Karl von: CD comments on R.C. Virchow’s address to Assembly of German Naturalists and Physicians xxii, 150 & n1, n2; CD congratulates on appointment 170 & n1, n2; CD will be in London and could meet Prince Rudolph 8–9 & 9 n2, n3 Schimmelpenninck, Mary Anne 255 & 256 n15 Schleiden, Matthias Jacob 66 & 67 n4 Schlesische Gesellschaft für vaterländische Cultur (Silesian Society for National Culture): elected CD honorary member 541–2 Schmidt, Oskar: Anchitherium 230 & 231 n3; FD sends Schmidt’s article to CD 446 & 447 n6 Schobloch, Anton: asks CD about hermaphroditism 110 & n1 Schreiber, Ferdinand 233 & 235 n3, 234, 518 & 519 n3 J.F. Schreiber 235 n3, 519 n3 Schwann, Theodor Ambrose Hubert 174 n2, 377 & n2, 516 n2, 527 & 527–8 n2

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Index

E. Schweizerbart’sche Verlagshandlung: German collected edition of CD’s works 390 n1, 395 n3; E. Koch, director of 390 n1 science: disregard for by British government xxv, 79 SCIENTIFIC VIEWS (CD): authors, CD comments on as judges of their own work 452; blood corpuscles 390 & n2; children’s sounds before speech 293–4; cilia 151 & n2; colonization xxiii, 437; contraception (birth-control) xxiii, 265 & n1, 437 & 438 n4; cross-fertilising potatoes xxv, 92 & 93 n4, 107 & 108 n12, 259 & n2, 481 & n2; deaf-mutes 183 & 184 n1, 364; design, CD comments on P. Greg’s ‘Design in development’ chapter 500–501 & 501 nn 1–8, 502 n9, n10; distribution of land and sea 223 & n4; earthquake waves 177 n1, 213 & n2; English public’s reading tastes 488; flowers and general observers 360–61; fool’s experiments 174, 266 & 267 n7; fuchsia 159 & n1; geographical distribution 248 & 249 n3; geological record, imperfection of 172 n2, 223 & n2; geological time 155, 258 & n4; geology 96; grafting 168 n7, 515 n7; human population, artificial checks to xxiii, 437 & 438 nn 3–5; musical perception 350 & n1, n2; natural history in Germany 431; physiology 148 & 149 n4; protoplasm 206 & 207 n7, n8; science, disregard for by British government xxv, 79; science and religion 455; selection of instincts 364; species, well-marked 394–5 & 395 nn 1–3; varieties, potato cultivation 113 & 114 n5; varieties and species 376; vivisection 148 & 149 n4, see also evolution; experimental work; geographical isolation and new species; inheritance; natural selection; variation SCIENTIFIC WORK (CD): Aegilops 72 & 73 n3; Anacamptis 388 & n2; Araujia sericifera 31 & 35 n12, 43 & 44 n3, n4, 208 & n10; Atriplex 372 & 373 n4; bees 238 n2; bees, CD’s 1848 notes on instinct in bees and wasps xxi, 238 n2, 242 n1, 244 n2, 472 n5; botanical observations and experiments xvii; botanical taxonomy, CD never worked on xxi, 344 & n5, 353 & n2; Calathea 304 & 305 n3; CD able to work a fair amount every day 52; CD on answering criticisms of his work 458; CD comments on work without FD xix, 195, 225 & n5, 276; CD enjoyed work on twiners 320 & 321 n5; CD finds (movement in plants) work, with no writing, wholesome but tiring 239; CD on helping a fellow science worker xxii, 96; CD on his work having been his greatest happiness xxvi, 474; CD on

his work method if he were experimenting on potatoes 102 & 103 n7; CD on his work strategy xvii, 52, 132, 166, 363, 388, 459; CD on humdrum work 365; CD on lack of time 179, 288; CD more interested in observing than writing 243; CD much overworked with investigations and letters 487–8; CD must go on with long and difficult investigation when he returns home 338 & n4; CD on observations and wasps 340 & 341 n3; CD often thinks his work overrated 364; CD overwhelmed with number of experiments in hand 125; CD on proving oneself wrong 372; CD regarded A.R. Wallace as co-discoverer of theory of evolution by natural selection 82 n4; CD responds to T. Meehan’s comments on his Linum perenne observations xxiv, 195 & n1, 196 nn 2–4; CD satisfied his work may encourage a few Serbians towards natural sciences 50 & 51 n5; CD so absorbed with vegetable physiology that not likely to again attend to minds of higher animals 146; CD suffering from overwork (L. Darwin reported to G.H. Darwin) 63 n2; CD thanks W. Behrens for his remarks on CD’s works 370 & 371 n6; CD thinks he should die outright if he had nothing to do xxvi, 388; CD wasted time on Thalia, but enjoyed the work 304; CD wonders whether he could solve a mathematical problem unconsciously 358; CD working hard 22 & 24 n7, 174, 419; CD working hard on Thalia 283 & n3, 288 & 289 n4; CD working hard on Trifolium subterraneum 321 & 322 n12; CD writes to FD about work while FD at J. Sachs’s laboratory xix, 226 & nn 2,3, 239 & nn 2–4, 240 n5, n6, 247–8 & 248 n2, 250, 252 & nn 2–9, 262–3 & 263 nn 2–4, 266–7 & 267 nn 2–9, 268 n10, 300–302 & 302 nn 2–12, 303 n13, n14, 306 & 307 n4, n6, 320–21 & 321 nn 2–10, 322 nn 11–13, 324–5 & 325 nn 2–7, 329 & 330 nn 2–6; CD’s qualities as naturalist, J.B. Innes comments on xxiii, 460–61 & 461 nn 1–3; CD’s reputation as investigator xxiii–xxiv; children’s development (based on CD’s children) xx; climbing plants experiments 320 & 321 n5; cross-breeding Chinese and common European geese 366 & n2, 367 n3; cross-fertilisation 92 & 93 n4; crossed plants, vigour of xxv, 76 n5, 92 & 93 n4, 106–7 & 108 n12; G.H. Darwin’s drawings for CD’s botanical research 280 n2; Dionaea muscipula 239–40 n4, 283 & n4, 288 & 289 n4; Drosera anglica 121 & 122 n3; Drosera rotundifolia 121 & 122 n3, 206 & 207 n8; earthworms 317; Echinocystis lobata 353 & n1; epinasty 383 n3; exudation of alkaline matter from

Index leaves 461 n4; and FD, CD comments on their hard work 12 & 13 n4; FD likes hearing about CD’s work 298 & n9; fertilisation of plants 388 & n2; fool’s experiments 174, 194; glass tubes 378 & n2, 380 & n13, 381 & 383 n2; grasses 317 & 318 n3; instincts of animals xxi, 238 n2, 244 n3, 472 n5; instruments 266 & 267 n7; instruments for Jodrell laboratory 118–19 & 119 nn 2–5; Leersia oryzoides 317 & 318 n3; light intensity, proportional response to 321 n9; Linum perenne 23 & 24 n11, 61 & n4, 62 n5, 171 n3, n4, 195 & n1, 196 nn 2–4; Listera 388 & n2; Lythrum 388 & n2; Maranta 304 & 305 n3, 305; methodical selection 459 & 460 n6; Mimosa 379; mould 306 & 307 n6, 320 & 321 n10, 330 n3; Mutisia clematis 490 n4; natural history, CD pleased his work may encourage in others a taste for natural history 453; Ophrys arachnites 235 n6, 520 n6; pangenesis hypothesis 108 n2, 311–12 n3, 386 n3; Pistia stratiotes 490 n4; plant physiology 344 n5, 388, 395 & n2; Plantago lanceolata 220 n4; pollination theory 370 & 371 n6; Pontederia 12 & 13 n3, 145 & n6, 202 & 203 n5; primroses 179 & 180 n8; Primula 388; properties of plants 324 & 325 n6; Pumilo argyrolepis, achenes 226 & n2, n3; quills 378 & n2; A. Rich’s view of 471; Smilax aspera var. maculata 490 n4; sterility in plants 132 & nn 1–4; Sylidium 291 & 292 n3; unconscious selection 459 & 460 n6; wasps, CD’s 1848 notes on instinct in bees and wasps xxi, 238 n2, 242 n1, 244 n2, 472 n5; wasps and observations 340 & 341 n2; water for experiments 461 & n4; wheat 72 & 73 nn 2–7, 355 & n3, 362 & 363 n3; Zea mays 273 & 274 n3, n4, 276 & n3, 298 & n9, see also bloom on plants; Drosera; experimental work; movement in plants; plants; PUBLICATIONS; seedling plants; sleep in plants; species book; twiners and tendrils Sclater, Philip Lutley 407 n2 Scotch annulet (Gnophos obscurata: Charissa obscurata) 440 & n1 Scott, Charles Brodrick 462 Scott, John: maize 16 n3 Scrophularia nodosa (woodland figwort) 335 & 336 n8, 340 & 341 n3 sea: distribution of land and sea 223 & n4 sea-tidal observations 424 & 525 n5 seakale 88 & n5, 252 & n6 Second Afghan War 436–7 n2 Sedgwick, Sara see Darwin, Sara Sedgwick, Theodora: visited J. Simon 77 & n2 seedling plants: CD works on with FD 22 & 24 n8, 52 & n3; CD works on 166 & n3, 179 & 180 n5,

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180 n5, 207 n4; growth patterns 137 & n3; light sensitivity experiment suggestion 411 & 412 n3; Opuntia nigricans 206 & 207 n5, 225 & n3; Quercus pannonica 304 & 305 n5; seeds requested for experimental work 185 n2; terminology 54 & 55 n2, see also Cacteae; cotyledons; Cycas; Oxalis; Oxalis species; radicles seeds: burying of see burying of seeds Selaginella kraussii (S. kraussiana; Krauss’s clubmoss) 31 & 36 n17 selection see methodical selection; natural selection; sexual selection; unconscious selection selection of instincts 364 & 365 n4 semaphore plant see Desmodium gyrans Semper, Carl Gottfried: accepts CD’s offer of typewriter as gift 314 & n1, n2, 320 & 321 n2; asks CD if he may use CD’s letters to him in discussion of geographical isolation 468; career 266 & 267 n5, 285 n8, 310 n11; CD on arrangements for sending typewriter 318 & 319 nn 2–4; CD comments on C.W. von Nägeli and morphological features 469–70 & 470 n3; CD on geographical isolation 453–4 & 454 nn 2–4, 458–9 & 459 nn 1–3, 460 n4, n5, 469 n3; CD gives permission for Semper to use CD’s letters 469 & 470 n2; CD offers typewriter as gift 303–4 & 304 n1, 306 & 307 n2, 310 n11; CD would like FD to call on 266 & 267 n5; on CD’s and M. Wagner’s views on geographical isolation 468–9 & 469 nn 1–4; dedication to CD of eyes of sea slugs work 262 n10, 266 & 267 n5; FD asks CD if he should call on 261 & 262 n10; FD visited Semper’s laboratory 309 & 310 n11; geographical isolation 454 n3, 468–9 & 469 nn 1–4; sends greetings to Emma Darwin 405; sends greetings to Darwin family 469; sends greetings to FD 405 & n2; thanks CD for typewriter 405 & n1; typewritten letters 405 & n1, 468–9 & 469 n5; on J. Wiesner 309 & 310 n13; writer’s palsy 285 & n8, see also typewriter Senecio 226 & n3 Senecio vulgaris (common groundsel) 26 & 27 n5 Senegalia 285 n5 Senna floribunda see Cassia floribunda Senna hirsuta see Cassia pubescens Senna multiglandulosa see Cassia tomentosa L. Senna neglecta see Cassia neglecta Senna obtusifolia 203 n4, 318 n1 Senna surattensis ssp. sulfurea see Cassia glauca Senna surattensis ssp. surattensis see Cassia suffruticosa Senna tora see Cassia tora sensitive mimosas see Mimosa sensitive plant see Mimosa pudica

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Index

sensitive plants see Mimosa sensitiveness: Dionaea muscipula 283 & n4, 288 & 289 n4; transmitted 239–40 n4 septic organisms: altered environment 260 & n1, 265 & 266 n1 Serbia 50 & 51 n5 sexual selection: butterflies 236 & n2, 237 n1, n2; daphnoids 237 n1; G.A. Gaskell 443 Seychelles 352 n1 shame plant see Mimosa pudica sheep: ancon 500 & 501 n6; merino 7–8 & 8 n2, n3 shells (freshwater) and duck’s foot 180–81 & 181 nn 1–6, 181 & n3, 210 & n3 Sherlock, Thomas Travers: development of noble natures 156–7 & 157 n1, n2 shrubby woodsorrel see Oxalis plumieri Sida rhombifolia (arrowleaf sida) 329 & 330 n4 Siegesbeckia flexuosa: may refer to Sigesbeckia jorullensis 415 n7; W.F.P. Pfeffer refers to as 415 n7, 418 n6 Sierra Nevada 407 n7 Sigesbeckia jorullensis 415 n7 Silene acaulis (cushion-pink; moss campion) 335 & 336 n4, n6 Silene inflata (S. vulgaris; bladder campion) 335 & 336 n6 Silesian Society for National Culture (Schlesische Gesellschaft für vaterländische Cultur): elected CD honorary member 541–2 silktree (Albizia julibrissin) 297 & 298 n3, 309 & 310 n8 Siloxerus multiflorus see Pumilo argyrolepis Silurian fossil plants 21 & n5, 39 & n5 silver-edged primrose (Primula marginata) 378 & 379 n7 Simia satyrus see Pongo pygmaeus Simon, John: sends paper on cancer 77 & n1 Sinapis alba (white mustard) 327 & 328–9 n2 Siproeta stelenes see Victorina steneles siren xix, 464 & n3, 491–2 & 492 n2 siris tree (Albizia lebbeck; woman’s tongue) 309 & 310 n9 Sium (water parsnips) 406 & 407 n2 Sium helenianum (Berula bracteata; jellico) 407 n3 Sium thunbergii (Berula erecta; lesser water-parsnip) 406 & 407 n3 ‘Skerry Blue’ potato 127 & 128 n2, 257, 259 n3 Skertchly, Sydney Barber Josiah: career 101 n2, n4; CD comments on Skertchly’s work and will send autograph xxii, 96 & 97 n5; CD thanks for book 96 & n3; coral reefs 101 & n4; notes included in J. Geikie’s book on ice age 80 & 82 n3, 96 n4; Palaeolithic flint implements discovered 80 & 82 n3; Palaeolithic people 81 &

82 n3; Palaeolithic period 100 & 101 n2, 126 n2; requests CD’s autograph with one of his books 81; requests copy of Origin 101 & n3; sends book on fenland geology 80 & 82 n1, 96 n3; thanks CD for interest in work 100 & 101 n1; thanks for copy of Origin 125–6 & 126 n1 sleep in plants: Marantaceae 315 & 316 n6; noonday sleep 329 n8; J. Sachs 245, 274 & 275 n2, n3, 315 & 316 n6 sleep in plants (CD’s work): asks FD to compare species with great cotyledon movement at night and Oxalis corniculata 350 & 351 n3, 445 n2; Caladium esculentum 250 n3, 259 n2; Cassia 138 n6; CD requests plant identification from leaf of monocotyledon sleeper 250 & n3; CD works on xvii, 138 & nn 2–6, 239 n3; CD’s plant requests 138 & n6; circumnutation 288, 321 n5; injured plants during experiments 138, 146 n2; Leguminosae 289 & 290 n10, 320 & 321 n4; Movement in plants, list of sleeping plants 262 n11, 288 & 289 n2; nature of 239 & n3, 288, 321 n5; Oxalis 56 & 57 n2, 242; Oxalis floribunda 242 & n3, 327 n5; Oxalis rosea 327 n5; Oxalis valdiviensis 242 & n3, 327 n5; pulvini 445 n2, 449 n5; purpose of 138 & n2; Sida rhombifolia 329 & 330 n4, see also Porlieria hygrometrica sleep in plants (FD’s work): Adenanthera pavonina 284 & 285 n4, 309 & 310 n9; Albizia lophantha 284 & 285 n4; Anagallis arvensis 329 n4, 330 n5; Bauhinia richardiana 284, 308 & 310 n8; Cassia baccata 284 & 285 n4; CD asks him to compare species with great cotyledon movement at night and Oxalis corniculata 350 & 351 n3, 445 n2; CD asks him to look for sleeping plants in Würzburg botanic garden 239 & 240 n8, 329 & 330 n4; CD thanks for sleeping plants listed 289 & 290 n10, 301 & 302 n12; Edwardsia chrysophylla 284 & 285 n4; Gossypium 284 & 285 n5, 308 & 310 n7; Gossypium brasilense 285 n5; Gossypium maritimum 285 n5; growth in pulvinus 261 & 262 n4; Indigofera teysmannii 284 & 285 n4; Indigofera tinctoria 284 & 285 n4; Ligophyllum guaiacum 284 & 285 n4, 316 n6; Malvaceae 329 n5, 329 & 330 n4; Mimosa 140 n1, 284 & 285 n4; Oxalis acetosella 284 & 285 n4; Oxalis floribunda 284 & 285 n4; Oxalis regnellii 284 & 285 n4; Oxalis vespertilionis 284 & 285 n4; plants found in Würzburg botanic garden 284 & 285 n3, n4, 290 n10, 295, 297 & 298 n2, n3, 301 & 302 n12, 328 & 329 n5; Porliera hygrometrica xx, 245 & 246 n6, 261 & 262 n3, 261 & 262 n8, 264 & 265 n3, 267 n6, 277 & 278 n3, 278, 290 n9, 297 & 298 n8, 309 & 310 n10, 314 & 316 n1, 321 n4;

Index reports J. Sachs’s views on 245, 274 & 275 n2, n3, 315 & 316 n6; Tamarindus indicus 284 & 285 n4; Zygophyllum fabago 277 & 278 n2 small cabbage white butterfly (Pieris rapae) 247 n10 Smilax (greenbrier) 342 & n7, 352 & 352–3 n3, 525–6 & 526 n7 Smilax aspera var. maculata (rough bindweed) 490 n4 Smith, Charles Hamilton 217 & 218 n5 Smith, Frederick: CD sends specimens to 114–15 & 115 n1; thanks for harvesting-ant specimens 118 & n1 Smith, Henry John Stephen 183 & n5 Smith, H.W. 439 & 440 n6 Smith, John 294 & 295 n6, 326 & 327 n4 Smith, Stephen 94 & 95 n6 Smith brothers 476 & n6 Smithia pfundii (Aeschynomene pfundii) 381 & 383 n4 Smithsonian Institute: R.A. Blair writes to arrange sending of goose wings to W.H. Flower 279 & n1, n2; worldwide exchange system for delivery of packages 279 n2 smooth senna (Cassia glauca; Senna surattensis ssp. sulfurea) 297 & 298 n3 Smyth, James David Hirst 439 snails 228–9 social instincts: Descent 434 & 435 n8, 435 n5 social virtues: Descent 435 n5 Solanum: potatoes members of genus 381 n1 Solanum dulcamara (woody nightshade; bittersweet) 381 & n1, 387 & n1 Solanum lycopersicum see tomato Solanum melongena (eggplant; aubergine) 413 & 414 n3 Solanum tuberosum see potatoes Sophora chrysophylla see Edwardsia chrysophylla Sorby, Henry Clifton: animal and vegetable colouring matter 72 & n2 sound: sensitivity of plants to xviii–xix, 464 & n2, 466 n1, 491 & 492 n2 South American Missionary Society 163 n2, n4, 185–6 n1, 422 n1, 428 n3 South Eastern Railway 461 n3 Spanish chestnut (Castanea sativa) 329 & 330 n6, 447 & 448 n6, 448 & 449 n6, 449 & 450 n2 species: well-marked 394–5 & 395 nn 1–3 species book (CD): 1848 notes on instinct in bees and wasps used as chapter 10 ‘Mental powers and instincts of animals’ 238 n2; CD sends two pages from instincts of animals chapter 10 to G.J. Romanes 238 n2; CD unlikely to find time to prepare long chapters for publication 243; chapter 10 abstracted for Origin 243 & n2; chapter 10 published as appendix in G.J.

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Romanes, Mental evolution in animals 242 n2, 244 n3; manuscript (second part) published as Charles Darwin’s Natural selection (1975) xxi, 242 n2, 243 n2, 244 n1; notes on animal instinct supplied to G.J. Romanes xxi; G.J. Romanes hopes CD’s notes will be published somewhere 241 & 242 n2 species and varieties: terminology 376 ‘Specific difference in Primula’ (CD) 179 n2 spectroscope 244 & 246 n2 Spencer, Herbert 365 & n5, 375 n8, 433 & 435 n5; introduced phrase ‘survival of the fittest’ 435 n4, 440 n3 spermaceti ointment 10 & n2, 10–11 & 11 n1 Spermophagus (Amblycerus) 200 n3, 203 n3 Sphaerotheca pannosa 93 n3 Sphenophyllum 21 & n5, 39 n5 sphinx-moth: and Hedychium 237 & n5 spiders 369 & n1 spiritualism: K.E. Farrer 44 n2; A. R. Wallace 349 n11, 442 n1, 490 & 491 n2, 531 & 532 n2; H. Wedgwood 44 n2, 390 & 391 n2; C.E. Williams 390 & 391 n1, n2 Spitzka, Edward Charles: chimpanzee brain anatomy 94–5 & 95 n1 splenic fever 5 & 5–6 n2 spontaneous generation of life: W.H. Dallinger and J.J. Drysdale challenge theory 260–61 n3; J.D. Hooker 402 & 403 n7 spoon-leaved sundew (Drosera spatulata) 20 & 21 n1, 388–9 & 389 n1, 391 & n2 Spottiswoode, William: CD inquires about H.R.H. Pinker and H. Willett’s plan to present a bust of CD to the Royal Institution xxi, 277 & n2, n3; electrical discharge in a gas 402 & 403 n4, 407 & n6; on Pinker’s plan 282 & n1, n2; Royal Institution, secretary 277 n3, 282 n2; Royal Society, president 232 n4; Royal Society, publication fund 231 & 232 n3, 265 n2, 268 & n2; Royal Society, treasurer 232 n3, 265 n2; signatory to memorial to Cambridge University 463 sprawling needle sunrose (Helianthemum procumbens; Fumana procumbens; procumbent rock-rose) 30 & 35 n7, 40 & 41 n3 Sprengel, Christian Konrad: W. Behrens on work of 370 & n3; Das entdeckte Geheimniss der Natur im Bau und in der Befruchtung der Blumen 54 & 54–5 n1, 56 & 57 n1 Stachys germanica (downy woundwort) 293 & n1, 295 & n2 Stahl, Ernst: cited in Movement in plants 316 n4; swarm-spores 315 & 316 n4 Stanford, Edward 386 & n3

760

Index

Stanhope, Philip Henry 221 n1 Stanley, Arthur Penrhyn 462, 474 & n4 Stanley, Edward Henry 205 n2 Stanley, Mary Catherine: sends fish bone fragment 215 & n1, n2 Stapelia 248 & 249 n2 Stapelia sarpedon 243 n8, 249 n2 Staudinger, Otto 153 & 154 n4 Stauntonia 329 & 330 n2, 330 & 331 n2 Stecker, Anton: asks about Russian edition of Origin 111 & 111 n2; CD authorises Czech translation of Origin 117 & 118 n1; CD on Origin editions 117 & 118 n2; FD informs that CD cannot promise help regarding natural history appointments 125 & n1; plans to publish Czech translation of Origin 110 & 111 n1, 115 & n1; seeks a natural history appointment 115; writes to FD 115 & n1, n2 stems see twisted stems; woody stems Stephen, Leslie 534 sterility in plants: CD comments on 132 & nn 1–4; J. Torbitt 126–7 Stipa 178 & 179 n5, 179 & 180 n3 Stipa pennata (feather grass) 179 n5 stock breeding 8 Stokes, Francis Griffin: CD on young children’s sounds before speech 293–4 Stokes, George Gabriel: CD comments on S. Haughton’s ‘Note on physical geology’ xxiv, 172–3 & 173 n1, n2 stomata: bloom on plants 327 n6; J.D. Hooker 114; J. Sachs 315 & 316 n8, 324 & 325 n5, 327 n6, 378 & 379 n4, 379 & 380 n4 stomata (CD’s work): Porliera hygrometrica 275 & 276 n2, 297 & 298 n8, 300 & 302 n4; suggests cabbage experiment to FD 357 & 358 n3; suggests FD uses his own observations 379 & 380 n2; variation in 379 & 380 n3 stomata (FD’s work): bloom 16 n2, 358 n3, 372 & 373 n4, 378 & 379 n3, n5, n6; Broussonetia papyrifera 379 n5; CD suggests cabbage experiment 357 & 358 n3; Lactuca serriola 331 & 332 n6; on looking at stomata himself compared to using others’ observations 378 & 379 n4; Porliera hygrometrica 297 & 298 n8, 302 n4; published sources for original information about 379 n6; Trifolium resupinatum 315 & 317 n9, 373 & n4; Vicia sativa 378 & 379 n6 Stone, William Henry 463 Stonor, Thomas, 3rd Baron Camoys 204 & 205 n4 Strasburger, Eduard: CD thanks for essay on swarm-spores 403–4 & 404 n1, n2; A. DodelPort’s botanical atlas 233, 234, 519; sends

publication on polyembryony 415–16 & 416 nn 2–5, 529 & 530 nn 2–5 Strauss, David Friedrich 37–8 & 38 n6, 504 & n6 Street, James Christopher 439 Strephium floribundum (Raddia brasiliensis) 243 n8 stridulation 4 & n5; R. Meldola discussed with J. Wood-Mason 4 & n5 Strutt, John William, 3rd Baron Rayleigh 183 & n5, 424 & 425–6 n1 Stuart Glennie, John Stuart 439 Sturtevant, Edward Lewis: sends account of maize 13 & 16 nn 1–5 Stylidium 291 & 292 n3 subterranean clover see Trifolium subterraneum subterranean flowers 144–5 & 145 n4 Suess, Eduard 256 & 256–7 n2 Suess, Paula Aloisia 256 & 256–7 n2 Sulivan, Bartholomew James: career 163 n4; CD returns enclosure about Fuegians 422–3 & 423 n2; CD subscribes to Jimmy FitzRoy Button’s education 166 & n1; CD thanks for news of Beagle crew 422 & 423 n3; CD on work and family news 422 & 423 n4, n5; health 421; Jemmy Button’s grandsons 162 & 163 n2, n3; reports family news 421 & 422 n3; returns CD’s cheque 185 & n1, 186 n2; sends enclosure about Fuegians 421 & 422 n1; sends greetings to Emma Darwin 422; sends news of Beagle crew members 422 & n4; South American Missionary Society 163 n4, 185 & 185–6 n1, 422 n1, 428 n3; Tierra del Fuego 427–8 & 428 nn 1–3 Sulivan, Henry Norton 162 & 163 n1, n6 Sulivan, James Young Falkland 421 & 422 n3 Sulivan, Sophia 163 n5, n6 Sulivan, Sophia Henrietta 163 n6 sun cactus (Cereus speciosissimus; Heliocereus speciosus) 31 & 35 n13 Sunday Evenings for the People 275 n9 Sunday Lecture Society: asked FD to lecture 274 & 275 n9; CD supporter of 274 & 275 n9 sundew, common see Drosera rotundifolia sundews see Drosera SUPPORT FOR CD’S THEORIES: A.L. Adams 370; J.A. Allen 323; E.B. Aveling 394 & n1, 397 & n2; W. Behrens 370 & 371 n6, 412; É. Beneden 174, 516; G. Bentham 337; P. Broca 333, 523; A. de Candolle 341, 525; W.H. Dallinger 260; J. Delboeuf 365; F. Delpino 167, 514; A. Dodel-Port xxii, 233–5 & 235 n2, n5, n7, 240–41, 518–19 & 519 n2, n5, 520 n7, 520– 521; E. Du Bois-Reymond 427; L.A. Errera 345; J.F. Fisher 346 & 348 n1, 348 n2, n4;

Index A. Gaudry 423, 530; E. Haeckel 37 & 38 n4, 47, 52, 150 & n1, n2, 504 & n4, 505; É. Heckel 349 & n1; C. Kraus xxii, 37–8 & 38 nn 2–7, 48–9, 503–4 & 504 nn 2–7, 506, 508; N. Lewy 196, 387 n3, 516; T. Meehan 171; R. Meldola 25; S. Miliarakis xxii, 46 & n5, 505 & n5; E. Mojsisovics von Mojsvár xxii, 172 & n1, 222–3 & 223 n1, 258 & n4; A. Moschkau 141 & 143 n3, 142, 511 & 512–13 n3, 512; M. Neumayr 258 & n3; W. Ogle 488 & 489 n5; W.K. Parker 19; B.J. Placzek 386 & 387 n2; H. Potonié 164, 513; A. de Quatrefages 337 n2, 342 & n5, 525 & 526 n5; Marinko Radovanović 372; H.N. Ridley 456– 7; G.J. Romanes 364 & 365 n1; G. de Saporta 339, 524; O. Schmidt 447 n6; A. Schobloch 110; C.G. Semper 314; S.B.J. Skertchly xxii, 80, 81; E. Strasburger 416, 529; D.F. Strauss 37–8 & 38 n6, 504 & n6; J.E. Taylor 249, 250 & n2; E. Vignes 367 & n1; A.S. Wilson 87, 335; younger naturalists 47, 505 ‘survival of the fittest’: CD first used phrase in Variation 440 n3; H. Spencer introduced phrase 435 n4, 440 n3 swamp wattle (Acacia retinoides) 289 & n6 swarm-spores: E. Stahl 315 & 316 n4; E. Strasburger 403 & 404 n1, n2 sweet acacia (Mimosa farnesiana; Vachellia farnesiana) 245 & 246 n6 sweet violet (Viola odorata) 26 & 27 n4 sweetcorn (Zea mays var. saccharata or rugosa) 13 & 16 n2, 14, 15 Sylidium 291 & 292 n3 Symonds, William Samuel 326 n3 Symons, George James 183 & n5 sympathy: Descent 433 & 435 n6, 437 & 438 n2; G.A. Gaskell 443 & 444 n6 Syrian beancaper (Zygophyllum fabago) 277 & 278 n2 Tahiti: arreoi sect 438 n5 Tait, Peter Guthrie 425 & 426 n10 Tamarindus indicus (Tamarindus indica; tamarind) 284 & 285 n4 Tamus communis (black bryony) 263 & n4, 274 & 275 n6 Tangl, Eduard Josef 248 & n5 taxonomy: CD never worked on botanical taxonomy xxi, 344 & n5, 353 & n2 Taylor, Ebenezer Isaac 94 & 95 n4 Taylor, John Ellor: CD thanks for book and inscription 250 & n2; cites Forms of flowers 249 n1; sends book 249 & n1, 251 teasel, common see Dipsacus sylvestris Tecoma capensis see Bignonia capensis

761

telegraph plant see Desmodium gyrans Temple, Frederick, bishop of Exeter 462 & 463 n6 tendrils see twiners and tendrils tenus (Clostridium tetani) 260 & 261 n4 terminology: apogeotropism 43 n5; cotyledons 55 n2, 65 & n4; Darwinian theory 316 n5; descent theory 316 n5; epinasty 289 & n5, 308 & 310 n6; evolution 229 & n1, 232 n2, 316 n5; Forms of flowers 43 n5; geotropism 43 n5; grass seedlings 67 n3, 68 n5, 246 n2; A. Gray 42 & 43 n5, 68 & n3; heliotropism 43 n5, 306 n12; hyponasty 289 & n5, 308 & 310 n6; movement in plants 42 & 43 n4, 289 & n5; Movement in plants 43 n5, 55 n2, 246 n2; Palaearctic 407 n2; phyletic 477 & n4, 487 & n2; phyletische 477 & n4, 487 & n2; plasmolysis 6 n4; plumule 55 n2, 56 & 57 n3; Primula 2 & n1; seedlings 54 & 55 n2; varieties and species 376 Thalia: CD asks W.T. Thiselton-Dyer for any species in flower 291 & 292 n4, 295 n5 Thalia dealbata (powdery alligator-flag): F. Delpino 302 n6 Thalia dealbata (powdery alligator-flag; CD’s work): CD asks G.H. Darwin for drawings of pistil 279–80 & 280 n2, 283 n3; G.H. Darwin’s drawings of 286 & 287 n1, 286, 287, 290 & n2; learns of F. Delpino’s Maranta (an allied genus) observations 301 & 302 n6, 304 & 305 n2; Movement in plants 276 n4; observations 276 & n4, 283 & n4, n5, 288 & 289 n4, 290 & n3, n4, 291 & 292 n2, 301 & 302 n6, 304 & 305 n2, 305; sent from Kew 291 & 292 n2; will delay writing paper on 288, 304 & 305 n2 Thayer, James Bradley: CD thanks for return of C. Wright’s letters 56 & n1; returns C. Wright’s letters which CD lent Thayer 29 & n1, 30 n2, n3 theory of descent see descent theory Theraphosa blondi (Goliath birdeater) 311 n14 thermograph 88 & n6 thermometer received from Kew 266 Thiselton-Dyer, Frances Harriet 185 n6 Thiselton-Dyer, Harriet Anne: CD comments (to W.T. Thiselton-Dyer) on health of 206 & 207 n9, 225 & n6, 304 & 305 n8; CD hopes is well 184 & 185 n6, 242 & n6, 415 & n2, n5; holiday 415 n2, 418 & n2; J.D. Hooker’s daughter 379 n9; seaside visit 188 & n6, 207 n9; visits Down 534 Thiselton-Dyer, William Turner: Abies nordmanniana 294 & 295 n8; Aegilops ovata 86 & 87 n3; answers CD’s queries, with enclosures 30–34 & 35 nn 1–15, 36 nn 16–24; Arachis 30 & 35 n10,

762

Index

154 & n2; burying of seeds 40 & n2, 41 n4, 43 & 44 n5, 499 & n1; Caladium esculentum identified for CD 259 & n1; Calathea 294 & 295 n6, n7; CD on Arachis hypogaea 368 & n4; CD asks about heliotropic roots 305 & 306 n12, 368; CD asks for Cycas observed’s identity 223 & 225 n2; CD asks for help with observing Arachis hypogaea burying pods 208 & n11, 305 & n10; CD asks J.D. Hooker to thank Thiselton-Dyer for help 146 & n2, 489 & 490 n5; CD asks for Thalia species in flower 291 & 292 n4, 295 n5; CD asks to thank Hooker for Trifolium striatum identification 326 & 327 n6; CD on Atriplex 372 & 373 n4; CD comments on his August holiday xxvi, 305 & 306 n11; CD comments on R.I. Lynch 418 & n5; CD comments on work without FD xix; CD on Cyclamen persicum 65 & n5, 154 & n3; CD on experimental work 372; CD on FD’s German visit 242 & n4, 248 & n4; CD finds many interesting things in Thiselton-Dyer’s letters 304; CD on D.S. Galton and H. Darwin 248 & 249 n5; CD on Hooker’s workload 242 & 243 n7; CD on instruments for Jodrell laboratory 118–19 & 119 nn 1–6; CD learns of F. Delpino’s Maranta observations from 301 & 302 n6, 304 & 305 n2; CD notices G. de Saporta not mentioned in Thiselton-Dyer’s plant-distribution lecture 368 & 369 n7; CD offers Drosera whittakerii to Kew 199 & n3; CD on onion plumule 65 & n4; CD on Oxalis seedlings 242 & n3; CD on Quercus pannonica 304 & 305 n5; CD on radicles xviii, 184 & 185 n8; CD on reading German 418 & n7; CD requests heliotropic or apheliotropic roots 368; CD requests Oxalis carnosa again 373 & n2; CD requests plant identification 249–50 & 250 n2, n3; CD requests plant seeds 60 & 61 n2, 184 & 185 n2, n3, 199 & n5, 206 & 207 n5, n6, 225 & n3, 418 & n3, 446 n2; CD requests plants 199 & n4, 271 & n4, 305 n6; CD requests plants and seeds 242 & 243 n8, 414–15 & 415 n2, n7; CD requests Trifolium resupinatum seeds 326 & 327 n6; CD returns plants to Kew 207–8 & 208 nn 2–11, 372 & 373 n2, n3; CD on Royal Botanic Gardens opening hours 225 & n7; CD says H. Lettington will be pleased by R.I. Lynch’s comment 43 & 44 n4; CD sends Cassia seeds 368 & n3; CD sends thanks from G. de Saporta about Permian leaf 65 & n3; CD sends thanks to G. Henslow for note on grasses 65 & 66; CD sends thanks to Hooker for Henslow’s note on grasses 65 & 66 n7; CD on Thalia dealbata 291 & 292 n2, 304 & 305 n2, 305; CD thanks for all

his help 445–6 & 446 n2, n3; CD thanks for Forms of flowers review 154 & n1; CD thanks for heliotropism comments 198 & 199 n1, n2; CD thanks him for plant information and sends thanks to the others who helped 39 & n2; CD thanks for plants and seeds 206 & 207 n2, 248 & 249 n2, 326–7 & 327 nn 2–5; CD thanks for seeds 65 & n2, 418 & n3; CD thanks for seeds and information 43–4 & 44 nn 2–6; CD thanks for Trifolium resupinatum seeds 368 & n2; CD on Thiselton-Dyer’s lecture reported in The Times 184 & 185 n7, 198 & 199 n2; CD on Thiselton-Dyer’s plant-distribution lecture 304 & 305 n9, 368 & n6; CD wishes to observe Cacteae xvii–xviii; A.H. Church’s work 294 & 295 n3, n4; Cyclamen 154 n3; cyclamen, CD will use information in new edition of Forms of flowers 39 & 40 n3; Diplacus glutinosus 294 & n2; FD visited Kew 188 & n4; Forms of flowers, review 154 & n1, 208 n11, 544; Glossostigma elatinoides 294 & n1; heliotropism in moulds 187–8 & 188 n3, 320 & 321 n10; on heliotropism in response to CD’s comment on The Times report 187–8 & 188 n2, n3, n5, 199 n2; helped Hooker with Royal Society presidential address 486 & n5; holiday 378 & 379 n9, 415 n2, n5, 418 n2; Hooker tells CD that Thiselton-Dyer answered CD’s queries 326 & n2; Jodrell laboratory 119 n1; lecture, ‘Plant-distribution as a field for geographical research’ 248 & 249 n3, 304 & 305 n9, 368 & n6, 369 n7; lectures on vegetable morphology 184 & 185 n7, 187 & 188 n2; R.I. Lynch dealing with CD’s requests 187 & 188 n1; Marantaceae 294 & 295 n6; G. Nicholson 294 & 295 n6, 305 n2; orchid, positively heliotropic aerial roots 188 & n5; plants and seeds sent 243 n8, 249 n2, 271 n4, 357 & 358 n2; on protoplasm 185 n7, 187–8, 206 & 207 n8; Royal Agricultural Society’s support for potato disease research 91 n4; Royal Botanic Gardens, assistant director 45 n2, 87 n3, 146 n2, 185 n2, 379 n9; G. de Saporta’s Permian leaf drawing 38 & 39 n1, 39 & 40 n5, 40 & 41 n5, 44 & n6, 45 & n2, 65 & n3; seaside visit 188 & n6, 207 n9; sends Commelina benghalensis specimen 499, 499 & nn 1–5; teaching botany classes 305 n7; terminology, seedlings 54 & 55 n2; Thalia, none in flower 294 & 295 n5; J. Torbitt’s paper on potato disease 93 & 94 n4; visits Down 35 n1, 534 Thompson, D’Arcy Wentworth 399 n1 Thompson, Henry 493 & 494 n2 Thomson, Robert: CD comments on earthquake

Index waves 213 & n2; earthquake waves 175–7 & 177 n1 Thomson, William: G.H. Darwin refers to Thomson’s work 293 n3; G.H. Darwin’s work 416 & n3; geological time 62 & n2, 417 n4; obliquity of the ecliptic 424 & 426 n4; T.M. Reade comments on Thomson’s work 62 & n2; report on G.H. Darwin’s paper ‘On the bodily tides of viscous and semi-elastic spheroids, and on the ocean tides upon a yielding nucleus’ 424–5 & 425–6 n1, 428 n2; G.J. Romanes’s animal intelligence lecture 361 & 362 n5; suggests Down as possible location for instrument to measure lunar gravity 424 & 426 n2, 428 n3; and P.G. Tait summarise A.R. Clarke’s conclusions about shape of the earth 425 & 426 n10 thread-leaved sundew (Drosera filiformis) 115 n2 ‘Three forms of Lythrum salicaria’ (CD) 318 n3 Thymus 219 & 220 n3 Thymus serpyllum (Breckland thyme) 220 n3, 335 & 336 n5 Thynne, John Alexander, 4th marquess of Bath 204 & 205 n4 tides: sea 424 & 525 n5 Tieghem, Philippe van 66 & 67 n2, n7, 68 & n5 Tierra del Fuego 427–8 & 428 nn 1–3; cattle 421 & 422 n1, 422 & 423 n2, 427 & 428 n2; native peoples 423 n2, 427 tiger leafwing (Anaea fabius; Consul fabius) 318 n4 tiger’s claw (Erythrina spathacea; E. variegata) 297 & 298 n3 The Times: CD’s election to Académie des sciences 337 & n1; declaration regarding threat of war with Russia 205 n2; G.J. Romanes responds to editorial 375 & n3; W.T. Thiselton-Dyer’s lecture on vegetable morphology 184 & 185 n7, 187 & 188 n2, 199 n2 Timiryazev, Kliment Arkadievich: chlorophyll 246 n2; ‘Sur la décomposition de l’acide carbonique dans le spectre solaire, par les parties vertes des végétaux’ 320 & 321 n9; visited Down 119 & n3 tomato (Solanum lycopersicum) 117 & n3, 414 n1; supposed hybrid 413 & 414 n1, n4 toothwort, common (Lathraea squamaria) 137 & n3, 138 n5 Torbitt, James: apologises for Solanum dulcamara mistake 387 & n1; asks permission to send to the press the enclosed letter to S.H. Northcote containing extracts from CD’s letters (to Torbitt) xxiv, 73–4 & 76 nn 1–7, 105 n4; career xxiv, 111 & n2, 413 n3, 481 & n3; and W. Carruthers 104 & 105 n3; CD asks him to send

763 note on amount of aid required 133 & 134 n3; CD comments on Torbitt’s personality to J.D. Hooker 97 & 98 n7; CD comments on Torbitt’s report (12 December) 487–8 & 488 nn 2–6; CD discusses Torbitt’s work including finance xxv, 79, 85–6 & 86 nn 3–6, 90 & nn 1–4; CD gives permission for use of his letter extracts 79 & n1; CD makes enquiries about Torbitt’s reputation 106 & 107 n4, 111 n1, 117 & n5, 140 & 141 n5; CD reports meeting with T.H. Farrer 85–6 & 86 n4, n6; CD reports potatoes received at Down 85 & 86 n3; CD on sterility in plants 132 & nn 1–4; CD suggests plan if no government support xxv, 101–2 & 102 nn 1–5, 103 n6, n7; CD suggests sending copy of Torbitt’s letter to Northcote to T.H. Farrer and J.D. Hooker 79 & n2, n3, 84 n2, 89 n2, 92 n1; CD on varieties 113 & 114 n5; CD’s financial contribution xxv, 102 & 103 n6, 106 & 107 n5, 132 n1, 133 n3, 136 & n2, 136 & 137 n3, 140 & 141 n7, 149–50 & 150 n1, n2, 258 n1, 481 n3; CD’s financial contribution pledged 90, 93 & 94 n5, 97 & 98 n5, 99 & n5; CD’s letter to T.H. Farrer, CD will send to Torbitt when J. Caird returns it 102 & n5; CD’s letter to Farrer, Torbitt returns to CD having made a copy 122 & 124 n1; correspondence with CD on potatoes from 1876: 481 n1; describes potato experiments in detail 126–8 & 128 nn 1–6; discusses potato project 84–5 & 85 nn 1–5, 104 & n2, 105 & nn 3–7, 119–20 & 121 nn 2–4, 122, 257 & 258 n1, n2, 387 & n2, 480–81 & 481 nn 1–3; paper on potato disease 93 & 94 n4; plan described (potato project) 104 & 105 nn 4–7, 126–8 & 128 nn 1–6, 151, 179 & 180 n7; receives CD’s financial contribution 99 & n5; returns CD’s cheque 136 & n2, 136 & 137 n3, 140 & 141 n7; sends finance request at CD’s request 136 & n2; sends Solanum dulcamara 380–81 & 381 n1; sends testimonials on potato varieties grown to CD 122–3 & 124 n3; sent CD potato seeds and pamphlet on potato blight (1876) 103 n7; sent his Northcote letter copies to Farrer and Hooker 85 & n2; sent potato seeds to members of Parliament (1876) 104 & 105 n7; thanks CD for cheque sent back to him 151 & 152 n1; thanks for CD’s permission to publish letter extracts 84 & 85 n1; thanks for comments on sterility of plants 136 & 137 n2; thanks for finance and will use cheque in last resort 104 & n2; thanks for offer of finance 84–5 & 85 nn 1–5; will report on year’s activities 387 & n2, 410, 413; writes to S.H. Northcote on potato cultivation xxiv,

764

Index

74–6 & 76 nn 2–7, 89 n2, 104 & 105 n4, 106 & 107 n6, 114 n4, 387 n2, see also potatoes ( J. Torbitt’s project); potatoes ( J. Torbitt’s project, CD’s letter to T.H. Farrer of support for) torch lily (Tritoma; Kniphofia; red-hot poker) 340 & 341 n3 tortoises 351 & 352 n3 transmitted sensitiveness: Insectivorous plants 239–40 n4 transmutation theory: J.B. de Lamarck 337 n2; C.W. von Nägeli 316 n3; B.J. Placzek 387 n2 Trattinnick, Leopold 31 & 36 n19 Treat, Mary 115 n2; harvesting ants 118 & n2 tree tobacco see Nicotiana glauca Trevelyan, George Otto 463 Triassic lacustrine deposits in South Africa 29 & n2 Trifolium pratense (red clover) 355 n2 Trifolium repens (white clover) 373 & 374 n4 Trifolium resupinatum (Persian clover; CD’s work): CD asks FD to sow seeds 357 & 358 n2; CD requests seeds and comments on bloom 60 & 61 n2, 326–7 & 327 n6; CD thanks for seeds 368 & n2; CD’s interest in 449 n5; Movement in plants 449 n5; needed for FD’s work on bloom 368 n2, 373 & n4; stomata 315 & 317 n9; submerged leaves 379 & 380 n6 Trifolium resupinatum (Persian clover; FD’s work): does not sleep 448 & 449 n5 Trifolium striatum (knotted clover) 325 & 326 n1, 326 & 327 n6 Trifolium strictum (upright clover) 445 & n2, 448 & 449 n5 Trifolium subterraneum (subterranean clover; CD’s work): peduncles of 321 & 322 n12; seedlings raised 144 & 145 n4, 446 & 447 n3 Trifolium subterraneum (subterranean clover; FD’s work) 446 & 447 n3 trilobites 347 & 348 n6 TRIPS AND VISITS (CD) see Darwin, Charles Robert, TRIPS AND VISITS Tristan da Cunha 407 & n5 Triticum see wheat Tritoma (Kniphofia; red-hot poker; torch lily) 340 & 341 n3 Troglodytes niger see chimpanzee Tropaeolum (nasturtiums) 326 & 327 n5 Tropaeolum majus (nasturtium) 329 & 330 n6 tropical buckeye (Junonia lavinia; J. evarete) 153 & 154 n5 tropical duckweed (Pistia stratiotes; water lettuce) 490 n4 tropical species: survival during an ice age 405 n5

tropical woodsorrel (Oxalis rubella; O. hirta) 57 n2 true indigo (Indigofera tinctoria) 284 & 285 n4 Truelove, Edward 265 & n1 Truelove, Maurice Hawley: CD declines signing memorial for E. Truelove 265 & n1 Tucker, Janetta 163 n5 Tucker, Sabine Anne 163 n5 tumbler pigeons 227 & nn 1–3 Turkey: Russo-Turkish War xxv, 86 n6, 147 n2, 180 n5, 322 n11 Turpin, Pierre Jean François 66 & 67 n3 twiners and tendrils (CD’s work): CD on FD’s observations 325 & n8; circumnutation 301 & 302 nn 7–11, 320 & 321 n5; Movement in plants 321 n6; upside-down twiner 301 & 302 n9 twiners and tendrils (FD’s work): Cobaea 320 & 321 n6; J. Sachs suggests FD determines whether tendril-bearers and twiners behave in same way 284 & 285 n6, 298 n4, 327, 328, 331 n2; tendrils 309; twiners 307–8 & 310 n3, n4; twining plant turned upside down unwinds last turn 298, 302 n9 twisted stems of plants: CD offers to send to FD 247–8 & 248 n2; CD will send to FD 262, 263 & n4; FD thanks for 274 & 275 n6 Tyndall, John: Association of Liberal Thinkers 438 & 439 n2; Birmingham and Midland Institute, presidential address 435 n7; CD asks for loan of siren 464 & n2, n3, 466 n1; CD returns siren xix, 491–2 & 492 n2; Fragments of science 103 & n1; lectures on sound at Royal Institution 464 n3; lends siren to CD xix, 466 & n1, 492 n2; signatory to memorial to Cambridge University 463; visits Down 465 n4, 466 n1, 534 Tyndall, Louisa Charlotte 534 typewriter (CD’s printing machine): CD comments on C.G. Semper’s use of 470 & n4; CD discusses with FD 300 & 302 n3, 320 & 321 n2; CD is willing to give his typewriter to Semper 289 & 290 n11, 292 n2, 299 n10, 302 n3, 304 n1; CD purchased 319 n3; CD writes to Semper about arrangements for sending typewriter 318 & 319 nn 2–4; CD writes to Semper to offer typewriter as gift 303–4 & 304 n1, 306 & 307 n2, 310 n11; H. Darwin 290 n11; FD discusses gift to Semper 292 & n2, n3, 309 & 310 n11; FD reminds CD about 298 & 299 n10; FD requests address of typewriter manufacturer from CD for Semper 285 & n8, 292 & n3; FD’s use of 289; Semper accepts offer of typewriter as gift from CD 314 & n1, n2, 320 & 321 n2; Semper thanks CD for gift of typewriter 405

Index & n1; Semper’s typewritten letters 405 & n1, 468–9 & 469 n5 Uechtritz, Rudolf von 541 & 542 n3, 542 & n3 ‘umbrellar tree’: A.D. Austin describes tree as 319, 319–20 & 320 n1, see also Pseudopanax crassifolius unconscious selection 459 & 460 n6, 501 & n6 Unio complanatus (mussel; Elliptio complanata; eastern elliptio) 181 & n5, 210 n3 Union Bank 202 n1 United States Funded Loan 307 & n1 unknown correspondents: CD comments on musical perception 349–50 & 350 n1, n2; CD sends Spiritualist account of C.E. Williams 400 & n1; CD thanks for note and specimen 5 & n1; FD on CD’s behalf thanks for inheritance case and comments on Cytisus adami 365–6 & 366 n2, n3 upright clover (Trifolium strictum) 445 & n2, 448 & 449 n5 Uraria lagopus 297 & 298 n3 Usborne, Alexander Burns 422 & n4 Utricularia (bladderwort) 115 n2 Utricularia vulgaris (common bladderwort) 352 & 353 n5 Vachellia 285 n5 Vachellia farnesiana see Mimosa farnesiana Valeriana dioica (marsh valerian) 3 n5, 22 & 24 n6, 42 & 43 n3 Vallisneria spiralis (V. americana; eelgrass) 35 n4 variation: correlated variation cases 366 n2; domesticated animals and plants 107; functional importance of very slight differences 459, 470 n2; placentation 470 n3; stomata 379 & 380 n3 Variation (CD): Aegilops ovata 73 n2; apples 93 n3; cites H. de Blainville 217 & 218; cites H.E. von Nathusius 8 & n4; cites W.K. Parker 21 n3; J. Coghlan sent information in response to 230 & 231 n1; domestic breeds 459 & n3; doubleness in flowers 179 & 180 n4; foreign pollen acting on mother plant 414 n2; hermaphroditism 110 n1; inheritance of mutilations 141 & 143 n5, 511 & 513 n5; methodical and unconscious selection 460 n5; niata cattle 154 n9; potatoes 93 n5; published 470 n2; religious belief 112 & n2; ‘survival of the fittest’ 440 n3; R.C. Virchow’s doctrine ‘omnis cellula e cellula’ 50 n6; wheat 73 n2, n6 Variation 2d ed. (CD): ancon sheep 501 n6; Berkshire pig 357 n1; cites C.É. Brown-Séquard 77 n2; cites W.J. Moore 227 n2; correlated variation cases 366 n2; Cytisus adami 366 n3; design

765

500 & 501 n3; dogs hindfeet 20 n1; inheritance of mutilations 311–12 n3; inherited baldness 366 n2; Irish greyhound pig 357 n1; Leersia oryzoides 318 n3; maize 16 n1; merino sheep 8 n3; peaches 395 n2; sterility in plants 132 & n4; tumbler pigeons 227 & n3; unconscious selection 501 n6 Variation Russian ed. (CD): V.O. Kovalevksy translated 118 n2 variegated leaves 294 & 295 n4, 304 & 305 n4 varieties and species: terminology 376 Varley, Cromwell Fleetwood 441 & 442 n1 Vaughan, Charles John 463 Veitch & Sons: CD often purchased plants from 138 & 139 n7, 184 & 185 n3; CD will request Bignonia capreolata from 350 & 351 n4, 368 & n5, 373 n3 Venus fly trap see Dionaea muscipula vetch, common (Vicia sativa) 378 & 379 n6 Vibrio 260 & 261 n4 Vicia faba (broad bean; fava bean): CD’s experiments 185 n5, 262 n9, 274 n4; J. Sachs 185 n5 Vicia sativa (common vetch) 378 & 379 n6 Victorina steneles (Siproeta stelenes) 154 n5 Victorina trayja 153 & 154 n5 Vignes, E.: CD thanks for article 367 & n1 Vines, Sydney Howard: cell wall extensibility 207 n8; micro-telescope 246 & 247 n11; moulds 187 & 188 n3, 307 n6; Phycomyces nitens 187 & 188 n3; J. Sachs, Text-book of botany 418 n7 Viola: seeds sent by F. Müller 144 & 145 n4 Viola arvensis see Viola tricolor var. arvensis Viola canina (dog violet) 26 & 27 n4 Viola odorata (sweet violet) 26 & 27 n4 Viola palustris (marsh violet) 26 & 27 n4 Viola subdimidiata 69 n2 Viola tricolor (heart’s-ease): J.S. Axell 26 & 27 n4; H. Müller 272–3 & 273 n2 Viola tricolor var. arvensis (V. arvensis; field pansy) 272 & 273 n2 Virchow, Rudolf Carl: address to Assembly of German Naturalists and Physicians xxii, 49 & 50 n5, 141 & 143 n3, 150 & n2, 511 & 512–13 n3; doctrine ‘omnis cellula e cellula’ 49–50 & 50 n6; Royal Prussian Academy of Sciences 426 & 427 n1 viridine 452 n4, 453 n2 Viscum album (mistletoe) 490 n6 Vitis 84 & n5 vivisection: C. Bernard 148 n3; CD’s view of 148 & 149 n4 Volvox gobator: A. Dodel-Port 235 n6, 520 n6 Vries, Hugo de: career 363 n3; CD on arrangements for De Vries’s visit 343 & n2, n3; CD

766

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asks FD to read De Vries on epinasty 381 & 383 n4; CD hopes De Vries will visit Down 339 & n2, n3; CD on meeting De Vries 355 & n2; CD reports (to FD) on De Vries’s visit 358 & n6; CD requests Echinocystis lobata seeds from A. Gray for De Vries 353 & n1, 362 & 363 n4; CD on roots, contractility in 355 & n2, 362 n1; CD on tendrils 301 & 302 n10, n11; CD welcomes him (via FD) to visit Down 324 & 325 n3; cited in Climbing plants 2d ed. 285 n5; cited in Movement in plants 321 n7; climbing plants 285 n5, 320 & 321 n7, 353 & n1; Cucurbita pepo 353–4 n3; plasmolysis 5 & 6 n4; protoplasm 5 & 6 n4; roots, contractility in 362 & n1, 363 n3; J. Sachs comments on xx; terminology 6 n4, 289 n5, 308 & 310 n6; thanks CD for receiving his visit at Abinger 362; thanks CD for seeds request to A. Gray 362 & 363 n4; Trifolium pratense 355 n2; visited CD at Farrers (Abinger) 325 n3, 339 n3, 343 n3, 350 & 351 n5, 353 n1, 355 & n2, 534 Wagner, Moritz Friedrich: CD comments on Wagner’s view 459 & 460 n2; geographical isolation 453 & 454 n2, 469 n1, n2, n4; C.G. Semper on Wagner’s view 468 & 469 n1, n2 Walker, Frederick William 462 Wallace, Alfred Russel: asks for CD’s support for Wallace’s application for superintendent of Epping Forest 386 & n1, n2, 388 n1, 396 n1; Australasia 386 & n3; CD comments on his own work xxvi; CD regarded Wallace as co-discoverer of theory of evolution by natural selection 82 n4; CD supports Wallace’s Epping Forest superintendent application 387–8 & 388 n1; human development 433 & 435 n5; G. Max asks CD about Wallace 491, 532; Prioneris 25 & n3; sends greetings to Emma Darwin and family 386; spiritualism 347 & 349 n11, 441 & 442 n1, 490 & 491 n2, 531 & 532 n2; thanks CD for application support 396 & n1, n2 Wallace, Donald Mackenzie 57 & 58 n5 Wallich, Nathaniel 189 & 193 n2 Walters, Frank 439 wasps: CD comments on wasps and observations 340 & 341 n3; CD’s 1848 notes on instinct in bees and wasps xxi, 238 n2, 242 n1, 244 n2, 472 n5; A.S. Wilson 335 water: London water quality report 461 n2; pure, for experiments 461 & n4 water avens (Geum rivale) 173 n2, 211 & n3 water crowfoot (Ranunculus aquatilis) 204 n3 water lettuce (Pistia stratiotes; tropical duckweed) 490 n4

water mimosa (Neptunia oleracea) 271 n3 water parsnips (Sium) 406 & 407 n2 waterbuffalo 393 & 394 n3 Watkins, Frederick 52 n2 Watson, Henry William 463 Watson, John 323 & n2 weather: winter 1878–9: 484 n4, 489 & 490 n4, 494 n1 Weber, Ernst Heinrich 412 n4 Weber’s law 412 n4 Weddell, Hugh Algernon 334 & n3, 523 & 524 n3 Wedgwood, Caroline Sarah (née Darwin): CD sends love to 137 & n4; Darwins visit xxvi, 332 n9, 338 n3, 341 n4, 343 n3, 358 n5, 401–2 n2, 534 & 535 n22; FD and B. Darwin visit 358 n5; Leith Hill Place, home xxvi, 332 n9, 535 n22; portrait of R.W. Darwin 313 & n3; A. Rich’s bequest to CD 478 & n5, 484 n3 Wedgwood, Elizabeth: Knockholt Footpath Fund 221 & 222 n3, n4, 222 & n2 Wedgwood, Emma see Darwin, Emma Wedgwood, Frances Emma Elizabeth 283 & n4, 325 n3 Wedgwood, Frances Julia (Snow): visits Down 380 & n11 Wedgwood, Frank: Barlaston Hall, home 535 n22; Darwins visit 338 n3, 344 n6, 358 n1, 358 n1, 363 n1, 365 n6, 534 & 535 n22 Wedgwood, Hensleigh: spiritualism 44 n2, 390 & 391 n2 Wedgwood, Josiah, I: CD adds mention of to E.F. Lubbock’s article 303 & n4 Wedgwood, Josiah, III: Darwins visit 534 & 535 n22; Leith Hill Place, home 535 n22 Wedgwood, Lucy Caroline 137 n2 Wedgwood, Margaret Susan 137 n2 Wedgwood, Sarah Elizabeth 423 & n7 Wedgwood, Sophy: CD asks for bird’s-nest orchid observations xviii, 137 & nn 2–4 Weismann, August: axolotls 310–311 n13; career 310 n13; caterpillars 2 & n2, 25 n1; daphnoids 236 & n2, 236 & 237 n1; Darwinian theory 316 n5; ‘degeneration’ 452 n2; geographical isolation 459 & n2, 469 & n4; R. Meldola, borrowed essay on daphnoids from CD, 236 & n2, 236 & 237 n1, 317 & n3 Weismann, August (Studien zur Descendenz-Theorie translated by R. Meldola) 4 & n3, 236 n2, 417 & n1, 419–20 & 420 n1, 477 & n2; CD declines additional work on preface suggested by Meldola 452 & n1; CD discusses plan with Meldola and agrees to write preface 419 & n1, n2, 450 n2; CD sends preface to Meldola 450 & n2;

Index Meldola asks CD to write preface for 417 & 418 n2; Meldola reports progress 477 & nn 1–4; Meldola thanks CD for agreeing to write preface 419 & 420 n1; Meldola thanks CD for preface and suggests additional work 451 & 452 n1, n2; plates for 477 & n3 Weiss, Adolf 379 n6 Wenham ice 461 & n4 Westcott, Brooke Foss 49 & 50 n3 Western Railroad of Massachusetts see Boston and Albany Railway western touch-me-not (Impatiens noli-me-tangere; I. noli-tangere) 418 & n3, 445 & 446 n2, 445 & n3 Westwood, Mary Anne xx, 194 & n10, 447 n5 wet nurses and infants 141, 511 Weyenburgh, H. 540 Wharton, Barbara Ellen 253 & 255 n10 Wharton, William James Lloyd: atolls 351–2 & 352 nn 1–3 Whately, Richard 442 n2 wheat (Triticum): W. Carruthers 106 & 108 n11; CD’s observations 72 & 73 nn 2–7, 355 & n3, 362 & 363 n3; W. Rimpau 72–3 & 73 n6, n7, 87 n4; Russian steppe wheat 53 & n1, 57, 58 n3, 58 & n2, 168–9 & 169 n1, n2, 174 & 175 n4, 508 & n2; Variation 73 n2, n6; A.S. Wilson 87 & n4 White, Francis Buchanan: CD comments on White’s paper on fauna of St. Helena 396 & n2; CD sends White’s paper to J.D. Hooker 404 & 405 n3, n4, 407 n1; Hooker comments (to CD) on White’s paper 406 & 407 n1 White, Walter: Royal Society, assistant secretary 164 & n5 white clover (Trifolium repens) 373 & 374 n4 white-eyed parakeet (Conurus guianensis; Psittacara leucophthalmus) xxi, 414 & n1 white fly 106 & 108 n10, 114 & n2 white mustard (Sinapis alba) 327 & 328–9 n2 white pea (Lathyrus sativus) 40 & 41 n4 Whitelegge, Thomas: career 211 n2, 293 n2; CD has not studied Geum 173 & n1, n2; CD thanks for information and asks him not to trouble with any more 295 & n1; CD thanks for Ranunculus acris observations 204 & n1, n2; cited in Forms of flowers 2d ed. 204 & n2, 293 n1, 295 n1; Geum rivale 211 & n3; Ranunculus acris 203 & n1, 204 n2, 210–211 & 211 n3, 218 & 219 n1, 293 & n4; Ranunculus bulbosus 293 & n3; Ranunculus repens 218–19 & 219 n1, n2, 293 & n3; Stachys germanica 293 & n1, 295 & n2 whitemouth croaker (Micropogonias furnieri ) 215 n1, n2 Whitley, Charles Thomas 52 n2

767

Wiesner, Julius 233, 519; CD asks FD to read Wiesner on heliotropism, and to ask J. Sachs about Wiesner’s term induction 301 & 302 n5, 310 n5; FD comments on 308 & 310 n5; heliotropism 302 n5, 310 n5; Robinia 329 n8; Sachs comments on xx Wigandia urens (Caracus wigandia) 415 & n7 Wight, Robert 189 & 193 n3, 499 & n3 Wild, George John 439 wild caraway (Carum carvi) 362 & 363 n2 wild cucumber (Echinocystis lobata; wild mockcucumber) 306 & 307 n4, 353 & n1 wild date palm (Phoenix sylvestris) 392 & n4 wild greylag goose see Anser anser wild swan goose see Anser cygnoides wild taro (Caladium esculentum; Colocasia esculenta; coco yam) 250 n3, 259 & n1, n2 wild tobacco (Nicotiana rustica; Aztec tobacco) 415 n3 Wilhelm I 427 n1, 540, 541 Wilkins, Augustus Samuel 462 Willett, Henry: plan to present bust of CD to Royal Institution 277 & n2, 282 & n1 Williams, Charles E. 390 & 391 n1, n2, 400 & n1 Williamson, William Crawford: CD received Drosera spatula specimens 391 & n2; Drosera capensis 391 n3; Drosera spatulata 20 & 21 n1, 388–9 & 389 n1; sends congratulations to FD on his Drosera rotundifolia paper read at Linnean Society 20 & 21 n2; Silurian plant fossils 21 & n5, 39 & n5 willows (Salix) 66 & 67 n7 Wilson, Alexander Stephen: Aegilops 70–71 & 71 n1; CD comments on wasps and observations 340 & 341 n3; CD comments on Wilson’s work 72 & 73 nn 2–5; CD discusses wheat 72 & 73 nn 2–7; CD encourages Erythraea observations 340 & 341 n2; CD sends Russian wheat specimens 168–9 & 169 n1, n2, 174 & 175 n4; CD thanks for Aegilops flour specimen 72 & 73 n1; CD thanks for Aegilops ovata seeds 105 & n1, 124–5 & 125 n2; CD thanks for seed specimens 174; Drosera anglica 121 & 122 n3; Drosera rotundifolia 121 & 122 n3; Erythraea centaurium 334 & 336 n1, 335 & 336 n7; FD writes acknowledging receipt of Aegilops ovata and pamphlets 98 & 99 n1, n2; W. Rimpau’s papers, CD offers to lend 72–3 & 73 n7, 87 n4; Rimpau’s papers, CD received back 169 & n3; Rimpau’s papers, CD sent 105 & n3; Rimpau’s papers, received 121 & n1; Rimpau’s papers, Wilson would like to look at 87 & n4; Scrophularia nodosa 335 & 336 n8; sends Aegilops flour specimen 70 & 71 n1; sends Aegilops ovata

768

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and comments on wheat fertilisation 86–7 & 87 nn 2–5; sends more Aegilops ovata 121 & n2; Silene acaulis 335 & 336 n4, n6; The unity of matter 87 & n6 Wilson, Andrew 131 n9 winged oxalis (Oxalis rusciformis) 284 & 285 n4 winter weather 1878–9: 484 n4, 489 & 490 n4, 494 n1 Woburn experimental station 82 n2, 83 n2 wolf (Canis lupus) 347 & 349 n7 woman’s tongue (Albizia lebbeck; siris tree) 309 & 310 n9 wood avens (Geum urbanum) 211 & n3 Wood, Charles Lindley 204 & 205 n4 Wood, James Rushmore 94 & 95 n5 wood sorrel (Oxalis acetosella; O. montana; mountain wood sorrel) 26 & 27 n6, 284 & 285 n4, 295 & 298 n3 Wood, Thomas Fanning: paper on insectivorous plants 170 & 171 n2 Wood-Mason, James 212 & n1; stridulation 4 & n5 woodland figwort (Scrophularia nodosa) 335 & 336 n8, 340 & 341 n3 woody nightshade (Solanum dulcamara; bittersweet) 381 & n1, 387 & n1 woody stems (FD’s work): CD comments on FD’s observations 301 & 303 n13; elasticity of wet and dry 274 & 275 n8, 284 & 285 n6, 297 & 298 n7; loss of water 245 woolly apple aphid (Eriosoma mali; E. langierum) 93 n3 woolly whitefly (Aleurothrixus floccosus) 114 n2 Woolner, Alice Gertrude 336 & n4 Woolner, Thomas: CD hopes to see orang-utan 336 & n2 worms see earthworms Wright, Chauncey: J.B. Thayer’s book about 29 & n1, 30 n2, n3, 56 & n1 Wright, Joseph 255 & 256 n18; portrait of Erasmus Darwin 6 & 7 n1, n3, 253 & 255 n1, 254 writer’s palsy 285 n8

Würzburg, Germany: botanic garden 240 n8; J. Sachs’s laboratory of plant physiology 119 n2, 188 n3, 240 n8, 328 n2, 405 n2, 416 n3, 530 n3; Zoological Institute 285 n8 yellow passionflower (Passiflora lutea) 154 n7 yellow wood sorrel (Oxalis stricta) 243 n8 Yeo, Gerald Francis: CD declines contributing to C. Bernard’s memorial 148 & n2, n3, 149 n4 Young, Edward Mallet 462 Young, James: Royal Society donation 231 & 232 n2, 268 & n2 Zacharias, Otto: identification of insects (Pterochroza) 207 n1, 212 & n1, 236 & 237 n4; insect photographs sent to CD 165 & n2, 177 & 178 n2, 200 & n4, 207 n1, 212 & n1; R. Meldola exhibited Zacharias’s insect photographs (sent by CD) at Entomological Society 165 n2, 177 & 178 n2, 236 & 237 n4 Zea mays (maize): CD’s work 273 & 274 n3, n4, 276 & n3, 298 & n9; J. Scott 16 n3; E.L. Sturtevant 13–15 & 16 n4, n5; Waushakum variety 14 & 16 n4 Zea mays var. everta (popcorn) 13 & 16 n2, 14, 15 Zea mays var. indentata (field corn) 13 & 16 n2, 14 Zea mays var. saccharata or rugosa (sweetcorn) 13 & 16 n2, 14, 15 zebra-plant (Maranta zebrina; Calathea zebrina) 295 n7, n9 Zollinger’s indigo (Indigofera teysmannii; I. zollingeriana) 284 & 285 n4 Zoological Gardens 336 n2; A.D. Bartlett 375 n4 Zoological Institute, Würzburg 285 n8 Zoological Society: CD subscribed to Proceedings of the Zoological Society of London 405 n6, 407 n2; T.H. Huxley, paper on crayfishes 230 n4 Zoologische Anzeiger 389 & 390 n2, 395 & n4 Zygophyllaceae 315 & 316 n6 Zygophyllum fabago (Syrian beancaper) 277 & 278 n2